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Is Pāli closest to the western Aśokan dialect of Girnār? Levman, Bryan. 2010. "Is Pāli closest to the Western Aśokan dialect of Girnār?" Sri Lankan International Journal of Buddhist Studies (SIJBS). 79-108.
Introduction
India’s earliest decipherable writings, the Aśokan rock inscriptions, are an indispensable primary witness to the state of the Indian polity and language of the third century B.C. Utilizing these inscriptions it has often been observed that Pāli (P.) is closet to the western Indian Girnār (Gir.) verion of Aśoka’s Rock Edicts (RE) (e. g. Bloch 1950, 44-45; Lamotte 1988, 565; Salomon 1998,
73f; von Hinüber 2001, ¶39), and this is commonly accepted as a linguistic “fact”. Sometime
after 250 B.C., Mahinda, Aśoka’s son and a Buddhist monk, brought the Buddhist teachings to Śri Laṅka in Pāli, where they were memorized, transmitted and eventually written down, in the first century B. C. Indeed there are many similarities between the Pāli linguistic form and that of Girnār; however, the differences are just as striking as the similarities. This article will explore the similarities and differences and reevaluate Pāli’s linguistic proximity to the other Aśokan dialects of the north (Kālsī = K.) and north-west (Mānsehrā = M. and Shāhbāzgaṛhī =Sh.).
The Provenance of Pāli
Despite Buddhaghoṣa’s belief that Pāli was in fact Māgadhī, the original language of the Buddha (quoted in Norman 1990B, 128-30), we know that it is a mixed language containing mainly western elements with some Eastern features, plus Sanskritizations normalized for ecclesiastical purposes (Lüders 1954; Norman 1983, 4; Lamotte 1988, 563; von Hinüber 1994,180ff). Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (BHS) is another Middle-Indic (MI) dialect, believed to stem from the school of the Mahāsāṃghikalokottaravādins (von Hinüber 2001, ¶43), which has undergone even more Sanskritizations than Pāli. Both dialects appear to have developed “side by side at the times of their origin” (von Hinüber 1994, 192); they “flow from the same source”, which von Hinüber calls “Buddhist Middle Indic” (von Hinüber 2001, ¶40). The nature of what this source is has occupied researchers for decades. As early as 1916, Geiger surmised that it was a lingua franca containing elements of all dialects but free of the most conspicuous dialectal phenomena (p. 3). He variously termed it a Hoch- und Gebildetensprache (high and scholarly language), a Verkehrssprache (a lingua franca or interlanguage) and a Kunstsprache (artificial language). Helmer Smith called it a Koine Gangétique in 1952 (p. 178). Bechert (1980, 34) wondered if differences in Pāli prose and verse pointed to a middle Indic Dichtersprache
(poetic language) which was transregional in use. Przyluski believed that “The first canonical texts were written in the Magadhan dialect. When the Sthavira and Sarvāstivādin sects asserted themselves in the regions of Kauśāmbi and Mathurā, each of them drew upon a literary language which was a source of prestige and an instrument of propaganda. Thus, the Scriptures were eagerly translated into Sanskrit at Mathura and into Pāli at Kauśāmbi” (quoted in Lamotte, 1988, 584). Differences between Pāli and Girnār
The mystery of Pāli’s provenance remains to this day. Lamotte has provided a comprehensive list of the similarities between Pāli and Girnār (1988, 565), which list is often cited as evidence of Pāli’s “western connection” (see below). I list here a few of the principal differences, in no particular order:
1) all the Aśokan Prakrits have ā or āva (Gir.) for (Skt.) yāvat, yet Pāli reverts to yāva (“as much as”, “until”).
2) For the world “self”, Gir. has atpā < (Skt.) ātma, while Pāli always has atta. Yet Gir. preserves some absolutives in –tpā which Pāli echoes in –tvā (e.g. Gir. dasayitpā, P. dassetvā, “having seen”).1 So, apparently the western version (and certainly the northwestern version) was ātman > atpa > atva. The form atva is well attested in the north-western dialect of Mānsehrā (M.) (RE 12 F2
1 Although the –tvā structure apparently did change to –ttā, as von Hinüber has pointed out, and it was later re-Sanskritised back to –tva to prevent confusion with the nomen agentis (1994 188f.) 2 Captial letters (F, etc.) refer to location of the text with the rock inscription as per the Hultzsch system of notation, found in his Inscriptionsof Aśoka monograph (1969).
, passim) and although the Shāhbāzgaṛhī (Sh.) RE adopts ata-, Mehendale maintains this is an eastern borrowing and the proper northwestern treatment of ātman is > atpa > atva, (1956/57, 167). Nevertheless, in the case of Skt. ātman, P. is closest to Sh. and the dialects of Kālsī (K.), Jaughaḍa (J.) and Eṛṛaguḍi (Eṛṛ) which also have ata. The form atva- survives in the Gāndhārī version of the Dhp, verse
362 (ajātva-rado vs. P. ajjhatta-rato, “delighting in one’s self”). To complicate matters, appa also survives as an ArdhaMāgadhī (AMg.) or eastern form.3
3) In some cases Gir. is more phonologically advanced than Pāli (e. g. RE 13 O, (Skt.) samacarya > (Sh. K.) samacariyaṃ/samacaliyaṃ, > (Gir.) samacairaṃ (“spiritual calm”), yet Pāli reverts to the (phonologically) older form (samacariyā) as used in Sh. and K.
4) Gir. has mahiḍā (RE 9C, Skt. mahilā > mahiḍā) showing an –l- > -ḍ- change,4
3 The appa- form of ātman (P. atta-) is well attested in ArdhaMāgadhī and Māgadhī (Pischel ¶277). In the REs, the Brāhmī script shows a conjunct consonant with a pa- on top of a ta-, which is normally read ātpa. Pischel says that it should be read āpta- by way of transposition of stops , ātma- > *atva- > *ātpa- > āpta- atta (P.), based on the rule of consonant assimilation that between equals (-p- and –t- being equal; Woolner ¶33, Pischel ¶270) the second prevails. If the reading were ātpa as Hultzsch has interpreted it in RE 12 Gir., then the normal derivation is appa, which is only found in AMg. – most reflexes (P. and the other REs) are atta- or atva in M. and ātpa in Gir.. The change of –m- > –v- is fairly common in Middle-Indo Aryan (MIA , Pischel ¶251) but the change –v- > -p- is uncommon, it usually being the other way around, as a form of intervocalic lenition (Pischel ¶199). Munda characteristically has an interchange of –m- and –p- (Kuiper 1991, 37). We find a similar change with aspiration, in RE 13 B (K.) tasmāt > taspāt > tapphāt > tapphā (“therefore”) and in Separate Edict 2, I, L: (Skt.) asma > *aspe > (Jaughaḍa = J., Dhauli = D..) apphe (“we”, written as aphe) and (Skt.) yuṣma > yuṣme > *tuṣme > *tuṣpe > tupphe (“you” pl., written as tuphe). The –v- > -p- phenomenon seems to be most prevalent in the west and northwest. See, for example, RE 4 B: (Gir.) dassayitpā < (Skt.) darśayitvā; RE 9 H also attests to this change in Sh. and M. where (Skt.) svāmika > (Sh. M.) spamika (“master”) and RE 6 L shows the same change in (Skt.) svarga > (Sh. M.) spagra, > (Gir. K. Dh.) svagga (“heaven”). RE 10 A has (Gir.) tadātpano < (Skt.) *tadātvanam > (K. Dh.) tadatvāye, and > (Sh. M.) tadatvaye (“present time”). In RE 12 F passim, the Mānsehrā edict shows several versions of atva-, while Gir. has ātpa-, K Sh. and Eṛṛ ata (“self”). In the minor rock edicts - MRE 1 G, - several locations, Brāhmagiri (Br.), Eṛṛ., Pānguḍāriyāṃ (Pān.), Rājula- Maṇḍagir (Rāj.), and Uḍegoḷaṃ (Uḍe.) have mahātpa for (Skt.) mahātmā (“great soul”) which Mehendale sees as a northwest influence on these southern rock edicts (1955, 90); in the same section there is also a (common) –p- > -v- change: (Skt.) prāptum > (Sahasrām = Sah.) pāvatave with other versions showing pāpotave (“to achieve”).
but Pāli reverts to Skt. mahilā (“woman”).
4 Pillar Edict (PE) 7 SS: (Skt.) dharmalipi > dhamṃalipi > dhamṃalibi (“religious edict”), also > RE I A, et al. (Sh. M.) dhramadipi, with an unusual l- > d- change which Woolner (1924, 97) says is Iranian in origin. See Pischel ¶226 (-ḍa- > -ḷa-, but not vice-versa; this only happens in Munda (see Kuiper 1948, 6 which shows equivalence of d/r/l/ in proto-Mundan). For change -ḷ- > ḍ-, see also PE 5 B where (Skt.) ḍuli > daḷī (Delhi-Toprā =Top.), but (Allāhābād-Kosam=All.) > duḍī (“turtle”). PE 5 C also has another example of
5) Gir. has yārisaṃ < (Skt.)yādṛśa (“which like”), but Pāli has yādisa (a NW form). Eastern, southern and Mānsehrā forms are ādisā/ādise/adiśe (RE 4 C).
6) It appears that the normal form of Skt. guru (“heavy”, “teacher”) in Gir. is the same, i. e. guru. In RE 9 G, Gir. and K. have gurūnaṃ < (Skt.) gurūṇām, while Sh. has garuna; This is also the case in RE 13 G, where Sh. now shows guru and only K. (a northern dialect) has galu. Later in the same rock edict Gir. has a single instance of garumat for Skt. gurumat (“serious”), while the other REs show gurumat. The normal and oldest form attested in P. is garu, similar to the northern and northwestern form. Although guru is used in P., it is a younger form dating from the commentaries.
7) In RE 9 C, Gir. has chudaṃ (< Skt. kṣudram), M. has khuda, K. has khudā and Dh. has khudaṃ (Sh. putika; but khudra in RE 10 E), yet Pāli reverts to khuda (“futile”). Note also in RE 13 L where Gir. has chamitave and Sh. has kshamitaviya (dat infinitive, “to bear”) and Pāli does not use the western form, but the northwestern form khanti < Skt. kṣanti.
8) How does Pāli end up with the gerundivium ending – tabba? Gir. Sh. and the eastern
dialects usually have –tavya and -tavya should go to -tavva, by regular assimilation (Geiger
¶51-3) and –v- > -b- is not a normal change (–v- > -p-, although unusual, is well-attested as
noted above). Kuiper calls the interchange of -v- and –b- “a well-known crux” (1991, 33)
and notes the -b- > -v- change was an attempt to Sanskritize a foreign word with a foreign
phoneme, –b-. The change –v- > -b- is “inconceivable” (for the RigVeda; ibid, 34) and one
does not observe it in the Prakrits; however it does happen later in Pāli (Geiger ¶54-6) and
von Hinüber (2001, ¶255) notes the use of –tavvo in Pāli inscriptions and oldest
manuscripts. There are also several uses of –bb- for –vv- in the Dhammapada (Dhp), e. g.
verse 53 (P. kattabbaṃ vs. PDhp5
change -ḍ- > -ḷ-, i. e. (Skt.) eḍaka > (Top.) eḷakā (“ram”). Also RE 2 A: (Skt.) kerala > (Sh.) keraḍa (Proper Name = PN) and RE 9 C: (Skt. mahilā > (Gir.) mahiḍā (“woman”). 5 Patna Dhammapada = PDhp
kātavvaṃ, “to be done”) and verse 113 P. udayabbayaṃ
vs. PDhp udayavyayaṃ (“rising and falling”). Sn verse 537 has the word paribbajayitvā,
which, as Norman points out is a pun on pari + √vraj (to wander) and pari + √vṛj (to reject,
abandon) which “only works in a dialect where –bb- changes to –vv- ” (Norman 2006A, 263).
However it is still not clear phonologically why –v- > -b- unless through the process noted
above (with ātman) of –v- > -p- > -b- (i. e. –tavya > -tavva > -tappa > -tabba ). The latter
lenition (-p- > -b-) is very common and the former fortition (-v- > -p-) is well attested, if
uncommon, in Gir. (Skt. darśayitvā > Gir. dassayitpā, “having seen” ), Sh. (Skt. svāmika >
Sh. spāminka, “master”) and P. (Skt. prāvaraṇa > P. pāpurana, “cloak”; Skt. hāvayati > P.
hāpeti; “to sacrifice”, see Woolner 1928, ¶39-6). So in this case the P. –tabba ending
seems to relate both to the western and the north/north-western dialects.
9) in RE 14 E, we find: (Skt.) saṃkṣaya > (Gir.) sacchāya, > (K.) ṣaṃkheye, > (Sh.) samkhay-, (M.) saṃkhay-, (Eṛṛ.) saṃkhāyāyā, but Pāli goes back, not to the western, but to the northern version sankhaya (“loss” as a noun, or “having omitted” as a gerund).
10) Where the northern form and the eastern form are different, Gir. goes with the northern form, as does Pāli: RE 6 F: (Skt.) ātyayika, > (K. Dh.) atiyāyike, > (Gir.) āccāyika, > (Sh.) acayika, (M.) acayike, Pāli (accāyika; “urgent”).
11) While Gir. often preserves the -sṭ- conjunct (e. g. RE 4 C: (Skt.) anusiṣṭaye > (Gir.) anusasṭiyā “instruction”; RE 4 G: (Skt.) śreṣṭha > (Gir.) sesṭe, “best” and RE 6 D: (Skt.) sthita > (Gir.) sṭitā, hapax legomenon, “standing”, “being”, it is not preserved in Pāli (anusatthiyā, seṭṭha, ṭhita). In this case P. is the similar to K. Dh. and Eṛṛ. (anusatthiye/anusatthiyā, seṭhe) and to Sh. and M. which, however, retain the –r- (sreṭhe/sreṭhaṃ).
12) Many consonantal clusters are retained in Gir. ( kr, tr, pr, vy) but few of these are kept in Pāli which often adopts the northern/eastern from: e. g. a) RE 1 G: (Skt.) prāṇa > (Gir.) prāṇa > (K. J. Eṛṛ.) pāna, (P.) pāṇa (“living being”); b) RE 1 F: (Skt.) priya > (Gir.) priya, > (K. J. Eṛṛ.) piya, > (Sh.) pria, >(M.) priya, (P.) piya (“dear”); c) RE 5 I: (Skt) trayodaśa > (Gir.) traidasa, > (K. Dh. Eṛṛ.) tedasa, (Sh.) todaśa, > (M.) treḍaśa, > (P.) terasa/telasa ( “thirteen”). The Pāli word shows a –d- > -r- change which is characteristic of Gāndhārī, the north-western dialect (Brough 1962, ¶43-b); d) RE 10 C: (Skt.) –tika, > (Gir.) –trika, > (K. Dh. J.) –tika, > (Sh. M.) –trika, (P.) –tika (“threeforld”). In the Aśokan edicts this word occurs in the compound pāra-trika (MW: “advantageous in another world” or “with a view to the next world” (Woolner 1924, s. v.). Strangely, the compound does not exist in Pāli which uses the northern/eastern form or -tika, not the western; e) RE 4 F: (Skt.) putrāḥ > (Gir.) putrā > (K. Dh.) putā, > (Sh. M.) putra, > (P.) puttā (“sons”)
f) RE 6 B: (Skt.) atikrāntam, > (Gir) atikrātaṃ, > (Sh. M.) atikrataṃ, > (K. Dh. J) atikaṃtaṃ, (P.) atikkanta (“passed”). Pāli follows the northern/eastern form. The same situation exists for the common verb parā√ kram; g) with the common Skt. word brāhmaṇa, P. is closest to the Sh. and M. versions (bramaṇa), although P. is clearly a back-formation to Skt. Girnār uses the br- form of brāhmāṇa in two out of 7 cases.6
6 The different reflexes of the word brāhmaṇa in the Aśokan edicts, whether in compound or as a single
word are as follows:
Girnār: bāmhaṇa (3D), brāmhaṇa (4A), bramhaṇa (4C), bāmhaṇa (8E), bamhaṇa (9G), bāmhaṇa (11C),
bāmhaṇā (13G),
Kālsī: baṃbhānaṃ (3D), baṃbhānaṃ (4A), baṃbhana (4C), baṃbhanibbhesu (5K), baṃbhanānaṃ (8E),
baṃbhanānaṃ (9G), baṃbhanānaṃ (11C), bābhanā (13G), baṃhmane (13J),
Dhauli: baṃbhana (3D), bābhanesu (4A), bābhanesu (4C), bābhanibhiyesu (5K), bābhanānaṃ (8E),
bābhanānaṃ (9G),
Shāhbāzgarhī: bramaṇa (3D), bramaṇanaṃ (4A), bramaṇa (4C), bramaṇibheṣu (5K), bramaṇanaṃ (8E),
bramaṇana (9G), bramaṇana (11C), bramaṇa (13G),
Mānsehrā: bramaṇa (3D), bramaṇana (4A), bamaṇa (4C), bramaṇibhyeṣu (5K), bramaṇana (8E),
bramaṇana (9G), bramaṇana (11C), braṃane (13J),
Eṛṛaguḍi: baṃbhanānaṃ (3D) baṃbhan[ā]na[ṃ] (4A), baṃbhanānaṃ (4C), baṃbhan[i]bhiyesu (5K),
baṃbhanānaṃ (8E), [baṃbha]nanaṃ (9G), baṃbhanāna[ṃ] (11C), bā[bha]nā (13G), [bā]bhane (13J).
Delhi-Topra: bābhanesu (7th Pillar Edict Z), bābhana (7th PE HH)
We note the following phonological changes. All locales except Sh. and M. (and five out of seven times in
Gir.), change brāh- > bā/ba. This is a normal MIA conjunct simplification at the beginning of a word
(Pischel ¶268). brāhmaṇa is derived from the Vedic root √ bṛh or √ bṛṃh (to grow great or strong, to
increase). The –h- is usually not retained, but is often progressively assimilated to the initial consonant
with the formation of the bilabial aspirated stop –bh-, so brāh- > bābh-. Sometimes, as in the northwest Sh.
and M. it is simply dropped (-h- > Ø). In the latter case, the second syllable – ma- is preserved (brāhma- >
bamaṇa or bramaṇa); however with the change to bābh-, the second syllable loses its initial m-: brāhma- >
bābha-, sometimes with an anusvāra after the –ā-: brāhma- > bāṃbha-, which is presumably a retention
from the Vedic root √ bṛṃh or a metathesis from the second syllable. Peculiar to Girnār is the reversal of –
hm- > -mh-, brāhma- > b(r)āmha-, and there is one case in K 13J where (brāhmaṇa > baṃhmane)
h) A case where Pāli preserves the conjunct vy-, from Gir. is found in RE 5 J: (Skt.) vyāpṛta > (Gir.) vyāpatā, >(K. Dh.) viyāpaṭā, > (Sh.) vapaṭa, > (M.) vapuṭa > (P.) vyāvaṭa (“busy”, “engaged”). Note the change of –p- to –v- and –t- > -ṭ-. The preservation of –vy- does not appear to be invariably the case as in RE 8 B, Gir. has magavyā (< Skt. mṛgavya, “hunting”), while P. has migavā, unless the latter is derived from alt. Skt. word mṛgayā (also meaning “hunting”) with a change–y- > -v-. Other examples where the vy- is not retained is Skt. vyāḍa > P. vāḷa (“snake”) and Skt. vrata > P. vata (“religious observance”).
13) In RE 4 F (Gir.) uses the term prapotrā to mean “great-grandson” (< Skt. prapautra), with
potrā meaning “grandson”, and putrā, “son”; the other REs use paṇatika for “great-grandson”
(< Skt. pranaptṛ) and natāle/nataro to mean grandsons (< Skt. naptāraḥ, pl. of naptṛ). Pali
has the word paputta, but it means “grandson”, not “great-grandson” and has no equivalent
to Girnār’s potra. For “great-grandson” Pāil has panattu (not in PED, but in Buddhadatta,
232) which, once again, corresponds with K. (panātikyā), Dh. (panatti), Sh. (pranatika) M.
(paṇatika) Eṛṛ. (panātikā), but not Gir. Pāli also has the word nattar for “grandson” which
corresponds to all the REs but Gir.
What we are witnessing in the above collection is that Pāli is not as closely related to the
Aśokan western dialect as has commonly been believed. In fact, in all but a few cases above, P.
is much more closely related to the northern (K.) or northwestern (Sh. M.) dialects.
where–hm- is retained but the preceding vowel nasalized. The normal Prakrit reflex of brāhmaṇa is
bambhaṇa (Pischel ¶250 in ArdhaMāgadhī and Jaina-Māhārāṣṭrī; for other dialects the reflex is bamhaṇa,
in Māgadhī and Śaurasenī, per Pischel ¶250, 287). The question then arises, since the “normal” Prakrit
form for brāhmaṇa is either ba(m)bhaṇa (prevalent at Kālsī in the north central area, Dhauli in the east,
Eṛṛaguḍi in the south and Delhi in the centre) or bamhaṇa (used at Girnār in the west) or b(r)amaṇa (in
the two north west sites, Sh. and M.): why did the authors of the Pāli recension chose the Sanskrit version,
using a form which is closest to the Sh. and M. reflex? This seems to corroborate the composite nature of
the Pāli language, formed by monks in “conscious interference with the natural development of this
language” (von Hinüber 1994, 187).
Similarities between Pāli and Girnār.
What about the other resemblances between Pāli and the western dialect? Let us re-examine
Lamotte’s list of similarities (1988, 565), which are based mainly on morphological rather than
lexemic or phonological considerations:
1) P. has a nom. sing. in –o for a-stems, as does Gir. But so does Shāhbāzgaṛhī. M. has
nom. sing in –e (Brough ¶76) which might also account for such P. forms traditionally
thought to be “Magadhisms” (Lüders 1954, ¶1f).
2) P. has ablative in –ā for a-stems as sometimes does Gir. Sh. has ablative in –a (Hultzsch,
xc), although whether this was long of short –a is impossible to tell, since vowel length
was not noted in Karoṣṭhī script (Salomon 1998, 75). K. has abl. in -ā.
3) P. has a locative of a-stems in –e, -asmiṃ and –amhi; Gir. has loc. in –amhi and –e; Sh.
has loc. in –aspi and –e. As we have seen above, -m- and –p- are closely related.
4) P. has the accusative plural in –e as does Girnār. Sh. has it in –ani. Neuter plurals are
the same for Gir. Sh. and P.
5) P. has instr. of –an stem form as raññā and gen. as rañño; in Gir. the instr. is rāñā and
the gen. is rāño. Sh. has instr. as raña and gen. as raño.
6) In Gir. and P. the demonstrative ayaṃ functions as nom. sing. in both masculine and
feminine. Sh. has ayaṃ for masc. and aya for fem.
7) Gir. and P. has the 3rd. person sing. ending in –e and -ey(y)a and the middle opt. in –tha.
Sh. apparently has no dedicated opt. form except for the verb √ as (siya and siyati
compared to P. siyā for 3rd pers. sing). Kālsī has –eyā as 3rd opt.
8) P. and Gir. both have the development –u- > -a- < Skt. guru. But, as noted above, on two
out of three occasions, Gir. retains guru while it is Sh. and K. which have garu.
9) The change of Skt. khalu > kho is noted by Lamotte as an isogloss between P. and Gir.,
but it is common to all the REs.
10) The replacement of -ṛ- by –a-, -i-, or –u- is, per Lamotte another correspondence
between P. and Gir. However this is also common to K. and Sh. Dh. and J.
11) The retention of -ṇ- in the stems is common to both P. and Gir., but this is also the case
in Sh. and M. (e. g. gaṇa- in RE 3 E or samaṇa in RE 4 C or caraṇa in RE 4 D).
12) Changing –bh- > -h- in instrumental plural (common to all REs) and in the verb hoti
(common to K. and M.)
13) the collapse of the three sibilants, ś, ṣ and s to one (s). Both K., Sh. and M. retain the
differentiation of the sibilants, the latter two following Skt., and the former
indiscriminately (Hultzsch, lxxvi). The eastern dialects also collapse the sibilants,
although the palatal s > c in the root √sak (Separate RE 2 G: Dh.).
14) the shortening of long nasalized vowels esp. in the gen. pl. is done in Gir. and in P. But it
is also prevalent in Kālsī (Hultzsch lxxiv), Sh. and the other REs (e. g. RE 4 A: Skt.
bhūtānāṃ > Gir., Eṛṛ. bhūtānaṃ, K. bhutānaṃ, Dh. bhūtānaṃ, Sh. M. bhutanaṃ ).
In Summary, considering all 14 points of convergence outlined by Lamotte, there is only one or two points (masc. accus. pl. in –e of –a stems and the levelling of the sibilants to the dental s) which are peculiar to P. and Gir., with the others being common to the northern and north western dialects, or sometimes to all. Plus there are many points of dissimilarity between the two dialects, leading one to believe, with Norman that “there is probably no connection between Pāli and the Girnār dialect of the Aśokan inscriptions” (2006B, 128). Yet there does appear to be a strong connection with the north and northwest.
Conclusions
1) Pāli is a composite language, younger and more phonologically evolved than the Aśokan Prakrits. It has many and varied correspondences to the dialects, but the strongest by far is to Sh. and K., northwestern and northern.
2) We know that Pāli was not written down until the first century B. C. in Śri Lanka (Bechert 1992, 45); however writing existed in India from at least Aśokan times, and probably
earlier. Scholars are generally agreed that the earliest writing in India was in the Karoṣṭhī, Aramaic script and was extant from the fourth century or possibly the fifth century (Salomon 1998, 46). Karoṣṭhī was older than Brāhmī and quite possibly its precursor and model (ibid, 54).
3) It would not be an unreasonable hypothesis therefore to suggest that the first Buddhist teachings were written down in Karoṣṭhī in the north west to which Buddhism spread from its earliest times through the existing trade routes; Buddhism had a special appeal to merchants, for the new philosophy validated and encouraged their profession (Thapar 2000, 926).
4) Assuming the Pāli teachings had a Karosṭḥī source or influence, this would account for the significant number of northwestern influences in the Pāli “dialect”. Although the only way to prove this statistically is to translate the entire Aśokan corpus into Pāli, my intuition, from the little preliminary work done above, is that much more of the lexemic and phonological inventory of Sh. M. and K. will be present in Pāli than will the forms from Gir. This in itself does not prove anything more than the fact that Pāli is not closest to Gir. as is commonly opined, but closer to the northern and northwestern dialects. It does not of course prove derivation. The morphological correspondences between P. and Gir and P. and Sh./K./M. are equally strong.
5) In this spirit, Appendix 1 shows a comparison of all forms of (randomly chosen) RE 4 which supports this hypothesis of a north/north-western origin of Pāli, with 43% of the words in K. Sh. and M. being closest to Pāli, while only 19% are closest to Gir. This short compilation treats data on a unitary basis and does not weight for important common words like Pāli brāhmaṇa which is closest to the NW form - bramaṇa, but its change to brāhmaṇa in Pāli may also be a later back-Sanskritization as Norman suggests (2006B, 134).
6) The Pāli- Shāhbāzgaṛhī/Mansehrā/Kālsī connection also helps to explain some of the
strange phonological anomalies in the edicts, like the use of the common word ātman.
The eastern and Pāli form is atta, but Gir. has atpā and M. has atva. Sh., although it
preserve elsewhere the –m- > –v change (e. g. asmin > aspi in loc. sing.) has atta. Yet
AMg., also an eastern dialect, preserves the form appa. This leads to the conclusion
that atpa/atva is a northwestern form and that the AMg. and Māgadhī form appa was
borrowed from there, while the other eastern dialects (Dh. J.) chose the atta form. A
derivation from the east to the northwest is precluded by the Dh. J. preservation of the
atta form (since –t- never changes to –p-). Alternately we are simply witnessing the
confusion noted by Pischel (¶277) of atman > atpa > appa or by metathesis atman >
apta > atta.
The Pāli – north/northwest connection also helps to clarify the many lexical ambiguities
we encounter in Pāli through the use of intervocalic glides which are subject to multiple
interpretations: e. g. a compound like P. pacceyabuddha which is traditionally
interpreted to derive form Skt. pratyekabuddha (“a private Buddha”) but probably
comes from pratyayabuddha (“a Buddha awakened by specific conditions; i. e. not by a
Buddha’s teachings”);7 or the ambiguity between viraja (“free from passion”), virata
(“stopped”, “ceased”) in corresponding versions of the Sabhiyasutta (in Pāli Sutta Nipāta
and BHS Mahāvastu) which goes back to an underlying word viraẏa;8
Abbreviations
there are dozens
of these ambiguities in the Pāli writings, some of which have been isolated in Levman
2009. As the most advanced of the Aśokan dialects, Shāhbāzgaṛhī – which is already
extensively softening consonants, dropping them or replacing them with glides - could
well be the source of, or at least a significant influence on these linguistic anomalies.
All. = Allāhābād-Kosam (Pillar Edict)
BHS = Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit
7 pratyayabuddha (Skt.) > paccayabuddha > *pacceyabuddha > (palatalization –a- > -e- in the presence of [-ANT] cons. –cc-), P. paccekabuddha. In this case the –y- form encountered by the translator was interpreted as an intervocalic glide replacing a consonant (often represented as a –y- with a dot over it, – ẏ-, as per Pischel ¶187), common in the north-west Prakrits, and the missing consonant (thought to be –k-) was mistakenly replaced. 8 See Norman 1990B, 151. The consonant -ẏ- represents a weakly articulated intervocalic glide which replaced consonants in intervocalic position, first in Gāndhārī and then in the other Prakrits.
BHSD = Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary
Br.= Brahmagiri
Dh. = Dhauli (Rock Edict)
Dhp = Dhammapada
Eṛṛ. = Eṛṛaguḍi (Rock Edict)
GDhp. = Gāndhārī Dhp. (Brough 1962)
Gir. = Girnār (Rock Edict)
J. = Jaugaḍa (Rock Edict)
K. = Kālsī
M. = Mānsehrā (Rock Edict)
MIA = Middle Indo-Aryan
MW = Monier Williams Sanskrit English Dictionary
P. = Pāli
Pān. = Pānguḍāriyāṃ
PDhp = Patna Dhammapada
PE = Pillar Edicts (capital letter following refers to Hultzsch’s section designations, 1969)
PED = Pali Text Society Pali-English Dictionary
PN = Proper Name
RE = Rock Edicts (capital letter following refers to Hultzsch’s section designations, 1969)
Sah. = Sahasrām
Sh. = Shāhbāzgaṛhī (Rock Edict)
Sn. = Sutta Nipāta
Top. = Delhi-Toprā (Pillar Edict)
Uḍe. = Uḍegoḷaṃ
Figure One- Map of Ancient India (per Lamotte, 1988). Aśokan rock inscription sites circled in red.
Appendix One: Comparison of RE 4 forms with Pāli and Sanskrit forms. Note: reconstructions where applicable are as per Hultzsch 1969, Bühler (quoted in Hultzsch) and Sircar 1979.
Gir. atikātaṃ aṃtaraṃ bahūni vāsasatāni vaḍhito
K. atikaṃtaṃ aṃtalaṃ bahuni vasasatāni vadhite
Dh. atikaṃtaṃ aṃtalaṃ bahūni vasasatāni vaḍhite
Sh. atikrataṃ aṃtaraṃ bahūni vaṣaśatani vaḍhito
M. atikrataṃ aṃtaraṃ bahuni vaṣaśatani vadhite
Eṛṛ. atikaṃtaṃ aṃtalaṃ bahuni vasasatāni vaḍhite
Skt. atikrāntam antaraṃ bahūni vrṣasatāni vardhitaḥ
P. atikkantam antaraṃ bahūni vassasatāni vaḍḍhito
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Eṛṛ all Gir. Dh. Sh. K. Dh. Eṛṛ Gir. Dh. Sh. Eṛṛ
Gir. eva prāṇāraṃbho vihiṃsā ca bhūtānaṃ
K. vā pānālaṃbhe vihisā ca bhutānaṃ
Dh. va pānālaṃbhe vihisā ca bhūtānaṃ
Sh. vo praṇarambho vihisā ca bhutanaṃ
M. vo praṇarambhe vihisā ca bhutanaṃ
Eṛṛ. va pānālaṃbhe vihisā ca bhūtānaṃ
Skt. eva prāṇālambha vihiṃsā ca bhūtānāṃ
P. eva, va, vo pāṇārabho vihiṃsā ca bhūtānaṃ
Pāli closest to9
all but K.
Sh. M. Gir. all Gir. Dh. Eṛṛ
Gir. ñātīsu asampratipatī brāmhaṇasramaṇānaṃ
K. nātināṃ asaṃpaṭipati samanabaṃbhanānaṃ
Dh. nātisu asaṃpaṭipati samanabābhanesu
Sh. ñātinaṃ asaṃpaṭipati śramanabramaṇanaṃ
M. ñatina asapaṭipati śramaṇabramaṇana
Eṛṛ. nātinaṃ asaṃpaṭipati samanabaṃbhanānaṃ
Skt. jñatīnāṃ asampratipatti śramaṇabrāhmāṇāṃ
P. ñātīnaṃ asaṃpaṭipatti samanabrāhmāṇaṃ
Pāli closest to Gir. Sh. K. Dh. Sh. Eṛṛ. for brāhmaṇa – Sh. M.
for samaṇa – K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
Gir. asampratipatī ta aja devānaṃpriyasa
K. asaṃpaṭipati se ajā devānaṃpiyasā
Dh. asaṃpaṭipati se aja devānaṃpiyasa
Sh. asaṃpaṭipati so aja devānaṃpriyasa
M. asapaṭipati se aja devanaṃpriyasa
9 Generally, I considered consonantal similarity to be more important than vowel, esp. at an ending. Therefore, for example, I consider K. piyadassine to be closer to P. piyadassino, than Gir. priyadassino. When the only difference between forms is in a long or short vowel (as in bahūni/bahuni) I treat them all as equal.
Eṛṛ. asaṃpaṭipati se aja devānaṃpiyasa
Skt. asampratipatti saḥ adya devānāṃpriyasya
P. asaṃpaṭipatti so ajja devānaṃpiyassa
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Sh. Eṛṛ. Sh. all K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
Gir. priyadasino rāño dhaṃmacaraṇena bherīghoso
K. piyadasine lājine dhaṃmacalanenā bhelighose
Dh. piyadasine lājine dhaṃmacalanena bhelighosaṃ
Sh. priyadraśisa raño dhramacaraṇena bherighoṣa
M. priyadraśine rajine dhramacaraṇena bherighoṣe
Eṛṛ. piyadasine lajine dhaṃmacalanena bhelighose
Skt. priyadarśinaḥ rājñaḥ dharmacaraṇena bherīghoṣa
P. piyadassino rañño dhammacaraṇena bherighosa
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. Gir. K. Gir.
Gir. aho dhaṃmaghoso vimānadarsaṇā ca hastidassaṇā
K. aho dhaṃmaghose vimanadassanā hatthini
Dh. aho dhaṃmaghosaṃ vimānadassanaṃ hatthīni
Sh. aho dhramaghoṣa vimanaṃ draśanaṃ astin
M. aho dhamaghoṣe vimanadraśana astine
Eṛṛ. aho dhaṃmaghose vimānadasanā hathini
Skt. abhavat dharmaghoṣaḥ vimānadarśanāni hastidarśanāni
P. ahu/ahuvā dhammaghosa vimānadassanāni hatthidassanāni
Pāli closest to none Gir. K. Dh. M. Eṛṛ.
K. Dh. Eṛṛ hatthi = K. Dh. Eṛṛ dassanāni = Gir.
Gir. ca agikaṃdhāni ca añāni ca divyāni rūpāni
K. agikaṃdhāni aṃnāni divyāni lupāni
Dh. agikaṃdhāni aṃnāni diviyāni lūpāni
Sh. jotikaṃdhani añani divani rupani
M. agikaṃdhani añani divani rupani
Eṛṛ. agikaṃdhāni aṃnāni diviyāni lūpāni
Skt. agniskandhāḥ anyāni divyāni rūpāni
P. aggikandhā aññāni dibbāni/divyāni10 rūpāni
Pāli closest to Gir. K. Dh. M. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. M. Gir. K. (based on the verse form)
Gir. Sh. M.
Gir. dassayitpā janaṃ yārise bahūhi vāsasatehi
K. dassayitu janassa ādisā bahuhi vasasatehi
Dh. dassayitu munisānaṃ ādise bahūhi vasasatehi
Sh. draśayitu janasa yadiśaṃ bahuhi vaṣaśatehi
M. draśeti janasa adiśe bahuhi vaṣaṣatehi
10 divya is the verse form, dibba, the prose form, per PED.
Eṛṛ. dasayitpā janasa ādise bahuhi vasasatehi
Skt. dasayitvā janaṃ/janasya yādṛśaḥ bahūbhi varṣasataiḥ
P. dassetvā janaṃ/janassa yādiso bahūhi vasasatehi
Pāli closest to none Gir. K. Sh. M. Eṛṛ.
Sh. all Gir. K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
Gir. na bhūtapuvve tārise aja vaḍhite devānaṃpriyassa
K. nā hutapuluve tādise ajā vaḍhite devānaṃpiyassā
Dh. no hūtapuluve tādise aja vaḍhite devānaṃpiyassa
Sh. na bhutapruve tadiśe aja vaḍhite devanaṃpriyassa
M. na hutapruve tadiśe aja vaḍhite devanaṃpiyasa
Eṛṛ. no hutapuluve tādise ajā vaḍhite devānaṃpiyasa
Skt. na bhūtapurvaṃ tādṛśaḥ adya vardhitaḥ devānāṃpriyasya
P. na bhūtapubbaṃ tādiso ajja vaḍḍhito devānaṃpiyassa
Pāli closest to
none K. Dh. Eṛṛ all all K. Dh. M. Eṛṛ.
Gir. priyadasino rāño dhaṃmānusasṭiyā anāraṃbho
K. piyadasine lājine dhaṃmanusatthiye anālaṃbhe
Dh. piyadasine lājine dhaṃmānusatthiyā anālaṃbhe
Sh. priyadraśisa raño dhraṃmanuśastiya anaraṃbho
M. psiyadraśine rajine dhramanuśastiya anarabhe
Eṛṛ. piyadasine lajine dhaṃmānusathiyā anālaṃbhe
Skt. priyadarśinaḥ rājñaḥ dharmānuśaṣṭaye anālambhaḥ
P. piyadassino rañño dhammānusatthiyā anārabbho
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. K. Dh. Eṛṛ. M.
Gir. prāṇānaṃ avihīsā bhūtānaṃ ñātīnaṃ sampatipatī
K. pānānaṃ avihisā bhutānaṃ nātinaṃ saṃpaṭipati
Dh. pānānaṃ avihisā bhūtānaṃ nātisu saṃpaṭipati
Sh. praṇanaṃ avihisa bhutanaṃ ñātinaṃ saṃpaṭipati
M. praṇana avihisa bhutana ñatina saṃpaṭipati
Eṛṛ. pānānaṃ avihisā bhūtānaṃ nātinaṃ saṃpaṭipati
Skt. prāṇānāṃ avihiṃsā bhūtānāṃ jñatīnāṃ sampratipatti
P. pāṇānaṃ avihiṃsā bhūtānaṃ ñātīnaṃ saṃpaṭipatti
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Eṛṛ none Gir. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. all
Gir. bramhaṇasamaṇānaṃ sampatipatī
K. baṃbhanasamanānaṃ saṃpaṭipati
Dh. samanabābhanesu saṃpaṭipati
Sh. bramaṇaśramaṇana saṃpaṭipati
M. bamaṇaśramaṇana saṃpaṭipati
Eṛṛ. samanabaṃbhanānaṃ saṃpaṭipati
Skt. brāhmaṇaśramaṇānāṃ sampratipatti
P. brāhmaṇasamanānaṃ saṃpaṭipatti
Pāli closest to brāhmaṇa, Sh. Gir. samanānaṃ, Gir. K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
all
Gir. mātari pitari susrusā thairasusrusā esa
K. mātāpitisu sussusā ese
Dh. mātipitu sussūsā vuḍhasussūsā esa
Sh. matapituṣu vuḍhanaṃ suśruṣa eta
M. matapituṣu suśruṣa vudhrana suśruṣa eṣe
Eṛṛ. mātāpitu susūsā vuḍha sūsusā esa
Skt. mātāpitṛsu śuśrūsā vṛddhaśuśrūsā etad
P. mātāpitusu sussūsā vuḍḍhasussūsā or therasussūsā
etaṃ/etad
Pāli closest to K. Sh. M. K. Dh. Eṛṛ. vuḍha Dh. Sh. Err. Sh.
Gir. añe ca bahuvidhe dhaṃmacaraṇe vaḍhite
K. cā aṃne bahuvidhe dhaṃmacalane vadhite
Dh. aṃne ca bahuvidhe dhaṃmacalane vaḍhite
Sh. añaṃ ca bahuvidhaṃ dhramacaraṇaṃ vaḍhitaṃ
M. añe ca bahuvidhe dhramacaraṇe vadhrite
Eṛṛ. aṃne ca bahuvidhe dhaṃmacalane vaḍhite
Skt. anyaṃ ca bahuvidhaṃ dharmacaraṇaṃ vardhitaṃ
P. aññaṃ ca bahuvidhaṃ dhammacaraṇaṃ vaḍhitaṃ
Pāli closest to Gir. Sh. M. all Gir. Gir. Dh. Sh. Eṛṛ
Gir. vaḍhayisati ceva devānaṃpriyo priyadasi
K. vadhiyissati cevā devānaṃpiye piyadasi
Dh. vaḍhayisati ceva devānaṃpiye piyadasī
Sh. vaḍhiśati ca yo devanaṃpriyasa priyadraśisa
M. vadhrayiśati yeva devanapriye priyadraśi
Eṛṛ. vaḍhayisati yeva devānaṃpiye piyadasi
Skt. vardhayiṣyati eva or caiva devānāṃpriyaḥ priyadarśī
P. vaḍḍhessati c’eva, yeva devānaṃpiyo piyadassi
Pāli closest to Sh. for c’eva: Gir. K. Dh. , for yeva, M. Eṛṛ.
K. Dh. Eṛṛ. K. Dh. Eṛṛ
Gir. rājā dhaṃmacaraṇaṃ idaṃ putrā ca
K. lāja dhaṃmacalanaṃ imaṃ putā ca
Dh. lājā dhaṃmacalanaṃ imaṃ putā pi cu
Sh. raño dhramacaraṇaṃ imaṃ putra pi ca
M. raja dhamacaraṇa imaṃ putra pi ca
Eṛṛ. lāja dhaṃmacalanaṃ imaṃ putā ca
Skt. rājā dharmacaraṇaṃ idaṃ putrāḥ api ca
P. rājā dhammacaraṇaṃ imaṃ/idaṃ puttā pi ca
Pāli closest to
Gir. M. Gir. M. all K. Dh. Eṛṛ all but Dh.
Gir. potrā prapotrā devānaṃpriyasa
K. kaṃ nattāle panātikyā devānaṃpiyasā
Dh. natti panatti devānaṃpiyasa
Sh. kaṃ nataro pranatika devānaṃpriyasa
M. ka natare paṇatika devanaṃpriyasa
Eṛṛ. kaṃ natale panātikā devānaṃpiyasa
Skt. naptaraḥ/pautrāḥ pranaptaraḥ devānāṃpriyasya
P. nattāro panattu devānaṃpiyassa
Pāli closest to Sh. M K. Dh. M. Eṛṛ K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
Gir. priyadasino rāño pravadhayisaṃti idaṃ
K. piyadasine lājine pavaḍhayisaṃti ceva
Dh. piyadasine lājine pavaḍhayisaṃti yeva
Sh. priyadraśisa raño pravadheśaṃti yo
M. psiyadraśine rajine pavaḍhayiśaṃti yo
Eṛṛ. piyadasine lajine vaḍhayisaṃti yeva
Skt. priyadarśinaḥ rājñaḥ pravardhayiṣyanti idaṃ/yaṃ/caiva
P. piyadassino rañño pavaḍḍhessanti idaṃ/yaṃ/c’eva/ yeva
Pāli closest to K. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. Sh. all
Gir. dhaṃmānusāsanaṃ dhaṃmacaraṇe pi na bhavati
K. dhaṃmānusāsanaṃ dhaṃmacalane pi cā no hoti
Dh. dhaṃmānusāsanā dhaṃmacalane pi cu no hoti
Sh. dhramanuśaśanaṃ dhramacaraṇaṃ pi ca na bhoti
M. dhramanuśaśana dhramacaraṇe pi ca na hoti
Eṛṛ. dhaṃmānusāsanā dhaṃmacalanaṃ pi ca no hoti
Skt. dharmānuśāsanaṃ dharmacaraṇaṃ api ca na bhavati
P. dhammānusāsanaṃ dhammacaraṇaṃ pi ca na bhavati/hoti
Pāli closest to Gir. K. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Gir. Sh. M. all but Sh.
Gir. asīlasa ta imamhi attamhi vadhī ahīni ca
K. asilasā se imasā atthasā vadhi ahini cā
Dh. asīlasa se imasa aṭhasa vaḍhī ahīni ca
Sh. aśilasa so imisa athrasa vaḍhi ahini ca
M. aśilasa se imasa athrasa vadhri ahini ca
Eṛṛ. asīlasa se imasa athasa vaḍhi ahini ca
Skt. aśīlasya sā arthasya vṛddhi ahīna ca
P. asīlassa sā atthassa vuḍḍhi/vaḍḍhi ahīna ca
imasa/imamhi
Pāli closest to all all but Sh. for imasa/imamh; none for sā
Gir. K. Eṛṛ. Dh. Sh. none
Gir. sādhu etāya athāya idaṃ lekhāpitaṃ
K. sādhu etāye athāye iyaṃ likhite
Dh. sādhū etāye aṭhāye iyaṃ likhite
Sh. sadhu etaye aṭhaye imaṃ nipistaṃ
M. sadhu etaye athraye iyaṃ likhite
Eṛṛ. sādhu etāye aṭhāye iyaṃ likhite
Skt. sādhu etasmai arthrāya iyaṃ likhitaṃ/likhāpitaṃ
P. sādhu etāya atthāya idaṃ likhitaṃ/likhāpitaṃ
Pāli closest to
all Gir. Gir. Gr. K. Dh. M. Eṛṛ.
Gir. imasa athasa vadhi yujaṃtu
K. imasā athasā vadhi yujaṃtu
Dh. imasā aṭhasa vaḍhī yujaṃtū
Sh. imisa aṭhasa vaḍhi yujaṃtu
M. etasa athrasa vadhri yujaṃtu
Eṛṛ. imasa aṭhasa vaḍhi yujaṃtu
Skt. asya/etasya arthasya vṛddhim yuñjantu
P. imasa/etasa atthassa vaḍḍhim yuñjantu
Pāli closest to all but Sh. Gir. K. Dh. Sh. Eṛṛ. all
Gir. hīni ca no locetavyā dbādasavāsabhisitena
K. hini ca mā alocayisu duvāḍasavaśśābhisitena
Dh. hīni ca mā alocayisū duvādasa vasāni abhisitasa
Sh. hini ca ma loceṣu badayavaṣabhisitena
M. hini ca ma alocayisu duvadaśavaṣabhisitena
Eṛṛ. hīni ca mā alocayisu duvāḍasavasābhisitenā
Skt. hīna ca mā locayitavya/alociṣu? dvādaśavarṣābhisiktena
P. hīna ca mā locetavyā/loceṃsu? dvādasavassābhisittena
Pāli closest to none Gir. K. Dh. Eṛṛ.
? (Gir. Sh.) Gir.
Gir. devānaṃpriyena priyadasinā rāñā idaṃ
K. devānaṃpiyenā piyadasinā lājinā
Dh. devānaṃpiyasa piyadasine lājine yaṃ idha
Sh. devānaṃpriyena priyadraśina raña ñanaṃ hida
M. devanaṃpriyena psiyadraśina rajina iyaṃ
Eṛṛ. devānaṃpiyenā piyadasina lājina iyaṃ
Skt. devānāṃpriyena priyadarśinā rājñā idaṃ/jñānaṃ iha
P. devānaṃpiyena/assa piyadassinā raññā idaṃ/ñāṇaṃ
Pāli closest to
K. Dh. Eṛṛ. K. Dh. Eṛṛ. Gir. Sh. Gir. Dh. Sh. Dh.
Gir. lekhāpitam
K. lekhitā
Dh. lekhite
Sh. nipesitam
M. likhapite
Eṛṛ. likhite
Skt. lekhitaṃ/likhāpitaṃ
P. lekhitaṃ/likhāpitaṃ
Pāli closest to K. Dh. M.
Total correspondence with Pāli lexical forms by RE and percent11
Gir.
40 19%
K. 40 19%
Dh. 42 20%
Sh. 31 15%
M. 19 9%
Eṛṛ. 39 18%
Total 211
Total correspondence with Pāli lexical forms by area.
West (Gir.) 40 19%
North and northwest (K. Sh. M.)
90 43%
East (Dh.) 42 20%
South (Eṛṛ.) 39 18%
11 percentages total more than 100% because of multiple answers (Pāli is similar to more than one rock edict form). “All” and “None” were omitted from count.
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