MVX@@~P PBPl!lR NO91 - ) 7 7 -,

T.

'4F *. Following is tha text: of the Keynote aadresrs &livered

f by the Won. MAchael Metnaey, Prime Minister of Jamaica, t o the

d Unitad Nations International Conference i n support 02 the Peoples .

of Zimbabwe and Namibia i n Maputo, Mommbique, May 17, 1977 r

"Mr. President, M r . Secretary General, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Guests

It is a great honour to the Government-of \ra&aica and

t o m e pezsonally t o be invited t o address t h i s International

Conference i n support of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia.

I am particularly honouzed to be on African so i l and i n this

great country, Mozambique, which is already covered i n glory for

her part in the struggxe for African liberation. Yet even now,

g-by history cabbin t o place hex i n the forefront of

the struggle.

Your country, Mr. PTesident, along w i t h i ts e is ter

countzies of Guinea-Bissau and Angola, has played a pivoeal role

i n the Liberation Movement of t h i s Continent, through the pro-

tracted and courageous war which you waged against colonialism

and imperialism. The victories against the former Portuguese

regime have set a1 exaqple for thgsec .eti11 sufferhag under the I

yoke of colonialism, racism and apartheid i n dfrica. The

determination of your people, their to ta l commitment to ' the

freedom of their cm-y and of their Continent, have reinspired

the foces of freedom and justice i n Africa and indeed the world.

Furthermore, the independence gained by Mwambwa diii

not extinguish the paseion of ywr cosmrftment t o international

cauees. A t t h e very moment of your great national victory, yo=

people took the heroic stand t o close the i r border w i t h Rhodesia,

t o further ass i s t the overthrow of the illegal racist regime and

promote the liberation of our brothers i n Zimbabwe. This i.?r?s a . - . .

5 ' ;;c-:-.L-lc. *

shinbg example of the unity and inter-dependence which we need

t o display i n t h i s great struggle t o at tain f u l l and f inal free-

dom for our brothers and s i s te rs i n Africa,

I do not need t o recount the gravity of the situation I

in Southern Africa. N o r do I propose t o dwell upon the background

of cent-s of colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonia~isrn, and

their off spring racism, which has scarred African history in

modern t i m e s . The very fact that th i s Conferaxe has convened

here, is evidence that the entire world, grown familiar w i t h the

problem, i b nau impatient for an immediate and f ina l eolution.

W e i n Jamaica, for whom the Liberation of Zimbabwe and

Nadbia has the utmost significance, have been deeply impressed

by the f k m e s s of purpose and the sacrifices of those who have

fought, and continue t o fight, for their freedom; and by the

dedication and unstinting support of the frontline states and .

their leaders, I also wish t o pay tribute t o the United Nations

Organization, t o the distinguished Secretary-General, t o the

Council of PSamibia and the Connoittee on Decolonfeatfon, which

have struggled for long years on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe

and Namibia. O u r present anxiety is that these efforts should

not f a i l .

This Conference Cakes place a t a c r i t i c a l juncttno.

Repeated effort., which have bean made t o get the i l legal ,

racis t Smith r e g h e t o hand over parer, have a l l come t o nothing.

The Rhodeshn racis ts have made one thing clear; They w i l l not

yield t o moral sussion nor even t o . p a r t i a l , p r e ~ ~ u r e . Unless there

is a dramatic change i n world response, we must conclude that

strum& peovidea +he -realhtk. p t h t o a solution.

I n Namibia, years of defiance by Pretoria have only

recently been modified t o the extent of a promise of soma eort of

elections under same unspecified international supervision and

U.B. obsezvatio~~. Once again tfiere'is.nothing t o suggest tha t even

th i s limited undertalcing w i l t 1 be honoured. It is more likely that

each succeediilg promise from Salisbury and Pretoria is made t o buy

time. And each promise w i l l be broken, because those who urge

negotiation are, a s yet, unwilling t o exert the kind of pressure

which could force a last ing solution by peaceful means. And

meantime while the world fiddles with Zimbabwe and Namibia, the ul-

timate v i l l a in the piece, South Africa, remains largely unscathed,

Throughout the world today, there are millions of people

who s i i~cere ly want t o believe tha t the international comnunity

has the capacity t o deal fairly and equitably with the basic

issues of peace and justiee. They l i s t en each day t o the l a t e s t

rhetoric about equality and dignity. And, they as!<, why can we

not solve wen t h i s most g l a r b g , most obvious, most vicious

example of injust ice ;In Southern Africa? Many of those who claim

t o hate injust ice say they also love peace. So in the name of \

peace they cou18d patience and c a l l for more talks, and another

ConEerranceo But as each Conference f a i l s , the people of the world

are l e f t t o conclude tha t the talking does not take u s nearer t o

the goal of justice. Hence it was t o armed struggle that our

brothers and sisters turned, and it is that struggle which we

must increasingly surppmt,

Mr. President, your victory in ~oeambi& created a

watershed i n African history. Even more iny?ortantly, it

represented a turning point i n world history* For centuries

African history was made i n the capi tals of Europe. Haw a t l a s t

European history is being made on African so i l , Europe conquered

Africa, and much else of the world, and created economic empkes I

upon the surpluses of the imperialist system. But because the whole

process turned on axploitation,+the empires which were b u i l t were

wracked by internal and e.teerna1 con2=radictions. Tho wealth

/created- . O . O

created frm colonial gxploieation cnuld mask the problem and defer i the time wfien the knternal contradi*ions had t o be faced - but ] it could not postpone it forever,

More imporkantly, the a;rrt.ema.l, contradictions grew even

as the empires grew: for the ,empires denied the endwing impulees

, , of man - impulses t o be free, equal and'eecure. The empires were

b u i l t at the expense of a l l those conditions and so they could n o t I last . The viataxy of .BreLimo marked an occasion when both the

internal and external contradictions of one such emphe came to a

t h e of reckoning. In

But although they cannot l a s t the empires yield ground I slowly and defend ' their ter r i tory w i t h inf ini te cunning. Thus i n I the generation betwean 1945 and I370 it was the pol i t ical ter r i tory I that was conceded; s c m e t b s on the battleground as w i t h Fre%imo; I sometimes without war and even with apparent grace, But the I economic terr i tory was held f h l y through a world system of trading I arrangements, financial institutions, transnational corporations and I by the control of capital and technology,

Where poli t icel swereignlsy has been conceded but

econOPaic paver remains untouched, equality remains a myth, social

justice proves unattainable and even freedom becomes an ambiguous I phenomenon, Thus, even a s we meet today t o summon the conscionce

of mankind t o a new appraisal of t h i s ultimate affront t o justice

throughout Southen Africa, we must i n s i s t upon the recognition of *

the'global context. Without th i s we can f a l l into the trap of

aeeing Southern Africa as an isolated phenomenon, and may more

easily succumb t o the d e c e p t b voices that seek always t o delay

and s ta l l ;

Some might wonder why our c3eiLegatioi-i from Jamaica would

travel nearly 10,000 miles t o he here today. Some might think that

it is b e c a u s ~ WQ wish, in our own smaLlwsy. to express our

sol idar i ty with our black brothers. They would remember tha t our

people came from Africa, among the ea r l i es t victims of the empires:

and they would be r ight on both scores. We are expressing our

so l idar i ty and we were among the ea r l i es t victims. But we sti l l

inhabit a world where no black man or woman can vote in Z imbab~~.

We remember as well tha t each yeas thousands of poor children i n .

.tho Caribbean are not getting the opportunity t o go t o school:

and we remember tha t millions died of huge r throught t he world

l a s t year: So we are still victims?

We are also here because we in Jamaica remember tha t our

great Marcus Garvqy summoned us a l l , the black: people of the world,

t o the rediscovery of our proud and equal humanity* George Padmore

of Trinidad and Tobago saw tha t po l i t i c a l freedom for the black

man must begin a t the beginning, in Africa. But both bespoke a

larger cause - the caw@ of universal justice. And it is because

we believe t ha t justice is universal - ox it is nothing: tha t it

is indivisible - or it is a sham - tha t we are here.

Against tha t background, M r . President, it i s o w view

that , a t the root, the issue before t h i s Conferance is a moral one.

Indeed a l l lasting human progress occurs when mankind harnesses the

po l i t i c a l process moral purposes. Hence, we have welcomed,

and sincerely, the summons of tho world's-attention t o human

r ights by the United States this year. Essentially, t h i s is a

c a l l for moral c r i t e r i a as the basis for t h e conduct of human

affa i rs .

We of the non-aligned movement are gratified,because

t h i s has been our caee fox more than twenty years, Our founding

fathers looked with horror and dismay a t the cold war, They

urged an altexnative view, and contended t h a t only through the

~ e a r c h ~ f o r moral answers could mankind hope t o survive, much less

progress,

But even a s we welcome the attention t o human rights, we

must i n s i s t that the concept be completely understood and ful ly

applied. Human rights do n o t begin w i t h the right to dissent

i n safety. The process may end there - but it begins i n the

stomach of man, Human rights are t o do with children and that

economic conditions they can take for granted: to do with

families and whether they are part of an economy which can provide

a home even a t the furthest horizon of hope. Human rights are t o

do with majority rule and the end of apartheid.

Certainly, I dare t o suggest that none of us has the

. right t o speak of rights a t a l l i f we are not certain that we are

prepared t o go a l l the way, as may l i e i n ow power, t o end the

state of a f fa i r s in Southern Africa now.

And because the issues are indivisible and urgent, w e n

as we urge action here, we must not forget the other issues that

press their claims upon world attention,

In t h i s connection, Mr. President, we must be mindful

of the search for peace in the Middle East, with the h c r e a e h g

acknowledgement of the rights of the Palestinian people to a j u s t

settlement of their demand for a homeland,

I n our Western Hemispherg there is consicleuable pressure

from the dispossessed masses for social and economic reform.

There we struggle to break the s t rangmold of powerful and

privileged classes, on the wealth and resources of the region.

And yet the attempts, by the Governments of some s ta tes in the

region, t o bring about reform have upon occasions been tragically

and even brutally frustrated. So we have the phenomenon of Cuba,

which is widely recognized i n the international communiky as being

i n the 'very forefront of those states which are bringing about

social and economic justice for their people; being s t i l l sub-

jected t o pol i t ical and economic pressure by means of a trade

embargo, But South Africa, that pariikh of the international

community, i s l e f t vir tual ly free t o reap the benefits of

economic and pol i t ical relationships with the industrialized

countries of the W e s t . *

Mr. President, i n the f ie ld of economic relations among

states, we approach a t t h i s very moment a most c r i t i c a l point i n

the discussions and negotiations regarding the question of

global economic justice and the estab1ishmen.t of the new

international economic order.

The establishrwnt and implementation of the new order

requires conceptual changes t o the current model of global

development; it requixes a considerabke closing of the gap

which exists between the developed countries and the Third World,

and n e merely reducing the level of poverty which exists w i t h i n

the Third World; it requires a restructuring of the economic and

pol i t ical relationships which exist between states. I n S U m y r

it requires a reordering of the philosophy which underlies the

present economic relationships between the developed and the

developing countries,

We cannot t e l l any country how t o organize i ts internal

economy* But experience t e l l s u s a l l , that the workings of the

market economy system cf international capitalism as between

nations, can only deepen the present contradictions i n the world.

Only the pol i t ical management of the international economic process,

based upon moral perceptions and principles, can hope t o resolve

the c r i s i s of poverty affecting two-thirds of mankind.

The Paris Conference on International Economic

Co-operation which i s part of the process of establishing and

implementing the new order, reaches i ts f ina l moment i n a fort-

night. It comes i n the wake of the London summit of the m a jox

industrialized nations. Me shall see whether the world w i l l mwe

purposefully towards the use of i ts resources to establish justice

and t o eradicate poverty, or toward inevitable, and ultimately

disastrous , confrontation between rich and poor countries . Thert3 -& critical issues which must be faced. The

International Monetary System and the operation of the IMP must

be more responsive t o the soda1 aspirations and the economic needs

, + - of developing couritrfes. A common fund must be 'ostablided for the

.- ' stabilization of commodity prices. The role of comodity producer I

- - associations m u s t be ful ly recognized. And the principle of

permanent sovereignty over natural resources must be universally

accepted. These are the issues which w i l l help determine how many.

people go hungry i n the 198Q8s0 They w i l l also determine how the

. . . people of Zimbabwe and Namibia fare, and what kind of world wo w i l l 8 !! ..

a l l inhabit, when independence and freedom are f inal ly won.

I n the .wantime, ,_ -. ..- however, the immediate issues i n , , . , T-

Southern Africa 'are soq-ktark and constitute so grave a threat t o

international peace and security that they must continue t o head

the agenda for international pol i t ical action.

It is not in my place t o t a l l t h i s Conference how the

liberation struggle should be waged. We recognise that th i s is

primarily the struggle of the people inmediately concerned. It

is a e role of the r e s t of u s t o give support, not' instructions.

It is your people who have died and it is the duty of us a l l t o

ensure that they have not died i n vain. We fully recognise that the

future of Zimbabwe and that of Namibia must be decided by the -C--

p e o ~ l e of Zimbabwe and by the people of Namibia. But we aleo

ful ly oecognize that armed struggle w i l l be decisive in shaping

that future,

Indeed, it is &he teeqnit2on of the role of axmd

struggle which led me, at: Clre Algiers Non-Aligned Scwmnit i n 1973,

/to of "r .'. ,

t o offer, on behalf of Guyana and Jamaica, t o seild vo~un tee r s t o

f igh t alongside the l ibera t ion forces..

It was later pointed out, and r ight ly , that the ,

f ighting should be done by those direcefy involved; so the

volunteers never cameo But: the commitment, which led us to make

the ofger, remains. We give, and w i l l continue t o give, direct

a i d t o the freedom f ighters i n ways t h a t a re acceptable t o them,

and within our means.

M r , President, it is the duty of a l l of us not d i r ec t ly

involved, t o keep the issues of the conf l ic t i n shanp focus so

tha t our support i s relevant, South Africa is the foundation of the

cancerous system of r ae i& domination i n Southern Africao A s par t

of the overall s t ra tegy t o l ibe ra te Zimbabwe and Namibia, therefore,

the power and influence of Pretoria obviously cannot be ignored,

However, we repudiate as dangerous, 'shortsighted and ultimately

counter-productive a l l attempts a t t a c t i c a l accommodations with

South Africa- We believe profoundly tha t the t a c t i c s of the

struggle for majority ru le in Zimbabwe and Namibia must r e f l e c t the

s t ra tegy of the struggle t o overthrow apartheid i n South Africa,

Both processes must be understood t o be inseparable.

Turning t o Zimbabwe specif ical ly , much of the past

approach, of cer ta in members of the internat ional community, t o

the problem of Zimbabwe, suffered from fa i lu res i n the basic

.,. -. analysis of the s i tuat ion. There has been a tendency t o view tha t . $

s i tua t ion i n terms of three variable factors tha t are accorded

weight and redognition. F i r s t ly , a t tent ion i s given t o the Smith

regime and what it may or may not do. Secondly, a t tent ion i s given

t o what may or may not happen i n Zimbabwe following independence

on a basis of majority rule . And, of course, th i rdly, due at tent ion

is given t o the principles that uncerlie and justify the claim of

the Zimbabwean people for ikldependence and majority rule .

The problem is, that tho view which is taken of the question mf

principle, is qualified by assessments of possible action by the

Smith regime; alid judgments about the post-independence future.

And here, f suggest, l i e s the error.

Any assesment concerning the position of the Smith

regime accords t o that regime a legitimacy t o which it cannot be

entitled. Equally, any judgment concerning the course of events

af ter independence, involves an inaerferonce, by anticipation,

i n the internal affa i rs of an independent state.

Careful reflection, I suggest, w i l l lead us t o the

conclusion that khere is the danger of comecating a simple

situation by these two preoccupations.. What is needed, therefore,

is t o isolate the only principle which is clear and unequivocal.

and concentrate a l l our efforts upon the attainment of that

principle . Whether it comessthrough armed struggle or through

international pressure, or through a combination of the two,

Smith must be toppled because the regime is both i l legal and

immoral. Zimbabwe's freedom, Zimbabwe's freedom now. i s non-

negotiable !

M r . President, I now t u r n t o Namibia where South

~ f r i c a s i l lagal and colonial occupation constitutes one of the

most naked acts of aggression against a people whose :freedom and

independence has been repeatedly demanded by the forces of

morality and justice i n the international community. NOW. i n the

wake of continuing pressure from SWWO, the Organization

recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate pol i t ical and

moral voice of the people of Namibia; and because of the

resoluteness of the freedom fighters, we note that some quarters L

are urging reason and commonsense on the Pretoria racists.

However, while we note that Vorster has apparently

decided that he has no alternative but t o disregard the

Turnhal le f raud t h a t would rnainta in r a c i s t dominanco over Namibia,

the s t r u g g l e coi?tinues. I n our view, the i s s u e is very simple,

South Af r i ca has no lega3 o r moral c laim t o a i ~ y d e c i s i o l about t h e

f u t u r e of Namibia. The leg i t imacy t h a t t h e U - N o accords t o SWAPO,

mu6t be giveu e x p l i c i t recogni t ion 1 1 any formula which may be devised

f o r br inging about r e a l independence. Anything s h o r t of th i s would

c o n s t i t u t e a b e t r a y a l of those f r e e d m f i g h t e r s who have made t h e

u l t ima te s n c r i f i ce . T h i s means e l e c t i o n s auperviaea on1.x by t h e

U 0 N . t immediate withdrawal of a l l South African troops: and tho

inmediate r e l e a s e of a11 Hamihian . p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s held e i t h e r

i n t h e t e r r i t o r y , or i n South Afr ica i f s e l f , so t h a t they can

p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n t h e p o l i t i c a l process leadjng t o s e l f -

determinat ion and independence.

M r . P res iden t , may I summariseb The world community

understands t h a t a process of a s g o t i a t i o n must precede a sett lemeisto

However, world opinion w i l l n o t aqcept another experience i n which

t a l k s de fe r r a t h e r than promote aa outcomeo The world is f u l l y

conscious now, t h a t p a s t d iscuss ions have served only t o relax

those pressures which a r e t h e precondi t ion of success.

Any se t t lement must r e s t square ly and uncompromising3y

upon t h e p r i n c i p l e of one man one vote , and of un ive r sa l a d u l t

suf f rage* Any se t t lement must p lace , s w a r e l y and i r revocably ,

i n t h e hands of t h e people of Zimbabwe and ~ a m ~ b i a , t h e f u l l and

unqual i f ied c o n t r o l of t h e i r r e spec t ive na t ions : and the ' f u l l and

unqual i f ied c o n t r o l of t h e processes by which permanent c o n s t i t u t i o n -

a l forms a r e determiaad.

M r . P res ident , t o ensure t h e speed and s t a b i l i t y of t h i s

se t t lement , what a c t i o n can t h i s Conference justly r e q u i r e of t h e

world comuni ty? I suggest that:-

(1) We demand nothing l e s s thaa t h e f u l l implementation

i n l e t t e r and s p i r i t of t h e recommendations,

/xes&.tiot~s, . .

resolutions and gwkdekines 0x1 Zimbabwe a ~ d

Namibia of the General As~smbly of the United / ( -s-.- .;. - .=,

Nations, the' highsst po~$t&cal forum i n the world. - ,

( 0 ) We urge upon a l l counkries and i n p@r&icular those '

of the dew loped world, the mobif igation of . - & r ' c,

public opinion in suppokt of the peoples .af c->'

Z5rababwe and Namibi-a; and we urge the mass fnedia

t o - enlist in the cause,

(3) W e d pzotection, thraugh international

regu3at$on, against the p3undering 09 the

transnational eoxporations who Balance p rof i t s

agairiot rspressAon in a soxdid equation o;f

(4) We call upon the WeoBern pmas:s to outlaw the

roczxuitawnt, wsthin the i r terr i t o r ios of

mercenaries, these dogs of w a r who seek t o feast

for gain on the blood of patr iots .

More apecfiicrsLIy, wstrk respect t o Southa~n Rhodesia, we

should urge aLl s t a t e s not tos

(a) engage in commercial cantacts of any sort: w i t h

Southern Bhodesia, i n particular the sapply of

05.3. t o tha colony;

(b) A l l m the promotion of emigration t o ~otathexn

- ~hodesia ;

(c) Maintain communication, by whatever means, with

Southera Rhodesia;

W i t h regpect t o Namibia, we should urge a l l s t a tes

to:

(a) .give the fu l l e s t support t o the United Nations

in the exercise of i t s role in Namibia, and be

v $0 nrsuze agafsLs t any ww3eirxRinf ag or -

or erosian of the United Nations' position as

the legitimate authority in Namibia;

(b) discourage an2 reduce the plundering of the

resources of Namibia by coi?fiscatL~g a11 goods

enana ting E r om Namibia.

With respect t o South Africa, we note t h a t there has

been a report which suggests that the U.S. Administratioa may

be prepared t o take certain steps against Vorstor. However,

bearing i n mind the moral and tac t i ca l requiremeirts of the

situation. we are powerfuily of the view that only the most

drast ic action can be either correct or effective i n the

situation, Therefore, we urge a l l s t a tes to:-

(a) sever a l l m i l i t a r y dealings with the Pretoria

regime through tho f u l l implemcatation of t he

arms embarqo.

(b) sever eeo lornic c ~ n n e c t i o ~ l s with South Africa,

par t icu lar ly through an embargo 0 2 supplies of

petroleum, petrolcum products a-td othcr

strategic materials; and through the pro-

hibition of finanaial deal ings with a l l

orgal.kizations auld i~~i l iv iduals which support the

Pretoria regimes

(c) take punitive action against violatio-.ls of the

arms ~ n d ekos~omic embargoes by corporations,

inst i tut ions and ixlividuals withiL1 their

jurisdiction;

(d) sever culttural links and innparticular a l l

sporting contact;

( e ) mobilize public opinion at; the ~ l a t i o ~ ~ a l and

inter:~ational levols against tho policies of / a p r t h n id r

apartheid; and bal2tustanization;

(f) give f u l l pol i t ica l , moral, f inai~cial aild other

material support t o those movements which have

bee..^ established by the indigemus people of

South Africa, and which have been recognized by

the OAU for the Liberation of their homeland, 7

We have sought t o suggest those pri~keiples that are

non-negotiable in the present s i tuat ioa, We have sought t o

indicate the k h d of actiorl which the world community must

summon up the w i l l t o take. I believe tha t I speak t o the logic

of the pzeseot si tuation, and from a l l recent experience, i f I

urge action now on a l l fronts simultaneouslyo It is our humble

view that it would be f a t a l i f the prospect of aegotiations should

l u l l the protagonists in to a relaxation of e f fo r t , 3 urge

absolute vigilance.

We must r e s i s t a l l e f for ts t o divide the movement,

whether by playing off one group against another, or by tempting

individuals t o desert i n the expectation of present reward or -

future off ice- To succeed, we must be strong, and t o be strong,

we must be united. It i s only by a strong, united movement tha t

we can be successful, and our success w i l l be the approprkte

monument t o our brothers and s i s t e r s who have diedo

Within recent months the recruitment of freedom

f ighters has greatly increased, and they are now coatrolling

larger areas of t e r r i to ry and putting r e a l a 3 the

i l l ega l Smith regime, If there is t o be a negotiated settlement,

it is t h i s mil l i tary pressure which w i l l ensure tha t power is

f ina l ly transferred. Therefore, the armed struggle should

proceed t o a new cresce3do even as ta lks proceed. Faooist regimes

understand nothing but the application of force!

/ ~ i m i l a x l y ~ a ., .,

Similarly, I urge those statae which are not themselves

involved a s protagonfata, t o immediate action, If the nations

which possess the capacity t a apply d e c i s i v e sanctions, delay

action on the grounds that talks are proceeding, they w i l l , i n a l l

probability, condemn the talks t o failure. Let the dezegations

present i i l Maputo urge their home Goveriunents t o apply sanctions

now.

I n the final analysis it is the world that i s on t r i a l

i n Southern Africa,

W e are witnessing the death throes of the co3onial

era even as we, a l l of us, serve as midwives t o the birth of a

new age, Pllan is too conscious now, and that consciousness too

widespread, t o turn back; or .even t o wait for long, But we st i l l

have ft i n us t o be good midwives or bad. Birth is Dover eaeyo

b I hope that we who are hex@ will venture t o choose the path of

wisdom* through the courage t o insist upon what is right,

If I have one f ina l warning, one plea, one injunction

nw: It is t o be alekt.

I s a i d befose that t h e empires yield their ter r i tory

slowly; and that t h e y contest the ground with inf ini te cunning,

If we speak of apartheid i n sport sane of the voices of the empires

reply: do not nix politica and s p a t : If we speak of sovereignty,

the empires concede the pol i t ical power sad retain t he economic

power, If we speak af s a n c t i o : ~ ~ South Africa is denounced; but

the tranenational cdrporations remain free t o build her economy

and reap their prof its. If we speak of armed struggle because

all else has failed, the empires speak of c~mmunisl threats:

If we wen speak of not broadcasting a London footbag1 match i n '

Smth Africa, the B r i t i s h B~sadcasting Corporation speaks of a

Let us dismiss these d ive r s io~s and go to the hoart of /the matter.. , .

the matter which is majority rule freedom now. and justice now,

Lot those who llave sanctions t o apply. 'apply them so

tha t the w o r l d can witness a sign that justice ca;l prevail ~ v e r

economic self-iaterest . Lot those who have arms t o give. send them

now so tket the gangs in Salisbury am3 Pretoria came t o rea l i se tha t

decent msn w i l l nut be bluffed any longer.

w n a LI our resolve l e t us not forget those frontline

s ta tes ax whom the struggle presses hardest, anu wno chemse~ves need

t o be sustained, i f the victory t o which they are so vi tal . is not

t o be deferred. They too need not oxly our moral solidarity, but

our material support. They must not be allowed, by the accident of

geo.gramy, t o bear alone what it is our duty as brothers t o carry

tarether.

And t o those who w i l l counsel patience, - --r why? Why

should black children i n Zimbabwe wait one more day t o know t h a t

the i r e the r s and the i r mothers have ailterad f ina l ly in to the i r just

inheritance in the i r own land?

I speak for a l l the Third World when I say t o t h e developed

world: Act now. W e know tha t you can bring dm? Smith and Voreter

without f i r ing a shot. And we w i l l lalow why you do not bring them

dmi , i f you f a i l t o act!

And if f a i l , w i l l bring them dawn in time; snougn

the labour for t h i s birth, may be lo~m and hard and f u l l of pain.

We' do not threaten you. for t h a t is not our way. But we

remember rnac we had t o struggle; and tha t many of our

brothers and s i s t e r s died. t o gain what was always rzgncrurly

their 8, X urge you t o think well m r Eor the generations w i l l

remember t h i s t ime. and history w i l l be unkind t o those who did

I wish t o end bk &anking the President, Government and

people of MozWiqrue for the kbdmss and warmth with which

they have received m e . Thanks t o their great victory. I am

today, in Maputo, further South. oil the Continent of our

forefathers, than I have ever been before. Let us now move

on West t o Zimbabwe aild Namibia - rawmbering that wa m y no*

r e s t u n t i l we have turned South once more and entered Capa

Tom f inallye

Michael Manley Prime Minister