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power. This is one of the new principles ofequaliry in France. . . .

. . . The science ofgovernment being rhere-

fore so practical in itsel( and intended for

such practical .purposes, a matter which re-

quires experience, and even more experience

than any person can gain in his whole life,however sagacious and observing he may be,

it is with infinite caution that any man ought

Go venture upon pulling down an edifice

which has answered in any tolerable degree for

ages the common purposes of society, or on

building it up again, without having models

and patterns of approved utiliry before his

eyes. . . .

. . . The naturc o( man is intricate; the

obiects of society are of the Sreatest possible

complexity; and therefore no simple dispo-

sition or direction of power can be suitable

eirher to man's nature, or to the quality ofhis affairs.

When ancient opinions of life are taken

away, the loss cannot possibly be estimated.

Frorn that moment we have no comPass to 8ov-ern us; nor can we know distinctly to what port

westeer..... . . Nothing is more certain than that our

manners, our civilization, and all rhe good

things which are connecred with manners and

with civilizarion have, in this European world

. ofours, depended for ages uPon two principles

and were, indeed, the resulr of both combined:

I mean the spirit of a genrleman and the spirit

of religion. . "

Burke next compares the English peoplewith the French revolutionaries,

, . . Thanks to our sullen resistance to inno'varion, thanks to the cold sluggishness of our

national character, we still bear the stamp of -

our forefathers. , . . rilfe are no! the converts ofRousseau; we are not the disciples of Voltaire;

Helvetius has made no Progress amongst us.l

Atheists are not our preachers; madmen are riot

our lawgivers. 1il7e know thar rat have made no

discoveries, and we think that no discoveries

are to bc made, in morality, nor many in rhe

great principles of government. . . . l|Ce fear

God; *e look up with awe to kings, with affec-

rion to parliaments, with duty to magistrates'

with reverence to priests, and with resPect to

nobility. . . .

. . . \fe are afraid to Puc men to live and

trade each on his own private stock of reason'

because we suspect that this stock in each man

is small, and that the individuals would do

better to avail themselves of the general bank

and capiml of netions and ofages.

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lRousseau. Voltaire, and Helvdtiur were French phi'loropher of the eighteenth century noted,

-respectively,for rduocating deirocracy, attlcking the abuses of the

Old Regime,-and applying r scientific reason to morol

principlc (sce CtePter 2).

Klemens von Metrernich k--

THEODIOLMMFTHEPHILOSOPHES

Two decades of revolutionary warfare had shaped Metternich's political think-ing. After the fall of Napoleon, Metternich worked ro resrore the European bal-ance and to suppress revolutionary movements. In rhe following memorandumto Tsar Alexander I, dated December 15, 1820, Metternich denounces theFrench philosophes for their "false s1's366s" and "fatal erors' that weakenedthe social fabric and gave rise to the French Revolution. In their presumption,thc philosophes forsook the experience and wisdom of the past, trusting onlytheir own thoughts end inclinations.

The progress of the human mind has been ex-remely rapid in the course of rhe last threecenturies. This progress having been lcceler-aced more rapidly than the growth of wisdom(the only counrerpoise to passions and ro er-ror); a revolution prepared by rhe false sysrems. . . has ar lasc broken our. . . .

. . . There were . . . sorne rhen [rhe philo-rophesJ, unhappily endowed with greac ralenrs,who felt rheir own strength, and . . . who hadthe arr to prepare and conduct men's minds tothe triumph of their detestable enterprise-ancnrerprise all the more odious as it was pursuedwithout regard to results, simply abandoningthemselves to the one feeling of hatred of Godand of His immurable moral laws.

France had the misforrune to produce thegreatesr nurhber of these men. Ir is in hermidst thar religion and all thar she holds sa-

cred, that morality artd aurhority, and all con-nected with them, have been aracked with a

steady and systemaric enirnosiry, and ir is rhere

that the weapdn of ridicule has been used wirhrhe rnosr ease and success.

Drag through the mud rhe name of God and

the powers instirured by His divine decrees,

and the revolution will be prepared! Speak ofa

social contract,l and the revolution is accom-

plished! The revolution was already complered

in the palaces of Kings, in the drawing-roomsand boudoirs of certain cities, while among thegrear mass of the people it was still only in a

srate of preparation. ., .

. . . The French Revolution broke our, and

has gone rhrough a complete revolutionary cy-cle in a vefy.short period, tvhich could onlyhave appeared long ro its victims and to itsconcerhporaries. . . .

. . . The revolutionary seed had penerratedinto every counrry. . . . It was greatly developedunder the riginc of the military despotism ofBonaparre. His conquests displaced a numberof laws, institutions, and cusroms; brokethrough bonds sacred among all nations,

strong enough to resist time itself; which is

more .than can be said of cersain benefits con-

ferred by these innovacors.

lThc social conrrrcr rheory consisted cssentielly of thefollowing principles: (l) peoplc voluntarily cnter into en

igreemenr to establish a political community; (2) govern-ment rests on the consent ofthe governed: (3) pcople pos-

ress narural freedom end cquelity, which they do noc

surrender to the strte. These principles qrcre used to chal-lenge the divine right of kings lnd absolure nonarchy.

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Heinrich von Gagern

1%,,+ + r""&; .

THE CALL FOR GERMAN UNITYHeinrich von Gagern (1799-1880) was a liberal who helped to organize thetr:'r'ryt

-+ Bwcbenschaft,o,-Grr^^,nr,ud"n, frarernities dedicated to national unity. Inthe passage that follows, von Gagern explained the narionalist purpose of theGerman student movernenr.

Ic is very hard to explain the spirir of the stu_o.ent movemenc ro you. bur I shall try, eventhough I can only give you a fe.u characrer-rsttcs. . . .

. . . Those who share in this spiric have[aJ. . , rendency in their srudenc lifl, Love ofFatherland is their guiding principle. Theirpurpose is ro make a bet.r.. future for theFarherland, cach es best ,,ti can, to spriadnational consciousness, or .o use the rnuchridiculed--and maligned Germanic expression,more folkishness, and ro work foi b.,...constirurions. . . .

. . . \$7e want drore sense of comtnunityamong the several stares of Gerrnany, gra",a,unity in rheir policies and in rheir princfules ofgovernmenr; no separare policy for each srare,but rhe nearest possible relations with one an_orher; above all, we wanr Germany ro be con-sidered oac land and rhe German people oncpeople. In rhe forrns of our srudenr comrade-ship we show how we wanr to approach this asnearly as possible in the real world. R.egionalfrarerhities are lorbidden, and we live ;1 | 6.r_fnah comradeship, one people in spirir, as we

wanc it for all Germany in realiry. We give ourselves the freesr of constitutions, jusi as *eshould like Germany ro have the freesr possibleone, insofar as that is suirabte for the Germanpeople. !0e want a consrirurion for rhe peoplethat firs in with the spirir of rhe rimes andwirh rhe people's own level of enlightenment,rarher than what each prince gives his peoplerccording to whac he likes and what ,...,., i,i,private inrerest. Above all, we wanr rhe princesto undersrand and ro follow rhe princijle chatthey exist for rhe counrry and nor che counrryfor them. In facr, the prevailing view is thatthe constirurion should nor colne from rhe in-dividual srares ar rll. The main principles ofthe German constirution should apply co allscares in common, and should be expressed bythe German federal assernbly. This constitu-tion should deal nor only wirh the absolure ne-cessities, like fiscal administration and justice,general administrarion and church and mili_tary affairs and so on; this consriturion oughtto be extended ro rhe educacion of rhe young,et leasc ac rhe upper age levels, and ro manyorher such things.

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