Decapitation in the Dvina (Armenia): an analysis of the skulls of Middle Ages

A. Khudaverdyan*Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, National Academy of Science, Republic of Armenia.

ABSTRACT The paleopathological analysis, especially in combination with historical data, can be an im-portant tool for research. There was clear archaeological evidence for the decapitation of three individuals. We learned that these unfortunate individuals were expelled from society, lived in marginal conditions. Medieval citizens feared the person with leprosy out of uncertainty, misinformation, self-preservation, and ignorance. By virtue of being considered an evil outcast, people with the disease were symbolic representations of evil. In individual with disabled was treated as 2nd class human beings who was unfinished and deformed due to a sin or cheat of nature. A cranial sharp-force weapon injuries were observed, which varied from small isolated punctures to multiple linear injuries. Cut marks were found on frontal and parietal bones. In the basis of a skull of the individual mechanical breaks of occipital condyles and damage of the left mastoidal were noted. Holding by hair the victim, the head of the individual cut a sword.

* Correspondence to: Anahit KhudarverdyanE-mail address: akhudaverdyan@mail.ru

akhudaverdyan@gmail.com

1. Introduction

Almost all theoretical and research approaches to violence begin with the assumption that, at its core, violence represents the breakdown of meaning, the advent of the irrational, and the commission of physical harm. In medieval disability was sometimes associated with the devil and witchcraft. Interperso-nal violence has been documented osteologically in virtually sites from Armenia, with evidence of both small- and large-scale inter-group conflicts. It is diffi-cult to imagine a more striking archaeological sign than the detached skull of a human. The custom of head taking was a widespread method among many cultures because the head of a vanquished foe repre-sented the most unequivocal symbol of an enemy’s defeat (Keeley, 1996). The deposition of human skulls has been interpreted as evidence for a headhunting cult, perhaps relating to enemy dead, whose depo-sition could provide symbolic protection (Wilson, 1981). The human skulls were believed to have also magical and curing effects (Schmandt-Besserat et al., 2010). The skull of a deceased person was believed to provide a way to communicate with the spirit of the dead and was used in divination (Schmandt-

Besserat et al., 2010). The skull also secured the use of the power to succeeding generations, perhaps this it placated the spirit, perhaps controlled it (Kenyon, 1957).

As Lambert (2007:204) stated, “(t)he presence of violent injuries does not necessarily demonstrate in-tergroup aggression, as conflicts between individuals can involve violence, and injuries resulting from such encounters may be difficult to distinguish from those sustained in intergroup conflict.” In order to better classify trauma, both osteological and archaeological evidence is used.

Various researchers have outlined and refined these parameters (Bridges et al., 2000; Lambert, 2007; Milner et al., 1991; Smith, 2003, 2008) which include: trophy-taking activities including decapita-tion, scalping, and removal of limbs or other body parts taken away by the attacker(s). Decapitation is ascertained by a combination of factors, such as a missing skull and the first one or two cervical vertebrae, or a missing skull and cut marks on the

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upper cervical vertebrae. Scalping generally, but not always, leaves evidence of cut marks on the front, sides, or back of the cranium. Often, cases of scalping are identified by specific morphological changes to the endocranial surface brought about by infection during healing (Smith, 2008). Missing and/or extra elements within a burial may be the result of trophy-taking; however, they may also result from burial dis-turbance or commingling (Milner et al., 1991).

Deformed and disabled children were seen as ‘changelings’ which are the Devil’s substitutes for human children, and it was believed they are this way because of their parents’ involvement with the black arts or that their mothers’ had intercourse with Satan. Through the middle ages, disabled people were looked upon with superstition and were rejected and persecuted (Meltzer, 2006). A persons’ physical appearance was thought to be reflective upon ones character and they were looked at as objects to be treated and improved upon, rather than human beings who could still be independent and learn to handle their disability (Meltzer, 2006). People with a disability were often depicted as unclean or deformed even if their disability was mental or not visible; there was something that set them apart (Barnes, 1991). Also as for the evil being represented, the tormentors of Christ in religious art were depicted with sores or blemishes, to reflect the blemishes that were believed to be on their soul (Barnes, 1991), meaning that someone who did an evil thing and someone with a disability are on the same level.

Hansen’s disease, or as it is more commonly known as leprosy, is one of the most disabling and deforming diseases. Throughout its history, leprosy has been feared and misunderstood. For a long time leprosy was thought to be a hereditary disease, a curse, or a punishment from God. Isolation of lepers or a suspected leper has been practiced for thousands of years. Medieval diagnosis of leprosy, Brody (1974:59) wrote, “ … was a prediction of dis-figurement and death, and what is perhaps more terrifying, it separated a man from society because of the infection he carried outwardly and the moral corruption that lay within him.” It is the social and often dramatic responses to this disease during the Middle Ages that are the foci of this note.

Leprosy is a chronic granulomatous infection caused by Mycobacterium leprae. The bacterium causes neuses neurotrophic changes to the skin and peripheral nervous tissues (Aufderheide and Rodrí-guez-Martín, 1998). Mutilations of the tissues of the

face (rhinomaxillary region), hands and feet are most commonly observed. Although the disease is com-municable, it is not highly contagious (Steinbock, 1976). In an area endemic for leprosy, only 1% of individuals in the population will contract the disease and within this 1%, only 15% will be severe enough to cause destruction of the face, hands and feet (Ortner and Putschar, 1981). If the host has a poor resistance to the microbe, the lepromatous va-riation of the disease develops. This type is associa-ted with destruction of the face, nasal and maxillary regions known as facies leprosa.

Leprosy can range from mild to severe and de-pends on the resistance of the host to the microbe. If the host a strong resistance then the disease forms the tuberculoid variation. In the tuberculoid version of leprosy, damage to the skin and peripheral ner-ves is noted but damage to the face is rarely seen (Moller-Christenses et al., 1952; Steinbock, 1976). Facies leprosa is characterized either by bone atro-phy of the anterior nasal spine, maxilla and/or des-tructive type lesions of the bony palate. The bone of the palate may be thin, pitted or perforated (Haas et al. 2000). Destruction of the hard palate is the most distinctive feature of facies leprosa. Moller-Christensen et al. (1952) noted that atrophy of the nasal spine and maxillary bone was associated with neurotrophy and antemortem tooth loss in the affec-ted area. The leprosy bacilli can also cause-specific bone absorption. Since leprosy affects the peripheral nervous system, neurotrophy in the hands and feet is common. Neurotrophy can lead to atrophy of the phalanges and possible secondary infections. Des-truction of the phalanges and secondary infections are only observed in association with facies leprosa (Moller-Christensen & al. 1952).

2. The historical and archaeological context

The vestiges of the capital city of Armenia, Dvin, the one time centre of trade, crafts and culture, lie some 35 km to the south of Yerevan. The city was founded in the thirties of the fourth century by the Armenian King Khosrov II of Kotak, a descendant of the Arshakoony dynasty (332-338AD). Valua-ble information on the foundation of the city is available from the historians Pavstos of Byuzand (4th c.) and Movses Khorenatsi (5th c.). They attest that King Khosrov undertook construction work on a hill called Dvin where he transferred the court from Artashat and afforested in the vicinity of the new capital. Dvin developed and thrived till it grew into

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a hub of international transit trade. Feudal relations were dominant all over Armenia throughout the 4th-5th centuries. Armenian feudal culture began to take shape with strongly flavoured Hellenistic traditions. Dvin was in the focus of those complicated historical-political, social and cultural events since it was virtually the only city in medieval Armenia of major economic and cultural consequence.

The archaeological investigation of this famed city was begun at the close of the past century but

it was only in 1937 that regular, long-term excava-tions were launched that have been going on to date. The diggings resulted in rich findings that relate to all the domains of Armenian material culture and are of great scientific value. The discoveries were made in the citadel and living quarters of the city: palatial and church structures, buildings meant for econo-mic and communal facilities, invaluable specimens in profusion betokening the various products of medieval Armenian craftsmanship, imported goods,

Table 1. Some anthropometric measurements in mm (code numbers according Martin (Alekseev and Debec, 1964)).

Individual 3

1. Cranial length 165.5

8. Cranial breadth 134.5

17. Cranial height 126

5. Cranial base length 95

9. Minimal frontal breadth 91.5

10. Maximal frontal breadth 115

12. Occipital breadth 103

45. Bizigomatic breadth 123?

48. Upper facial height 63

46. Mid-facial breadth 86.6

60. Alveolar arch length 50?

61. Alveolar arch breadth 59

62. Palatal length 41

63. Palatal breadth 31.8

55. Nasal height 50

54. Nasal breadth 22

51. Orbital breadth (mf) 39.5

51a. Orbital breadth (d) 37.5

52. Orbital height 30

8:1. Cranial index 81.3

17:1. Height-length index 77.4

17:8. Height-breadth index 95.2

9:8. Fronto-transverse index 68.1

48:45. Upper facial index 52.1

54:55. Nasal index 43

52:51. Orbital index (mf) 76.8

52:51a. Orbital index (d) 78.95

63:62. Palatal index 80.98

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coins, etc. Spade work revealed that the origins of life on the hill of Dvin go back to eneolithic period, its duration prolongs up to the 13th century. Dvin, that important city rich in medieval Armenian fine-arts products that played a key role under “marzpan” (medieval governor) rule and continued its economic significance under Arab sway, is a unique landmark the excavations of which make it possible to draw a picture of Armenian 5th-8th century culture, of its evolutionary stages and a get an insight into the salient changes in medieval culture as a whole.

In the transition period from Old Age to Middle Age the feudal (avatatirakan) relations began to de-velop in Armenia during the reign of Arsacid Dynasty (Arshakuni Dynasty). In Armenia Feudalism derived from the nakharar system that had patriarchal roots and was a part of the royal power. Armenian state-hood was preserved through the Middle Ages by the efforts of nakharar system. The Armenian society was composed of higher class, i.e. the Free (azatner) and lower class, i.e. the non-free (anazatner). The Free class was composed of nobility, i.e. nakharars owning provinces and also the clergy. The secular re-presentatives of the Free served in cavalry. Over the time an aristocratic class was formed from Arsacid dynasty (Arshakuni dynasty), called the ostaniks. The non-free class was composed of citizens, i.e. relatively privileged merchants and craftsmen, the peasants, and also the urban and rural plebeians (ramikner), who could serve only in infantry.

The job of the anthropologist to interpret the data as thoroughly as possible, in order to recons-truct what may have happened in the past. Skulls from the samples were subjected to a careful ma-croscopic investigation for pathological lesions. An integral part of this study focuses on building a database which allows us to cross-reference diffe-rent results with efficacy, always with the understan-ding that the information we glean from the Dvin is subjective and interpretative.

3. Materials and methods

The human skulls analyzed for this thesis were exca-vated by archaeologists Nyura Akopyan (excavations in 1978), Frina Babayan (excavations in 2011) and Akhavni Dzamkochyan (excavations in 2013) in Dvi-na. No post-cranial bones have been buried. Skulls were in a good state of preservation, suitable for determination of sex, age and the pathologies that are the main subject of this work. Of the analyzed skulls, 2 were females, 1 was male. Materials were found at a level that is related to the Middle Ages.

Age and sex were determined through the use of multiple indicators. Morphological features of the crania were used for the identification of sex (Brothwell, 1981). A degree of cranial suture closure (Meindl et al., 1985) was used for adult age estimation. Measurements were taken as outlined in Alexseev (Alexseev and Debec, 1964). The results are shown in Table 1. Non-metric traits have been recorded for these skulls (Movsesyan et al., 1975) and dentition (Zubov, 1973, 1974) in order to allow future comparisons with findings from other sites of Armenia.

Figure 1. A case of fracture in the nasal bones and facies leprosa.

Figure 2. Mechanical breaks of occipital condyles and da-mage of the mastoidal.

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Gross observations of abnormal changes appearing in ancient skeletons principally pro-vide the basic information for paleopathological diagnosis. In the present study, bearing in mind the various diseases, pathological changes were comple-tely described and given tentative diagnosis.

4. Results and discussion

Individual 1.It is difficult to imagine a more striking archaeological sign than the detached skull of a human. The skull of a young adult (female, 20-25 years) was designated as Individual 1. The skull unearthed by archaeologist Nyura Akopyan in 1978 (Fig. 1).

The following measurements (mm) were re-corded from the skull: cranial length, 180; cranial breadth 136, cranial height, 131?; minimal frontal breadth, 94; occipital breadth, 112; orbital breadth, 38,5; orbital height; 30. The following traits were presence: os wormii suturae squamosum, os wormii suturae lambdoidea, foramina mastoidea, canalis craniopharyngeus, canalis condyloideus, auditory exostosis.

Exostosis in the ear channel is fixed in a male. Exostosis formations in the ear canal are regarded as a marker of negative influence of cold water from diving (Kennedy, 1986; Manzi et al., 1991). Exposure to wind and cold water causes the bone surroun-ding the ear canal to thicken and constrict the ear canal, sometimes to the point of complete blockage (known as “occlusion”). Other hypothesized causes of auditory exostoses include chronic infection or inflammation, genetics, and mastication stress (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín, 1998).

A small circular button osteoma (“button” or “ivory” osteoma) approximately 12 mm in diameter is present on the left parietal. It consists mostly of dense lamellar bone with vascular channels but with minimal marrow space (Aufderheide and Rodríguez-Martín, 1998; Ortner, 2003).

The presence of cold stress in skull, plain testifies that she have spent a long time in the open-air and its vascular system is adapted for such conditions. In paleoanthropological materials vascular reactions of bone material are more frequent —wider nutritious aperture, which form the drawing resembles the porous surface of an orange-peel (Buzhilova, 1995).

Nasal trauma (Fig. 1) occurs in Individual 1 to the left side. Much of the right-hand side of the face is missing, possibly due to a combination of postmor-tem damage.

Individual had bony signs that were possibly re-lated to facies leprosa (Fig. 1). Destructive lesions were observed of the nasal cavity, and atrophy of the margin of the nasal bone (certain degree of pitting). The nasal condition in particular points to this disea-se rather than any other known to have occurred in medieval Armenia.

Excavation and analysis of the human remains from Dvin revealed some evidence of dismember-ment. No cut marks were found on the skull, but they were severely eroded. Additional fractures (Fig. 2) were found on the mastoid. The as a means of murder or execution; it may be accomplished, for example, with an axe, sword, or by other means. In many other Armenian sites skulls with traces of deca-pitation are often found (Khudaverdyan et al., 2013).

Woman was beheaded because of leprosy? Medieval citizens feared the person with leprosy out of uncertainty, misinformation, self-preservation, and ignorance. Many myths and misperceptions about the disease have shaped social perceptions and reactions to people with the disease. For those with the disease, the misunderstandings have been historically overwhelmingly catastrophic. By virtue of being considered an evil outcast, people with the disease were symbolic representations of evil. Leprosy was a warning to all living that their sinful lives might result in God’s punishment. They reaffir-med one’s commitment to and fear of God.

Individual 2.The female individual was approximately 18-20 years of age at death. The skull of an unearthed by archaeologist Frina Babayan in 2011 (Fig. 3).

Measurements (mm) are as follows: cranial length, 181; cranial breadth, 150; minimum frontal

Figure 3. Plagiocephaly calvaria.

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breadth, 101. The following traits were presence: sutura mendosa, foramina supraorbitalia, os wormii suturae squamosum, foramina parietalia, os Incae completes; double shoveling, distal trigonid crest, Carabelli cusp on M1.

Cranium from Dvin displays a trapezoidal shape (Fig. 3). The etiology of plagiocephaly is likely mul-tifactorial, including genetic and epigenetic factors (Cohen and MacLean, 2000; Kabbani and Raghuveer, 2004). In unilateral plagiocephaly there is typically an occipito-parietal flattening. The distance from the occipital flattening to the contralateral forehead is much shorter than its contralateral counterpart; the head shape is asymmetric and is disproportionately short.

The skull shows a periosteal lesion at the left parietal bone. Periostitis is an inflammation of the periosteum and is caused by bacteria that enter the bone either due to a traumatic incident or due to in-fection (Larsen, 1997; Ortner, 2003).

A cranial sharp-force weapon injuries were observed, which varied from small isolated punctu-res to multiple linear injuries. Cut marks were found on frontal and parietal bones (Fig. 4). Fifteen bila-terally symmetrical, healed lesions were noted on

both parietal bones of the skull. All are approxima-tely 3 cm in length. These wounds could have resul-ted from a series of random blows to the skull, but the symmetry of the wounds suggests a different, although unknown, scenario. Cut marks were found on the mandible. Mandible from a young adult fema-le displayed four cut marks (Fig. 5).

Cribra orbitalia fixed on the both orbits: indicator of iron deficiency anemia. Iron is essential for many body functions, such as oxygen transport to the body’s tissues. When iron is deficient, whether as a result of nutritional deprivation, low body weight, chronic diarrhea, parasite infection, or other factors, the body attempts to compensate by increasing pro-duction of red blood cells (Walker, 1986). In infancy and childhood, iron-deficiency anemia is associated with impaired growth and delays in behavioral and cognitive development (Lozoff et al., 1996; Walter et al., 1989; Ryan, 1997). In adulthood, the condition is associated with limited work capacity and physical activity (Scrimshaw, 1991).

Individual 3.The skull monument unearthed by archaeologist Akhavni Dzamkochyan in 2013 (Fig. 1). The skull belongs to a young adult of approximately 20 to 25 years of age at death (Fig. 6). The following mea-surements (mm) and observations were collected from the skull (Table 1): cranial length, 165.5; cranial breadth, 134.5; cranial height, 126, minimum frontal breadth, 91.5; upper facial height, 63; facial width, 123?; nasal height, 50; nasal breadth, 22; orbital height, 30; orbital breadth, 39.5; maxillary alveolar length, 50?; maxillary alveolar breadth, 59; palatal length, 41; palatal breadth, 31.8.

Skull small, are characterized by a length small and small wide, brachycephal, and a moderately de-veloped glabella. The face is small wide and small high. The orbits are not high, narrow, nasal height medium, small wide. The following traits were pre-

Figure 4. Traumatic injury to the frontal (a) and parietal (b) bones.

a

b

Figure 5. Traumatic injury to the mandible.

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sent: foramina infraorbitalia, foramina zygomatico-facialia, spina processus frontalis ossis zigomatici, stenocrotaphia, processus temporalis ossis frontalis, os wormii suturae squamosum, os postsquamosum, foramina parietalia, torus palatinus, sutura incisiva, foramina spinosum, canalis condyloideus, foramina mentalia, auditory exostosis; double shoveling.

In microcephaly (small head), the size of the head as measured by the occipito-frontal circumference of an affected individual is greater than three standard deviations below the population age-related mean. Microcephaly is known to have a heterogeneous etiology with environmental and genetic causes. Among the environmental causes are intrauterine infections, drugs (alcohol) taken during pregnancy, prenatal radiation exposure, maternal phenylketo-nuria and birth asphyxia. All of these except birth as-phyxia are known to be rare causes of microcephaly. The majority of microcephalic cases are caused by a variety of genetic mechanisms including cytogenetic abnormalities and single-gene disorders (Jackson et

al., 1998). Primary or true microcephaly or micro-cephaly vera (MCPH; OMIM 251200) is a distinct subtype that is defined by the absence of associated malformations and of secondary or environmental causes. Mental retardation in primary microcephaly ranges from mild to severe, but other neurological deficits are absent. Brain weight in a primary mi-crocephaly patient is typically 430 g compared with 1,450 g in a normal male, and the cerebral cortex is disproportionally small, although the gyral pattern is relatively well preserved with no abnormality in cortical architecture (Jackson et al., 2002; Mochida and Walsh, 2001). Microcephaly is diagnosed after exclusion of (1) craniosynostosis (premature fusion of skull sutures), (2) microcephaly occurring as a part of a malformation syndrome (e.g. Cri-Du-Chat syn-drome), and (3) known causes of secondary micro-cephaly (e.g. birth asphyxia).

Individual 3 shows evidence of cold stress. Cra-nium from Dvin displays a trapezoidal shape (Fig. 7). The asymmetry is characterized by lateral tilt of the

Figure 6. Skull from Dvin. Figure 7. Plagiocephaly calvaria.

Figure 8. Traumatic injury to the frontal bone. Figure 9. Traumatic injury in directly infraorbital foramen.

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head with rotation of the face.Possible old, healed, weapon traumas were re-

corded in the frontal bone (Fig. 8) and the right in-fraorbital foramen (Fig. 9) of male. The very shallow lesions in the frontal bone (Fig. 8). The changes su-ggest a trauma the frontal bone and infraorbital fo-ramen from directly in front of the individual, pos-sibly accidental but more likely deliberate using. The lesions provide solid evidence of violent intent when the nature of the impact point can be identified. The punctured nature of the cranial lesions were indi-cative of impact with a pointed object. Male skull showed a remarkable healed fracture in the orbit (Fig. 9). The major fracture lines still remained through the lower margin of the right orbit.

A man 20-25 years brings to mind the image of the prodigal son in the Bible (Luke 15: 11±32). He is homeless as a cripple. The nature of these injuries suggests that of trauma experienced by the male were the result of intentional violence by others.

Showed evidence of sinusitis in the left maxillary sinus. The inflammatory response provoked bacteria, viruses, penetrating into the maxillary sinus. When inflammation swells the nasal cavity, which affects the maxillary sinus, blocked access to oxygen. At this time, production of mucus is that because of the spe-cial viscosity can no longer be free to go outside, it stagnates, involves inflammation. In the nasal cavity bacteria multiply, pus may eventually fill the entire maxillary sinus, and if up to this point not to start treatment, he can break through and reach out to other surrounding structures.

Observed an increase in the left infraorbital fo-ramen (diameter 7×7.5 mm) (Fig. 10). Among the complications of sinusitis —an inflammation of the upper jaw bone, called osteomyelitis. The most se-

rious complication— is meningitis, intracranial abs-cess, or touching the eyeball. If pus is being introdu-ced region’s eyes (Fig. 10), he presses on the optic nerve and surrounding blood vessels, which can lead to vision loss.

Furthermore, the dentition shows linear enamel hypoplasias, tooth wear. The dental wear pattern, that usually produces dentine exposition, slopes down on the buccal surface until the loss of the buccal enamel (Fig. 11). As soon as the wear pro-ceeds the enamel is completely lost and, while in a first moment the incisal plain and the buccal one show different and well separate orientations, sub-sequently they are melted in harmonic way forming a convex surface. This dental wear pattern seems to be due to a repetitive action: it is possible that the individual used especially the anterior teeth in gra-ting, scraping and digging something kept firm with the hands or also that the object responsible of the abrasion was downward externally pulled. All the-se movements could explain the orientation of the wear plans. The substance may have been a kind of foodstuffs but also of another material. This feature of the teeth may be associated with the use of teeth for a non-masticatory activity (Merbs, 1983; Erdal, 2008). Hypoplasias are lines or pits of enamel defi-ciency commonly found in the teeth, especially in-cisors and canines, of people whose childhood was biologically stressful. These hypoplasias are caused by disruption of the cells (ameloblasts) that form the enamel. The disruption is usually environmental, commonly occurring as a result of poor nutrition or infectious disease or a combination of both (Lanpear, 1990; Van Gerven et al., 1990; Goodman and Rose, 1990).

In the basis of a skull of the individual mechanical Figure 10. The left infraorbital foramen and pus is being in-troduced region eyes.

Figure 11. Dental wear and enamel hypoplasias.

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breaks of occipital condyles and damage of the left mastoidal were noted (Fig. 12). Mechanical breaks of a bone are received at the moment of death of the individual. Such kind of injuries have only one definition (beheading at the person who is in vertical situation) (Manchester, 1983). At the left from the outer side and specific destructions of occipital con-dyles say a linear break of a mastoidal that the blow was struck behind, obviously, by the right-handed person. Holding by hair the victim, the head of the individual cut a sword.

We learned that this unfortunate individual was expelled from society, lived in marginal conditions. In people with disabilities were treated as 2nd class hu-man beings who were unfinished and deformed due to a sin or cheat of nature. Being treated as though you are a sign of evil must have taken its toll on these individuals and made it hard for them to live full lives. Just because people have a physical disabi-lity that others can see does not mean that there is also a mental disability, for those individuals aware of their limitations and the view of society, life in the medieval era must have tormented these individuals.

5. Conclusions

In the Middle Ages as such, both notions, of impair-ment (and, in a way, all illness) as the result of sin, and impairment as something that required physical healing, existed in an ambivalent tension. An impor-tant medieval concept concerned the deviation of the impaired body from the culturally constructed norm, in the sense that an impaired body was also perceived of as a disordered and challenging body. In the afterlife, medieval notions seemed to negate

the impaired body: bodies were never thought of as being resurrected with the physical defects or im-perfections they may have had in life. Some types of medieval historical sources themselves (chronicles, works of historiography) omitted to mention the im-paired, since they were not deemed to constitute a suitable subject for narratives about deeds done by the great and powerful. The idea that any form of physical impairment, infectious diseases were the result of divine judgment for wrongdoing was perva-sive throughout the Dvin in this period.

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