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    DESTRUCTION OF THE CIA INTERROGATION TAPES:

    A SAGA OF OFFICIAL ABUSE OF POWER

    Criminal Defense Attorney John Floyd Discusses Whether Destruction

    of CIA Torture Tapes Could Lead to Criminal Culpability for the

    President or his Crew

    The terrorist attack on September 11, 2001 on the New York World Trade

    Centers Twin Towers not only inflicted a terrible human tragedy on

    America but set into motion reactionary forces within our government that

    would undermine this nations fundamental moral, ethical, and legal

    obligations to the international community.

    These forces were led by none other than the President of the United States.On September 17, 2001 President George W. Bush who, by executive fiat,

    co-opted the CIA as his own private militia (as described by The Village

    Voices Nat Hentoff, 12/26/07) to arrest, kidnap, interrogate, and torture

    anyone suspected of being remotely connected to al Qaeda.

    The CIA responded to the presidents directive by setting up secret prisons

    in at least ten European countries where arrested or kidnapped terrorist

    suspects were interrogated by internationally recognized methods of

    torture. In September 2006 Bush described the CIAs secret interrogations

    methods as an alternate set of interrogation procedures. This presidentialadmission came in response to international criticism. The president proudly

    told Americans that the CIAs interrogations of 14 top Al Qaeda suspects,

    including Abu Zubaydah, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (the mastermind of the

    9/11 attacks), and Ramsi Bin al-Shibh, uncovered and prevented terrorist

    attacks in the United States.

    Bush said that Zubaydah and Mohammed did not cooperate with the CIA

    until these alternative set of interrogation procedures were employed. He

    said Zubaydah then gave up other terrorist suspects and KSM providedinformation that helped us stop another planned attack on the United States

    after the more physically aggressive interrogation procedures were

    employed.

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    This [secret] program has been and remains one of the most vital tools in

    our war against terrorists, the president said, casually dismissing the

    international reports of torture.

    The presidents reasoning mirrors that of famed constitutional attorney Alan

    Dershowitz who said torture is justified in order to find a terrorists ticking

    bomb. (Los Angeles Times, 11/08/01). Dershowitz proposed that courts be

    allowed to issue torture warrants to compel the location of a ticking

    bomb to prevent the slaughter of innocent lives.

    [In the United States] any interrogation technique, including the use of truth

    serum or even torture, is not prohibited, Dershowitz was quoted as saying

    by Sam Vaknin in a June 2006 article (The Argument for Torture)

    published on GoingLegal.com. All that is prohibited is the introduction into

    evidence of the fruits of such techniques in a criminal trial against the personon whom the techniques were used. But the evidence could be used against

    that suspect in a non-criminal case such as a deportation hearing or

    against someone else.

    Vaknin espoused the same utilitarian pro-torture philosophy under the

    premise of the right to save ones own life. In his article The Argument

    for Torture, Vaknin endorsed Dershowitzs notions about torture:

    One has a right to save ones life by exercising self-defense or otherwise,

    by taking actions, or by avoiding them. Judaism as well as other religious,moral, and legal systems accepts that one has the right to kill a pursuer

    who knowingly and intentionally is bent on taking ones life. Hunting down

    Osama bin Laden in the wilds of Afghanistan is, therefore, morally

    acceptable (though not morally mandatory). So is torturing his minions.

    When there is a clash between equally potent rights for instance, the

    conflicting rights to life of two people we can decide among them

    randomly (by flipping a coin, or casting dice). Alternatively, we can add and

    subtract in a somewhat macabre arithmetic. The right to life definitely

    prevails over the right to comfort, bodily integrity, absence of pain and so

    on. Where life is at stake, non-lethal torture is justified by any ethical

    calculus.

    This kind of moral and ethical scotch-hopping was given legal credence in

    1996 by the Supreme Court of Israel when it held that that countrys internal

    security forces could use moderate physical pressure while interrogating

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    terrorist suspects. President Bush adopted essentially the same position by

    authorizing the CIAs alternate set of interrogation procedures which

    involves six escalating steps that ends with a process called water

    boarding during which the suspect is made to feel like hes drowning.

    Human rights groups have called this procedure torture.

    The United States does not torture, the president said, disagreeing with

    those groups. Its against our laws, and its against our values. I have not

    authorized it, and I will not authorize.

    Torture, therefore, lies in subjective definitions. But it is an undeniable fact

    that in 2002 the Office of Legal Counsel for the United States Justice

    Department issued a memo authorizing interrogation techniques like water

    boarding in CIA interrogation of terrorist suspects an interrogation

    technique America called torture after World War II in Japanese warcrimes trials. The New York Times (12-19-07) revealed that the CIA

    videotaped at least two of these interrogation sessions involving the water

    boarding of Abu Zubaydah and Abd al-Rahim al Nashiri (another high level

    al Qaeda operative).

    By 2005 the Bush administration was facing growing international criticism

    because of the CIAs secret prisons program, the agencys unlawful

    kidnapping of terrorist suspects on foreign soil, and use of torture by both

    the CIA and military authorities on suspects designated as enemy

    combatants. The situation became so dire that by 2006 CIA agents wereunder indictment in Italy for kidnapping an Italian citizen who was

    subsequently tortured at one of the agencys secret prisons, and former

    Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was forced to avoid a NATO

    conference in Germany and compelled to flee France to avoid being

    arrested and charged in both countries under international war crimes

    statutes.

    In this country attorneys representing detainees at the United States Naval

    Base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba complained that their clients were being

    routinely tortured, mistreated and abused. They requested and secured a

    document preservation order on June 10, 2005 from U.S. District Court

    Judge Henry H. Kennedy, Jr. instructing government officials to preserve

    and maintain all evidence and information, regarding the torture,

    mistreatment, and abuse of detainees Mahmoad Abdah, et al. v. George

    W. Bush, et al., CA No. 04-01254 (U.S.D.C.).

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    There was obviously reason to believe that government and military officials

    would destroy evidence of torture. That reasoning was justified. The

    December 2007 New York Times report said that sometime between 2003

    and 2005 the CIA interrogation videotapes vanished. The Times reported

    that at least four White House lawyers were at least involved in discussions

    about whether those tapes should be destroyed: former White House counsel

    and attorney general Alberto Gonzales; John Bellinger, then with the

    National Security Council; David Addington, former counsel to Vice

    President Dick Cheney and now chief of staff; and Harriett Miers, one of

    Bushs closest former daily advisers.

    Official sources cited in other media reports said Gonzales opposed

    destruction of the tapes and that Bellinger told colleagues that the

    administration lawyers had come to a consensus the tapes should not be

    destroyed.

    In a February 10, 2003 letter to then-CIA general counsel Scott Muller, Rep.

    Jane Harmon, D-Calif., warned against destruction of the tapes: Even if the

    videotape does not constitute an official record that must be preserved under

    the law, the videotape would be the best proof that the written record is

    accurate, if such record is called into question in the future. The fact of

    destruction would reflect badly on the agency.

    In the wake of the New York Times disclosures, current CIA Director

    Michael Hayden informed Congress and the media that the interrogationtapes were nonetheless destroyed in 2005. He said the tapes were destroyed

    because agency officials feared that the identities of the interrogators would

    be revealed if the tapes were somehow disclosed to either Congress or the

    media. He said the tapes had been made to provide the interrogators with an

    additional layer of legal protection for implementing the alternate set of

    interrogation procedures authorized by President Bush.

    The co-chairmen of the 9/11 Commission, Tom Kean and Lee Hamilton,

    have been highly critical of this official explanation. During the

    commissions investigation of the 9/11 plot, they requested that the CIA

    provide them with all evidence relevant to the terrorist attacks on the Twin

    Towers. In an Op-Ed piece published in the New York Times on January 2,

    2008, the two men leveled serious accusations against both the White House

    and the CIA.

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    [T]he recent revelations that the CIA destroyed videotaped interrogations

    of Qaeda operatives leads us to conclude that the agency failed to respond to

    our lawful requests about the 9/11 plot, they wrote. Those who knew

    about those videotapes and did not tell us about them obstructed our

    investigation.

    The two men explicitly charged that the White House was involved in what

    they believe is crime.

    There could have been absolutely no doubt in the mind of anyone at the

    CIA or the White House of the commissions interest in any and all

    information related to Al Qaeda detainees involved in the 9/11 plot, they

    charged. Yet no one in the administration ever told the commission of the

    existence of detainee interrogation What we do know is that government

    officials decided not to inform a lawfully constituted body, created byCongress and the president, to investigate one the [sic] tragedies to confront

    this country. We call that obstruction.

    The day before the Kean/Hamilton Op-Ed piece appeared in the Times,

    Attorney General Michael Mukasey who is still trying to figure out

    whether water boarding is torture appointed a veteran Connecticut

    Assistant U.S. Attorney named John Durham to oversee a criminal

    investigation by the Justice Department into the destruction of the CIA

    tapes.

    On the day Durham was appointed constitutional law expert Jonathan Turley

    appeared on the MSNBC news program Countdown and told its host

    Keith Olbermann that as many as six criminal charges including

    obstruction of Congress, obstruction of justice, perjury and conspiracy

    could be implicated in the 9/11 Commission investigation alone by the

    destruction of the tapes.

    Turley said that in addition of these criminal charges the tapes documented

    government officials involvement in the crime of torture.

    It is still, even after the last seven years, a crime to torture suspects, Turley

    told Olbermann.

    Turley accused the Washington legal and political establishment of

    reluctance to pry into an underlying crime which is potentially far more

    serious than the burglary which was the start of Watergate.

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    Olbermann pointedly asked if such an investigation could still lead to

    criminal culpability for the president.

    Most certainly it can, Turley responded. That original crime [torture]

    could only have been ordered by the president and it leads directly to his

    office.

    Turley, however, cautioned that the Justice Departments investigation could

    narrow this, define it in a way to avoid torture Nobody in this town

    wants to talk about it because they know that theres a lot of people in this

    country that like the idea of torturing these people. And thats just a painful

    fact. But its also a painful fact that its a crime. And when the president says

    that we got some useful evidence, I dont know if thats true or not, but its

    immaterial. Just because it had good results or good intentions, it remains a

    crime.

    U.S. District Judge Henry H. Kennedy on January 9, 2008 made it clear that

    he was not going to follow in the footsteps of U.S. District Judge John Sirica

    who almost single-handedly responsible for full exposure of the Nixon

    Watergate scandal. In response to a recent Emergency Motion for Inquiry

    by attorneys representing the Guantanamo Bay detainees who argued that

    the CIA tape destruction had violated the judges June 10, 2005 Document

    Preservation Order, Kennedy denied the motion, saying:

    The document preservation order that is the subject of the instant motion, inpertinent part, directs respondents to preserve and maintain all evidence and

    information regarding torture, mistreatment, and abuse of detainees now at

    the United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. 2005 Order 2(emphasis supplied). Petitioners seek a judicial inquiry into whether

    respondents have complied with the order following the recent revelation

    that in 2005 the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) destroyed videotapes

    documenting the interrogation of two suspected Al Qaeda operatives in the

    CIAs custody. Petitioners assert that this revelation raises grave questions

    about the governments compliance with the preservation order [that]

    warrant the Courts immediate attention.

    Other than the revelation that the CIA has destroyed videotapes

    documenting harsh interrogation[s] of persons in the custody of the CIA,

    petitioners offer nothing to support their assertion that a judicial inquiry

    regarding this courts 2005 Order is warranted. The 2005 Order prohibits

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    respondents from destroying evidence regarding any torture, mistreatment,

    or abuse of detainees that occurred in Guantanamo Bay and respondents

    have represented to the court that the interrogations depicted on the tapes did

    not occur there. To the contrary, the videotapes were recorded in their

    entirety in 2002 before either of the suspected Al Qaeda operatives shown

    on the tapes had been at Guantanamo Bay. Further, following their capture,

    neither suspect was in contact with any other detainee during the time when

    the tapes were made. Therefore, petitioners motion will be denied.

    The courts decision to deny petitioners motion is also influenced by the

    assurances of the Department of Justice that its preliminary inquiry now a

    criminal investigation into the destruction of videotapes by the CIA will

    include the issue of whether the destruction was inconsistent with or

    violated any legal obligations, including those arising out of civil matters

    such as [this Courts] Order of June 2005. The Department of Justice alsoinformed the court that if the National Security Division concludes that

    there was a violation of this courts order, we would so advise the court.

    Petitioners argue that the court should not place much stock in the

    assurances of the Department of Justice. There is no reason to disregard the

    Department of Justices assurances. It is well-established that in the absence

    of clear evidence to the contrary, courts presume that [public officers]

    properly discharge[] their official duties. United States v. Mezzanatto, 513

    U.S. 196, 210 (1995)(quoting United States v. Chem. Found, Inc., 272 U.S.

    1, 14-15 (1926). In a matter such as this, this presumption is especiallywarranted with respect to this newly-appointed Attorney General [Mukasey]

    and Department of Justice lawyers. Petitioners have not presented anything

    to rebut this presumption. Nor have petitioners presented anything to cause

    this court to question whether the Department of Justice will follow the facts

    wherever they may lead and live up to the assurances it made to this court.

    Former President Bill Clinton was forced to appear before a federal grand

    jury and answer questions under oath concerning potential perjury and

    obstruction of justice issues. Marc Rotenberg, executive director of theElectronic Privacy Information Center, informed the media: There is a

    presumption against the destruction of records involving potential or alleged

    government misconduct.

    It will be interesting to see if Justice Department officials will ultimately

    compel President Bush to testify before a grand jury about (1) whether he

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    ordered interrogation procedures that could be defined as torture against

    Abu Zubaydah and Abd al-Rahim al Nashiri and (2) whether he had prior

    knowledge about the destruction of the CIA videotapes.

    Bush said that no one in his administration told him anything about the

    water boarding interrogation of these two al Qaeda operatives until CIA

    Director Hayden told him following the New York Times disclosures. It is

    conceivable, although highly improbable, that none of the four known White

    House officials Gonzales, Addington, Bellinger, or Miers informed the

    president about their discussions concerning whether or not the CIA tapes

    should be destroyed.

    Turley is probably right: the Washington political and legal establishment

    does not have either the political will or moral courage to undertake another

    Watergate-type investigation. Once again it is the reputation of Americathat suffers from the hypocrisy openly demonstrated by our officials

    actions.