Disability under Occupation:

At the Congruence between Conflict, Religion, & Society

in Palestine

Name: Omar Rashid

Student Registration Number: 1402525

Supervisor: Dr. Martin Rew

Word count: 12,000

Programme: MSc. International Development (International Political Economy and Development)

Acknowledgements

This dissertation truly was a labour of love, with the process never being a burden.

For their role in the conduct and direction of this research, I have to thank so many people.

First, I would like to thank all of the staff at the International Development Department of the

University of Birmingham, from my Supervisor Dr. Martin Rew, to the lecturers in all of my

modules, right through to the Administrative and support staff. Your help and support during

this year has been immense and I truly thank you all.

Second, I would like to thank Lesley Dawson of the Living Stones Trust, on two counts.

First, for your role in facilitating my contact with first, Dr. Ahmed Younis, who then put me in

touch with Dr. Jehad Alawneh at the Augusta Victoria Hospital. Whose help was truly

invaluable and without it, I would not have had the opportunity to have as rewarding an

experience as I had during my two weeks in the Holy Land, and for that I thank you so very

much. Second, your offer of help with the scholarship was also hugely appreciated.

Jehad, your support during my stay was more than I could ever possibly comprehend. I truly

appreciate all that you have done for me, and I pray that the situation in Palestine is eased

for you. Having fatoor during Ramadhan with your family was an experience I will never

forget…

I would also like to thank Martin Keat of United Nations Association International Service

(UNAIS) for putting me in contact with Lisa Arnold, the Operations Manager of the Occupied

Palestinian Territories of UNAIS, for giving me her copy of PASSIA. You were right about

PASSIA Lisa, it really is the Bible when it comes to contacting NGOs in Palestine! It was a

lifesaver, especially during my time in Ramallah. So again, I thank you.

To the organisations that I met in the course of my research; within the interests of

anonymity, I will not disclose the names of the organisations and the people who I had

spoken to. However, I just wanted to say that I truly appreciated the time you all took out in

your no doubt, busy schedules, to meet with me and to discuss a topic which we all had a

passion for. I thank you all for your help and illuminating opinions during our discussions.

They truly were the voyage of discovery which I had hoped they would be when I embarked

upon this study.

Dedications

I would like to dedicate this dissertation firstly to the people of Palestine, and especially, to

the disabled people of Palestine: a largely forgotten community within a largely forgotten

people. May the promising roots of inclusion for the disabled community continue to grow,

and may Allah (SWT) lift and ease the burdens which you and your people currently face.

To the people of Palestine: the love, the warmth and the hospitality which I was afforded

during my stay in both Al-Quds and Ramallah will never be forgotten. So much so, that I

don’t consider the people I met during my stay as friends, but family, and I fear that you will

never truly know the effect that you have had on me. From the beautiful and cheeky children,

to the wisdom of the elders; it was here, that I truly felt the brotherhood of Islam. The honour

of being within the confines of the blessed Bayt-ul-Muqaddas on Salaatul Jummah will never

be forgotten, with the words eternally failing me in my efforts to provide a just and accurate

description of its majesty...

Secondly, I would like to dedicate this piece to my family, and more specifically, to my

mother and sisters. My mother, whose love and support has been ever present, even when I

felt like I didn’t deserve it. To my sisters, but especially Samina and Robina. I know I never

say this to you, but the both of you, along with Shazia, are and always will be my inspiration.

From the bottom of my heart, I thank you for absolutely everything you have done for me.

Words could never suffice for what both of you have sacrificed in helping me grow over the

years. I am eternally grateful for it all, and I just hope and pray that I have grown up to be the

man you hoped I could be.

Abstract

This study was undertaken on three levels:

First, to locate the perceptions of disability among the disabled in the occupied territories of

Palestine, in light of their religious affiliation. Second, to investigate the realities of the

disabled within Palestine; and third, to enquire as to whether there had been any differences

in the perceptions of disabilities and the realities of those who were injured in conflict, and

those who were born with impairment.

The strategies used in the advancement of this study were a hybrid of qualitative and

quantitative methods. The qualitative methods used were: semi-structured interviews, a

focus group discussion, and my personal direct observation, as a disabled person within the

region. The quantitative component of this study meanwhile, was in the form of purposively

sampled questionnaire surveys.

It was found during the course of the study that the perception of the disabled within

Palestine towards their condition was one of acceptance, with the majority viewing it as the

will of Allah, and a strength.

In terms of wider society implications, the position of the disabled was one which was

reflective of disability on the general development agenda: a largely neglected stitch in the

overall fabric of society. However, there was a perceptible and positive shift in this reality,

from neglect, to inclusion; though there was still much more to be done in this regard.

Above all however, the pervading feeling of the disabled within Palestine was that the main

disabling aspect of their lives was not their physical or mental conditions, but the occupation

itself.

While as regards to the potential dichotomy, it was seen that there was a general agreement

that the faith of the conflict-disabled was not challenged by their newly acquired conditions,

though there were significant differences between the lived experiences of both groups, with

the conflict-disabled enjoying a better status than those who were born with their disability.

Abbreviations and Disambiguation

DPOs – Disabled Peoples’ Organisations

GUPD – The Palestinian General Union of People with Disabilities

Intifadas – The Palestinian Uprisings which had occurred in 1987 and 2000

NGOs – Non-Governmental Organisations

PA – The Palestinian Authority

Shariah – Islamic Law

UN CRPD – The United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities

UPIAS – Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation

WHO – World Health Organisation

Zakat – The Islamic annual tax of alms, one of the five pillars of faith in Islam

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………....i

Dedications…………………………………………………………………………………………….ii

Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………..iii

Abbreviations and Disambiguation…………………………………………………………………iv

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………1

Literature Review……………………………………………………………………………………..3

Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………………………..18

Methodology…………………………………………………………………………………………19

Data Analysis………………………………………………………………………………………..23

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………...36

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………….37

Appendix……………………………………………………………………………………………..41

Introduction

- Rationale for the Research

Disability has been neglected in development, both as a policy issue (Grech, 2009) and in

academia (Harris-White, 2003). This neglect is all the more surprising when the disabled

comprise the largest minority in the world (UN, 2006a), with some estimates putting the

number at almost ten per cent of the world population (WHO, 2006). As a disabled person

myself, this neglect seemed all the more reason for this study to be undertaken.

The context of this study was within the occupied territories of Palestine, specifically East

Jerusalem and Ramallah. With East Jerusalem coming under the contested municipal

authority of Israel; and Ramallah, being the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority, or as

per recent events, the Unity Government of Palestine (Beaumont, 2014).

While the popular narrative has been to view Palestine through the prism of the Israeli-Arab

conflict and its’ associated political ramifications. Seemingly very little is known about the

position of the disabled within Palestinian society, under the environment of occupation. The

resultant casualty figures during the conflict for instance, have primarily reflected those who

had perished, with the injured or disabled being an afterthought. A situation which is perhaps

reflective of the status of the disabled on the development agenda as a whole…

The land comprising Israel and Palestine is of great significance to the three traditional

monotheistic faiths of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Hence, it seemed appropriate to

consider the role of religion in guiding perceptions of disability. Furthermore, the relationship

between religion and disability within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one

which has had very little, if any, academic consideration.

It was for these reasons therefore, that the occupied territories of Palestine seemed to be the

perfect environment for this study of the interaction between disability, society, religion, and

conflict.

- Research Questions

The research questions identified, were:

1. Taking the role of religion into account, how do the disabled perceive their disability?

2. What is the reality for the disabled, in terms of their wider society interactions?

3. What difference, if any, is there between the realities and perceptions of those who

were born disabled and those who became disabled as a result of conflict?

- Structure of the Research

During the course of this study, the Literature Review will first, provide the requisite

Conceptual Framework of the study. This will then be followed by the Methodology, where

the research philosophy, strategy, and data collation methods will be articulated, along with

any limitations and ethical boundaries. The Data Analysis, will provide the answers to the

research questions proposed from the data collected, which will then naturally lead into the

Conclusion, and a summary of the results.

Literature Review

The main areas of interest for this Literature Review are:

Perceptions and realities of disability;

Religious interpretations of disability; &

Disability and society in Palestine

Perceptions and realities of disability

Disability as a phenomena, knows no bounds and can affect all sections of society (Ghai,

2009), irrespective of colour, caste, gender or creed. Furthermore, the use of the word

denotes the (in)abilities of a person to carry out their daily duties, which is further impacted

by the cultural context which that person is living within:

“Disability is a relative term because cultures define differently their norms of being and

doing” (Harris-White, 2003:3).

Hence, the same condition will have a variable impact (Kagawa-Singer, 1994), with

definitions of disability oscillating between any potential number of reasonings.

From none at all, as in various African contexts, where the condition “is not separate from

one’s overall well-being”, but instead, is considered a component of it (Stone-MacDonald,

2012:394); and where western conceptions of disability are incompatible with the realities of

the Global South (Helander, 1993); to those instances where physical ‘quirks’ which are

accepted in the North, are considered disabling in a majority world context. For example, the

Tuareg of Mali consider freckles and small buttocks as a disability as they are a major

obstacle to marriage (Coleridge, 2000). Moreover, it is also apparent that the physically

disabled are afforded more focus than other disabilities, particularly above the intellectually

disabled (Rohwerder, 2013).

- The perceptions of disability

Perceptions of disability are difficult to ascribe, as they are often shaped by individual

context. However, numerous perceptions, or ‘models’ of disability have emerged, which will

now be considered:

- The Social Model

According to the social model, disability is “a social construction, not a biological fact”

(Stienstra, 2002:109), which is imposed upon the person with impairment by the surrounding

structural conditions of society (UPIAS, 1976:3). It was created out of the first meeting of

UPIAS and its resultant publication, the Fundamental Principles of Disability. It proffered the

view that the imposition of disability was achieved via the constructed, exclusionary, and

isolationist barriers of society, and moreover, the disabled were an oppressed social group

(UPIAS, 1976). The aim was to empower the disabled (Islam, 2008), to break down the

barriers to the equality of opportunity of all (Shakespeare & Watson, 2002). Thus, exponents

of the social model focused upon the unequal power relations that existed between the

disabled and society (Skrtic, 2005).

Another key aspect was the disability-impairment distinction. Impairment was defined as the

actual physical or mental abnormality (UPIAS, 1976). Disability on the other hand, was

defined as the outcome of the negative interaction society had with the impairment, in the

form of the barriers imposed upon the impaired individual (UPIAS, 1976).

In The Politics of Disablement, Oliver advanced the social model from the initial disability-

impairment distinctions and barrier-removal, to an all-encompassing model of disability.

Oliver’s hypothesis was centred around the fundamental principle that disability “as a

category can only be understood within framework which suggests that it is culturally

produced and socially structured.” (Oliver, 1990:22). Moreover, impairment in of itself, was

not exceptional in the way it was manifested. In each and every case, it was the repression

of society upon the impaired individual, which caused the disablement.

The social model incorporates norms such as civil liberties and human rights, along with a

critical interpretation of disabled person-society relations (Lawson, 2011), to turn the burden

of accommodation from the individual, to society. Disability was held to be manifested

through these external interactions with society (Lang, 2001a). The disabled people were not

in need of being “fixed or pitied… [but needed] human rights protection guaranteed in law,

representation in the political process and full integration of disablement issues into social

policy” (Bickenbach et al, 1999:1174).

The model has been hugely influential in all aspects of disability discourse, and has “now

become the dominant hegemony underpinning policy-making and service provision” (Lang,

2001a:18). Consequently, many Statutes relating to disability at all levels, have been guided

by the social model. This can be seen in the recent widespread ratification of the UN CRPD,

and particularly, its definition of disability; which was created “from the interaction between

persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinder their full and

effective participation in society” (UN, 2006b:3).

Despite its potentially transformative effects, the social model has been criticised. For

instance, Ali et al, in regards to British ethnic minorities with disabilities, critiqued the model

for presenting an “exclusive analysis that failed to acknowledge the multiple oppression of

black disabled people” (2010:950). Associated with this, was the criticism on the macro level

by critical writers such as Grech, Stienstra, Coleridge, and Meekosha; that not just the

model, but disability studies generally, neglected the experience of disablement within the

Global South. Through viewing disablement via a Eurocentric lens, the Southern experience

of disablement, and its interactions with structures such as religion, was lost (Grech, 2011).

Imposing the social model of disability upon the South in contexts which were ill-fitting

(Grech, 2009), had led to the situation where Northern concepts of equality and fairness

were interpreted as “conformity and uniformity” in the South (Coleridge, 2000:29); evoking

comparisons with the neoliberal agenda (Stienstra, 2002), which also had a disabling impact,

in terms of access to the marketplace (Grech, 2009), and perpetuating inequalities

(Meekosha, 2011), for the disabled.

Criticism has also revolved the ‘strong’ readings of the model, which have seemingly been

established upon polemical grounds, assuming a homogenised experience of disablement,

irrespective of context (Grech, 2011), ignoring that the barriers to equality could also be

varied: one disability in one context, would not be another (Lang, 2001a). Furthermore, the

aim of barrier removal to the potential equality of opportunity for all would be an

“unsustainable myth” (Shakespeare & Watson, 2002:17) as the impairments inherent within

some are simply too severe, and would always be a barrier, thereby contradicting this

hypothesis. Furthermore, Islam (2008) noted that the focus of the model upon the structural-

social causation of disability, neglected the possibility that impairments could also “be

capable of affecting the structures surrounding them” (2008:41-42).

- The Medical Model

This model had initially been the primary model for understanding disability, with its impacts

arguably being the most far-reaching.

The medical model locates disability within the context of the individual. It stresses upon the

disabling impact that the specific medical impairment has had on the individual and the

extent to which the individual can be ‘rehabilitated’ into society (Stone-MacDonald, 2012). It

therefore, seeks to ‘correct’ the impairment so that individual can participate in society to the

best of his or her ability. Essentially, the overarching aim of the model is the rehabilitation of

the individual into society.

A key aspect of the model was the emphasis upon the different impairments within the

concept of disability. Hence, where the social model assumed that ‘the disabled’ were

uniform in terms of their afflictions, and that it had been society who had disabled the

individual rather than the impairment itself, the medical model instead focused upon the

variation in impairments, ignoring the common experiences of the disabled in their

interactions with society, and instead compartmentalised the disabled on the grounds of their

disability in hierarchical fashion. This basis of the model has come in for criticism due to its

parallels with colonialism, and the segregation of the disabled (Grech, 2009).

Other criticism of the medical model has been predicated upon the social model, revolving

around the former’s rigid nature; where the aim of the support the disabled person received

was to adapt the person to the needs of society (Barron & Amerena, 2007:9). Furthermore,

the overall scope of the model was founded upon the negative aspects of the impairment

and what the person could not do, as opposed to what he or she could do (Shakespeare,

1996).

Another common criticism was that the medical model created a culture of State-

dependency. As per Lang (2001a), this culture was initially formed by the progression of the

Welfare State in the aftermath of the Second World War, and was exacerbated through the

institutionalisation and segregation, which the medical model promoted as such institutions

had “little or no regard of the needs and aspirations of disabled people”, and hence, there

would be no impetus for the impaired person to improve their quality of life (Lang, 2001a:15).

- The Charity Model

The charity model locates its understanding of disability within the perspective of caring for

the disabled or impaired person. The overwhelming nature of the provisioning undertaken for

the care of the disabled within the welfare model, is one of pity (Lang, 2001b).

As will be outlined below, religious perceptions of disability hold much sway within the

welfare model, and indeed, the welfare model is particularly strong within the context of alms

giving (Ingstad, 2001). These perceptions can be both positive and negative. For example,

within the context of Islam, a disabled person as of right, is entitled to equity in the society

(Miles, 2010), drawing parallels with the social model. While at the core foundations of Islam,

Zakat (one of the five pillars of faith) will ensure that the needs of the disabled person are

catered to within his or her community. On the other hand however, disability has also been

interpreted to be a test from God (Mactaggert & Murthy, 2013), consequently giving the

impression that the disabled person is a burden to his or her family.

- The realities of disability

The reality for the disabled encompasses a variety of experiences; spanning their interaction

with:

The political economy;

The family;

Wider society interactions; &

Conflict situations

- The political economy

In terms of the political economy, the prevailing narrative has been that the current market-

dominated, neoliberal order has had a deleterious impact upon the disabled. For instance,

Stienstra (2002) noted that globalisation, with its “hyper-liberal” focus upon the individual

(2002:115); and the associated laissez-faire attitude towards the role of the State,

particularly in the welfare of its citizenry and the regulation of the economy; created a

segregation of society based along the lines of capability (evoking parallels with the medical

model of disability and its categorisation of disability), so much so, that it has been

interpreted as a form of “systemic economic discrimination” against those with impairments

(Russell, 2002:120).

However, a word of caution must be said. This view is, as with much discourse surrounding

disability, predicated upon a Western-centric, industrialised, Northern setting, and has been

critiqued, as the social model had been, for precisely this reason. In the case of the South;

the disabled, for instance, can attain employment in the informal sector, as opposed to the

conventional job markets of the North (Grech, 2011). While also, many of the aims and

aspirations of disabled people are based on survival (Meekosha, 2011), as opposed to full-

scale economic and political equality. For instance, in the context of Afghanistan, services

for the disabled were often insufficient and what little services were available, were

predominantly in the capital, Kabul (Miles, 2010).

Furthermore, political equality is even more difficult to achieve since the reality for many

disabled people within the South is that they have no political agency (Grech, 2009), while

many Southern States lack the institutional capacity to carry out any substantive policies for

the redress of disability inequality (Baylies, 2010; Crabtree, 2006).

- The family

The impact of disability upon the family dynamic was significant, and could be seen to be

both positive, and negative in nature. For example, as Gething’s (1985) study on the

perceptions of people with cerebral palsy, their relatives and other able-bodied people found;

the extent of proximity between the disabled person and other people, had a positive

correlation in perceptions towards disability, amounting to what the author termed, an

“insider view” of disability, with the disanled perceiving their problems as less severe than

their relatives, who in turn, perceived the problems in less severe terms than other able-

bodied people. However, due to the age of the report and the fact that it was based upon a

Northen context, it would be difficult to assume compatibility with this study.

Alternatively, within the context of India; Gupta & Singhal’s study showed that the birth of a

child with disabilities had a negative impact upon the whole family unit. With the research

also showing that parents have had a negative perception towards their disabled child, with

feelings of pessimism, hostility and shame being prevalent (2004).

The economic and social burdens placed upon families with a disabled child, also create a

situation where the families are “disabled by proxy” (Crabtree, 2006:52). These burdens can

be manifested in the form of additional service needs, and also in loss of income due to the

time constraints in looking after the child. Thus, families are unable to fully partake in their

duties as productive members of society.

Though, with further awareness of service provision, this position would change for the

better (Gupta & Singhal, 2004).

This impact of disability is exacerbated when the disabled person is one with intellectual

disabilities or is female.

Regarding the intellectually disabled, it was seen in Miles’ (2010) study on Afghanistan, and

indeed the developmental agenda as a whole (Rohwerder, 2013), that children with such

conditions were afforded a lower level of priority and that those who are physically disabled

were given more opportunities to be included within society, these same opportunities were

not present for the intellectually disabled (2010).

However Coleridge (2000), who also wrote on disablement in Afghanistan, did stress that

this occurs, not due to any negativity towards the child, but out of over-protection (Coleridge,

2000).

While in the Arab context, it was seen that those families with an intellectually disabled child,

were affected by a social stigma, in the form of reduced opportunities for marriage, as

assumptions of hereditary disabilities were prevalent (Crabtree, 2006). This social stigma,

has been known to result in the seclusion of disabled children away from the rest of society

(McIntyre, 2010).

The female disabled meanwhile, have been victims of the failure of the disability movement

to adequately address their concerns (Crabtree, 2006), and have been depicted as suffering

from a ‘multiple handicap’, where in the context of India, their impairment in combination with

their gender has created a situation where they have been unable to marry, and are

secluded from view, so as not to impact upon other family members’ chances of marriage

(Harris-White, 2003:6).

However, when religious influence is considered, the nature of this impact can become

markedly more positive. For example in the context of the United Arab Emirates, the

unanimous response to Crabtree’s qualitative study on families with children who had

intellectual disabilities, was that Islam had been a source of strength for the mothers (2006).

This seemed to contradict Florian and Katz’ (1983) findings, which saw that disability was

perceived Islamically, as either the result of Divine Will, a punishment for previous sins, the

work of possession by evil spirits, or the result of the ‘evil eye’, which would manifest

themselves in the form of negative attitudes towards the child, such as the child being a test

from Allah.

In the context of Arab-Israeli families, it was seen that Arab families had more recourse to a

wider extended family support network, than Jewish families did (Kandel et al, 2004). The

rationale behind this situation was, in the opinion of the authors, due to the traditional society

within which they were embedded. Florian & Katz in their review of research and literature

meanwhile, posited the view that Arab families were more overprotective of their child,

creating a dependence of the child upon the family, along with an ambivalence towards the

child, combining feelings of remorse and embarrassment (1983). However, the age of the

report, and the contradictory findings of later reports, means that the veracity of the findings

can be held in some degree of doubt.

- Wider society interactions

The impact of disability upon wider society interactions has been nuanced, ranging “from

disdain to deification”, depending upon the context (Kagawa-Singer, 1994:362). For

example, the birth of a disabled child can lead to a social stigma being placed upon the child

and the family (Crabtree, 2006), which, as with the case with the family dynamic, is often

exacerbated when the child has intellectual disabilities (Qutteina et al, 2012). While in the

context of Tanzania, it was noted by Stone-MacDonald (2012), that the various models and

conceptions of disability were often ‘melded together’ to fit the individual context of the

village or town, so much so that in the case of the Maasai, all children were cared for in the

same manner and were expected to partake fully in all customs and traditions (Stone-

MacDonald, 2012).

In Afghanistan, Miles (2010) highlighted roles that the disabled have been able to play in

their local communities, one example being the role played by visually impaired people as

the local fonts of knowledge, and reciters and teachers of the Qur’an (Miles, 2010).

While in the case of Asia, the ancient tribal conceptions of disability were seen to have

parallels with some contemporary equivalents. Such as the the medical model and the

ancient tribal codes of Manu and the Arthasastra, with the emphasis on the incapabilities of

the disabled person (Miles, 2000).

Within the Arab-Israeli community on the other hand; according to Florian & Katz, the

disabled were viewed by the Arab community as being physically and spiritually weak and

were to be pitied, with the focus of the community being upon the fatalistic views of disability

(1983). What guided the actions of the community towards the disabled, was shame; or

rather, the “psychological drive to escape or prevent negative judgement by others” (Florian

& Katz, 1983:176).

Though, as stated earlier, the age of the report and the subsequent findings of later reports,

do cast the veracity of its findings in some doubt.

As will be shown below, the role of religion in the wider society interactions of disability

however, has been a positive influence. With issues occurring in situations where culture or

tradition predominated over religion (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012). For example, it was relayed to

Crabtree (2006), that an Imam had shown a hostile attitude towards a disabled child, despite

the Islamic position being on the contrary.

- Conflict situations

Due to the scarcity of relevant literature on disability in conflict situations, it was difficult to

ascertain whether there was a general experience of disability under conflict. However, from

the few literature there was, a common theme which began to emerge was that there was a

potential dichotomy between those who were born disabled, and those who became

disabled as a result of conflict.

As will be noted below, this dichotomy is relevant in the context of Palestine. However, for

the purposes of this section, the example of Afghanistan will be used. Where Miles noted

that disability had been linked to conflict, which was apparent in the formation of the interim

government and its creation of the the Ministry of Martyrs and the Disabled (2010).

Furthermore, it was also seen that those who were disabled in the conflict were also seen as

heroes (Coleridge, 2000). However, it must also be noted that it was also stated within the

same context, that “the privileged social status of young fighters often unravels and is

replaced by indifference” (Harris-White, 2003:5), and hence there must be caution in regards

to this view, and a further consideration of the external, structural factors in the manifestation

of such views towards disability.

The experience of disability under conflict was, as expected, one which was extremely

tumultuous; with all the associated problems of disablement vis-à-vis societal barriers, being

exacerbated by the presence of conflict and the resultant loss of the disabling structures

without adequate replacement. For example in Sierra Leone, it was found that what little

services had been provided by the government before the conflict, were gone, and the

survival of disbled people was at the mercy of the benevolence of passers by, rather than

any governmental support (dos Santos-Zingale & McColl, 2006).

Religious Interpretations of disability

As the predominantly Muslim Palestinian community is the focus of the study, this review will

primarily consider the Islamic interpretations of disability, though there will also be some

consideration of Christian perspective.

- The Islamic perspective

Islamic perceptions of disability, have been interpreted as a test of faith (Schuelka, 2012),

and the will of Allah (Miles, 1995). That to endure suffering is a sign of His mercy, as the

rewards of the afterlife will be sufficient (Ghaly, 2010). However, while general perceptions of

Muslim attitudes towards disability has been that of long-run fatalism, borne out of the

translation of Islam, of ‘submission’ (Miles, 1995), the theological position of Islam towards

disability could not be any more different.

Indeed, both the Qur’an and Sunnah (the example of the Prophet Muhammad) provide an

extensive legal framework for understanding disability, and articulate the rights of the

disabled, and the duties of society towards the disabled, within the context of Shariah.

Hence in Islam, there is no concept of disability, per se. Instead, the phrase “disadvantaged

person” is used (Bazna & Hatab, 2005); encompassing a wider scope and taking into

account socioeconomic conditions in addition to mental or physical impairments; going

beyond the relatively narrow confines of disability under the medical model, and evoking a

comparison with the social model, with its focus upon the restoration of the imbalance of

society caused by disadvantage (Miles, 2010).

The rights and responsibilities for the disadvantaged and society contained within Shariah

are vast, and cannot; in light of the research questions proposed, be fully comprehended

within the relatively short scope of this Review. However, examples can be used to

exemplify this range. For instance, in the Qur’an, a story was narrated of the Prophet being

rebuked by Allah for turning away a blind man who sought his knowledge, in favour of

proselytizing the faith to nobility:

“He [the Prophet] frowned and turned away because there came to him a blind man, But

what would make you perceive, [O Mohammed], that perhaps he might be purified, or be

reminded and the remembrance would benefit him?” (80, 1-3).

This short verse is significant on multiple levels. First, it underscored the rights of the

disadvantaged to education, and equally, it highlighted the duty of all to seek knowledge, to

the best of their capabilities (Al-Aoufi, 2012): the existence of an impairment was no excuse

to the non-performance of a duty (Bazna & Hatab, 2005). This verse was all the more

poignant, when this same blind person became a trusted Companion of the Prophet, being

entrusted leadership of Madinah (the second city of Islam) in the Prophet’s absence on two

occasions (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012).

However most importantly, it emphasised that all were equal in the eyes of Allah,

irrespective of their social status, abilities, or lack thereof. What had mattered, was the level

of their faith:

“Indeed the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous” (Qur’an, 49, 13).

Central to the progressive view of the disabled outlined above, is the belief that humankind is

essentially pure, and can achieve ‘perfection’ to the best of their capabilities, as opposed to

absolute perfection, which is solely within the realm of the Divine (Bazna & Hatab, 2005).

Thus, in the eyes of Allah, the status of the person was of no consequence, only his deeds.

Hence, the disabled are not prohibited from living a life of dignity, and indeed, Islam

encourages their full participation within society. An example of this, is the fact that in Islamic

Jurisprudence, there is no prohibition of the disabled, outside of insanity and serious

instances of hearing, speech and visual disabilities, from being the Caliph (head of State) in

an Islamic State (Ghaly, 2010).

Islam, much like the social model, perceives ‘disadvanted situations' as arising from the

barriers produced by society. Within Islam therefore, there is a civic responsibility to care for

the disabled and to improve their situation (Al-Aoufi et al, 2012). This responsibility has been

adhered to in a variety of forms. For example, the concept of ehsan ensures that as a right,

where a person is unable to carry out his duties due to a deficiency, that deficiency will be

equalised so as to restore the balance of society (Wadud, 1986).

While Zakat has been interpreted as a form of charity, Islam instead perceives Zakat to be a

method of restoring the balance between rich and poor within society (Miles, 2010). It does

not belittle or patronise the disadvantaged, but instead, is seen as a social duty, and as a

method to gain goodwill from Allah for undertaking this duty (Schuelka, 2012).

- The Christian perspective

Disablement within Christianity occupies a paradox. It has been both punishment, and

opportunity for compassion, seemingly simultaneously. On the one hand; the New

Testament promulgates a humane approach to disabled people (Covey, 2005), evoking

comparison with the charity model. On the other, it has dehumanised them, and urged their

segregation in the Old Testament (Schuelka, 2012), striking parallels with the medical

model.

Hence, while Islam posits that humanity is essentially pure, though not objectively perfect.

Christianity instead perceives humanity as being created in the image of God (Schuelka,

2012). Thus, the presence of any impairment or ‘blemish’, as it was interpreted (Stiker,

1999), would signify an unholy presence. Indeed, “the Bible is clear in its message that

perfection and beauty should surround things religious and that imperfection is to be

rejected” (Rose, 1997:398). This can be seen in the following passage:

“And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying, ‘Speak to Aaron, saying, None of your offspring

throughout their generations who has a blemish may approach to offer the bread of his

God.” (Leviticus, 21:17)

Moreover, disability among other things, was considered an affliction, demonic possession

(Covey, 2005), or as a punishment from God (Rose, 1997). Thus, rather than the

progressive model seen in Islam, the Judeo-Christian perspective on disability was that of

segregation, akin to that of the medical model (Covey, 2005). This could be seen in the fact

that the visually impaired and physically disabled were prohibited from entering places of

worship:

“No blind or lame man shall into the Lord’s house” (Book of II Samuel, 5:8)

Linked to this, was Schuelka’s (2012) premise that the medical model of disability, a

nominally secular perspective on disability, was in actual fact, a successor to the Judeo-

Christian ethics that were prevalent in Europe before it. The theory postulated was that; in a

remarkably similar fashion to Stienstra’s (2002) argument on ‘capability’, the Judeo-Christian

ethic, and its emphasis upon the ‘desirable’ face of religion, was a precursor to such systems

as capitalism, with its focus upon the productive, and even reprehensible theories as

eugenics (Schuelka, 2012).

Yet in spite of the scripture, the New Testament saw a transition towards a different

perspective, whereby the existence of disability; then understood as the manifestation of sin,

was the process through which Jesus could show his compassion and perform miraculous

healing (Covey, 2005), thus expediting the sins of the impaired person (Schuelka, 2012).

However, this view of disability gave rise to a charitable conception, which while initially

promising (Covey, 2005), eventually led to a relationship of pity being established between

the impaired person and the giver of charity, whereby the former was a burden, in need of

paternalistic care (Schuelka, 2012). In other words, the impaired person becomes “a project,

a vehicle for others to fulfil their acts of kindness. Their existence as a person is thus

subservient to their disability” (Rose, 1997:399).

Disability and society in Palestine

Considering the decades of conflict; the resultant rise of disability (Giacaman, 2001); conflict

being one of the principal causes of disability in the territories (Canawati, 2010); and

conflict’s direct impact upon disability services (Al-Jazeera, 2014), it is somewhat surprising

that there did not exist any published literature on the Palestinian experience of disability

during conflict, the only sources being found on the websites of NGOs and Palestinian

advocacy organisations. However, these readings cannot be discounted, due to the fact that

they are, until now, the only first-hand narratives of Palestinian disablement under

occupation.

The disabled within Palestinian society occupy a paradoxical role. During the Intifadas; the

disabled, particularly the GUPD, were given a central role in the Palestinian social rights

movement (Giacaman, 2001), and the PA both enacted a rights-based Statute on Disability

(Law No.4/1999), and also ratified the UN CRPD (UN, 2014).

However, despite these acts, the reality has not correlated, and the disabled still feel the

worst effects of occupation (Canawati, 2010). For instance, over eighty-seven per cent of

disabled Palestinians are unemployed (Smith, 2014), and some of those who do find work,

are looked upon with pity (Shehadeh, 2013b). With this situation being exacerbated when

the disabled person is a woman (Abu AlGhaib, 2014).

Moreover, the 1999 Statute has yet to be implemented, with the rationale ranging from

financial constraints (Qutteina et al, 2012), caused by the desperate political and

socioeconomic situation (Canawati, 2010), to an inertia on the part of the PA (Shehadeh,

2013a).

Furthermore, even when attempts have been made to improve this situation, the disabled

have not been able to benefit. For example, despite half of the schools in Palestine adhering

to inclusive education strategies, many families did not place their disabled children in

education (Qutteina et al, 2012); However, it was noted that there was a definite shift in

emphasis from the medical model, to a social model; with disability now starting to accord

some relevance on the development agenda (MAP-UK, 2014).

Underscoring these issues, has been the occupation, where until the recent agreement of

the Unity Government (Beaumont, 2014), the occupied territories of Palestine (the West

Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem) were governed by three separate entities. The

Gaza Strip, by Hamas; the West Bank, by the PA and Israel; and finally, East Jerusalem,

which has been under contested occupation by Israel since 1967 (UN, 1967). Thus, the

recognition of the Palestinian State, and its legitimacy along the Weberian lines of authority

to use legitimate force within its territory (Weber, 1946), has been contested.

The issue of territorial sovereignty is further confused by the tripartite separation of the West

Bank; due to the Oslo Accords, where area A (17% of the West Bank) is under full PA

control; area B (24%) under PA civilian control, and Israeli security control; and area C

(59%) coming under full Israeli control (Qutteina et al, 2012).

Due to this separation, there is a differential socio-economic impact for the citizens of each

area, with the latter two coming under much more stress, in not being able to access

urgently needed services due to the restrictions imposed upon their movement and quality of

life (Qutteina et al, 2012). The implications of the occupation have in turn, meant that the

NGOs have taken the lead in providing services for the disabled, rather than the PA (Jarar,

2009).

In terms of the realities experienced by disabled veterans, it was noted that generally, they

were accorded a higher level of respect than other disabled people, and were seen as

heroes for their sacrifices during both Intifadas (Giacaman, 2001; Canawati, 2010). This was

a seemingly well established view as evidenced by Florian & Katz, where it was held that the

“military disabled [have] a special place in Israeli society for all national groups” (1983:172).

However, this attitude was criticised for placing an emphasis upon physical impairment at

the expense of other disabilities, especially when there was a perception that those who had

conflict-related disabilities, had preferential access to services and indeed, a better quality of

life as compared to those who were born with their impairment (Qutteina et al, 2012), which

evoked comparison with the heirarchical view of disability in the medical model.

Furthermore, the occupation, has had a deletrious impact upon people with disabilities;

exacerbating the difficulties with which, they already live; with the existence of checkpoints

being a common bone of of contention. For example, one disabled Palestinian upon visiting

London, opined “When it takes you two whole days to cross a border, whereas it only takes

a matter of hours to arrive in London; that is one meaning of freedom” (Smith, 2014). While a

rather more forceful example, was of the difficulties a physically disabled Palestinian had at

both checkpoints and border crossings, where he was afforded no allowances and been the

subject of strict body searches, he stated that he was told “you might be a disabled person,

but we consider you as the most dangerous people” (McIntyre, 2010).

Conceptual Framework

After reviewing the literature, it is apparent that much of the existent discourse has focused

upon disablement through a Northern, critical lens, with comparatively little written about the

Southern experience of disablement, and a total absence of the Palestinian experience. This

neglect is also apparent in the sphere of conflict studies. Considering the disabling impacts

of conflict throughout the ages, this is all the more surprising.

In terms of the religious perspectives, clear parallels could be found between the rights-

based conceptions of disability found within Islam and the social model; and also between

Judeo-Christian values and the medical, and later, charity models.

Hence, taking into account the findings of the review, the conceptual frameworks which shall

be used during this study are the social model in assessing the structural impacts of the

occupation upon disablement, and the associated Islamic framework in regards to persons

with disabilities and their individual perceptions towards their impairments. Above all

however, there will be a focus upon the Palestinian experience of disablement.

Methodology

- Research Strategy & Philosophy

The research strategy utilised during this study was predominantly inductive, necessitated by

the absence of research into the field of disability within the context of occupation.

Due to the personal nature of the research questions, the Interpretive social science

philosophy was chosen, as the basis of it was that social reality can oscillate from person to

person (Neuman, 1994; Creswell, 2003). The driving force of the research was the subjects’

own perceptions of their disability. Interpretivism would therefore lend itself to being context-

driven, allowing for a subjective study to be taken, which would also allow for a more

personal relationship between myself as the researcher, and the research subjects, due to

the fact of my disability. Furthermore; due to the flexibility of Interpretivism, the research

would not seek an all-encompassing theory, but instead, explain the particular social

phenomena that is disablement in the context of occupation.

The Critical nature of the research would be conducted in regards to the wider social

context, and the extent to which the personal situations of the respondents mentioned

earlier, may be influenced by structural externalities. Critical philosophy shares many

similarities with Interpretivism; focusing upon the individual, and a focus upon the subjective.

However, the Critical school interprets the social reality as one which is inherently predicated

upon social and class oppression (Neuman, 1994). However, that is not to say that the

Critical approach to research would be explicitly held. For instance, as the researcher, there

will be no value judgements made on the research subjects. Rather, the subjects will be

allowed to dictate the direction of the research, which is in line with Interpretivism.

- Methods

The data had been gathered on the qualitative and quantitative level, comprising a mixed-

methods research approach. Mixed methods, for the purposes of this study, have been

defined as an “intellectual and practical synthesis based on qualitative and quantitative

research” (Johnson et al, 2007:129). However this research nevertheless, has an emphasis

on qualitative methods.

On the quantitative level, questionnaire surveys had been distributed with nineteen

responses, across the two cities. However, around a third of the respondents were from East

Jerusalem, and the roughly remaining two thirds hailed from Ramallah.

These surveys were used in order to locate the general attitudes of the disabled in Palestine

towards their disability, placing the research in its appropriate general context. Hence,

through gaining a basic understanding of the position of the disabled in Palestinian society,

the research would then become more nuanced and able to answer the more sophisticated

research questions proposed in the introduction, via the data acquired by the qualitative

methods.

The qualitative level comprised of semi-structured interviews with both executive, key

stakeholders and direct beneficiaries, in addition to a group discussion, along with direct

observation in the form of my personal experiences of disability in East Jerusalem and

Ramallah.

There had been five semi-structured interviews, with direct beneficiaries and executive, key

stakeholders being represented across all five interviews, within both East Jerusalem and

Ramallah.

The use of semi-structured interviews and the group discussion was based upon the

understanding that these methods would allow the respondents to truly express their beliefs

and opinions on the subject matter at hand: their disablement in the context of Palestinian

society. Thereby, synthesising the predominantly Interpretive philosophy, with the actual

data collection methods which were used in the research.

The reasoning behind the use of direct observation, was that the fact of my physical

disability placed me in the unique position of being a disabled researcher on the topic of

disability in Palestine. Hence, it seemed logical to make use of this, to probe deeper in to the

experiences of the disabled in Palestine.

Granted, while the use of this method was unorthodox, and my status as a British national

meant that I would not have the true experience of disablement in Palestine; the data

collected through this medium would only ever be used to supplement the data collected in

the interviews with the people who did have this experience of disablement in Palestine.

A purposive, strategic sampling strategy was used during this study. This was due to time

and resource constraints, in addition to the focus of the study being upon the perceptions of

the disabled towards their disability, and its interactions with their faith and wider society.

Moreover, due to the relatively niche section of society that the research was focused upon,

and the relative scarcity of respondents, a purposive-strategic form of sampling seemed to

be the most necessary strategy. However, that was not to say that other forms of sampling

were not possible. Indeed, it has been stated in the past that a quantitative method of

sampling can be used in similar predominantly qualitative-based studies, and vice-versa

(Onwuegbuzie & Collins, 2007).

The interview data was collected and analysed through the method of coded transcription,

as the method of data collection necessitated this form of analysis.

The survey data meanwhile, had been collated and aggregated, in order to provide the

general context to the findings of the interview data.

- Research Limitations

The associated mobility issues which arose out of my disability were an initial concern.

Furthermore, due to the increasingly tense security situation in Palestine towards the end of

my time there, with the kidnap and subsequent murder of three settler teenagers before my

departure from the United Kingdom, and subsequent lynching of a teenage Arab in the last

week of my trip had meant that my pool of potential respondents had been dramatically

reduced. This increasingly tense political and security environment had therefore meant that

my pre-existing mobility issues had been further compounded.

Initial contact had been made with the Gaza office of the UNRWA before my departure, and

a tentative agreement had been reached for a telephone interview once the research

process began in earnest. However, towards the end of my stay in Palestine, war had

erupted in Gaza and thus, the possible contact with the office was lost.

The relative scarcity of organisations within the Palestinian territories which dealt with

disability as matter of policy, had meant that there was not as much primary data collected

as previously envisaged.

Associated with this was the use of gatekeepers in the interview process, especially in East

Jerusalem; where gatekeepers had been present in interviews, choosing and directing me to

the beneficiaries, thereby allowing for the possibility of bias creeping in to the interviews

which had been held with the beneficiaries. The research also did not account for any

variables between educational attainment, gender, or socioeconomic level, which are key

factors in research on such attitudes and perceptions (Florian & Katz, 1983:170-171).

Hence for these reasons, this study is unable to be generalised, but is instead a case study

on the issue of disablement under occupation, in respect of these two cities; rather than the

whole of occupied territories.

Related to my British nationality was the language barrier. As I had comparatively little

knowledge of conversational Arabic, a translator was used in the interviews that had been

held with the direct beneficiaries. Thus, there was the risk that the translations may not have

been fully accurate, which may have impacted the analysis, though all effort was made to

have these translations verified by second and third parties upon my return.

The lack of a Jewish and Christian perspective, had meant that the focus of the study was

predominantly upon Muslim perceptions towards disability. As such, a clear cross-sample of

the population was not found in the research. A future study would definitely ensure that

there was a more representative sample of the region, leading to a more realistic case study.

- Ethical Boundaries

The ethical considerations were primarily concerned with the trust and rapport engendered

between myself and the respondents, who were either working closely with the disabled, or

had been disabled themselves.

The fact that I had been dealing with a vulnerable social group in the form of the disabled,

had meant that the research was conducted in an easily accessible manner, with each

respondent being explicitly asked for their consent before the interviews had taken place.

It was also ensured, that each interview conducted, was done so in a manner which though

consistent in the questioning, was nevertheless tailored, to the best of my ability, to the

needs and abilities of each respondent.

In regards to the dissemination of the dissertation upon completion, each organisation had

taken up the offer of a copy of the completed dissertation.

The data was analysed objectively, with no bias and above all else, my personal opinions

and position as a disabled Muslim from Britain, did not come to bare on the research or the

research findings. In order to ensure that the whole process was convenient for all parties,

all of the data was collated at the respondents’ convenience.

Data Analysis

The data which had been collated using the methods referred to in the Methodology, will

now be analysed. The respondents are coded as follows:

(a) The founder of a blind persons’ initiative in East Jerusalem, who was a blind

Christian woman;

(b) Two direct beneficiaries; (i), (ii), of a disabled persons’ workshop initiative in East

Jerusalem;

(c) Four direct beneficiaries; (i), (ii), (iii), (iv), of the blind persons’ initiative in (a), who

also took part in the group discussion;

(d) A representative of a Palestinian DPO;

(e) A technical advisor for a disability NGO working in Palestine; &

(f) A programme officer for an NGO in Palestine

The respondents from (a) to (d) were direct beneficiaries, with (a) and (d) being executive,

key stakeholders also. While (e) and (f) were solely executive stakeholders.

The findings of the collected data from these interviews, group discussion and direct

observation, in addition to the quantitative questionnaire survey data, will therefore be

analysed, giving a definitive answer to the research questions set, which will also form the

structure of this analysis.

Taking the role of religion into account, how do the disabled perceive their disability?

The nature of perceptions regarding disability was dependent upon whether the respondent

had either been a beneficiary or an executive.

In the case of the former, it could be seen that they had accepted their impairment as the

‘will of Allah’, a long-running narrative during the interview process which was foretold by

Miles (1995). For instance (b)(i) held this belief and was grateful for what he had been given

as opposed to feeling sorrow for what he never had. This was affirmed also, in the group

discussion, while, (a) viewed her organisation’s achievements as “the Lord’s work”.

Furthermore, as can be seen in the table below, the nineteen anonymous respondents of the

questionnaires, (six in East Jerusalem and thirteen in Ramallah) all of whom were direct

beneficiaries, held that they had either a positive view of religion in light of their disability, or

at the very least, neutral:

Table 1: What do you feel your religion says about the disabled?

Positive Neutral Negative Total

East Jerusalem

0% 100% 0% 100%

Ramallah 92% 8% 0% 100%

Proportion of Total

63% 37% 0% 100%

However, interestingly, the most positive set of responses to this question had come from

Ramallah; as the Ramallah responses to other questions on strength of faith and on the

culture-religion balance, seemed to contradict this view:

Table 2: In terms of religious adherence, are you a:

Strong Believer A Believer Total

East Jerusalem 67% 33% 100%

Ramallah 38% 62% 100%

Proportion of Total

47% 53% 100%

Table 3: What do you feel your culture says about the disabled?

Positive Depended on the Person

Negative Total

East Jerusalem

17% 33% 50% 100%

Ramallah 31% 23% 46% 100%

Proportion of Total

26.5% 26.5% 47% 100%

Table 4: Out of the two, would you say you are:

Cultural Religious Total

East Jerusalem 0% 100% 100%

Ramallah 54% 46% 100%

Proportion of Total 37% 63% 100%

Though, as noted in the Methodology, the peculiarity of these results may have been due to

the relative imbalance in responses between both cities.

Regarding the executive respondents, the answer to the question of how disability was

perceived by the disabled, was considered along the lines of the different models of disability

outlined in the Literature. All of these respondents perceived disability through the prism of

barriers and the social model (UPIAS, 1975); and that there was now a shift from the

medical and charitable models, to the social, as was highlighted by MAP-UK in the Literature

(2014). Particularly respondent (f), who highlighted that disability under the medical model

used to be viewed akin to how a disease would be: “as if it was something that we could

repair”. Though now, a huge change could be seen, particularly in the attitudes of

management, who now focused upon a participatory approach; while (e) also highlighted

that services were now being adjusted for people with disabilities, ensuring that they could

be mainstreamed into wider society.

However, debate did revolve around the importance accorded to these models.

Respondent (d) conferred the social model central importance in his view of disability,

holding that it would be easier to implement than an explicitly rights-based model, due to the

circumstances of occupation. Respondent (e) was largely in agreement, however, he noted

the complexity of disability in Palestine due to the essentially hybridised nature of the sector;

with elements of the social, charitable, and medical models still existent. Furthermore,

harking back to Miles (2010) and his views on Zakat, he did not discard the charity model,

stating that it was not necessarily negative: “For me, it is a good attitude that we as a

community respect and support each other. The problem is that we don’t know how to

support each other, this is the problem in the process, not in the concept itself”. Moreover he

elucidated that, as the charity model is heavily driven by the local community; it would also

make good use of the residual sense of solidarity existent within the minority communities of

the occupied territories.

Respondent (f) on the other hand, preferred to disregard ‘models’ and have in its place, a

largely rights-based framework; driven by the beneficiaries themselves, than a model which

sought ‘integration’ at the expense of inclusion. The focus instead, as opined by Islam

(2008), being upon empowering the disabled, to work with the rest of the community to

create a truly inclusive society, whereby the needs of all were met.

In regards to attitudes towards religion, the answer was again, unanimous. Respondent (f)

agreed that those who were born disabled, accepted their disability as the will of Allah, which

was shared by (e). Respondent (d) believed that while his work was not based upon religion;

nevertheless, religion had played a positive role in the provisioning of services for the

disabled, with Islamic schools for the blind being built in Jerusalem in the early days of Islam,

and the role played by Christian missionaries in the modern age. Moreover, he had a

positive view of his faith in light of his disability, that it provided him more opportunities,

rather than less. That Islam, provided a lot of space for the disabled to live their lives fully in

the community, that Allah was only concerned about the collation of good deeds, reminiscent

of the Islamic view of disadvantage highlighted in the Literature. This was also agreed upon

by (e), who went further, and held that Islam was the social model, fourteen hundred years

before the social model existed, a viewpoint which was symbiotic with Miles (2010). While (f)

viewed religion as a good set of morals in helping the disabled to achieve their full potential

in life. However, harking back to Crabtree’s (2006) finding; where issues had arisen were in

the pervading influence of the traditions and culture of Palestinians, the example that was

given by the respondent, was of the exacerbated inequality of opportunities faced by minority

groups such as the disabled and women. These issues were reflected in the policy of (d)’s

organisation to implement lessons of disability in to the Friday and Sunday sermons in the

Mosques and Churches.

What is the reality for the disabled, in terms of their wider society interactions?

The implications of disability have been categorised into the following, and will be considered

in turn:

The nature and extent of State provisioning;

The role of the occupation;

Community relations; &

The role of the family;

- The nature and extent of State provisioning

Provisioning for the disabled across both cities, was a source of concern. For instance, (a)

disclosed that she received no public support in setting up her initiative, and that her

motivation for doing so, was that the needs of many blind people were not being catered to.

Furthermore, the only support that she had received was in the form of health insurance

from the Israeli government; the value of which, was decreasing due to the increased rate of

taxes that she now had to pay. These concerns were echoed by (b)(i), who highlighted that

ever since the occupation, he did not receive much governmental assistance, and that the

Israeli government required him to pay taxes despite his lack of income. He was in receipt of

health insurance from the PA, and did not have a job, as he would have lost entitlement to

this insurance, which would also be the case if he received his support from the Israeli

government. Respondent (b)(ii) was proof of this, as he now received an allowance from the

workshop after this insurance had been withheld by the authorities.

During the group discussion, a story was relayed by (a), of a person from the West Bank

who could not afford to pay for an identity card, as she only received seven hundred shekels

every three months as support for her disability, the entitlement to which had not been

universal. In Jerusalem, (a) stated that her insurance covered all her needs, but for people in

the West Bank, this seven hundred shekels was inadequate.

A further issue was the lack of physical access. Since the construction of a light rail across

her town (a) was now unable to travel independently. This was a common theme across all

of the respondents, with (e) agreeing that access was a weakness of the PA.

The issue of access was also experienced by myself as a disabled person. The acute lack of

raised pavements, non-existent disabled entrances and the continual need of assistance to

get from one place to another was apparent. For instance, in Ramallah, I had visited five

Mosques in the city. All but one of these were inaccessible to me. Interestingly, the one

mosque that was accessible, was also frequented by (d). A noticeable difference could be

seen in the access between the two cities. While neither were particularly acceptable, the

level of access in East Jerusalem was difficult, rather than impossible, in comparison to

Ramallah. However, even in the Al-Aqsa, East Jerusalem; the third holiest site in Islam,

there was only one gate that was somewhat accessible.

The executive respondents were somewhat reminiscent of Harris-White (2003), when they

lamented that disability had not been accorded a high priority even though, the PA had

enacted the 1999 Statute, and was also a signatory of the UN CRPD. However, (e) stated

this was a political decision, as opposed to the PA having the will to implement the CRPD.

Respondent (d) noted that the Statute was not implemented due to the lack of authority

behind the legislation. This view was fortified by (f), who agreed, holding that was what was

written on paper, was not apparent in action, a view highlighted in the Review also (Qutteina

et al, 2012).

However, when viewing the results of the questionnaires, these views of governmental

provisioning were apparently not reflected:

Table 5: In terms of provisioning for the disabled, do you think the Government are doing:

Well Okay Bad Total

East Jerusalem

33% 50% 17% 100%

Ramallah 15% 77% 8% 100%

Proportion of Total

21% 68% 11% 100%

In terms of services provided, (d) held that the provisioning for the disabled across the

occupied territories, used to be the responsibility of the Israeli Civil Administration; under

which, no rehabilitation services were supplied. Instead, these services were provided by

NGOs. According to (e), this seemingly laissez-faire arrangement towards disability and

rehabilitation has seemingly continued since the inception of the PA, with these services now

being bought by the PA, from the NGOs, which had been stated by Jarar (2009).

However, mitigation of this situation was provided by (e) and (f). With the former, holding a

similar view to that of Baylies (2010), that due to the non-existence of the Palestinian State,

the PA did not have the institutional capacity to carry out much of its function, and was

instead dependent upon assistance from external sources such as donors. The latter

agreed, proffering the view that the PA was operating along the charity model, and that the

issue of disability was afforded a low priority due to the acute needs of the rest of society,

such as health and education.

Again however, the executive respondents were unanimous in agreement, that there was a

promising transition in the nature of the provisioning, though there was still much to do. The

example given by (e) of disabled parking spaces now being made available in much of the

city centre, being particularly relevant in this regard.

- The role of the occupation

The Israeli occupation was the cornerstone of the Palestinian experience of disability.

Behind every difficulty that the disabled faced, the occupation was either a root cause, or an

exacerbating factor, acting as a barrier the equality of opportunity for all, as stated by UPIAS

(1976).

For example, (a) had set up a boarding house due to the difficulties that her mainly West

Bank-based beneficiaries had in being able to travel to and from Jerusalem.

Respondent (b)(i), went further and explained his view that, “everyone is disabled due to the

occupation”. He held that his impairment did not harm him, but that the occupation disabled

him. The examples he gave were, the difficulties he accessing Al-Aqsa, even though he lived

nearby; his inability to travel within and between areas on both sides of the separation

barrier; and the security coordination between the PA and Israel, which has meant that

Palestinians did not have the freedom to move within their own borders.

The occupation; according to (e), created a situation whereby the principle of accessibility for

all was unenforced: the able-bodied faced the same barriers as the disabled. However, while

this impact was felt by all; for the disabled this impact was “doubled” (Canawati, 2010): the

able-bodied struggled to move between cities, the disabled struggled to move within them

also.

The issue of checkpoints was also a common theme. Respondents (b)(i) and (d) both gave

the example of the Qalandiyyah checkpoint between Jerusalem and Ramallah, which has

turned a normally thirty minute journey, into one which normally lasts up to three hours for a

Palestinian. While for all other nationalities however, the Qalandiyyah checkpoint

represented a minor inconvenience of a few minutes.

Respondent (d) went further and added that it was not the PA that restricted his movement,

it was the occupation. Associated with this, (e) highlighted instances of the mistreatment of

the disabled by Israeli soldiers at checkpoints, under the pretence of security, which had

been uncovered in the Literature (McIntyre, 2010).

According to (e), the geographical impact of occupation were a huge burden for all who lived

within the territories. The tripartite split of the West Bank (Qutteina et al, 2012); has meant

that the difficulties experienced by those living under occupation in Areas B and C have

been exacerbated. The PA, being unable to provide even the most basic services to the

people living in there. While those who lived within the refugee camps in Syria, and

especially Lebanon, had an increasingly desperate situation…

This was echoed by (d), who opined that the differential impact of the occupation had meant

that the degree of the occupation’s impact was felt differently, and thus, there were different

priorities for each of the areas. This in turn, was another explanation for the incoherence of

the provisioning for the disabled, by the PA, which had been highlighted by (f) also.

Due to the variable geographical impacts of the occupation, and the resultant lack of

services, the government has little to no authority in the provisioning for the disabled. The

lead role instead, played by NGOs and the local community, as stated by (e), and Jarar

(2009) in the Literature. Related to this, was the economic impact of the occupation,

particularly within the West Bank, where according to (e), the declining living standards due

to the artificially inflated economy and resultant high cost of living, had a strong correlation

on the ability of the disabled and their families to have access to the services they needed.

While furthermore, there was the inability of Gazans to access basic medicines, due to the

imposition of a blockade.

Respondent (d) also highlighted the bombing of a newly established rehabilitation centre in

the Beit Lahiyeh area of Gaza during one of the bouts of conflict, a precursor to recent

events (Al-Jazeera, 2014).

The occupation also had an impact upon education. Respondent (a) relayed that her school

was relocated due to the gains made by Israel in 1967. While (d)’s example was of the first

school for the blind in the Middle East, which had to be relocated from Jerusalem to

Bethlehem in 1994, due to the pressures of the occupation. Connected to this, (e)

highlighted the numerous problems that had arisen for schools in Area C of the West Bank,

whereby Palestinians needed permission from Israel to build such infrastructure as schools

(Qutteina et al, 2012). This permission, was rarely forthcoming.

- Community relations

The impact of disability on community relations was nuanced. With some noting the positive

aspects of their community, and others, the negative. For instance, (a) noted the role played

by her local community in raising the initial funds for her centre. However, this support was

temporary, and indeed, the centre has predominantly been solely-run ever since.

Respondent (b)(i) stated that he mainly faced his situation as a disabled person alone. This

included a difficult childhood due to bullying, which though, gradually receded and he was

now comfortable with his social standing.

During the group discussion, (a) relayed a story of a negative perception of her blindness,

whereby a woman had pitied her, holding that “they think that people only see”; with

community perceptions being that the disabled could not live adequately due to their

impairments, a finding which was consistent with the views espoused by Florian & Katz

(1983).

In regards to the executive responses, there was a general agreement regarding this

negativity. For instance, (d) stated that a stigma of the disabled still existed, particularly the

intellectually disabled, which was often seen in the form of failed marriage proposals for

family members, a stigma which was also found during the Literature Review (Crabtree,

2006), and is also perhaps indicative of a residual influence of the medical model and its

hierarchy of disability.

Explanations were offered for why such views persisted, for example (d) predicated his

reasoning upon the geographical impacts of the occupation, stating that “the majority of

people with disabilities are connected by poverty”, as the areas that they had come from,

were rural areas, villages and the refugee camps, cut off from the rest of society by the

occupation. Respondent (f) on the other hand, was of the view that the position of the

disabled and their self-esteem was, in her experience, better in the rural areas. The example

given, was of a blind person who had been a fully active member of his local community;

which correlated with experiences of visual impairment in Afghanistan (Miles, 2010), while in

the cities, the disabled were secluded. Respondent (e) meanwhile, held that the community

still operated along the charity and medical models, before elucidating his rationale that the

negative perceptions of disability within the community were a by-product of decades of

occupation, the burdens of which have been successively compounded year-on-year. The

reasoning of (f) on the other hand, was that these negative perceptions were predominantly

due to Arab culture, where grandiose acts of public generosity were common yet within the

private sphere, the disabled were neglected, somewhat reminiscent of the shame culture

highlighted by Florian & Katz (1983).

However, despite agreement regarding negative community perceptions, there was

nonetheless, an understanding that there was a positive shift in attitudes. For instance, as

stated earlier (e) highlighted the role of the community in various local initiatives for the

disabled, while (d) noted the increasingly pivotal role by disabled advocates in promulgating

their rights, and the resultant obligations of the local community.

This shift in the perceptions of the community seems to have been borne out also in the

responses of the survey questions below.

Table 6: Do you get treated differently due to your disability?

Yes No Total

East Jerusalem 17% 83% 100%

Ramallah 92% 8% 100%

Proportion of Total 68% 32% 100%

Table 7 (13 Respondents): If yes, is this treatment:

Positive Negative Total

East Jerusalem 100% 0% 100%

Ramallah 100% 0% 100%

Proportion of Total 100% 0% 100%

- The role of the family

The role played by the family unit in the lives of the disabled in Palestine was pivotal. For

example, (b)(i) stated that his family have always helped him in his daily affairs. While (b)(ii)

noted that his mother took him to and from home to the different centres nearby.

In the group discussion, the responses were nuanced. For instance, respondents (c)(i) and

(c)(iii) were of the opinion that their family had not treated them any differently due to their

disability, though in the case of (i), there had been other blind people within her family, while

in the case of (iii), her visual impairment was not as severe, meaning that she could, to some

extent, see.

On the other hand, the mother of (iv) pitied her daughter’s situation, focusing on her

inabilities, as opposed to her abilities. While in the case of (ii), while she felt her family were

generally supportive, her sisters in law were quite unsympathetic. Though she was at pains

to say that this was largely due to family politics, than her disability.

All of the executive respondents referred to the seclusion of disabled children by their

families, a phenomena referred to in the Literature also (McIntyre, 2010), though there was

agreement that its occurrence was increasingly rare, due to a shift in the perceptions of

families towards their child’s disability, with (f) highlighting that families were now starting to

include their disabled child in all of their activities; both inside and outside the home.

Respondents (e) and (f) agreed that the reason why families were not hiding their children to

the same extent as before, was due to the expectations of the families; that they would

receive the required support and services in the care of their child, if these children were

known to the authorities and wider community (Gupta & Singhal, 2004). Meanwhile, (d) held

that the role played by advocacy organisations had been an impetus in the improvement of

the situation, as families were now being made aware of their responsibilities, and disabled

people were now being urged to advocate for their rights.

In the past, the care and support for families with disabled children, was simply not available,

which had then meant an increased social and financial burden upon the families with a

disabled child. This, respondents (e) and (f) stated, was one of the primary reasons for the

seclusion of these children; with (f) stating that families in this position would have been

ashamed to say that they had a disabled child in their care. Respondent (e) went further and

described it as another form of discrimination, as the child was not being afforded the same

opportunities as his siblings. This discrimination was often exacerbated when the child was a

female; a hypothetical example of this, was of two disabled siblings, with the male sibling

receiving more opportunities in comparison to his sister. The reasons why this would occur,

were due to “traditions, a lack of awareness, [and] the socioeconomic reality”.

However, in spite of the promising signs of inclusion, more was still needed to be done. As

emphasised by (f), there still existed a residual attitude of treating the disabled differently,

which would, in addition to the attitudinal, physical and financial barriers, be

counterproductive to the inclusion of the disabled. Furthermore, as (e) elucidated, due to the

differential economic and geographic impacts of the occupation, there still existed some

families within the isolated areas of Area C that were still engaged in the isolation of their

disabled children.

What difference, if any, is there between the realities and perceptions of those who were

born disabled and those who became disabled as a result of conflict?

In regards to this potential dichotomy, it could be seen that there was a predominant

symbiosis in the individual perceptions of disability, that there was an overall acceptance of

disability as the will of Allah. For instance, (b)(ii) was a survivor of the second Intifada, where

he had been shot on his way to University and pronounced dead. It had not been until the

next morning that signs of life were found. While he initially stated that he found his

adaptation difficult, he nonetheless, attributed that he was alive solely due to the will of Allah,

and that he was forever grateful.

However, where this diverged, was in the way that they were perceived; articulated their

rights; and in their daily realities. For example, all of the executive respondents unanimously

held that disabled veterans were seen as national heroes for the sacrifices that they had

made in the defence of Palestine, alluding to Giacaman’s (2001) proposition. Indeed, (e)

opined that they saw themselves as God-chosen for the honour.

Meanwhile, (f) considered the conflict-disabled as being more insistent in the enforcement of

their rights than the born-disabled; the reason being, that they had become disabled in the

defence of the homeland, and with it, they had an honour and accepted their disability with

pride. According to (d), the conflict-disabled usually found their adaptation more difficult, as

the born-disabled, were more flexible and ready to adaptable to conditions, which was not

the case for the conflict-disabled. Furthermore, the latter preferred to view themselves as

injured from the conflict, with more optimism that a medical cure to their impairments could

be found.

Both (d) and (f) agreed that there was in the difference in the living standards between both

groups. According to (f), while the born-disabled were largely accepting of their fate; the

conflict-disabled had more doors open to them in their pursuit of services and assistance.

Respondent (d) specified that this assistance often came in the form of a wider array of

services being made available to them (Qutteina, 2012), and also a monthly stipend from the

PA.

Respondent (e) noted that the conflict-disabled had played a prominent role of increasing the

prominence of the Palestinian disability movement in the aftermath of the first Intifada

(Giacaman, 2001), where their intransigent attitude towards the Israeli authorities was an

inspiration for the disabled to advocate for the attainment of their rights. In the second

Intifada and since however, while there was a residual influence of the disabled veterans,

the socioeconomic realities of the occupation, and fractured communities, have meant that

they no longer enjoy the same privileged status that they had during the Intifadas.

Conclusion

During the course of this study, it was apparent that the presence of faith was a strength to

the disabled person, whose perception of disability was one of acceptance according to

Divine providence. In terms of the realities, it could be seen that there was a definite and

perceptible shift towards the social model, from the community-level to the family. However,

more was needed to achieve full-scale equality of opportunity, due to the generally low

priority accorded to the disabled by society and the Government.

In regards to the perceptions and realities of the conflict-disabled, it was found that there

was a symbiosis between the two groups in their individual perceptions towards their

disabilities. However, where there was a divergence, was in the realities, where the conflict-

disabled enjoyed a better standard of living. Yet above all, underpinning every experience of

disablement, was the occupation as a barrier to equality of opportunity.

However, what made the experience of disablement in Palestine so unique, was that there

was also the presence of other models. For example, it was indicated that the hierarchy of

disability advanced by the medical model was of residual influence.

However, most interestingly, was the apparent influence of the charity model, especially so,

given that the influence of social model tended to be all-encompassing; and usually led to

the declining influence of earlier models. With the social model being in the favour of NGOs

and donors, the key question is why has the charity model remained resilient? The answer to

this, is the underlying role played by religion in what is seemingly, a secular society. Despite

Zakat being a pillar of Islam; and the influence of Christian missionaries in the Holy Land; the

role played by religion in the provisioning of services for the disabled is often overlooked, yet

donors and NGOs may be best served forging links with Faith-Based Organisations in the

future.

In regards to further research, reflecting the lack of consideration of disability; in

circumstances of conflict, occupation and in the South generally; there is certainly the scope

to consider the Jewish and Christian perspectives of disability in greater detail in addition to

further research upon Southern disablement. Casting the net further afield, comparisons

could also be made with occupied-Kashmir; where the added dimension of the caste system

could provide a potentially fascinating backdrop.

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Appendix

- Tables

Table 1: Does Religion Influence the socio-economic realities, and cultural perceptions, of disability?

Yes No Total

East Jerusalem 0% 100% 100%

Ramallah 69% 31% 100%

Proportion of Total 47% 53% 100%

Table 2: Is your religious background:

Jewish Muslim Christian Total

East Jerusalem

0% 100% 0% 100%

Ramallah 0% 100% 0% 100%

Proportion of Total

0%% 100% 0% 100%

Table 3: In terms of religious adherence, are you a:

Strong Believer A Believer Total

East Jerusalem 67% 33% 100%

Ramallah 38% 62% 100%

Proportion of Total

47% 53% 100%

Table 4: Do you get treated differently due to your disability?

Yes No Total

East Jerusalem 17% 83% 100%

Ramallah 92% 8% 100%

Proportion of Total 68% 32% 100%

Table 5 (13 Respondents): If yes, is this treatment:

Positive Negative Total

East Jerusalem 100% 0% 100%

Ramallah 100% 0% 100%

Proportion of Total 100% 0% 100%

Table 6: What do you feel your culture says about the disabled?

Positive Depended on the Person

Negative Total

East Jerusalem

17% 33% 50% 100%

Ramallah 31% 23% 46% 100%

Proportion of Total

26.5% 26.5% 47% 100%

Table 7: What do you feel your religion says about the disabled?

Positive Neutral Negative Total

East Jerusalem

0% 100% 0% 100%

Ramallah 92% 8% 0% 100%

Proportion of Total

63% 37% 0% 100%

Table 8: Out of the two, would you say you are:

Cultural Religious Total

East Jerusalem 0% 100% 100%

Ramallah 54% 46% 100%

Proportion of Total 37% 63% 100%

Table 9: In terms of provisioning for the disabled, do you think the Government are doing:

Well Okay Bad Total

East Jerusalem

33% 50% 17% 100%

Ramallah 15% 77% 8% 100%

Proportion of Total

21% 68% 11% 100%