Roman Epigraphy, 1961-65

Joyce Reynolds

The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 56, Parts 1 and 2. (1966), pp. 116-121.

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ROMAN EPIGRAPHY, 1961-65

By JOYCE REYNOLDS

In the past five years there have appeared a number of collections of inscriptions relevant to Roman studies and a number of collected discussions of such inscriptions, and it may be useful to record the more important of these, though without comment except where the titles are insufficiently indicative of content, for they have been, or will be, the subject of reviews. Regional corpora : G. Mihailov, Inscriptiones graecae in Bulgaria repertae vol. 111, fasc. I , giving texts from Philippopolis (1961) ; G. Sotgih, Iscrizioni latine della Sardegna (1961) ; W . &I. Calder and J. M. R. Cormack, ,WAJ/IrA VIII, giving texts from Lycaonia, the Pisido-Phrygian borderland and Aphrodisias (1962) ; A. Degrassi, I L L R P vol. 11 (1963) ; A. and J. Sagel, Inscriptiones latinae qzlae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCiWXI, et -MCIWLX repertae sunt (1963) ; P. Wuilleumier, Inscriptions latines des Trois Gaubs (1963) ; R. G. Collingwood and R. P. Wright, Roman Inscr$tions of Britain vol. I

(1965). Specialised corpora : H . Zilliacus, Sylloge inscriptionurn Christianarzbm z!eterurn i7ilusei Vaticani (1963) ; A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae vol. XIII, fasc. 2, Fasti anni L?Tz~maniet Iuliani, Ferialia, iMenologia Rustira, Parapegnzata (1965) ; M . H. Callander, Romaa Amnphorae, with an index of stamps on amphorae in the Western provinces (1965). Corpo~a of illustmtions : A. Degrassi, I L L R P , Imagines (1965) ; A. E. and J. S. Gordon, Album of dated Latin inscriptions from Rome and the neiglzbou~hood, vols. 11 (AD. 100-199) and 111 (A.D. 200-525) (1965). Collected discz~ssions : Akte des IV. Kongressfiir Epigraphik, Vienna 1962 ; A. Degrassi, Scritti va1.i d i antichitd (1962) ; L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII

(1960) and XIII (196 j), the latter wholly devoted to a review of M A M A VIII ; a second edition of his Villes d'Asie ;lilineure (1962) and Notns indigknes dans L'Asie-iWineure griro-ronzaine (1963). One might also mention here H. G. Pflaum's Les Ca~~ridresp~~oczcratoriennesiquestres soz~s le haut-empire romain (1960) and the Acta Instituti Xo~rinni liinlnndiae from 1963 onwards, largely devoted to epigraphic studies.

An enormous number of individual inscriptions has been newly discovered or newly interpreted, witness the size of the volumes of A2 (now, one hopes, on its feet again after a bad moment at the death of its devoted editor, Professor Merlin) and, to some extent, of SEG. In selecting items here, I have often had to make an embarrassing choice. I am well aware too that I have not seen all that have come out and that I have failed to grasp the significance of many that I have read. This selection is, like its predecessor in 1960, based essentially on a personal assessment of pri0rities.l

Archaic Italy. Of all recent discoveries, the most exciting is that of the gold tablets of Pyrgi (Santa Severa), one in Punic and two in Etruscan, of which the longer is closely parallel to the Punic text. They were published with admirable promptitude-which deserves an expression of gratitude and which one could only wish more common-by Professors Pallottino and Garbini,2 and are already clocliing up a considerable bibliography." While many points of translation and interpretation remain controversial, it is clear that they record a dedication to Astarte identified with Etruscan Uni, by an Etruscan, Thefarie Velianas, described as king over Caere, apparently in the third year of his reign. They are heavy with historical implications that strongly justify Pallottino's plea for more con-sideration of the archaic age as a whole rather than as a series of separate ethnic develop- ments, Etruscan, Greek, Roman etc. If they are correctly dated around the turn of the sixth to the fifth centuries B.c., and if the Punic text is taken to indicate a Garthaginian connection, as has seemed most natural to most commentators, they provide powerful

I am much indebted to many friends who have S t . Rotnani 13 (1965), I f. ; G. Colonna, St. Etvusclzi drawn my attention to inscriptions and epigraphic 33 (1965)) 191 f. ; G. Pugliese-Carratelli, loc. cit. publications that I would otherwise hal-e missed and 221 f. ; A. J. Pfiffig, Denkschr. Ost. Akad. Wiss. 88 very especially to Mr. M. W. Frederiksen. (1965) ; G. Colonna, Archaeology 19 (1966), 1 1 f. For

Arch. Class. 16 (1964), 58 f. more detailed and more recent discussion, which also S. Moscati, Riv. S t . Orientali 39 (1964), 257 f.; takes account of a bronze tablet inscribed in Etruscan

G. Garbini (with a note by G. Levi della Vida), and found with the gold ones. see J . Heurgon, above, Oriens Antiquus 4 (1965), 35 f. ; J. G. Fevrier, loc. pp. I ff. cit. 175 f. ; J . Ferron, loc, clt. 181 f. ; M. Pallottino,

ROhlAN EPIGRAPHY, 1961-65 'I7

support for those who believe in Polybius' first Roman/Carthaginian treaty and an interesting, if frustratingly inadequate, glimpse of Caeretan history during the period of Caere's ascendancy, which is relevant background to the contemporary history of Rome. Pallottino argues that Gaere's policy was oscillating between the antihellenic and the philhellenic, and her constitution changing as the partisans of one or other dominated, that Thefarie's dedication seems to show a virtual subordination to Carthage, perhaps suggesting that he owed his position (whether it was that of tyrant or of some kind of elective but sole and long-term official) to Carthaginian support, even intervention-which would show Carthage extending her Italian interests by means more aggressive than trade and com- mercial treaty, stimulated, no doubt, by Greek activity from Lipari, if nothing else.

That is attractive, but perhaps advances far into the realm of guesses ; and as for Thefarie's position, while it may be compared with that of the undated king of Caere in a fragment from Tarquinia published in ilde'l. d'arch. et d'hist. 63 (1951), p. 120, it is difficult to know how much to make of it, in the light of the evidence for a magistrate called dictator in municipal Caere (cf. CIL XI, p. j34) Moreover it must be noted that the date of the tablets, which rests essentially on palaeographic criteria not to be assessed precisely except by Semitic and Etruscan epigraphists, has been disputed by A. J. Pfiffig, who prefers the turn of the fifth to the fourth centuries and the context of Gartha~inian/Etruscan " hostility to Syracuse at that time ; that would provide a new facet for the raid of Dionysius of Syracuse on Pyrgi in 384 (but the raid may be held to have acquired one in any case non7 that the Sanctuarv turns out to have a Punic element). On the whole the archae- ological evidence for the history of the Sanctuary so far published seems to me to favour the earlier date, and if G. Colonna were right in his belief that the Punic text refers to the actual foundation of the earlier temple on the site (Temple R), there would be no doubt of it-but others think that it is to an adjunct of that temple (e.g. an aedicula attached to it), so that uncertainty remains. There is also doubt about the Carthaginian origin of the Astarte of the texts, for Professor Levi della Vida notes strong Cypriote elements in the language of the Punic one. This clue has been taken up by Professor Pugliese-Garratelli, who points to a real possibility of East Mediterranean contacts for Caere which might well be strengthened at a time when Darius in Persia would want to encourage his Phoenician subjects in any act likelv to check the West Greek kinsmen of his East Greek subjects and his Mainland Greek opponents. The basic argument here is a linguistic one that only a Semitist can appraise, but even supposing that this Astarte came from Cyprus to Caere, her coming would surely lead to a rapprochement with Caere's old ally Carthage too.

The glamour of Pyrgi should not be allowed to obscure the value of several other archaic documents, notably, from Rome, the republished Greek graffito from the Esquiline and an Etruscan one, published for the first time, from the pre-temple level below S. Omobono, both used by G. Colonna as part of the evidence for a picture of life in the city in the late seventh to early sixth ~ e n t u r y . ~

Republicnrz Jzistorj+. A chance find by an agricultural worker has brought to light a temple archiye of the late fourth or early third century near Epizephyrian Locri-37 complete or fragmentary inscribed bronze tablets in a cylindrical stone chest with fitting lid ;j Professor De Franciscis' preliminary discussions, with publication of a certain number of the texts, indicate the range of evidence that they contain for local history, together with some points of wider importance, especially the contributions made by the city (with money borrowed from the temple of Zeus) to an unnamed king who is probably Pyrrhus : De Franciscis considers other identifications, but makes a strong case for rejecting them. There has been a series of discoveries relevant to T. Quinctius Flamininus in Greece-a reference to Titeia at Argos, clearly the result of his declaration of Argive independence in 195, a new inscription in his honour in Thessaly, the reinterpretation of an old text at Corinth as a dedication in his honour there, made by Aristaenos, the rival of Ph i lop~emen .~The name to be restored in CIL I 5 638 (= ILS 23 = ILLRP 434) as the builder of the road from Capua to Rhegium, who also claimed credit for the replacement of

* Arch. Class.16 (1964), 9 f. W. Daux, BCH 1964, 569 f. ; E. Mastrokostas, A. De Franciscis. Klenvchos 3 (1961), 17 f. and REA 1964, 309 f . ; J. Bousquet BCH 1964, 608 f.

4 (1962), 66 f . ; cf. BzLZZ.gp. 1965, no. 494.

I 18 JOYCE REYNOLDS

cattle bv arable farming on ~ u b l i c land and is therefore ~eculiarlv im~or t an tfor Gracchan a L

~tudies ,~hasbeen the scbjecf of several papers ; there is B useful and accessible discussion of the arguments by T. P. Wiseman in PBSR 19 (1964), 21 f., concluding against A. Degrassi's defence of Mommsen's restoration of P. Popillius Laenas, cos. 132, and in favour of V. Bracco's case that it was a T. Annius-he suggests T.Annius Rufus, acting, perhaps, as propraetor in 13 I. In a text at Olympia there appear a number of men from Achaean cities who ~rocla im that thev have served under a consular general. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. " agaiist Galatae-the &mpaign can hardly be other than that against the Gauls in ~ rovence from 122 onwards ; the use of Achaean troops, indeed of any Greek troops, in the field is of interest : and the testimonv also serves to strengthen the ~robabilitv that Polvbius " himself wrdte the sentence on ;he construction of the Via Domiiia at 111, jg,8, as ~tttll as to suggest a possible source for his information after he had returned to A ~ h a e a . ~ I am perhaps prejudiced in thinking that the Cyrenaican inscriptions recording activity by Pompey and his legate Marcellinus, including the foundation of a colony ( ? of ex-pirates), in or soon after the Pirate War, deserve a place in this short-list, but my excuse is that Professor Badian has recently argued from them that probably no permanent administra- tion was established in Cyrenaica before 6 7 . q e s s precisely dated, but perhaps in the Triumviral period, come two documents of municipal life that seem to stand out from the run of such thines. The first is from Centur i~ae in Sicilv and records the success of an c ,

embassy which went to Rome and to Lanuvium to renew privileges arising from cognatio with these two places ; extracts from the decree of the Senate of Lanuvium are given in a Greek translation (they show, naturally, a procedure at Lanuvium very close to that of the Senate of Rome) ; the council of Centuripae appears as dyKh~*r05and Centuripae itself as an Ctxo~~ia; C. Rlanganaro, in publishing it, argued that Centuripae must have received the status of a Latin colony from Caesar-and points to the traditional cognatio as a justi-fication of Caesar's policy in this respect ; Professor Robert, discussing the inscription briefly, thought that there might be other interpretations of the word colony (the legendary movement of Sikelus the son of Italus, which is presumably the basis of the claim to cognatio), but the use of the word oiry~Aq-ro5instead of Pouhfi at Centuripae seems, perhaps, to give some support to Rlanganaro ; at the same time Robert is surely right in rejecting some of the details of Manganaro's restoration, and in transforming the genealogical trees which he supposed the ambassadors to have taken ~vi th them into ordinary instructions. T h e second is a Latin text from Candela near Ascoli Satriano, originally published by the late Professor Bartoccini but fundamentally reconsidered by S. Panciera.lo I t reveals, in Panciera's view, a shortlived military colony of Triumviral date called Firmum, possibly to be connected with the colonists sent e lege Izttia to the ager Auscz~li?zz~s according to the Libev Coloniavuftz 210, IOL (and if so some confirmation of a detail in that much-suspected document). 411 its editors state that the I I v i ~ i of the colonv are called fcenturiones) II2)ii.i.but I am not ibsolutely convinced that the element before t h i word 11u2;is anythini but d: P ~ o r - ative. Candela has also been regarded as the townlet on the route to Brundisium whose name resisted Horace's attempt to versify it (Sat. I , j,87 I".)-if so, he must have been stumped by its precolonial name, unless the line imitates Lucilius' similar one for imitation's sake and has nothing to do with the facts of the case. Panciera accepts this identification and takes the stagnation that Horace describes there as indicative of the brevitv of the colonv's life. but it ig surely possible that the colonization was later than the visit. ~ m o n ~the teits that are incidentally extending gradually our knowledge of the organization of the municipalities of Italy, two seem particularly notable. One, in Oscan and dated on palaeographic grounds to the second century B . c . , ~ ~attests the existence of aediles among the Vestini. The other, of imperial date, from Trebula Mutuesca,12 sets out the various functions which the subject performed under the title of octoui~ during each of his several tenures of that office and

'E. Kunze, Olynpia , V. Bericlzt I 60 f. ; A@I960, l o R.Bartoccini, Arch. Stor . Pug[. 8 (1955),~17 f . ; no. 76 ; SEG xv, 254. S. Panciera, Epigraphica 24 (1962), 79 f . ; A E 196r,

J . hZ.Reynolds, J R S 52 (1962), 97 f . ; SEG xx, no. 310 ; A2 1964, pp. 43 f . ; I L L R P 11, 592. nos. 709, 730, 731, 766 ; E. Badian, J R S 55 (1965), l1 E. Mattiocco, Arch. Class. 16 (1964), 296 f . 119 f . M. Torelli, Relzd. Acc. Lilzc. 18 (1963), 257 f . ;

G. Manganar~,Rend. Acc. Arch. Napoli 38 A E 1964, no. 19. (1963), 23 f . ; cf. Bull . Ep. 1965, no. 499.

suggests that after all the octovirate was, or became, four pairs of magistrates rather than a magistracy in commission, as has been held.

Imperial History I. Emperors and their funziZies.-A headless and fragmentary career from Trebula

Mutuesca,13 cut before the death of Augustus, records a praefectzls castrorum associated with two sons of Augustus and an Agrippa, and serving the two former in areas which included Illyricum and Armenia. M. Torelli, who published it, identifies the sons with Tiberius and Caius Caesar and Agrippa with the great Agrippa ; but this involves a most unlikely order of presentation for the postings ; I incline, therefore, with the new editors of AE, to take Agrippa as Agrippa Postumus, while the sons might be Caius and Lucius Caesar rather than Tiberius and Caius. If that were right, we would have testimony to a brief enjoyment of offcia1 position by Postumus. The importance of the reference to an oath of allegiance of Augustan date taken in Samos, and of the Cypriote oath of allegiance to 'Tiberius requires no under1ining.l- letter of Titus on a bronze tablet from Spain shows him honeying rebuke and adverse judgement with kindness, very much on the lines described by Suetonius (o. Titi 8)J5 An inscription from Marsala16 seems to indicate that the young Commodus was with the army during his father's German war, which explains the title Germanicus conferred on him in 172and demonstrates that he was being brought before the public eye, especially the military eye, several years earlier than has been thought ; more information on his wife's family comes in an inscription from Trebula Mutuesca listed below for its Senatorial career. The stone that gives the equestrian career of the emperor Pertinax is also worthy of note ;I7 despite its incon~plete state it confirms SHA, c.Pertinacis I, 6-11, 2, at several points and especially on his retention in Britain, for it shows at this stage in his cursus an extra officership which must have been a second appointment held in Britain, precisely as Professor Birley had conjectured from the passage. On an arch at Lepcis Magna erected in 174 in honour of Marcus Aurelius the dedicating proconsul Africae is a C. Septimius Severus and his legate a L. Septimius Severus ;I7" the latter is the future emperor, the former one of his several consular relations, perhaps the adjnis of SMA, v. Severi I, j, through whom he obtained the latus clavzts. The text from Aversa noted below for its Senatorial career confirms the deification of Probus and adds to know- ledge of his policies.

2. Senatorial careers.- Of many relevant tests, two seem especially worthy of mention. One from Trebula R4utuesca18 reveals the empress Crispina's grandmother as Laberia Crispina, daughter of the NI'. Laberius Maximus who fell into disgrace at the end of Trajan's reign : and his marriage to this lady may explain a certain stop-go tendency about some of the Trajanic stages of the career of the elder Bruttius Praesens which have puzzled commentators. The second, the cursus of L. Caesonius Ovinius n4anlius Rufinianus Bassus from Aversa,lVs outstanding in the amount of information it adds to our knowledge of senatorial careers in the later third century. Its editor also brings out its interest for the judicial posts it contained in relation to concessions made to the Senate by Probus and to the development of extraordinary courts of justice.

3. Equestrian careers.-Here I choose three from the many. A damaged text from Caesarea in Palestine 2 0 provides the first epigraphic reference to Pontius Pilate, with the correct form of his title-praefectus Iuilaeae-and presents him as founder of a Tiberiezun there, a building which was, no doubt, analogous to the Caesarea and Augustea of other

l3 R I . Torelli, Epigraphica 24 (1962), 68 f. ; AE l'a G , di v i t a -~vra rd , Mel . d'arch. et d'hist. 78 1964,no. 107. (19631, 389 f .

P. Herrmann, A t h . Alitt . 75 (1960), 71 f . ; I s M. Torelli, Epigraphiccz 24 (1962), gj f. ; for T. B. Mitfori!, J R S jo (1960), 75f. ; ~ u l l the career of Bruttius Praesens, cf. G. Ch. Picard, &p. 1961, no. 826 ; A E 1962,no. 248 ; h. Weinstock, A t h . Rkv. Africaine 94 (rgso), 25 f. and (with H. G. -Mitt. 77 (1962), 306 f . Pflaum) Karthago 2 (19j1),91 f .

l5 H. Xesselhauf, !Wadrider AMitteiltlr~gen I (1960), l9 G. Barbieri, Akte des IV. Kongressfiir Epigraphik 148 f. ; A. d'Ors, Emerita 29 (1961), 208 f. ; A2 40 f. ; 1964,no. 223. 1962,no. 288. 2 0 A. Frova, Rend. 1st. Lomb. 95 (1961), 419 f. ;

'W.Barbieri, Kokalos 7 (1961), 15 f. J. Vardaman, Journal of Biblical Literature 81 (1962), " G. Icolbe, A k t e des IC'. I<o~zgressfiir Epigraphik 70 f . ; B. Lifshitz, Latomus 22 (1963), 783 ; A.

185f . Degrassi, Rend. Acc. Line. 19 (1964), 59 f. ; AE 1963,

I20 JOYCE REYNOLDS

towns, and intended for use both in imperial cult and in administration. How the missing portions of this text should be restored seems to me very uncertain ; A. Degrassi's proposals are so far the best, but I am not quite happy with his belief that the building was dedicated dis Augustis, and I think that the layout of the text he produces is lop-sided-but I have nothing better to offer. In the mid-second century a dedication to Q. Domitius Marsianus, of which I have seen no discussion so far," appends to his cursus a copy of the letter of Antoninus Pius announcing his elevation from centenarial to ducenarial rank. The tombstone of T. Aius Sanctus, now at R~me,~+ontains an equestrian cursus of some interest in itself and because the subject is possibly identical with one of Commodus' teachers, the orator Attius Sanctus of SH,4, v. Commodi I, 6 and at the same time with the Sanctus (usually cited as Minicius Sanctus) who was Prefect of Egypt c. 179 / 180 ; it is given spice by the inclusion among his heirs of Cleander, the favourite of Commodus, who has the title a cubiculo et a pz~gio~ze, which disposes for good and all of the theory that n pugione is an informal and disrespectful appellation for him.

3. City of Rom~.--It would be impossible in this survey to pass over the sunlptuous new publication of the marble plan of the city, a landmark in the study of its t o p ~ g r a p h y . ~ ~ Some details now revealed have a still wider bearing, e.g. the establishment of the form septixodium as the proper name for the Severan building sometimes called a septizonium, which has relevance to Severan religious beliefs and policies. I t is also interesting, as observed by Professor Castagnoli in a review, that the plan follows the normal orientation used by Roman map-makers, with North-East at the tops2"

4. P1roainces.-In the purely organizational sphere perhaps the most important con- tribution is the diploma from Gherla revealing the existence of Dacia Porolissensis already in A.D. 1 3 3 . ~ ~ The cadastral 'l'here is also a great deal of new information on local affairs. documents from Orange have now R Trajanic text fromreceived full p u b l i ~ a t i o n . ~ ~ R/ lakta~- ,~~a dedication to a prefect by civitates LXIIII pagi Thusci et Gz~nxuxi, shows that one of the senses in which the word pagus was used in Africa was that of a large district containing a number of stipendiary towns, a form of organization which may, so Professor Picard suggests, derive from Carthaginian practice. A newly-discovered piece of CIL VIII, 20144 from Cuicul 28 refers to municipal taxrrtio and leads Professor Leglay to discuss the whole question of sunzmae honorariae. Material on this subject from Africa and Italy, along with evidence for other municipal costs and outlays, is collected in two useful articles by R. P. Duncan- Jone~ .~~a A text from Thugga " containing the words immunitas pe~ticae Carthagifziensis introduces to epigraphy a word from the vocabulary of the agrime~zso~,es, illustrates the privileged position of Carthage and has a bearing on the peculiar position of the pagzls Thugensis. The letter of Titus mentioned above,30 shows a Spanish town in difficulties over debts to the contractor who farmed its tax collection (this text is also full of legal problems). A municipal decree from Macedonia dated in 158/9 makes provision for the use of neglected public land.31 A fragment of an imperial letter from Zwint in Pamphylia 32 requires that copies of business contracts should be filed in civic archives in order to inhibit forgeries.

The processes of Romanization are illustrated very clearly in connection with cult : cf. the appearance of a Roman calendar-the first instance found in an inscription outside Italy-at T a u r o m e n i ~ m , ~ ~and of Latin prayers, analogous in formulation to those used by the Arval Brothers on 3rd January, in Cyrenaica.S4 As far as individuals are concerned it is clear that the much discussed and described Tabula Banasitana (of which, however, I have

Fasti Archaeologici 13 (1958), no. 4404 ; RI? 2 8 M. Leglay, Akte des I V . Kongressfur Epigraphik, 1962, no. 183. 224 f .

'2 L. Moretti, Ric. Fil. Class. 38 (1960), 68 f . ; 2s;t P B S R 30 (1962), 47 f . ; ib. 33 (1965), 189 f . A E 1961, no. 280. 2 9 CI. Poinssot, Co??tptes Rendus 1962, 55 f . ;A@

23 G.Carettoni, A.R I . CoIoni, L. Cozza, G. Gatti, 1963, 94. L a Pianta ?/lnrntorca d i Ro??ta Anttca (Rome.. ,1060)., 30 See n. I c .

'T.Caatagnoli, G,:onzon 33 (1~61>,'604 f . 31 C. ati in,^^^ 1962, 57 f . 26 C. Daicoviciu and D. Protase, J R S 51 (1961), 32 G.E.Bean, Anatolian Studies ro (1960), 71 f . ;

63 f. ; AE 1962, no. 255. AE 1961, no. 24."A. Piganiol, Les Documents cndastraux de la 33 G. Manganaro, Arch. Class. 15 (1963), 13 f . ;

colnnie romaine d'Orange, Gallia Suppl. (1962). Insrr. I t . XIII , 2, p. 547. " G. Ch. Picard, Comptes Rendus 1963, 124 f . 31 J, M.Reynolds, P B S R 30 (1962), 33 f . and 33

(19651, 52 f .

not yet seen a text) 35 is of the highest importance. I t concerns grants of Roman citizenship to a Berber chief and his family, made salvo i u ~ e gentium (a concept of continuing obligation to local affairs which may recall the terms of the Third Cyrene Decree), a phrase which, it has been suggested, could be restored (in the form yivov-ro~ -roc 81~aiov-rGv T~OA~TEW-&.-rav) in P. Giess. 40, 11. 7/9. Apart from any relevance it may have to the Constitutio Antoniniana, it apparently refers to a list of recipients of Roman citizenship beginning in the reign of Augustus, and to the formal procedure for making grants (by the emperor sitting with his consilizsm in this case, which sounds very much in a line of development from the behaviour of Cn. Pompeius Strabo at Asculum, cf. ILS 8888).

Having mentioned Berbers I should like to call attention to the flood of light thrown on a less romanized group of them, the men who produced the inscriptions in Latin script but apparent gibberish, known as Latino--Libyan texts, by Professor Levi della Vida's discovery that in Tripolitania their language was Punic 36 (which, if true over a wider area of Africa, would vindicate the literal accuracy of St. Augustine when he identified the African language with Punic).

j. Religion-Apart from the texts that 1 have already mentioned in other connections, the most important religious text appears to me to be the dedication Lare Aineia at Tor Tignosa,37 both for its testimony to the cult of Aeneas in Latium and for the clear implication that a Lar was a divine ancestor.

a%~ezunlzamCollege, Cambfridge.

3' W. Seston and G . Euzennat, Comptes Rendtis 3 7 &I. Guarducci, Bull. -Ifus. Civ. Ront. 19 1961, 317f . (1956-8), 3 f . m Bull. Comnr. 76 (1956-8) ; AE

jGG. Levi delh Vida, Oriens Antiquus I I (:963), 1960, no. 138 : S. Weins t~ck,JRS 50 (r960), 65 f . and IV (1965)) 59 f . 114 f . ; ILLRP 11, 1271 .

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8 Cyrenaica, Pompey and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus MarcellinusJoyce ReynoldsThe Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 52, Parts 1 and 2. (1962), pp. 97-103.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0075-4358%281962%2952%3C97%3ACPACCL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-6

8 M. Porcius Cato and the Annexation and Early Administration of CyprusE. BadianThe Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1/2, Parts 1 and 2. (1965), pp. 110-121.Stable URL:

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14 A Cypriot Oath of Allegiance to TiberiusT. B. MitfordThe Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 50, Parts 1 and 2. (1960), pp. 75-79.Stable URL:

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20 A New Inscription Which Mentions Pilate as "Prefect"Jerry VardamanJournal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 81, No. 1. (Mar., 1962), pp. 70-71.Stable URL:

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25 Un Nouveau Diplôme Militaire de Dacia PorolissensisC. Daicoviciu; D. ProtaseThe Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 51, Parts 1 and 2. (1961), pp. 63-70.Stable URL:

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32 Notes and Inscriptions from Pisidia. Part IIG. E. BeanAnatolian Studies, Vol. 10. (1960), pp. 43-82.Stable URL:

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37 Two Archaic Inscriptions from LatiumStefan WeinstockThe Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 50, Parts 1 and 2. (1960), pp. 112-118.Stable URL:

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