1968-69_v9,communityissue_chevron

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THE CROSS OF IRON _ cc .a life of perpetual fear and tensions; a’durden of arms draining the wealth and the labor of all peoples; a wasting of strength that defies the American system or the Soviet system or any system to achieve true abundance and happiness for the people of this earth. . . Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theji J?mn those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. ‘This I

world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. \

THE COST OF ONE MODERN HEAVY BOMBER IS THIS: a brick school in more than 30 cities. It is two electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population. It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some 50 miles of concrete highway. WE PAY FOR A SINGLE FIGHTER PLANE WITH A HALF MILLION BUSHELS OF WHEAT8 ‘WE PAY FOR A SINGLE DESTROYER WITH NEW HOMES THAT COULD HA VE HOUSED MORE THAN 8,000 PEOPLE.. . This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. Under the cloud of thrcaten- ing war, it is humanity, hanging fro,n a cross of iron.” IS THERE NO OTHER WAY THE WORLD MAY LIVE? General Eisenhower, New York Times, April 17, 1953

2 960 the Chevron, community issue

The power elite Which side has power? The answer is obvious to any-

one who has even briefly thought about the question.

In our society power is held by the people who own or run businesses. The people with capital at their control.

Power is money. Money pays for politic al

campaigns. Money buys influence -so that the purchaser can make more money. Not even the moon is free unless you just want to look.

With money a person can have some say about the decisions that are made which affect his life.

He can decide where he wants to work and what he wants to do. He can build the kind of house he wants and take vacations where he wants to. A person with money can afford to have children, buy a new car, and throw big parties all at the same time.

But most people don’t have money. Most members of the community are stuck working for the few who control the capital. And so they have to follow the rules laid down by the rich bosses.

The great majority are resigned to the fact that they will always have to work hard just to get by. Younger people hope they can find a job in the first place.

In order to get that job, more and more youths today are staying in school. The schools are becoming job training centers.

Going to university is still reserved mostly for the sons and daughters of the middle and upper classes, but greater numbers from all classes are getting in.

If they were getting a good education in the university that would be great-but they’re not. Once in, students find that they are simply spending more time uselessly studying things they will never use in any way.

But study they must so that they can pass the exams and get a job-a job which even ten years ago you didn’t have to have a university degree to get-a job that still doesn’t make any use of

the years of study it took to get that degree.

The university would have provided a great chance to get ahead for the parents of the non-upper class student now getting in.

But to this generation it turns out to be just another three or four unproductive years necessary just to stay where you are.

The owners of business now need better trained technicians for their industries. So the government is trying to train them at everybody’s expense.

And, with new machines replacing more and more men, fewer workers are needed so the system is happy to force youths to spend at least four more years in school so they won’t raise the unemployment figures.

The rapidly expanding technology of our world could be used for everybody’s benefit.

It could provide everybody with the goods and services they need for a comfortable life.

It could free many hours for worthwile high quality education and recreation.

But this won’t happen while the rich elite is on top. They want to perpetuate a system in which the rich become richer and the poor become poorer.

Right now North America is riding out an economic boom. But the end is in sight. And when the end comes it won’t be the rich that suffer the greatest misery.

* * * In this special community is-

sue of the Chevron, the student newspaper at the University of Waterloo, a close look is taken at some facts usually hidden from public view and, on the last few pages, an explanation is presented for the growing radicalism amongst university students.

The contents of this issue da not necessarily represent the feelings of the administration, faculty, student council or student body of the university.

They are simply a collection of articles the Chevron staff thought you might be interested in read- ing.

this issue?

all 744-6111

and ask for

extension 3445

The lies thev tell The people of Kitchener and

Waterloo are being lied to. They are being lied to about

university students, particularly the radical movement, they are being lied to about their rights and freedoms. They are being told that they are free to do things that they really aren’t free to do at all.

These lies are being told by the people that control what we read in our newspapers, what we see on television, what we hear on the radio. ,

These people in control are an elite. One upper class with their own best interests at heart.

It is not a conscious plot. The liars never meet and plan what they are going to do, usually they don’t even know what they are doing themselves.

It happens naturally because all the people in control of our community (the owners and the managers) have the same interests. They think the same kinds of things are good. They see things the same way.

And because they are in control they can do things the way they want to do them while most people have to sit back and put up with it.

J

In the newspapers and on the radio and television stations they control they tell everybody how they see things. Eventually, because only one point of view is ever heard, many people start

’ believing that things really are the way this small group of people thinks they are.

Nobody picked these people who run all the businesses and make decisions that affect our lives. they are responsible to no one.

But other legitimate points of view can never be kept down and today there are other very definite points of view struggling to make themselves heard.

This newspaper is one attempt to publish some different ideas.

Because the ruling people will not like many of these opinions, this publication will probably be condemned wherever they are in control.

The people who have worked on this paper know that. But they have something too important to say to be scared.

Don’t you be scared to think about what they have written. No one will agree with all of it, not even the many different authors.

But some things should be said.

Canadian University Press member, Underground Press Syndicate associate member, Liberation News Service subscriber. the Chevron is published every friday by the publications board of the Federation of Students (inc), University of Waterloo. Content is independent of the publications board, the student council and the university administration. Offices in the campus center,phone (519) 744-5111, local 3443 (news and sports), 3444 (ads), 3445 (editor), direct night- line 7444111, publications board chairman: Gerry Wootton 35,000 copies

editor-inchief: Stewart Saxe managing editor: Bob Verdun news editor: Ken Fraser features editor: Alex Smith photo editor: Gary Robins entertainment editor: Rod Hickman editorial associate: Steve Ireland

This special issue was published with the cooperation of a number of interested members of the Kitchener-Waterloo community. The staff included: Jim Bowman, regular circulation manager; Bill Brown, assistant news editor, Dave Blaney, George Loney, Frank Goldspink, Tom Purdy, Pete Wilkinson, Anne Stiles, Leo Johnson, Mike Sheppard, Cyril Levitt, Larry Burko, Jim Klink, and many others who helped with distribution and other important technical functions. Finances for this issue where provided special grant from the education board of the Federation of Students,

april 7 969 (special) 967 3 . > I..~‘-* \. . 1 \ ,’ 1 : ~ ‘_., : I

T ONE A.M. LAST

utes of each other at two local hotels --the ~~~~~on in ~it(~~ener and the

Wa tcrtoo in Waterloo. HOW many of our local burghers-

when they read about this event in their daily newspapers the ~~t~hener-Waterloo regard--muttered to themselves that ‘it’s those damn ~omrnun~§t students at the university again’?

Is the asking of such a question merely the product of a paranoic radical student’s overworked ~rna~~uat~on~

Or is it po~§i~~e that the tire-builder, the ~~~uran~e clerk, the brewery worker or real estate agent did -in fact go

Bridges BPQ~ on the uni- tb) the ousting of the

ion of students’ goun~~~ d occurred the same day.

hours Th~rsda~‘s sity’s student con ~~~~ students at a ing had voted n ~oun~~~, charging tiond’

As a member of the chevron staff, H

he effort on ~~~~e~o the province must have been ~~rn~lar to that caf a vernier of otter “~~w~‘~ stories

The general public impression was ~t~de~t~ at Waterloo had at last turned to violence in their efforts to disrupt ~“ur Democratic Canadian society.

This incident, alone, is not particularly §~gnifi~ant. however, taken in the context of the press coverage of the 1968 student unrest, it can be interpreted as being indicative of a major fault in commercial press reporting of an important w~r~d~w~de phenomenon.

Since the turn of the ~entnry, since the days of the muckrakers, since the days of ~~lliarn Randolph Hearst and circulation battles waged with printer’s ink, journalists have cherished the idea of “objective reporting.”

With the realization of the awesome power of the press, the ideal of unblamed, r~~ort”both-sides writing replaced the

po~~ti~a~ outlook of the nine-

embrace the capitalistic free

ss, by professing to be de- tached, unopinionated, objective and a formal for dissent, tended to s~~p~~t that belief.

f course, objectivity is impo~§i~~e. t the reporter ~irns~~~-~et alone r effluences-there are values previous experiences waist de- what he perceives and how he

s what he does see. His education, so~ia~izat~~n and the

~ir~um~tan~es under which he writes all

irn~os~s his own

decide how best

house ads. with the funeral-

Taking the example with which I start-- ed, we see that these last persons had everything to do with the revolting mis- representation .

The deskman rewrote the story to connect the two unconnected events, the layout man placed the story on page one-although the simple bombing story would normally be page five hewn-and the headline writer wrote an ina~~urat headline to grab the ~leary~eyed morning reader’s attention.

But how are these personal biases connected to “opinion control”?

The control of the ~ornrn~ni~atio~s media in Canada, as in the States, rests in the hands of a sm

its ~~nne~ti~n§ with big bus- the more ~ouservative politi-

cal parties. this elite holds the same values as the other segments of the ‘“power elite,” and Porter, auth- or of 7=-k? ~~~~~~~~ states, maintains its e~o~~rn~~ by restating and ~enera~~z~n~ values thron~b the pages of its newspapers.

Porter ~~utin~es, ‘ Qnly the very wealthy, or those successful in the torpor- ate world, can buy and sell large daily uews~apers wbi~h become, in ef the instruments of an e~ta~~i~hed u class. ”

The ~~n~~ntrat~~n of newspaper ownership in Canada is a fearsome tying,

fCn 1958, three §yndi~ate~, t ~u~li~hin~ ~Qrn~any, the a he Thomson chains accounted fog: a 25 percent of all daily new§pa~~~ 63 ation in Canada: only ten units ae- mounted for 87 percent of all ~ng~i§~~ language daily circulation. Since then the trend has continued fa~ta$ti~a~~y.

son chain, listed in The

and in the firs

~~,~~~,~9~~ a 69.9 percent increase over profits for the same period in 1967.

The Thornton example il~u§trate§ one of the other problems created by the monopoly press.

Rather than the high ideals monthed by the news media and its subservient writ~r~~ the ai of newspaper o~ies-~a~t~~u~a the ‘Thomson unabashedly &be maximization of profit.

Lord Thomson has been quoted as des- bribing news as something you fit in be-

exern~lif~~d by his er staff’s ity two extra to

assassin sf

In many cases, then, pub~isbers view the newspaper as solely a financial in-

to know only about

rowth of the Tbom- er’s book was pub-

aX Gaze@ a maj right, was recent1

rs to the %arges mass media complexes, the chain.

The additive of the Gazette to the South-

real Gazette. The

The purchase of the Montreal and Tor- onto papers was a significant break- through for these chains which hitherto had been unable to get a foothold in the major cities.

The main reason for the great effort to do so was to increase the amount of national advertising the chains could sell by having large metropolitan dailies in their folds.

Rut who are these newspaper owners? Most control rests in the hands of well-

established families. Their class ties are clearly tipper, all

are members of the British charter group and their politics, whether Liberal or Conservative, favor the \.ongoing social order.

They move among the businessmen of the community, and play important roles in the political system. Thus the Southam Company, for example, is still controlled by the Southam family.

“Its directors”. says Porter, “held three bank directorships, three in insurance companies, and four in other dominant corporations. Most of the directors came from promine.nt upper class families and attended private schools such as Trinity College School or Ridley College. ”

The result is not unseen in their publications. In 1940, Carlton McNaught wrote of publishers “One result is that the publisher often acquires a point of view which is that of the business groups in a community rather than of other and perhaps opposed groups; and this point of view is more likely than not to be reflected in his paper’s treatment of news. The publisher usually belongs to the same clubs, moves in the same social circles, and breathes the same at- mosphere as other businessmen.”

Porter debunks the myth that owners do little to establish the ideological tone of editorials or to interfere with the presentation of news, commenting “this argument overlooks the fact that. in a large number of cases, owners are also publishers and so retain the chief executive positions for themselves.. .

“One can scarcely imagine that the

owners of newspapers were not parties to the decisions of almost all the metropolitan dailies to support the Liberal party in the 1963 general election.. .

“No one would seriously hold that owners make’ decisions all along the hard-pressed and carefully timed sched- ule of newspaper production, but it can be said that they set down general boundary lines which will become -known to the editorial staffs.”

Such boundary lines set by owners and publishers are all-important when looking at the lack of objectivity in the commercial press.

The coverage of the events at Colum- bia University last May led one com- mentator to suggest that the famous Times masthead should be changed to “All the News that Columbia Trustee and New York Times President and Publisher, Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, Feels Fit to Print.”

The Times, the alleged fountainhead of liberal objectivity, distorted the events at Columbia by selective and incorrect reporting, muzzled its younger and more sympathetic reporters, and even when the Columbia Daily Spectator (a constant source for the Times in the past) documented the distortions, the Times failed to correct them.

The defects of much of the Columbia coverage were of two kinds.

Papers consistently tried to minimize the significance of what the protesters were doing, discrediting them by emphasi- zing the disruptive aspect of the protest understating the number of protesters. more or less ignoring the issues they were raising, forging stories based on individual protesters, and giving the impression that only students were standing in the way of a settlement while the administration was making concessions.

While some of the press distortion of establishment-threatening events can be blamed on this sort of “conspiracy theory’ much of the inability of the commercial press to “tell it like it is” can be traced to the failure of editors and publishers to understand many of the fundamental changes of recent years.

In many cases there may be junior men on the staffs who do comprehend what is happening but they are precluded from writing about it because of potential management wrath.

Most editors of large metropolitan dailies believe that as a matter of “professional responsibility” they must “parti-

cipate in community affairs”. But this concept has traditionally been interpreted to include only membership in the best downtown men’s clubs and suburban country clubs; regular attendance at the weekly Rotary and Lions Club luncheons and membership on the board of governors of the local college or university.

It is unlikely that very many members of this group have had experience of lower class life, and none have ex- perienced life as one of Canada’s many minority groups.

The editors, out of habit, talk with few people other than fellow members of their city’s “establishment”.

For the most part, they are men who have been in the business for several decades, men who may have learned their craft in the 1920’s and 1930’s, when flamboyant* headlines and cops-and-rob- bers stories filled the paper daily.

They simply are incapable of under- standihg the nuances of anti-war p,ro- tests, campus demonstrations or black revolts.

For them, such stories are to be handled in the traditional style: how many picketed, how many were arrested. what were the police charges and what were they protesting about ? The explanation of the protest is usually confined to two or three paragraphs, with no effort made to determine whether there is any validity to the complaint.

As a spokesman for the United States Student Press Association wrote, “If one suggested to a city editor that he ought to send ten good reporters out into the city to find out what was bothering the students at the local college or the Negroes in the local ghetto, he would tell you that his staff was tied up covering routine meetings, politicians, civic groups and the like-and, besides, he would say we have to have some people in the newsroom in case of a major disaster.”

Obviously, we have a pitiful situation in the North American and especially Cana- dian press.

We have the phenomenon of main information sources being under the control of a few men who by the sins of omission and commission can shape the opinion of the entire citizenry.

As Porter says, “The image of Canada. inasmuch as the media contribute to the image. is created by the British charter group, represented by the upper-class owning group or the successful middle-class journalists.”

Because the electorate of this country depends for its information upon those who havea vested interest in influencing their judgments, the freedom to raise issues effectively or to present “the other side of the story” is severely limited.

Therefore, it is not logical to expect that members of the commercial elite controlling the media will treat the activities, for example, of student activists with sympathy-especially since those students question t,he economic system by which these men became wealthy. question the educational system which perpetuates their elite. and question the political system which effectively guarantees their ascendancy.

The alternatives are not promising. The tremendous cost involved in es-

tablishing and operating daily newspapers plus the tactics used by chains whose particular newspapers may be. threatened by advertising price wars make it impossible for competition to be the answer.

Underground newspapers and some university student publications may take a crack at trying to “tell it like it is” and it is from these types of publications that a new breed of journalist may come- a breed that would promote new ideas and approaches and continue to develop a new style of writing that is being called “advocacy journalism”.

Suggestions which would bring screams of “Freedom of the Press” from many quarters include anti-trust style legislation and a government-appoin t,ed regula t- ing board of the form of the Canadian Radio-Television CornmiSSion. which could serve as place of appeal for individuals and groups harmed by press bias-

es.

Although this would not guarantee coverage or proper emphasis. it could force retractions, thereby strengthening the public’s defence against grosser injustices. most examples of which cannot be remedied under the existing libel laws.

Still, such ideas would not etfect the

radical changes necessary. Sorne people feel that without fundamental change in ethos, aim and degree of seriousness. journalism will not long be able to maintain its present tenuous claim on people’s attention.

Like the astrology it maintains on its back pages. the press may soon simply be ignored by sensible people of moder- ate intelligence.

David Lloyd-George of the USSPA sums up.. .

“I believe that newspapers are one such institution -which benefits by hiding behind an oppressive cloud of normality.

Thus “credibility gap” is invented to assure us that we aren’t really in the outrageous situation of having a liar in the White House. “The allies” fight in Vietnam to reassure us that this is the same old just cause.

“Assassinations are so portrayed that it becomes unfashionable to suggest that there is deep seated social psychosis on the loose. And so on.

“Newspapers, I suggest, hesitate to cry fire even as they choke on the smoke because they themselves. corporately and as an institution. can only survive so long as no one publicly notices there are a number of revolutions going on. ‘*

april 7969 (special) 963 5

HOUSING- K-W’s most pressing problem

Kitchener alderman Morley Rosenberg, a member of city council’s housing committee, has called the city’s housing its most important and pressing concern.

“I said a year and a half ago that housing is our big problem-especially for the lower income group person and the lower middle income group bracket, not just housing but adequate shelter.

-‘One part of the problem is the bare cost of land; the speculators have bought up all the land inside the city and in the area surrounding it.

“Meanwhile the farmers sit on the land and farm it, and the speculators reap the benefit of a farm assessment which means they are taxed on the basis of farming land, not on the basis of commercial, industrial or residential land. We find this a complete fallacy.

“Another part of the problem is that the mortgage rates are too high. People either don’t have the down payment or they are paying too much on their mortgage. Even if they do have the down payment they may not qualify for a mortgage because they don’t have a high enough income.

“I am not satisfied with the housing committee because most of the members of the committee are reactionary-the builders, the developers, the representatives of government. It seems impossible for them to try any new methods or to cut out a lot of the red tape involved because they don’t want to change anything.

“They are reactionary in the sense that they are ultra-conservative, especially the developers. They want to protect their own interests.

“They don’t want any capital gains tax

on land, or rent controls, or any kind of freeze of values on the existing market. They basically want to protect their positions .

“The housing committee is setting up a sub-committee on tenant-landlord relations. But the new committee will have no power because it can’t enact rent controls. Without rent controls the landlords are free to do as they please.

“The housing committee is very much in the hands of people with one set of vested interests. I wish we had people on the committee representing the lower income groups and their interests.

“The same problem exists at all levels of government.

“I think any government that has been in control federally, whether conservative or liberal (they’re both small “c” conservative once elected), doesn’t want to shake the interests that put them there and so these interests are calling the shots.

“The federal government uses housing as a means of combatting inflation but other means must be found-not something as crucial as housing.

“If we really wanted to build houses we could-we did it during the war-why do we have to wait for a situation like that to get on with the job.”

Urban trenewal- will workers benefit? by Bob Verdun Chevron staff

Will urban renewal in Kitchener help the wage-earner ? Or is it simply a game between the businessmen, developers and industrialists to make more profit at public expense?

. While the leaders of Kitchener are asking the federal government to pay a large part of the costs of urban renewal. the people should examine the project to see whether it is even worth spending federal money, not to mention i0d

taxes. In many cities in Canada, urban renewal

projects have been pushed by businessmen and developers for their own benefit and sometimes to the detriment of the people.

In Calgary. for example. urban renewal was just a coverup for the developers to expropriate a large working-class residential area on the fringes of downtown. The people were forced to move out, having been paid the “market” value of their homes, not the replacement value.

In the renewal area, developers erected high-rise apartments for the middle class and any former working-class residents who were willing to pay the high rents- or who had no other choice.

The rest of the renewal area went to commercial developments as well as sorne general improvements to the existing commercial area.

Can the same thing happen in Kitche- ner? Yes. Take a look at who‘s on the urban renewal committee: the same people who control the industries. businesses and financial institutions ‘of Kitchener- Waterloo.

The downtown businessmen are looking to major improvements of the core area at public expense. IL’s the same t:;pe of thing as their continual demand for free

. ’ parking downtown. and the retention of parking on King Street.

The developers want to put up more high-rise apartments. ‘They will all, of course, be disguised as luxury apartments

6 964 the Chevrof7, community issue

so the people who have little choice but to live in them will have a difficult time complaining about luxury rents. i

The only real problem in Kitchener’s urban renewal will come from the downtown industrialists like Kaufman. They will resist attempts to improve the downtown because it will improve the property values and push up their taxes. More people will live in the downtown area and this will increase the pressure on the industries to cut down on the pollution- particularg noise and smell.

The industrialists will no doubt reach an acceptable compromise with the businessmen and developers. They will either be paid handsomely for their property (that is, replacement value plus moving costs) out of public funds, or they will be left downtown with a buffer zone around them-again at public expense.

What happens to the people of Kitchen- er? Of course we’ll be told that Kitch- ener once again is leading the way and oh how proud we should be.

A couple hundred lower-class residents of the downtown area might lose their homes with minimal compensation.

The local tax bill might be a little higher and other more widely-beneficial programs cut back.

The people of Canada -will again provide more profits for the private enter- prisers who are so willing to accept “socialism” if the form of government inter- vention is that of slightlv-disguised hand- outs.

Downtown Kitchener will iook better and the K-W Record can proudly proclaim that there are no slums in Kitchener. But Chicago mayor Richard Dale>- says the same about Chicago.

Bob Verdun, a permanent resident of Kit&tener-Waterloo, takes mm- as editor of the Chevron on the first of may.

Students cmal workers must act on housing

In Toronto families are being turned out of substandard houses in order that owners may rent individual rooms to students at double the price.

In Vancouver the city council recently passed a bylaw prohibiting the rental of “basement apartments”, cutting off a large supply of rooms that had been available to students.

In Ottawa, Kingston, Montreal, Kitch- ener-same story. Few rooms, terrible living conditions- and high prices. Vary- ing only in detail, the situation is similar in nearly every university center, large or small.

Housing is of immediate concern to students-one of the first impingements of social reality on their educational lives. It eats up meagre provincial loans, isolates them from other students and removes whatever control they thought they could exert over our environment .

* * * But it is not a problem unique to stud-

ents: the same conditions exist, often in more aggravated form. for the rest of the community. And it is usually these people, especially those in the lower classes, who suffer directly every time the student condition is “improved.”

Any first-year economics text will tell you what the problem is: a shortage of houses, with high demand leading to ex- orbitant rents.

But where the same text states that high prices bring more suppliers into the market, thus increasing supply and lowering price, theory doesn’t corres- pond to reality. For the cost of housing is still high. What our economics course fails to recognize is that the supply of houses is controlled bv a real estate oligarchy-a near monopoly of builders, suppliers, developers and speculators.

It is in their interest to keep prices up by keeping supply down. Providing more and cheaper accommodation would onl! decrease the rate of profit thev would earn on their money.

However, this is not to say that money is not available to build houses. Land. labor and resources are there-they’re simply being used for the benefit of the few rather than the many.

* * * The reason wage-earners must be sat-

isifed with substandard housing is the same that students must: thev do not have the power to ensure their needs are satisfied. But neither group will make substantial gains unless they act in cooperation with one another rather than as competing forces.

Some of the examples of housing barons pitting students against workers:

In Ottawa a family had to leave its home when the $85-a-month. rent was pushed up to $135. A week later the place was divided into rooms and offered to students at $180-a-month.

Toronto students last fall became aware of this problem and picketed a landlord who turned out a family to rent to students at increased profit. Four Rverson students took the place because there was nowhere else to go.

In Kitchener-Waterloo. the general tendency is the same. The apartments nearest public transportation are increasingly being taken by students, and the wage-earners are forced either to pay higher rents or move to something worse : or they must move farther from their jobs and are often forced to buy cars they can’t afford simply to get to work. - While many people will argue that

renting rooms to students in the university area helps pay off the mortage, they forget that the prices on the houses are set far above their physical value because of location.

Students don’t want to fight with workers to get what housing is available. But they simply must live somewhere. and because most students will only be here for a couple of years, they seem content to put up with what’s available and manage to find the money to pay the higher rents that the wage-earner can’t afford.

So far, groups of students and isolated groups of wage-earners have protested the situation in small. uncoordinated ways-believing the problem to be local and mainly affecting themselves. But that is not the case-housing is a major problem for all students and wage-earners.

No one in power has explained n-h;, we have the means to supply everyone with decent housing-and yet so man> are paying high prices to live in unac- ceptable divellings. or paying esorbi- tantly to live decently

L’ntil workers and students together realize this and begin to act together, profit rates will continue to bci high i’o~ the owners while the lower classes livc~ in thinl>v-disguised slums.

IS PART F THE CANADIAN WAY OF MFE by Al Howard Chevron staff

When Canadian historians compare Canada to the United States, they unanimously agree that one fundamental difference between the two peoples is the non-violent nature of Canadians in contrast to the crime-ridden, six-gun toting, negro-lynching Americans.

Thus when a computer was smashed and a building damaged during anti-racism protests at Sir George Williams University, Canadian leaders, such as John Diefenbaker, react in shock and anger to this “uncanadian” resort to “mob rule”.

“Because Canadians are a non-violent people”, they concluded, “such violence must have been inspired and carried out by Com- munists, Marxists, or other paid agitators”.

Yet further investigation by police has demonstrated that nb such “foreign” (except for the presence of a number of black, foreign-born students) inspiration was present.

Why then did the press and authorities claim that “commun- ists” and “foreigners” were responsible? A further examination of Canadian history is necessary before any answer can be given.

Is Canada a “non-violent” country? Every labour union member who has faced police protected strike-breakers, every Canadian Indian who has to break through the barriers of legal discrimination, every French Cana- dian who has attempted to exercise his inherited language and cultural rights, knows that violence and repression exist in Can- ada.

Authorities are violent

But the authorities who claimed that the result of the protest at Sir George Williams was “uncanadian” were right in one respect at least-Canadian workers and Canadian minorities (including students 1 have seldom protested against discrimination and oppression in a violent manner. It has been the “authorities” -government, business and civic leaders-who are most often responsible for violence when it occurs.

Moreover, when these authorities declare that extra-parliamentary protests (that is, demonstrations, march- es and strikes) are unconstitutional or uncanadian their leaders cynically neglect to point out that the chief bffen- der against the ideals of the British Constitution in Canada, has been the Government itself.

This is not to say that such authority- directed violence is necessarily illegal. If anything the opposite is true in Can- ada. As John Porter pointed out in his book, The Vertical Mosaic, a strong stable elite controls the Canadian government. civil service, and judicial system.

The key to this control, of course, is money.

Since both the Liberal and Progres- sive Conservative parties are dependent upon big business for funds to get into office and remain there, these parties must pass laws satisfactory to their financial backers or be removed from power.

This control, however, does not end with an ability to pour money into election campaigns. Since the elite owns the newspapers and controls the radio and television stations (did you ever see a

programme on CKCO T.V. criticising Major Holdings for land speculation in t,he K-W area? ), it can and does distort the news to serve its own selfish ends.

The importance of this control of the government and news media cannot be too strongly stressed. Since the news media shape public opinion, and since our source of information is the media, by concentrated propaganda. the public can be persuaded to demand laws which work against its best interest, and destroy its rights and liberties.

Propaganda is key

Two such instances, the passing of Section 98 of the criminal code in 1919 and Quebec’s Padlock Laws show how fragile our civil rights are, and how the facts are manioulated to allow their destruction.

In 1919 Canada was experiencing a severe post-war depression. Farm and labour unrest was widespread because of the profiteering and corruption which had occured during World War 1. When government and business leaders re- fused to recognize the desperate condition of the labourers, farmers and re- turning soldiers, they decided to force concessions by means of a general strike, which was touched off in Winni- peg on May 1, 1919 and quickly spread to other major cities.

In all some 54 unions including police, firemen, and civic employees voted to strike, although the police, firemen, waterworks employees, and bread and milk deliverymen remained on the job with the approval of other strikers.

Although a Manitoba Royal Commis- sion to investigate the strike later con-

Workers meet in Victoria Park during the Winnepeg strike, 1919

eluded that the causes of the strike were unemployment, low wages, bad working conditions and the rejection of basic union rights by employers, the Winni- peg newspapers mounted a vicious propaganda campaign declaring that the strike had been caused by communist agents paid with “Moscow gold”. After several weeks of this propaganda, the Federal government responding to the demands of the manufacturers and the brainwashed public, passed the notorious se/ction 98 of the Criminal Code.

Section 98 passed by these devious means completely reversed the most ancient of British legal traditions-the right of an arrested person to be considered innocent until proven guilty. Thus, until 1937 when Section 98 was repealed, the accused person was considered guilty until he could prove himself innocent. This, of course, was not easy to do when You were locked in jail waiting your trial.

In addition to Section 98, the- govern- ment amended the Immigration Act so that the Immigration Department could deport anyone, who belonged to a “subversive organization”, without trial by jury. By these laws the government could accuse a striker of belonging to a “subversive organization”, and if he

By 1935 they were back in the Winnepeg streets again this time protesting the gross injustice of the work camp system.

failed to prove that he did not, then they would deport him.

Between 1919 and 1935 more than 10,000 men and women were deported under these immoral laws-laws which could only have been passed and maintained because of the Communist scare propaganda of 1919.

A similar use of newspaper propaganda was made by Maurice Duplissis in 1938. Duplissis wanted to destroy opposition to his corrupt control of the Que- bec government, and to do this it was , necessary to close the few small newspapers who dared to expose him.

His answer-like that of the government in 1919-was to claim that the opposition was communistic.

After a lengthy campaign which repeated, over and over, that commun- ists killed nuns and priests, and that Quebec “Bolsheviks” were out to destroy the Catholic Church, the state, and public morality, Duplissis convinced the Quebec electorate that an anti- Communistic, “anti-subversive” law was needed.

The Padlock law gave the Quebec government the right to close buildings, jail editors and confiscate the files of any organization which the Quebec Attorney-General declared to be subversive or “Communistic’‘-no proof would be required other than his statement. Not only did Duplissis silence his opposition with the Padlock law, he used it to harass such groups as labour unions, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and the Liberal Party.

Terrorism also used

The simihrities between the methods used to pass Section 98 and the Padlock Law, however, are not the only common aspects of the behaviour of the two governments. In both cases, having passed the laws to silence the opposition, the governments resorted to a program of calculated terrorism to subdue their critics. Businessmen and strikebreakers, who were sworn in as special constables, armed, and lead by regular police, smashed any protest which was raised against these dictatorial methods, nor is “smashed” too strong a word. In Winnipeg on “Bloody Saturday”,

* continued on next ww


* continued from previous page police attacked a peaceful demonstration, and killed a man and a boy.

Over the years these episodes have been repeated again and again-in Stratford in 1933, in Oshawa in 1937, in Asbc:stos in 1949, and in Murdockville in 1957. In each case the tame press jus-

, tified the use of the police or ar%y to crush protest against exploitation by greedy owners by raising the Communist bogeyman.

Nor are workers the only groups a- gainst whom violence is used.

Everyone knows that European set- tlers destroyed the Indian civilization, but few people know that this oppres sion continues today.

Not satisfied with having stolen a continent from the Indian, now the R.C.M.P. and government officials are attempting to steal the few remaining acres left to the Indians and to repudi- ate the rights they were promised in exchange for their freedoms. In Brant- ford in 1952 and at Buffalo Narrows, Saskatchewan, today, the Indian’s battle still goes on.

The 1952 Brantford Reserve “rising” illustrates the present-day use of the R.C.M.P. to crush resistance to the Indian Affairs Department’s dictatorial rule.

An Indian uprising?

The Iroquois Indians, having been England’s allies in the American Re- volutionary War, had been forced to come to Canada in 1784 when England lost the war. They came, however, not as a subject people, but as a free and independent nation which had been granted lands in exchange for those which had been lost in England’s cause.

With them they brought thetr own religion and form of government. a hereditary council, which they maintained into this century. The hereditary council, however, resisted Canadian attempts to reduce their status from that of a free and independent people to that of mere dependencies-just another band of Indians to be bullied and domin- ated by the Indian Affairs Department.

In i923 the Indian Affairs Department decided to break the ancient treaties and enforce their domination. To do so, the officials pursuaded the Parliament to pass legislation which would allow Indian bands td substitute an elected

council for their traditional councils, if they so desired. This Act was passed, but the Brantford Six Nations people still decided to keep their old government and laws.

Not at all nonplussed by the fact that the new law allowed the lndians to decide if they wanted an elected council, the Indian Affairs Department now imposed a tame elected council on them. For almost thirty years the Six Nations people did their best to return to their own form of government, but to no a- vail.

In 1952, with hope of justice gone, the Indians decided that a symbolic act was necessary. Late one night the heredi-

tary Chiefs and their supporters occu- pied the Council House in hopes that the ensuing publicity would bring them public support. Unfortunately they un- derestimated both the willingness of the R.C.M.P. to use violence to dispos- sess them, and the honesty of the press.

The next day the R.C.M.P. moved in with riot guns and tear gas and made mass arrests. The press, in its usual fashion talked, not of the frust.rating years seeking justice, but of the “irresponsible Indian lawbreakers”. Today the Mohawk Workers, as the traditiona- lists call themselves, still are a majority on the reservation, and still dream of a day when justice and freedom will return to them.

Despite the power that control of the Parliament, the press and. the police give the elite, still this is not enough. Their manipulations and contra! reach into even the so-called courts of justice. Trade unionists are very familiar with two situations in which the courts are abused: the political use of the conspiracy charge, and the ex parte injunction.

The cliarge of conspiracy is one which is seldom laid. First of all, it is difficult to prove. Secondly, it is more just to charge a criminal with his crime, than it is with his conspiracy to commit that offence. There is, however, one aspect of the conspiracy charge which

Equality in the courts? ’ is often more severe than that for the offense itself.

lends itself to abuse-as strange as it may seem. the penalty for conspiracy is often more severe than that for the offen

Since any planning which results in

The radical student movement at the Universitjq of’ Wutdoo Md u mc. day study)-in in mid-march to protest q chronic shortage of ho Iis, Lk- spite the paranoiac reaction of university administrators students wt~ able to keep the demonstration peaceful.

so minor an offense as spitting on the sidewalk can be called a conspiracg- punishable with heavy jail sentences- unionists manning picket lines can find themselves charged, not merely with obstruction (a handy catch-all which generally results in a small fine 1. but with conspiracy to obstruct, and therefore, are liable to long years in jail. Since it is the Crown Attorney, a political appointee of the elite interests, who decides which charge to lay, it’s not hard to: understand why it is used politically against the elite’s enemies.

As students have recently discovered, the conspiracy charge can be levelled against them, as well. Students at Sir George William’s University are now standing trial on such charges. and, as students. at the University of Waterloo recently discovered. authorities here are anxious to use such charges to re- move those who are criticizing mis- management.

Four weeks ago when radical students held a one-day study-in in the Uni- versity Library to draw attention to its inadequate budget and facilities. Uni- versity President Howard Petch, although he was informed otherwise. claimed publicly that the intent of the students was to take over the administration building and disrupt the Univer- sity.

The most serious aspect of these charges was that President Fetch claimed that the Radical Student Movement met secretly to make its decisions-a neces- ary precondition to the laying of conspiracy charges.

Mctis, halfIndian half white, celebrate at their camp outside Thompson, Mantitoba. Metis are actively persecuted in the western provinces where they arc kept out of the schools and towns and run off productive land.

966 thp Chevron, community .issu~~

Equally significantly. Professor \V.K. Thomas in the March 31 K-\V Record is reported to have charged that students at the University of \Vaterloo were part of an international communist conspiracy under the “guidance of’ chairman Mao and the spirit of Che Guevara”.

Such McCarthyite red-baiting could be lightly dismissed were it not for the fact that it has been just such crude propaganda that has preceded the end of civil liberties in the past. Indeed. President Petch has already forecast just such an end to liberty with his demands for a “code of conduct” at the university.

The ex parte injunction is. perhaps. the best known of legal abuses in labour affairs. The essence of ‘the ex parte

injunction is that the judge is asked to make decisions and issue court orders after having heard only one side-invar- iably the qwner’s side-in labour disputes.

All the owner has to do is satisfy the judge that violence is likely to occur if strikers continue to picket his premises. The fact that the reason that violence occurs is that the owner is bringing in strikebreakers to take the workers jobs. and that these scabs are assisted by the local police in breaking the picket line. has no bearing on the decision. The justice or injustice of such a decision is not the question that matters. Indeed. we do not have courts of justice, we have courts of law-law that is politically made and, too often, politically adrninis- tered.

These few examples of the way violence and oppression operate in our society could be extended almost without end-from Alan &IcNab’s rampage through Norfolk County in 1837 to the expulsion of the Japanese from British Columbia in World War II.

But why then. if violence has been so common in Canada’s past, do its leaders continue to propagate the image of Canadians as a non-violent people? What would you do if you were in their position?

If Canadian press, radio and T.V. told the truth, if Canadians realized how law is used to oppress them, and violence used to uphold those unjust laws. Cana- dians would rise up and demand an accounting.

But so long as Canadians can be fooled. and SO long as the lying press Can convince them that it is “uncanadian” to thrCb\/S: Off their yokes and dem;ind such an accounting, Canadians-Cana- dian workers and Canadian students- will never be free

Probably the most difficult role that must be played in our free enterprise system falls on the housewife, for it is usually she who does the family shopping. Naturally she wants to get the most for her purchasing dollar, but when she enters the jungle

HILE IN HIGHSCHOOL I worked part-time in a K-W supermarket.

Often as much as one third of my working day was spent changing prices. I have changed the price of a product three and four times in a single week.

This happens most often when a store is advertising a special on a certain product. Initially, the product is marked below its usual- price in order to attract customers. And because very few people will come in to buy only the special product, the price of many other goods housewives will be buying have been marked up to recover the cost of the special.

A simple example would be for a store to advertise hot dog buns at 5c off, thus attracting customers, and then increase th,e -price of weiners by 5c. The entire hot dog will cost as much as always, perhaps more, as mustard and relish may also be marked up.

But usually it is the manufacturer, rather than the supermarket itself, who attempts to deceive the customer. Let’s examine a few of the practices of these artful dodgers.

that is the modern supermarket she is surrounded by deceptions and outright lies in the form of prices and packaging of products. This article deals with some of the most commondeceptions. t

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Many housewives are deceived by advertising claims into believing there is a difference between, products where no difference exists. The most abused areas are drugs and waxes and cleansers, which involve chemical formulas which the housewife doesn’t understand.

For example, Mrs. Jones stops at the drug counter and picks up a bottle of Midol, a well known remedy for men- strual pain, and perhaps some 222’s for headaches. The pain-killing agent in Midol is acetylsalicylic acid-in other words aspirin.

One Midol tablet is roughly equivalent to two aspirins. A.S.A. tablets can be purchased in any drug store for about one quarter the price of Midol. 222 is just a brand name for A.S.A. with co- deine added. Any drug store can supply you with the same thing for one-half the cost of the nationally advertised product.

Cleansers and waxes fall into the same

category. There is little difference a- mong most of them, and if you know what to ask for, most hardware stores can supply the same chemical com- pounds for much less money.

In general, Mrs. Jones should pay less attention to advertising and spend the time talking to either her druggist, or someone who knows cleansers.

Mrs. Jones picks up a quart bottle of Lestoil, a liquid cleanser. She notes the bottle has a new shape, and checks the price. It hasn’t changed.

Later, when it needs to be replaced sooner than she expected, she -might check the fine print on the label and find the bottle contains 28 fluid ounces. If she knows the American system of fluid measure-different than the Canadian and therefore another source of confusion-she might recall a quart contains 32 fluid ounces.

The new “quart” bottle looks as big as the old one, but it isn’t. She is paying the old price for less product.

by Thomas Edwards Chevron staff

This form of disguised price increase is a favorite among manufacturers.

Checking the price of waxed paper. she finds it has remained the same. But the lOO-foot roll is now a 75foot roll. She will find that the manufacturers of cereals, jams and other products have pulled the same trick.

In 1960, Lever Brothers tried an interesting combination of Dodges No. 1 and No. 2.

They had been selling Spry. a shortening, in one-pound cans. Now they came out with a “New Light Spry” advertised to contain fewer calories and therefore to be a better product. They claimed to have developed a new process which whipped out calories.

And it was true. Lever Brothers whipped the shortening to introduce nitrogen gas. Each cupful contained less calories because it contained less shortening.

When -it was melted and the nitrogen came out, it was the same old Spry with the same old calories.

The advantage to Lever Brothers was that the old one-pound ( 16 ounces) can now held only 14 ounces of the nitro- genated shortening. /

*continued over page

april 7969 (special) 967

The only intelligent way to compare the prices of competing brands is to calculate the cost per ounce of each.

But if Mrs. Jones tries this, she’s in for a rough time.

If Brand A is 20~ for one-half pound and Brand B is 45~ for a pound, it’s-fair- ly easy to see Brand A is less expensive.

But the manufacturers know this and aren’t going to make it that simple. They won’t stick to easy one-half pound and pound sizes. A survey of cereals gives this result.

Kellogg’s had 13 different cereals on the shelf, in 14 different size packages. In ounces, they weighted 6, 6l/2, 7, 8, 8l/2, 9, 10. lOl/~, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 alnd 18 ounces.

General Mills had 12 cereals involving 12 different size packages, 6V2, 7, 8, 9, 9l/2, 10, 10IL~. Ill/~, 12, 13, 15 and 18 ounces.

All prices were in odd figures, like 23~8 or 49c, which make calculations and comparison difficult. Quickly now, if one brand of shredded wheat weighs 11 ounces and costs 244, and its competi- tor weighs 101h ovnces and sells for 2 for 51c*, which is the better buy? You can see why housewives give up in dis- gust. just as the manufacturers want them to.

Family size, sixteen pounds, 1 ounce $3.99.

If we attempt the mathematics, which the housewife doesn’t, we get the following results : the small size costs 1.400 cents per ounce, the medium size costs 1.482 cents per ounce, and the largest size costs 1.552 cents per ounce.

The actual difference in cents is small, but if we express it in percentage figures we find the medium-size package costs 5 per cent more per ounce than the small, and the large 5 per cent more than the medium.

Which only goes to show that over- blown adjectives like Giant and King should never be taken at face value.

This one needs little explanation. Many cans and packages come with the

words “serves 4 to 6”, “serves 8”, etc. Recently .my wife brought home a

can of pears with the description “serves 4 to 6”. Inside were exactly three pear halves. Even at the manufacturer’s lowest estimate of servings-4- each person would get 3/8 of a pear!

Since “servings’ * is not a legally de- finable measurement, the manufacturer can print anything he damn well pleases on .a can without being prosecut- ed. Such descriptions of servings should always be ignored.

This dodge works on the idea that housewives can’t conveniently figure out price per ounce and combine it with the notion that buying in large quantities is always cheaper than buying in small quantities.

For some years now we’ve been condi- tioned that this is always true. And manufacturers play on this belief by bringing out packages advertised as King Size, Giant Size, Family Size, Mammoth Size, Economy Size, etc.

The words “small” and “medium” have largely disappeared from their vo- cabularies. A housewife can’t be blamed for assuming the economy size is cheaper. But is this always SO?

A survey of one supermarket showed the following results. The product examined is Tide, a laundry detergent.

Small size, one pound 4 ounces, 28~. Medium size, three pounds, V/G

ounces, 73&.

Another favorite is to mark the label of a product with some phrase such as 7Q-Off in bold print, thus hoping to convince Mrs. Jones that she is getting a bargain.

The boom in this kind of labelling was probably started by Maxwell House Coffee.

In September 1964 the IO-ounce jar was selling for $1.69. In October it came out with a label 30&-Off, and a great yellow star on a red label attracting the shoppers’ attention to it.

The original price in October was $1.39, down 30% as promised. But from december through april the price fluctuated from $1.29 to $1.59, all bearing the 30~- Off label.

One supermarket regularly sold the 11/2 pound jar of Ann Page peanut but- ter at 69q.

Then the w’ords 2 cents off appeared on the label. The price was marked at

714. A week later the label said 4q off and the price read 73~. The price presumably paid at the check-out counter was the same old 69c.

I say presumably, because it is often difficult to know whether the 4~ has been deducted before the price was marked or will be deducted at the check- out counter.

The main problem with any cents-off promise on a label is that the manufacturer cannot guarantee his promise.

Many brands always bear a cents-off label. Cents off what? Presumably, some higher fictional price at which the brand is never sold.

But even if the manufacturer has reduced his price to the wholesaler by the promised amount, he has no way of en- suring that the wholesaler will pass the reduction on to the retailer and that the retailer will pass it on to the consumer.

Often, both these middlemen will use the opportunity to take a piece of the action.

Cents-off promises are always meaningless because even an honest manufacturer has no control over whether the promised reduction will be passed on to the consumer.

Mrs. Jones should treat such promises as advertising gimmicks, nothing more.

The “cents-off” description on the label, or the “new improved” (which in the majority of cases means the package has been “improved” but not the contents) label, or the “giant economy size”

are all designed to make Mrs. Jones reach for these products without making comparisons.

The odd fractional weights and prices are designed to make comparison difficult if it is attempted.

Often the weight is marked in as ob- scure a spot on the package as the manufacturer could find. Several products which I examined had the weight printed in silver ink on a foil wrapper, which was nearly invisible unless the package was turned so that the light struck it at the proper angle.

The cardboard tray in the chocolate bar wrapper ; the corrugated paper dividers in cookie packages are devices designed to make them appear larger than they are. The new slim bottles with the narrow middles, supposedly for easier handling, are designed to con- ceal the fact that a few ounces disappeared along with change.

Packaging is now a major industry in this country. Packages consume half of all paper produced and sold, 95 per cent of all aluminum foil, 96 per cent of all glass except flat glass, and 99 per cent of all cellophane. The packaging industr! is the third largest user of steel. after automobiles and construction.

This packaging is expensive. One survey estimates that the percentage of the selling price represented b> packaging “may run as high as 35 per cent for cosmetics and toiletries. 24 per cent for a great many foods and 15 per cent for wax polishes.“

SO Mrs. Jones has t,o pay heavily for the very things that, are designed to deceive her.

The \worst part of all this is that it hits the‘ low income family hardest. Many such families must spend one-half of their income on household necessities, whereas those who are well off spend maybe one tenth of their income in the supermarket. Those who can least afford it are hit the, hardest by the supermarket shell game.


Which si you, on boys? Which side are. n? I The ruling class is making

a concrete attempt in Canada to destroy what little power labor won in long hard battles. The question now is will labor sit back and take it. adapted from a report prepared by the Ontario Union of Students

In the last little while, two reports have appeared on the scene dealing with the “labor problem” in Ontario and Canada. I am of course referring to the Rand Report (Ontario) and the Woods Report (Canada).

Their contribution seems to be three-fold: to provide cheap labour (i.e., to keep wages down), to establish the machinery to be able to repress organized labour in anticipa- tion of (or, at least in preparation for) a period of political and economic crisis, and to make further organization of labor more difficult.

To achieve the first purpose, two new commissions are proposed by Rand and Woods to control wages and prices. To achieve the last two, dozens of new restrictions upon hard won union rights are suggested.

Now, we can ask ourselves (as we must), why has the government decided at this time to come out with such reports and recommendations? Who will benefit from Rand and Woods?

if GNP (gross national product) increases 2 percent in one year, and wages 1 increase 3 percent profits as a percentage of GNP will decrease.

The answer is obvious to most people -The American interests who control the Canadian economy, those Canadians who look after American branch plants, and those native Canadian business chief- tains are the ones who will benefit.

We can call this situation imperialism, or the monopolistic control of the resources and means of production of one country by the capitalists of another. In its most developed form, this economic control is accomplished by either disguised or open political domination whose purpose is to perpetuate that monopoly. By this definition, Canada is clearly a victim colony of American imperialism.

Very simply, then, the attack on inflation by controlling wages is also a very neat way to increase profits. More- over, given the fact that Canada is a country heavily dependent on trade (like England) it is even more important for our largely American owners to see that our branch plants in Canada can compete on the world market. Canada has lost more work time due to strikes than any western capitalist country, and Ontario had its worst record ever in 1968. All western capitalist countries except Canada have had legislation concerning wage-price controls or guidelines.

The various agreements on defense (NATO, NORAD), on trade (auto pact), and on monetary and credit arrange- ments, and the Watkins Report makes foreign domination of Canada only too evident. .

The economic . conditions

Another reason for wage controls is the social goal of “relatively full em- ployment”. Unemployment used to be used as a weapon against inflation. Today however, instead of dividing the wealth between employed and unemployed workers, the level- of employ- ment is maintained and the poverty is shared by all workers. This situation, of course, necessitates wage control.

The West is now, and has been since World war 2, in a period of inflation, a period of rising prices.

Inflation of course, has serious effects on all parties, including especially the ruling class. Rising prices put pressure on investment since investors are less willing to invest if the return on their capital (money) is eaten up by inflation. And investment is the key to economic growth.

Some types of investors can actually benefit-those early purchasers of capi-. ta1 equipment to produce goods then sell, at inflated prices. Inflation, then, tends; to split the interests of the ruling class. It is also contrary to their best interests as it has an unsettling effect on planning.

Generally, there is a gradual escala- tion of the introduction of teeth into wage-price legislation. First, there are usually guidelines to labor to keep wage increases below productivity increases. They always fail. Then prices and income boards with powers of recommendation are set up. These are soon backed up by parliamentary sanc- tions (this act occurred in Britain in 1966). At the same time, attempts are made to force unions to’bargain in ever greater units, removing control from the locals. The union leadership is removed from its base and the unions are made the cops of the price-income board. Of course, it ends up that only wages are policed.

Countries dependent on foreign trade to a great degree (England, Canada) are hard hit. Their terms of trade decline. Finally, a wage-price spiral forms in which prices of goods rise, and. workers struggle to catch up to prices by striking for higher wages, only to have prices raised again.

To stop the spiral, either wages or prices must be attacked, or both. There is a further consideration, however: a simple truism which states that if money wages increase proportionately more than the increase in production (or. faster than the rate of growth) then. other things being equal, the share of the profits in the national income will decline. The con_verse is also true, because national income (excluding government spending and foreign trade) equals the sum of profits and wages: For instance.

Needless to say, Canada (from outside capitalists’ point of view) has long been overdue for wage control. But we are quickly catching up! Look at Bill 33 in British Columbia, providing for compulsory arbitration, a labor tribunal, and various restrictions on labor, as well as at the new anti-labor laws in Nova Scotia, Saskatchewan and Que- bec.

The Rand Report The recommendations of the report

speak for themselves. 1. The tribunal-A tribunal consisting

of eleven jurists (labor-arbitrators) to, establish wide-ranging controls over wages, working conditions, bargaining and labor relations in general. which would have such powers as :

l ending strikes in essential industries up. 119) with the tribunal deciding what

is an essential industry upon affirmation of the Cabinet.

l issuing of injunctions immediately at the commencement of strikes limiting the size of the picket. the location, “the conditions of picketing permiss- able” and even the wording on plac- ards. (p 81)

l ending strikes in general. After 45 days any striker can ask for-and the tribunal may take-a vote on whether the strike is to continue. (p. 82) After 90 days, the tribunal can, arbitrate without being asked. (p.89 ). After one year the tribunal can declare a strike ended. (p. 90).

2. Replacement of strikers-Non- striking workers in a struck plant will not be allowed to do the work of the strikers. But the employer can hire anyone to scab except persons “who hold themselves out as (Professional) strikebreakers. (p. 85) We know how tightly this rule would be enforced.

3. Picketing- l Each picket lint must have a picket

captain, “whose name... shall be com- municated to the employer upon the formation of the picketing,” who is legally responsible for actions on the picket line. (p. 76)

l No one can join the picket line who is not a striker or official of the union.

l No obstruction (of course). l No Mass picketing. l No secondary picketing against “neu-

tral third persons” (Manning “Rent-a- scab” security, or just customers or suppliers of the struck plant). . No “recognition” or organizational picketing (done prior to certification ).

l No sympathetic picketing l In multi-union strikes, each union

can picket only “the area or the work of the unit of employees so striking”. (p. 78).

4. Boycotts-All boycotts are prohi- bited.

5. Strikes during life of contract- Forbidden though management imposed automation during the life of contracts changes the whole context of the contract. (p.13)

6. Unions- l All unions are to be civilly liable

legal entities. (p. 91) The battle against exactly this regulation was fought and won by Canadian unions 102 years ago.

l Unions are to be limited in the ability to discipline their own members but must discipline members who con- travene labor laws. Unions are. furthermore, legally responsible for damages attributed to their members. (p. 92)

0 Unions must admit all applicants as members, even strikebreakers. (p. 92)

l The concept of the union shop is virtually destroyed. (p. 91)

Critique of Rand The theory behind the Rand Report

tells us that though there really isn’t democracy in the sense that we are ruled by the people, and though the various powerful minorities and interest groups are the ones that really have I)owc’t’, t IIt& sys t 0111 is d~vrrorr~;~ t icm hC(~aust~ these groups are too small and too competitive to force their own will upon the people. Thrown in with this kind of democracy are the guarantees of the liberal cover-up such as freedom of the press (guess who owns it), freedom of speech (likewise the monopoly of the ruling class) and freedom of assembly (try it at the American consul- ate). Behind the mask of course, the ruling class rules, represses, exploits. and kills-in their own interest.

A further element has entered this theory of “pluralism” (competing small groups) during the last century--“neutral “government regulation. Pluralism, like bourgeois” (middle-class ) economis, was originally based on “laissez faire” pure competition : the ideal by which competition: the ideal by which competitive survival of the fittest in the society as well as in the market place would produce the best leaders, the highest quality goods. and the lowest prices.

Freedom. for the citizen as for the consumer. consisted in the right to choose among competitive goods or interest groups. or to form businesses ok interest groups of his own. Over time. however. just as businessmen (as Mars predicted ) found compct it ion not as

* continued on next page

aprit 7969 (special) 969 11

profitable in the market place as government allowed semi-monopolies and full monopolies, so logically in the political affairs, government regulation was found better for the ruling class than unrestrict- ed interest group competition. Such regulation was passed off as “in the public interest”.

Essential to the theory of pluralism as is evident, is the pessimistic view of human nature-one that takes “the universal tendency of human drives and appetites” as a given rather than a product of the organization of society. Put another way, what Rand describes dis- tastefully as “obsessive competition” he sees as fundamental to human nature rather than to competitive capitalism (p. 63). Modern screwed-up man, then, is the height of present human evolution. Socialism is impossible. As a cut-throat pressure group, labor must be regulated in the “public interest”. That is what the Rand Report is about.

Says the commissioner (Rand) :. . .“it appears inevitable that the ‘explosion’ of population, the universal cxoosure to the spectrum of ideas and surrender of populations to materialism (actually hunder, homelessness, etc., ) more, not less, regulation of labor as well as all civil relations is the absolute necessity of democratic government.” (p. 6) or “‘Their co-action, in effect a social partnership, affecting production public peace and security, preserving the cohesion of the community by an agreement which res- pects and acknowledges the necessity of harmonious relations between them can be the product only of the predicated attitude.” (p. 11)

It is this sort, of forced harmony between business and labor that will ultimately be used as sophisticated union busting. But Rand is not alone in his views by a long shot. It is common knowledge that most unions and especially their executives have been taken-in. We know that they are not now a force fighting for the rights of the workers, against the economic and political power of the ruling class. We know that the bosses really don’t mind the occassional strike to let workers blow off some steam, especially when the hostility is directed against scabs or cops.

Hysteria takes o wer Commissioner Rand actually believes

that the theory of pluralism is an adequate explanation of the world and that material conditions in Canada need not produce continued conflict. (Of course, he cannot see the connection between material conditions in Canada and, say, Canadian interests in the West Indies and South Amer- ica. )

It has become evident to the Rands that, increasingly, young people, especially those in the United States and Europe can see through the fog and &sguise of pluralism and do understand the nature of imperialism. This fact is making the ruling class jumpy.

But since their understanding hangs on * the theory of pluralism, the ruling class

can do only two things: develop a new theory or react to events hysterically.

An underlying mood of hysteria runs through the Rand Report: “The alternative (to the “regulation of labor”) is social anarchy and chaos, the reality of which we are witnessing today in dif- fernt parts of the world. What that history, beyond serious doubt, establishes is the fact that government of labor- management relations cannot be left to the uncrontrolled action of the immediate parties.” (p. 6).

Concerning mass picketing: ( p. 30) “If we are not to revert to lawlessness, the assertion of any such cause of serious apprehension must be firmly met with the power of the state. What is essential to a democratic government under a regime of law, equal in its application to all, is that clashes of interest be settled by res- son not by muscle or guns. The revela- tion by the Presidential Committee on the numb& of citizens in the United States who are resorting to private arms or ot,her means of self-protection against lawlessness is a foreboding’that will be dis- regarded at the peril of losing our freedoms; and the destruction of laws begins in the minor infractions.”

It should be pretty clear by now that a systerical line like Rand’s is not going to convince anyone not firmly committed to the pluralist theory. In fact, his dark hints to labor to cool it or else create


more Frances, is more likely to frus- trate than pacify. What the ruling class needs now is not dark hints but a new ideology (theory of politics and society) that can explain events and point out why they should remain in control. For a pre- view, let us look at the Woods Report.

The Woods Report Recommendations :

1. Public interest disputes commission- a new independent commission to ad- vise parliament which industries are essential and what measures should be taken (seizure of plant, impounding of wages and profits, compulsory arbitration) to end or avert strikes. The action however, must be taken by parliament. The commission would be outside the department of labor, backed by experts, and report directly to the prime minister.

2. Canada labor-relations board- replacing labor and management representatives by neutrals, presumably academics.

3. Picketing- o to permit secondary informational

picketing at plants which are suppliers or customers of the struck plant as long as there is no work stoppage. Legal pram- tise forbids this act presently.

o to permit non-striking employees to respect picket lines; to permit employees of the secondary company to respect picket lines of the company allied itself to the struck firm (also acts presently forbidden).

e new proposed code of picketing and of granting injunctions by the CLRB, infractions of which to be dealt with by the courts.

@ recognitional picketing banned. 4. Income and cost review commission-

recommends the establishment of an income and costs review commission (already being set up. >

5. National bargaining units- supports the principle of national bargaining units against, demands for Que- bec-based units.

6. Unions- /

l the report comes down in favor of the union shop (everyone pays dues) an? against the closed shop (evervone belongs to the union before being allowed to work,)

@ adoption of a charter of rights for union members, guaranteeing them equal access to union services and facilities; and other stat,uatory controls over the internal affairs of the union.

l continuation of policy of affiliating to and financially supporting political parties with the stipulation that individual members can opt out in various ways.

@ recommends wider bargaining units than craft unions (industrial, multi-plant, multi-union units. )

0 recommends the right to negotiate clauses enabling strikes over technological change introduced by management during the life of the collective agreement.

Compared to the Rand Report these recommendations seem, on the surface quite mild. If they are read carefully however, it becomes evident that, except in two possible cases, every recommendation further restricts present union rights and freedom. To wit, two new and powerful commissions, controls over essential industries and over internal union affairs, the elimination of labor representatives on the CLRB, the outlawing of recognitional picketing and the claosed shop, and no self-determination for Que- bec labor.

Even the two seemingly decent recommendations ‘(secondary picketing, strikes over technological change) are quite hedged by practicalities. They can nail you while picketing under the law in different ways. Only the strongest unions are going to be able to force strike clauses over technological change in their collective agreements. Finally, the push for larger bargaining units has already been discussed.

The end of ideology The answer that the apologists for mo-

dern corporate capitalism offer is stability. A hundred years ago as Rand says, things were bad for the worker-unemployment, poverty, sickness, taxes and things. Today they’ve got nothing to beef about-minimum wages, workmen’s compensation, etc.

IF you discount facts like the average life expectancy of Canadian Indian women being . 27 vears and one-fifth t,o one-quarter of Canadians being below

the poverty line, there is some truth to what Rand is saying. Material conditions in North America have improved. Now, we have the Rockefellers ?nd the John Winters union busting, sweating labor and buying up competition in South America. You see, Big Business is beautiful. Cut- throat competition is out because it’s all monopolized. Everything is planned. In North America class conflict is ended. Reconciliation of interests has been achieved. There is no need for ideology.

Besides, ideological theory is a terrible simplifier which makes it unnecessary for people to confront individual issues with apocalyptic fervor, ideas become weapons with dreadful results.

The present system is made even easier 3 to swallow because one of the features of the new corporations is that they are democratic. Decisions are decentalized into the technostructure which consists of engineers and middle-level bureaucrats. Indeed, if we are subject to control, it is not control by the 1480 men who held 4429 positions in 74 big trusts or the individuals or families that controlled 150 of the 500 biggest U.S. corporations. In 1966, rather, we’re ruled by technology. Says McLuhan, the technological mystic, “All social changes are the effect of new technologies. . .on the order of our sensory lives. . . .”

Jacques Ellul, in the Technological Society concludes that technique must triumph and that man can’t resist it. ‘+Technique has become a reality in itself, self-sufficient, and with its special -laws and its own determination. ”

One wonders what ever became of Marx’s image of the Promethian man using technology to struggle with nature and finally to control it? It seems more reasonable to suggest that technology serves the rqling class, since it is dir&ted and controlled by capital and capitalists.

Now if monopoly capitalism is all there is, then there are only two goals to strive for: efficiency and stability.

But it is not enough to stabilize and make more efficient only the government. All forms of human activity must be controlled. Here we have the unholy- alliance of the social and physcial engineers and their computers. To design a ’ building like the college complex at York University you need not only a social psychologist who understands how to keep large groups from forming by creating a labyrinth structure while dulling the sense of alienation by a soft environment (broadloom, plush furniture) but also an architect who knows how to draw the plans.

To design a system of strategic ham- lets you need a geographer, a military scientist, civil engineers and possibly an anthropologist. To construct a machine able simultaneously to bug 1200 phones for the police you need a lawyer.

Necessarily, in a society whose goals are efficiency and stability, inefficiency and instability are anti-social tendencies. Dissent becomes disfunctional. All forms of protest are supressed as anarchistic and leading to chaos, logically because there is no better alternative to monopoly capitalism.

present condition, that man can control his

Sometimes, however, socialists are credited with the ability to overthrow the system. If they did, things would be worse as the Toronto Daily Star puts it: “If they (radical students ) ever did succeed in overthrowing the present sys- tern by force, the regime that they would put in its place would be more like Hitler’s Germany or Mussolini’s Italy than the ultra-democratic Utopia they profess to aim for. . .Their campaigns are all in the totalitarian tradition. . .”

Rocking the boat is irresponsible (a favorite word) as long as you believe that the status-quo smooth society is the ultimate in human social organization. Thus, when bodt-rockers appear, it is in the name of “law and order” (in Canada, “peace, order and good government”) and as a reaction to irresponsibility, possible chaos and totalitarianism, that repressive measures like the Rand and Woods reports are implemented.

And the whole ideology of stability, except for vested interests, stems from one assumption-a pessimistic view of human nature. If one has an optimistic view of man. that through struggle, and reorganization of society, man’s nature can be qualitatively improved over his

environment-then socialism is possible. If one has a pessimistic view of human nature, one is stuck with efficiency and stability.

The new ideology studicrs tell .us that ideology has ended because of the supposedly great stock of material goods in affluent North America. We should not forget whence comes this affluence-imperialism.

How to fight Rand Although workers don’t tend to look upon

students as workers (most people see students as middle-class, long-haired. marijuana-smoking, spoiled brats, who don’t deserve the taxpayers money; some see the student as a scab during the summer), students in at least one very important sense are workers. Students are workers in the human capital in-

‘dustry, that is, the schools are really factories producing knowledge as a com- modity.

This knowledge is produced to serve the same class of people as own the factories. This is why the people who own the factories control the university (ie, almost every single member of the board of governors, the men who control the university, are big businessmen). These people need the skills of the students when they graduate (that is, receive their stamp of approval). The engineers, doctors, lawyers, psychologists, etc. fill very nice slots in the system.

So, in a very real sense, students are workers, again, because they work with thcbir heads to produce skills and knowledge that will he used by the corporations. In this sense. both students and workers arc’ tools of capita1 ( workers exist to serve factories, factories don’t exist to serve the worker but for the owners’ profit. ) There- fore, students and workers have a common interest in radical change. It is true, that in a conventional sense, students are not literally workers. They don’t make their money at university the way workers do at factories, or on the line; they don’t have to get up at seven in the morning; they don’t have to punch a time clock.

The differences do not, however, minimize the commonality of interests, although the strategy of the two groups in organizational terms will be somewhat different.

“The key difference between a university and a factory is for the most part, the student himself. And any strategy for the university which does not grasp that, misses the boat completely.

“To put it another way, we should not seek to become co-managers in the process by which we are brainwashed.” (An- drew Wernick-Praxis, vol. 2, march 1969).

The struggle for workers must involve issues of control at the point of production in a working-class political framework (in a national strategic overview). Basically, this involves a militant trade unionism at the factory or plant within the context of a national political working-class party.

Students, on the other hand, must en- gage the power structure of the university, not primarily in a structural vein, but in an attack within the classroom on the very content and methods of the courses. Fur- thermore, students must ally themselves with workers in every conceivable way ; on the lines ; in organizing ; in providing the research and background.

Here, at the University of Waterloo this year, a group of students formed a chartered branch of the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) a militant trade union started in the early part of the century (better known as the “Wobblies”) and participated in the Peterborough Examiner strike, and the Cyanamid strike in Beechville.

The IWW “education workers” are very much interested in establishing contacts with local workers (a committee has been helping the UEW to organize locally, and has provided some staff members on campus with information concerning their rights in terms of the union agreement with the administration).

Yet, there is no substitute for worker solidarity. The striking newsmen in Peter-

and call a meetin’ ”

borough expected the students to win the strike for them. That, was impossible. It is necessary for rank and file-workers to get off their asses and do something about their situation. “Pass out a leaflet

. .--

Who gets to come to university? A lot of people think that university is for eveqhody and that average working people can send their kids to university SO they can climb up the economic ladder to success,

ers report that low-income area children are just expected to become skilled or semi-skilled workers. Suburban kids are assumed to be the ones headed for college.

The facts prove that this is not true. Over 54 per cent of Canadian families have an income of less than $5,000. But their kids haven’t been the ones in college. The most recent survey of universities shows that only 28 per cent of college students come from that 54 per cent of Canadian families.

At the other end of the scale, only about six per cent of Canadian families make over $10,000 a year. But their children make up 25 per cent of alI the Canadian student population. I

The same facts show up when you look at what jobs the college kids parents have. Over 23 per cent of Canadian men work at management or professional jobs but their children make up 48 per cent of college students.

Working men in manufacturing and mechanical jobs make up about 33 per cent of our population. I But only nine per cent of Canadian students are from their families.

Somehow our Canadian education has kept out a lot of the bright kids whose parents don’t make a lot of money.

In high school these are the kids who get streamed into the four-year program. When they *graduate, if they don’t leave and get a job earlier to help out their families, they either go right to work or take a technical diploma. They don’t go to Grade Thirteen.

Even in public school, Grade One and Two teach-

So university doesn’t help all kids climb the economic ladder. Some kids don’t have a fair chance to get into university. We need a system that encour- ages all bright kids to stay in school. Tuition fees and expensive living costs keep some from even trying for university. If students got a living allowance many more kids would come.

This isn’t just a selfish demand by spoiled students. If we want all kids to have a fair chance to go to university, we have to keep expenses down as far as possible, and give allowances to help encourage instead of stop them.

. As many people in this province continually repeat, YOU pay to operate the uni- \ versity, yet consider the following facts:

0 In Canada, only 25% of all University students come from families earning $7,000 or less, but 53% of all tax revenues come from families earning $7,000 ’

or less. l 9% of alI unniversity students come from families earning $3,000 or less, but \ b 22% of Canadian families earn less than $3,000.

l 48% of all University students come from families in the manager, proprie- 9 tar and professional class, but only 23%. of all Canadian families are in this

class. the message is obvious- you do pay for the greatest amount of university costs,

i not the student. Yet those students who attend University are not YOUR children. They are, in the large part, the children of the well-to-do. YOU pay the costs for their kids. When your kids get to University, it’s almost an accident. Why?

.I I I

\ apri/ 1969 lspecia/j 971 13

-

-r. .Spending,l. ufj;vefs jfy~ f& &/[&, i. (*’ B by Bob Vet&n ’ -‘< ’ I People who truly represent the dominate the new.body and contin- responsible to no one but itself and had ~.

, ’ Chevron staff 7~ k c community, together with the pro- ue to make decisions not-in the absolute control over the university they

/ You-the taxpayers of Ontario=, fessors and students who really . best interests of the majority- of owned. Y _

The only major difference between the -are paying most of the costs of are the univebsity. the,taxpayers. - historical u’niversity and the university

university building and. operation, You have probably read about The untiersity will not notice- today is the need ?f business and in-

but you dori’t have -any control the sweeping new university gov- ably change. It ,will still be, paid dustry for highly-trained people to design

ov‘er the money. erning structure that the univerl for mainly by the working people and manage industrial processes. As a result, the children of the middle class

Who spends [your monky? The sity is introducing. But this new and it will continue to serve the needs of business and industry.‘

now form the majority of students in businessmen who dominate the structure is just a reshuffling of university.

university board of governors and the same’ old powers. The econo- * * * The board of governors of today still

the senior administrators #in the mic bosses of the cdmmunity and - ’ Historically, UhiVerSities were governed holds final and independent control. The

the career bureaucrats and ad- by the representatives of the ruling class following quote from a professor of Col-

university. ministrators in the university will

and only the children of wealthier fami- umbia University who resigned in 1917 is Who shou&l spend your money? lies attended. The board of governors was still valid today:

The board of govefnois: ruling society is their gam‘e The University of Wsterloo’s board of governors is composed almost exclusively 3 This over-representation of local ,industrialists has probably affected the university’s

- .

If businessmen, corporate executives and small-time capitalists. ability to raise funds ‘and recent appointments have been made in ‘light of the indivi-

- Ther‘e are no E.P. Taylors or Lady Eatons on. the Waterloo board. Not even the dual’s geographic location and his standing in the corporate world.

Jvealthy Seagram family is represented. The board’s efforts to widen its representation have been only token ones. Alumnus

But board members are involved in manufacturing -concerns, realty and holding William McGrattan was added a- year ago and local labor qxec William Dodge is

companies, mining. constructidn material production and breweries. A surprisingly the drily other non-management member. According to Hagey, the ‘labor appoint-

large number are attached to insurance companies and banks, and the--directory of ment was an attempt to make labor feel tiore a part of the university-and to provide a -

directors says six are directors of Wtiterloo Trust tind Savings. Three are lawyers. different point of view.

The local news media are _ represented by board chairman Carl Pollock who con- . “He (Dodge) looki at many of the things discussed, such as health and benefit plans, trols chanhel 13 TV and John motz, publisher of the Kitchener-Waterloo Record. from a labor standpoint. Hdwever he is a broad-minded individual.”

Most governors are from ’ the Kitchener-Waterloo area, with a few from London, .

Montreal’.and the Toronto area. Retired admioistration president Gerry Hagey ex- Hagey agrees that “University boards will probably need more representation

from the various’ roots of society in the future,” but recent appointments have not plains this in terms of the university’s origins: “When the charter members of the board w&e selected, w.e didn’t think of the university ever being more than a local

strayed from the corporate elite.

college. For that reason all our early members were local people coming from within a radius of 20 miles.” \

Members of this board will form a third 0; the. new governing body. Together with about an equal number of administrators, they wiil continue to control the university.

onald S. Anderson - vicepresident and director Royal Bank of Canada R. Bruce Marr - local busirI+essman

- director, Canada SteamShip Lines Ltd., ‘

Kitchener ,ronto ( - governor, The Elliot Lake Centre for Continuing Education - member, Council The Board of Trade of Metro Toronto

/

- member, advisory council Canadian Arthritis and Rheumatism

’ socie?y (Ont) W.W. McGr&tan - Alumnus;engineer

- membet, advisory board United Community Fund of Mimic0 / . Gteater Toronto

- chairman, City of Toronto Redevelopment Advisory Council 1

- trustee, Toronto general Hospital J.E. Motz - president, Kitchener-Waterloo Record - director, Civic Garde! Centre

Kitchener - directo;, Equitable Life Insurance Co. of Canada - director, Waterloo Mutual Insurance CO.

,.S. Ba.llingall - president, A . G . Spajding & Bros. of Canada Ltd. - director, Waterloo Trust and Savings Co. ,

- director, Consolidated New Pacific Ltd. - chairman, Central Ontario Television Ltd. (TV 13) rantfo d

f - director, Inland Daily Press A S S O C . i”

I ., ‘ - I .\i T d N.A. Campbell : secretary, bocana Corp Ltd. . : /

lakville . . _ secri&iry, G . & S . Allgood (Canada) Ltd.

secretary, Aiglo-Scandenavian Investment Corp of Canada I.G. Needles ’ - - director. Waterloo Manufacturing co. Ltd.,

secretary, Anglo-Scandenavian Szcurities Ltd. Kitchener - retired president, B.F. Goodrich Ltd. _ -

- secretary, .Betrust Investment Corp Ltd. chancel&% board chairman - secretary, Betrust Securities Ltd. s ’ -

- secretary; Locana Mineral Holdings Ltd.

- - secretary, Locana Securities Ltd. ’

‘- secretary, Loco-in Ltd. C.A. Pollock - president, Dominion Electrohome Industries Ltd. I .

- secretary, Noctin In&stment Corp Ltd. Kitchener - president, Knoll dnternational Canada Ltd.

- secretary Noctin Securities Ltd. ‘- president, Central Ontario Televizon .Ltd.

3eorge H. Craig ‘oron to

- secret’ary, Timsbury Investment Corp Ltd.

- vicepresident, secretary and director, Molson’s Brewery (Ont) Ltd.

- director, C .M . Hincks Treatment Center, John Howard

Society oj Ontario - chairman, Canadian-Rs4 Cross, S t . Yohn Ambulance Laison

, Cor,imittee

- president, Dupar Canada Ltd. - director, A . C . Boehmer Ltd. - director, Burns Foods Ltd.

- director Waterloo Trust and Savings Ltd. - director, The Royal Bank of Canada - director, Dominion Life Assurance Co. 1

- executive member, Ontario Research Foundation - director Crouse-Hinds Co. of Caneda

1. Craig Davidson - 6xecut:ve vfcepresident and director, Confederation Life , W.M. Rankin

‘oronto - Assoc. - vicepresident. Bell Telephone Co. of Canada (Western arGa) _- I Toron to

S.H. Dobbie - president, Dobbie Industrie$ Ltd.

salt - president, Stauffer-Dobbie Ltd.

I - piesident, Newlands-Harding Yarns Ltd. _ A.I. Rosenberg - local businessman, Investor.

- president, Newlands-Glenait Ltd. Kitchener . - president, Swif t Airway Ltd.

, /

- president, Agatex Developments Ltd. . .

J.W. Scott - chairman, Waterloo Trust and Savings Co. - president, Dobbie-Glenoit Ltd. - director, Equitable Life Insurance Co. of Canada

- president, Lady Galt Towers Ltd. .Kitch&ner

- director, Waterloo Bond Corporation ~

- ‘director, Dominion Life Assurance Co. - director, Merchants Printing Co. ’ -

- director, Domtar Ltd. - director, O.W. Thompspn Ltd.

- director, Waterloo Trust and Savings Co. Ltd. I , _’ ’ - director, Dobbie Industries Ltd.

- director, Joy Manufacturing Co. (Canada) Ltd. - - director, Stauffer-Dobbie Ltd. * -7 director, Rumpel Felt Co. Ltd. ’

W. Dodge - labor representative - .

Gait Kenneth J. Shea _, director, Minnesota Mining and Manufasturing of .

R. Fraser Elliott Montreal

- senior pbrtner, Stiheman, Elliott, Tomaki. Mercier & Robb

- chairman, C A E Industries Ltd. - president, Great Lakes Investment C O . Ltd. - vicepresident & director, Standards Paper Box Ltd. - vicepresident & director Custom Ready Mix Ltd.

- director; Mercantile Bank of Canada, - director, Union Screen Plate Ltd. - director, Peacock Brothers Ltd.

. appointed by government

London

E.J. Shoemaker Kitchiner

J.K. Sims

Canada Ltd. - pre.sident; Minesota Minerals’

’ - director; Ontario Loan and Debentiri CO. h - president, L. McBrine C O . Ltd. -

I . -

- partner, Sims, Baue; and Sims - chairman, FWD Corp.-(Canada) Ltd.

/ - djiector, Planned Investments Carp . . .i(itehener

- director, lroquqis Salt C O . Ltd. - president, Ancaster Disbributors Ltd. I _

- director, General Springs Products Ltd. _ = director, Ciments Lafarge Quebec Ltd. - director, General Springs-Products InvestmentiLtd.

- director, Canadian Bronze Cp. Ltd. - director, W.E. Woelfe Shoe 20. Ltd. - director, Northwest Industries Ltd. -

- director, Economical Mutbal l,-rsuranc6 C O . - director, B . C . Airlines Ltd. . - - director, Waierloo Trust and Savings C O . - director, Camflo Mines Ltd. - director, Canada Value and Hydrant Cg. Ltd. ’ - director, Montreal Shipping C O . Y - director, Raymond! Nut Shops

William H. Evans ‘_ _- director, W.R. Elliott Ltd. chairman, Honeywell Controls Ltd.

appointed by government James .G. Thompson - president Supertest Petrolium Corp. Ltd.

Toronto London - director, General Products Mfg. Corp Ltd. - director, Standard Tube and i.1. Ltd. ,

Lewis Hahn - director, Hahn Brass Ltd. - director, Cities Heating Co. Ltd.

New Hamburg - director, Hand Chemical Industries Ltd. - director, General Wire and Cable C O . Ltd.

- director, Panni!l Veneer C O . Ltd. J. Page R. Wadsworth‘ - vicechairman, Canadian Imperial Bank of’Con;,merce

- director, lmbank Realty Co. Ltd. ‘- Montreal - director, Dominion Realty Co. Ltd.

- director, Pilot Insurance Co. - director,. Cpnfederation Life A&ociation

; Colonel H. J. Heasley _ Retired local businessman , 7

Waterloo - president, C . N . Weber Lid. , . C.N. Weber

C.R. Henderson - Sarnia industrialist Kitchener director, Equitable-Life Insurance Co. of Canada Ltd. - director, Economical Mutual Inyrance Co.

Sarnia - . - director, Missisoquoi %I Rouville’lnsurance+‘~o.

senior Partner Whitney, Whitney and assodiates

P.R. Hilborn . chairman, Canadian Office and School Furniture Ltd. J. Leo Whitney

Preston

A.R. Kaufman Kitchener

- chairman, Preston Furniture Co. Ltd. Toron to - president. General Mortgage Carp of Cal:ada

- vicepresident, Waterloo Trust arid Savings director. Clemmer Manufacturing, C O . Ltd.

director, Equitable Life Insurance Co. of Canada directqr. Melburn Hotel Ltd. director, Franlyn Investment Carp

director, Grand .piver Railway Co. , j - _ \ , : ; ‘I . , , , . . , . . ,p . 9 . : , diri?ctor, Fidelity Trust

chairman, Kaufman Footwear Industries Ltd. - director, Tital & Guarantee Co. Ltd. . \ director, Canlie Holding Carp Ltd

14 \

972 the Chevron, community issue 1

I_ I L-

f 0 “I have been ‘driven to, the conclusion

that the university is really under the control of a small and active group of trustees (governors) who have no standing in the world of education, who are reactionary and visionless in politics, narrow and medieval in their religion. Their conduct betrays a profound misconception of the true function of a university in the advancement of higher learning. ”

To the student of the university, the board of governors appears as a group of conservative, puritanical and rich old men who favor strict regulations in the residences. Students see them as the “owners” of the university, as the bene- factors of the university, as the yes-men of now-retired administration president Gerry Hagey, and as the local Estab- lishment. These are the absentee landlords who control a university they know little about.

Basically this description is right, for legally the board of governors IS the university. According to the University of Waterloo Act:

l The board owns the land and the buildings, even though funds may have come from provincial tax funds.

l The board appoints all of the officers and agents of the university, including the power of hiring and firing faculty members and academic administrators.

l Except for actually academic policy-which is determined by the senate -the board controls everything. Through its final authority over students, including the right of expulsion, it has indirect control over student groups if it wishes.

In actual fact, the “employees” are under less control than they would be in a business corporation and the board rarely interferes instudent activities or in faculty hiring matters.

* * * At Waterloo, the board of governors

has always been loyal to its friend and founding president Gerry Hagey, who left public relations work at B. F. Gqod- rich in 1953 to become head of Waterloo College.

Referring to the operation of the university, Hagey has said, “Our board does not enter into the detailed operation of the university to as great an extent as at some other universities. -The board is a body which approves, disapproves or re- fers-practically everything on which our board acts come to it from some part of the organization.”

This means that the administration president and his senior officers wield a considerable amount of power. The board thus appears as a figurehead-meeting only four times a year; receiving reports but not initiating programs; not involved in the day-to-day operation of the university.

But then what does the board do? There are two main reasons given by pro-Es- tablishment spokesmen: fund-raising and maintaining the university’s autonomy

In fund-raising, the board of governors - is now virtually useless. Provincial grants

from taxation pay about 80 percent of operating costs, with students’ tuition covering the rest; while capital costs of buildings and furnishing are paid 95 percent from taxes.

In the latter category, the University of Waterloo’s board of governors has been able to raise only about half of the $5,500,000 goal in the latest fund drive. This is why they recently went to the city council asking for $180,000.

The area of university autonomy is very much open to question by the tax-

, payers, for the board is supposed to work to keep the university free from pressures from the elected provincial government: the body that is supposed to represent your interests. A quick look at the table showing the positions in the economy held by the board members shows that their interests are not the interests of the majority of taxpayers.

* * * Hagey has said the board does not

maintain a tight control over the university, but it is obvious that the university is working for them. And the people that are making it work for them are the administrators-the career bosses who earn over $20,000 a year.

b e ln l ft I

3 e

The real power in the last few years has been the president’s council; a committee of the administration president, treasurer, vicepresidents and deans. This is the part of the organization that passed all the items to the board for approval.

This same group, together with a large contingent from the present board of governors will become the dominant force in the new university government structure that has been talked about so much. Almost two thirds of the membership of the new body will be from the board and from the senior administration, in about equal parts. v

The new structure will also include the powers of the academic senate, which presently is composed about equally of faculty and administration.

It is quite clear the board and the senior administration have the same interests in mind. When Hagey resigned, the board went into secret session to come up with a formula to replace him. The board decided on a search committee with a majority of board and administration members, in addition to the board’s power to decide from among the selected candidates. The procedure the campus had been expecting was to include a search committee with a slight faculty majority and the chance for the senate to veto the selection before it went to the board. Even this procedure was called very conservative by respected faculty leaders.

Thus, the board-administration interests will maintain control of the top administrative post, even though they allow some students and faculty members to participate in the decision.

Similarly, when they decided on the new control structure, they were able to design a governing body with firm control in their hands, while at the same time bring all academic policy into their power. In the face of all this they proclaim it as a modern reform in everybody’s best interest. The professors and students, who are the university, get about a third of the members; and the taxpayers get no representation at all except from their bosses. * * *

While it is obvious from the table of p board members’ positions that they can

not and will not act in ways to benefit the majority in the community, some will question how loyal the administrators are to the Establishment.

Administrators are by definition business-oriented. At lower levels, they are generally career bureaucrats trained in management. Regardless, the growth of the administrative mentality is encouraged by the nature of the job. Their functions, and concept of their jobs, are such that they are almost never involved with the actual educational process.

Many of them will say they are the employees of the university, which would put them on an equal footing with librarians and janitors. However, they allocate money, set educational policy, determine who shall be hired and kept, who shall be admitted as students, what sort of research work the university will sponsor and what sort of graduates will be turned out.

They sign contracts, set student regulations and manage the physical expansion of the university. Their decisions are seldom subjected to formal approval of the faculty and the students are never consulted unless they demand to be. In such cases the administra-

tors encourage the public to complain that students do not know their place (and the local, owners of press, radio and TV, who are members of the board of governors, ensure reporting is anti- student).

In summary, the university is run almost like a private corporation, with the workers (faculty) becoming the employees of management (the administrators), the whole operation being run for the profit of the board (the bosses’ private (interests) with little regard for the people who are paying for it all (the working taxpayer).

* * *

Why should you as a working taxpayer care whether the university is being run for the profit of private interests?

The symbol of capitalism in Waterloo County-the Waterloo Trust-is symbolic of control of the university: the University of Waterloo and the Wat- erloo Trust share six directors and an urge to make some sort of profit.

There are many reasons. l First, you should question why so

few children of working class people make it into university when we are supposed to have a democracy with equal opportunity for all. Not just the middle class should have university education as a way to a higher-paying, less menial job-at the expense of all the taxpayers.

l The working taxpayer should not have to pay the tax bill for the technical training for business and industry-who simply want the university to be a cheap job-training center and who want a university where students are taught to do as they’re told so they will become quiet, obedient employees.

l The business-industrial interests want all these things to come from the income and sales taxes which hit the working taxpayers much harder than the man at the top. Now when university education quality is falling and pressure to increase enrolments is rising, you won’t hear them asking the government to find sources for the necessary funds. What increases that are granted will not come from increased taxes on corporation profits or from capital gains taxes on speculators.

@ The working taxpayer must demand that one of the university’s priorities be quality. In the University of Waterloo right now, the quality of education in the non-technical area is suffering because the administration is squeezing out operating funds that should be used to buy books and using them for pretty lawns, useless extras and more buildings.

l Finally, and most important, the working taxpayer must demand that the university stop working against them. The university claims to be unbiased, but clearly is on the Establishment’s side. Most of the graduates will end up as bosses themselves, although at a lower level than the administrators and board of governors members who run the university.

As well, the university teaches these graduates to be anti-labor. Courses in union busting are only thinly-disguised as industrial sociology.

The university as an employer is a- mong the worst. Janitors earn about $500 to $1000 less than they would off campus, and that is typical. As well, only the, janitors and maintenance staff are unionized.

The university is a big factor in the housing shortage in Kitchener-Waterloo and the administration has failed to take adequate steps to neutralize the shortage. What they could do is use their large credit to borrow at lower rates and provide adequate housing, thus freeing more local housing for the working taxpayers.

* * * No, the university is not working in the

best interests of the students either. But, whenever students do anything about it, they get branded as a small, vocal minority that wants to destroy things the taxpayers have paid for.

It is the concerned students that the administration and the press attack thaf are on the side of the working people. Looking at the table of board members positions, it is easy to guess they aren’t.

In their own best interests Big business in any one city is made

up of a small clique of wealthy industrial-’ ists, lawyers or bankers.

They deal with each other profession- ally every day, belong to the same clubs, invite each other to social functions, become directors of each other’s companies and do favors for one another.

None of this is unusual or culpable. After all, you can hardly be blamed for

doing favors for your friends, acquain- tances of business associates. Especially when you have the money or the influen- tial contacts to get the job done, and especially when your friend would do the same for you, and probably will.

Big business is out to make money, and if a favor done for a friend will result in a return favor bringing money or influence, that favor will be done.

The system is self-perpetuating, keeping the same small circle of friends in the know and in the money. Almost all the favors are done in and for the group.

The situation is very conducive to immoral use of power. Contracts somehow do get let to friends, rather than lowest or best bidders. Important information does reach friends before it reaches the public.

The situation is discriminatory, unjust. cancerous, ugly and vaguely suicidal: and one day the people will rise up and do something about it. After all, “the people have the element of surprise.”

-Reprinted from “Board of governors.. . fit cats!” by James Rescott in the Peak.


I T SEEMS ONLY right that this here newspaper should let all you folks know what a

wonderful little community we got here, and about the dedicated’men that control it and see that it runs proper. I was born and raised in Kitchener-Waterloo, and I’m right proud of the folks that made this city such a bustling, thriving community.

We got all kinds of local business to be proud of, like Mutual Life, Dominion Life, Waterloo Trust, Seagrams, EquiI’?ble Life, Waterloo Mutual, Electrohome, C.N. ? ‘Weber Ltd., Economical Mutual and a whole lot more. We got two universities, a daily newspaper and television station and two radio stations.

The people here are a busy, in- dustrious lot. Peaceful folk. --Oh, there’s a few troublemakers, mostly at the universities, but you get that most anywhere these days. Generally speaking, our citizens are quiet and responsible.

Take Westgate Walk...

Pollock; he lives in number four- teen. C; _ A. Pollock, that is. President and chairman of the board of Electrohome.

He’s on the board of directors of a lot of other things too, like Waterloo Trust, Burns Foods, Knoll International, Boehmer’s Ltd., Crouse-Hinds, the Royal Bank and Dominion Life. Not to mention being president of Cen- tral Ontario Television what runs our local TV station- and our radio stations. Interested in education, too. He’s chairman. of the board of governors at the Univer-

_ sity of Waterloo, Then there’s one of his neigh-.

bours, Mr. John Motz; he lives in number nine. He’s the publisher of the Kitchener-Waterloo Record, our local newspaper, and a fine paper it is.

Keeps the people informed about how the unions are asking for too much money, and the students are getting too big for their brit- ches, and how the government better watch how it spends its money and stop thinking about

the meetings there, they see _ i other important folks. Like Mr. W.A. Bean, president and gene& al manager of Waterloo Trust. Al- so a director of Mutual Life, Preston Furniture, Economical Mutual, Canada Trust and some other things.

Then there’s C./V. Weber, who of course is president of C.N. Weber Ltd. Not to mention being on the board of Waterloo Trust, Equitable Life and Economical Mutual. He’s on the board.at that university too.

Then there’s the Seagram boys, T. B. and J.E. F.; who of course have something to do with Sea- gram’s distilleries. Aside from Waterloo Trust, one or the other is on the board at Waterloo Mutual, Canada Barrel and Keg, \ Economical Mutual and Globe Furniture.

Finally, there’s Mr. J. W. Scott chairman of the board at .Water- loo Trust. Also on the board at Equitable Life, Waterloo Bond, Merchants Printing, and the Rumpel Felt company. He’s on

all in one big happy family, so to speak. Why if Mr. Pollock left his cigar case or something at the Waterloo Trust meeting, Mr. Weber could just take it along with him to the meeting at Econo- - mica1 Mutual where he’d find Mr. Bean and one of the Seagram boys.

They should 1: dents, a resentaf all seci not just

The F

He could give the cigar case to Mr. Seagram who could have his brother give it to Mr. Motz at the Waterloo Mutual meeting. Or Mr. Weber could just wait until he saw Mr. Motz himself at the Equitable Life meeting, along with J.W. Scott. Mr. Motz could then give the case back to Mr. Pollock at the Central Ontario Television meeting.

Or Mr. Weber could just wait until he saw Mr. Pollock himself, along with Mr. Motz and J.W. Scott, at the University of Wat- erloo board meeting.

But if student: After 2 Motz’s ock’s T public things.

Its nil is in go have a twenty not to rl radio ; workin secure, are se

Sometimes they have trouble at the university. The students complain that these men don’t exactly represent the community as a whole. _

This is a pretty little commun- things like a capital gains tax, the board at that University too. ity.. Early in the morning I like which might hurt wealthy inves- to walk through some of our quiet tars.

Praise the Lord and residential streets and just watch Mr. Motz is also a dire&

--

the day begin. Central Ontario Television, Take Westgate Walk, for in- erloo Trust, Equitable Life and _ I reckon it’s kinda r

stance. I like that street. It’s new Waterloo Mutual. He’s on the SO much Of the businea, A14 tiuz and modern, sort of Kitchener- _ . board at that University of Wai- Waterloo’s own answer to the erloo, too. housing problem. In order to buy * You might have noticed

both of them are on the boa] how

a lot on Westgate Walk, you got to agree that the house you build 7aterloo Trust. When they, go to on it will cost $100,000 or more. Keeps out the riff-raff that way.

’ As I stroll down Westgate Walk in the morning, I can see the p.eo- ple who live there heading for work. For instance, there’s’ Mr.

,-HE K-W FEDERATED APPEAL, n formerly- Federated Charities, is un-

iaue in Canada. Kitchener-Waterloo is blessed ( ? ) to have an Establishment which rules over our community with an iron fist.

Fortunately, this fist is starting to rust. Our local appeal is the only campaign in a

Canadian city of comparable size which is not affiliated to the Canada- wide ‘United Ap- peal: K-W’s establishment appears to think it is just too good to be part of Canada!

Halifax, with 32 member agencie population slightly larger than th

, Cities, raised over $160,000 more t appeal. Smaller Niagara Falls, N.Y more than $l,OOO,OOO. with its not-so. community. ’

These campaigns might not alwag their goals, but they are meeting ba: an needs not just community estab:

:d- Appeal officials claim the Unit- ed Appeal affiliation would greatly increase expenditures. Such erroneous statements must now be examined critically.

Our local fund raisers claim that they “can administer our own campaign at a pro- _ ven lower cost than would be possible by joining ‘United Appeal’ “. We ask what is the lower cost and who proved it? 1 Local organizers also claim that “the Kitchener-Waterloo Appeal operates one of the most efficient campaigns on the North ’ American continent. ”

Others do much better . This is hard to accept when such thriving

communities as St. Catherines with a smaller population raises the same amount as K-W and distributes their funds to 31 agencies as opposed to our 23.

goals! _ One of the obvious errors in the ,

peal is the lack of measurement of the basis of fund distribution. The 1 County Branch of the Canadian Merit; Association has been fighting an uph

- against Federated Appeal tradit policy.

Roland Hersen, C.M:H.A. executiy tor, states that the reason their as; is not part of the appeal is due initi tradition of not granting a new agency more ‘than $8,000. Just lz C.M.H.A. was offered less money raised itself during the previous year.

“The present Federated Appea forces us to stay outside the local stated Hersen. We would have 1 joining Federated Charities but just l afford to curtail an already in program in this community”.

I

16 974 the Chevron, community issue . . I .

furnitm-e!. TV and licruor: seeing: y-a- - - -a - - - I - - J

h &faculty and stu- a - - - - - “ - - - , - _ - - -_ - -=- - - ,

- - - - - -0

to it that you are properly insured, ;hat any outside rep- lending your mortgage money at

should come from 9% percent; helping control your of the community, savings; helping to ensure that

,usiness. your children get the kind of ed-

3er View ucation these men know is good 1 for them; helping you get the

re is any trouble the i’t get much support. ;here is always Mr. spaper and Mr. Poll- ation to see that the the proper view of

know that everything ands. Why, these men in the running of over our main businesses, on our newspaper, TV, university. You good )ple can feel safe and wing that these men to it that you have

proper viewpoint on the news. When these men go home after

a hard day’s work, you can feel secure knowing that things are under control.

So alls well that ends well during a quiet evening on West- gate Walk.

Joe Connell recently advised Ald. Rosen- berg that Federated Appeal presently has a reserve fund of $120,000. Aldermen Wagner and Cardillo, Council delegates to the Appeal, quickly corrected this figure to read $190,- 000. Who is lying to whom?

dinner needs are more important than the needs of local charity organizations?

Pathological responses were all that Al- derman Morley Rosenberg received when he asked Kitchener City Council three simple, honest, questions.

Misinformation and contradictory statements prefixed paranoic reactions of Kitch- ener aldermen and Federated Appeal officials. I

I a They stated that Rosenberg’s questions vin led to negative insinuations. Is the annual meeting not advertised to )ur If so, one could certainly wonder about in- contributors because elections are held ses sinuations resulting from such a vocal es-

tablishment reaction to questions and ans- during one of the philanthropic dinners open

LhY wers already printed in the Federated Ap-

only to active canvassers and workers?

tch peal’s 1969 Campaign pamphlet. The myths that Federated Appeal operates

on are those of an establishment that must

2 Lying is a full-time sport be changed.

The Combined Appeal concept is excellent if the Lady Bountifuls of our establishment

w- Local citizens are tired of being lied to.

1:: Alderman Rosenberg, Kitchener City

community begin to acknowledge they are a

Council, and the community was recently told hindrance to rapid, significant social development rather than a help.

,lth by the Appeal’s General Campaign Mana- ger, Joseph Connell, that financial state- Federated Appeal must be changed drasti-

;tle tnd ments have not been published in the past 6

cally.

years due to the expense which was consid- But it is extremely important to avoid

affecting present member agencies in their ec- ered unnecessary. ion This expense consists of a small ad in the

good work. Financial support must continue.

K-W Record which presently is carrying a Unfortunately, changes will only come a-

3a daily ad on their ‘Third Page’ undoubtedly

bout by convincing local authorities of the her

as a community service. need to initiate immediate change. ear A most effective way of being heard is to

it Mr. Connell’s most recent campaign pam- phone, or write, Kitchener and Waterloo phlet states a totally different reason: “the Mayors Mcbennan and Meston and demand

iCY Auditors.. . .Thorne, Gunn, Helliwell, and immediate action. l”, Christenson will not permit publication due red to a technicality.” not Such contradictory statements from the

ate same source can only lead to serious doubt,

Connell states that no ‘money has been put into this reserve fund for six years. Is it pure coincidence that the financial report stopped being published at this time?

The Y.M.C.A. and the Y.W.C.A. are the re- cipients of the largest grant from the Ap- peal. Joe Connell is the Y.M.C.A. general secretary. Perhaps some insinuations could be avoided if the chief organiser had no vested interest in this campaign.

Who can be trusted4when Crown Attorney Harold Daufman pub&?ly denies having in- timidated Ald. Rosenberg over the recent financial report issue.

If volunteer canvassers proposed the abolition of this expense, would this public- spirited philanthropist donate ‘funds to the appeal? Or is it given in this way to hide campaign costs?

Daufman threatened to charge Rosenberg with theft if the report was not returned immediately, then denied the threat.

However-in the K-W Record article stat- ing this denial-was a statement from Joe Connell admitting that this action against Rosenberg was discussed!

It is naive to talk about the low cost of running a campaign when hidden costs are not included in the audit.

There is an annual contribution, from a “public-spirited Kitchener philanthropist who wishes to remain anonymous,” for volunteer dinners and luncheons.

Does this unidentified donor give this gift because the campaign committee feels its


Boycott grows *

The grapes of wrath DELANO, Calif. ( CPS-CUP)-‘% the souls of the peo-

ple, the grapes of wrath are filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for the vintage.”

So runs the final sentence in a chapter of John Stein- beck’s “The Grapes of Wrath”. What was true almost 40 years ago is still true this month as a strike by California farm workers spreads into a nationwide grape boycott.

Farm workers in the U.S. are still forced to lead lives geared not to advancement but to bare survival. A California grape worker does not have to face the deliemma of whether to buy loafers or hush-puppies for his children-he must worry about having enough money to get shoes of any kind for the members of his family.

At present, many grape workers earn less than $1,800 a year. Even if a worker were able to work 40 hours a week every week of the year, he could only earn $2,386 annually-ap- proximately one-half of the average wage for all Californi- ans.

In the 1930’s, America’s workers won the right to organize and bargain collectively through the National Labor Re- lations Act. In 1968, farm work- ’ ers remain excluded from this act. To overcome this handicap and win the benefits enjoyed by other workers-minimum wage, collective bargaining. fringe benefits-the farm workers of Delano, California vot;d to go on strike for union recognition three years ago this month.

Since the turn of the century, attempts had been made to un- ionize the farm workers in Cal- ifornia, but all of them had failed. This time. however, under the leadership of Cesar Cha- vez, director of the United Farm Workers, farm workers have succeeded in winning collective bargaining agreements for the first time in history. Several major wine companies in Cal- ifornia have signed agreements with their workers.

for car and store windows tell-

But the strike is now in its 43rd month. and the workers are still out. Some victories have been won, but the goal of total union recognition is still far in the future.

In an effort to put additional pressure on growers during Sep- tember-the peak of the grape harvest-and to win nationwide support for the strike, the UFW

) is devoting most of its energy this fall to enlarging and publi- cizing a nationwide boycott of table grapes by supermarkets, individuals and companies.

,,, They have distributed posters

and Toronto to talk’ in support of the boycott.

College campuses, which in the West were the earliest areas of support for the Delano strike, are a major target for the workers, who are being helped by local branches of the IJnited Mexican-American S t u d e n t s (UMAS) organization, a new

one on many campuses this fall.

UMAS groups are spending their time rallying campus support for the Delano strikers and picketing supermarkets that carry California grapes (with some results, apparently : one Denver supermarket chain now has signs telling shoppers the grapes “were picked by non- union workers” ).

Chevez and the strike have received support from Robert Kennedy before his death, Eu- gene McCarthy and Hubert Humphrey. Richard Nixon has not endorsed the strike. One of the workers’ avowed enemies is California Governor Ronald Reagan. who last fall reportedly allowed growers to keep the children of workers out of school for two weeks in order to finish the picking. while other children were sent back.

The boycott. which began in earnest last year. has had some effect on the market. Sales in California are down 20 percent, and grape markets in New York, Boston, Detroit and Chi- cago are being closed down. Growers have begun routing their grapes to cities where the boycott is weakest.

A successful strike could change the status of farm labor well beyond the California val- leys. Once the pickers are organized, the way will be open to unionizing all of California’s 300,000 harvest hands. And once California, the “General Motors of agriculture’ ’ has been organized, the task of farm labor organizers across the country will be well under way.

The workers say they are seeking four things with the strike: a minimum hourly wage at all times of the year, sanitary working conditions in working areas, a seniority system to protect workers of long standing. and an end to harrassment through the appointment of stewards who would represent any worker who felt he had been treated uufairly .

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-T WO YEARS HAVE elapsed since I graduated from university and became an average, mar- ried resident of Waterloo engaged in the

day-to-day routine of earning a living in the business community.

I now see that problems faced by students at university are actually true reflections of problems faced by the community as a whole.

Many citizens fail to clearly recognize these problems-evidenced by the fact that many of them are hostile toward radical students, when in fact, it is these students who are the natural allies of any citizen wanting to regain power over his own life and that of his community.

I The average person is unable to effectively control the direction and content of his society. I

He could help shape the life of the community; he could control the direction of his own life and participate in the shaping of the community life.

With the advance of the industrial revolution, men now have to work less hard to survive, for the machines do much of the work.

I The assembly-line has killed pride in personal skill and crafts- manship.

I

But the assembly-line has killed pride in personal skill and craftmanship. In today’s automotive plants. for example, no worker can feel much pride in the skilless, automatic assembling of only one small part of the finished product, a product which as likely as not has been designed to fall apart in a few years to maintain demand.

For this is the real problem that we face today: the average person is unable to effectively control the direction and content of hissociety.

The popular myths of the day tell us that Canada is the home of one of the greatest societies the world has ever known.

Its people have a high standard of living, an advanced

In the future’s totally automated factories, the tedium -.. involved in the endless monitoring of dials may prove

technblogy and great natural resources. We have a glittering tradition of democracy, for we

are a freedom-loving people with a dedication to the worth of the individual man. We are a moral people, a responsible people, a peace-loving people. All in all, we are fortunate to live in the Great Canadian Demo- cracy !

more intolerable than the assemblyline. This mode of production has destroyed any sense of

community. For it is difficult for any man to feel lnterdepen-

dence; he cannot see that he has any impact upon society; that he has any influence upon the shaping of the community in which he lives.

But if all these things-are true why is there growing restlessness across the land-particularly among youth-and a feeling of something gone wyong, of a dream faded; an empty, hollow sense of futility?

Why do many people feel that life is simply not worth living?

Why the constant strikes and demonstrations? Why the growth of sub-cultures such as the hippie

movement? Why the birth of a radical new political movement-

the new left? We have always presumed the glowing statements

about our society to be true. They are repeated daily by the newspapers, by high school civics teachers, by public speakers. All our lives we have been bom- barded by such statements until we have accepted them, unquestioned.

We must compare our “assump-

The system is impersoal and seems to operate of its own accord, clattering along, expanding to no apparent purpose.

I People are adjusted to the needs of technology ra_ther than technology to the needs of people.

I

The analogy that comes to mind is the Vietnam war. The aspect of the war that emerges most strikingly is the cost accounting, the input-output calculations, the systems development, and the relative unimportance of the human beings involved.

When U.S. government spokesmen comment on the state of the war, their remarks center almost exclusively on cost analysis figures, on new weapons systems being developed, on projections of future economic outlays needed.

Even the fighting men seem to have dehumanized the war, for we can listen to a pilot describe the split- second timing of his mission to-destroy rice fields-an6 villages. Technical know-how is the primary consideration; the fact that there are human beings in-

tions” to reality.

But it is time that we examined these held assump- tions in the light of present reality.

volved is of only incidental significance. This depersonalization of war is part of an overall

mode o# enternrise and control in which the existence

sideration. of particular human beings is a relatively minor con-

The examination will have to penetrate the surface glass, the neon artificiality that obscures the underlying foundations of the present society. We will have to go beyond the great myths to which we have become accustomed, and which prevent us from seeing things as they really are.

People are not people they are personnel-personnel of a mechanical system. They aren’t thought of as persons but as “human resources” (what. an odious technocratic slogan! )

To do this, we must begin with a look at the existing value system upon which most of our institutions are based.

People are adjusted to meet the needs of the technology rather than the technology to meet the needs of people.

It has become almost cliche to say that we have a materialistic value system.

As a result of the depersonalization of society, the value system is not based upon the personal relationships between individuals. - -

But emphasis of this society is upon material production, and this overemphasis on the economic aspect of human existence has operated to the detriment of human potential for intellectual, cultural, aesthetic and even physical growth. I Society makes economic growth

and productivity the ultimate goals and values.

I

The economic system was a r personal thing ; dependence was recognizable. I

In the early development of western society, men literally earned their living by the sweat of their brows. A man’s major concern was to wrest enough from the land to stay alive. Yet even then, the intimate relation between the dirt farmer and the land, the artisan’s pride in his craf tmanship provided some meaning and value to life.

There was a strong feeling of community. The *!gJ#s .

farmer bartered with the artisan for his product and , vice versa. A man could find satisfaction in his skill and in his close relationship to others. ; ;/iIJ

The economic system was a very personal thing; it i was easy to see who produced what and for what ’ reason, and the dependence of everyone in the community on everyone else was recognizable.

( ;r

Everyone felt himself part of the community-a neces- ’ sary part, an important part. His personal existence - mattered.

Instead of developing a personal, human set of values, this society has tried to make economic growth, industrial productivity, and high standards of living, serve as ultimate goals and values.

Personal relationships often develop, not from a true sense of community, but as a result of materialistic values. When a new family moves into the block often the primary question in the minds of the neighbours is, what type of job does the husband have and what is his income. The answer to his question all too often will determine his social position and whether his wife should be invited over for coffee.

Relationships developed as a result of these values give the impression not of intimate personal friendship,

’ but rather give the eerie sensation that the peep!@ involved are only so many shadows touching hands.

A value system based upon materialistic ends never was very adequate, but its inadequacy is certain to become more and more obvious to people as the importance of work and material achievement continues to diminish. As the technological age develops, men will do less work and the machines more. The impor- tande of human work, in the economic sense of earning a living, is lessening by the day.

*continued over page


Why are material, economic values stressed more when the problems they represent continue to grow?

v . The economic progress or material standard of living

enjoyed by a society is only one factor contributing to individual and social well-being.

Why then are material and economic values being stressed more and more as the problems they represent continue to grow?

Why must people continue to worship the neon god? The answers to these questions are complex, but part

of the answer may lie in the fact that we continue to some extent against our will.

People have lost control of the political and economic system. They are not involved in the decisions that affect their lives; these decisions are made for them by a handful of powerful individuals.

There is a growing realization, particularly among the young, that the individual has little or no control over the basic decisions that affect his destiny and the destiny of society.

They realize that the system, when viewed as a com- posite, is totally impersonal-geared not so much to meeting the real needs and demands of people as to creating synthetic demands.

Such demands are created by the power of advertising and, the mass media for two reasons. One is profit and the second is the fact that these synthetic material demands are easier for our materialistic society to meet than are the real needs of people.

Traditional party politics can’t solve this problem and most people recognize this.

Acceptance of the idea that people can do nothing to change the world is the greatest danger to a free and democratic society.

The most commonly overheard remarks about politics are, “it doesn’t matter anyhow,” “they’re all alike, ” “they’ll promise you anything but just try to make them stick to it-” and similar remarks. These statements imply a recognition, perhaps subconscious in many cases, that people have no real control over

.politics or politiciaris. The acceptance by a people of the concept that they

can do nothing to change the world they live in is the greatest possible danger to a free and democratic society, and we are presently very close to the acceptance of this very concept.

We seem ready to see ourselves as “prisoners of events”, with fate, rather than human action, responsible for events. If we accept this concept of the course

of history, the next logical -step is to absolve men from all moral responsibility.

If we believe, as I hope we do, that each individual is totally morally responsible for all his actions, it follows that he is likewise morally responsible for those actions which are performed at his direction or with his consent.

This includes the action of government, for government, theoretically at least, is not a responsible entity in itself, but merely an agent of the people. The people are morally responsible for the actions of their government.

non-participatory ‘system prevents people from directly influencing the action of governments.

But today the vast majority fail to accept this responsibility.

We live in an age of “consent politics,” wherein non- action on the part of the populace is politically equivalent to a vote “yes” in favour of things essentially as they are.

Our non-participatory political system prevents the people from directly influencing the action of government, and they sit quietly by as the government charts its own course.

This inaction amounts to tacit consent for the way things are.

As long as people willingly sit by and allow the government to do anything it wants to do, which is essentially what has been happening throughout this century, they are morally responsible for what happens. Yet this sense of responsibility is all but lost. There is a feeling of helplessness, of inability to influence the course of events.

This sense of lack of power is responsible for much of the restlessness among the active youth of the country, and to a lesser degree among the rest of the populace. -

/

This depersonalized society undermines political morality and social responsibility.

/ \ The feeling on the part of an individual that he is help-

less before a predetermined course of events produces “anomie”.

This inner feeling that the world is without rational control is a mindless, impersonal vortex sweeping man along helplessly in its midst, is destructive of human morality, of confidence, of the sense of responsibility.

This depersonalized society of ours undermines political morality and social responsibility. ’

It is. essential that people regain the ability, to determine the kind of society in which they will live. It is necessary to create a true participatory democracy, in which all people can participate in the decisions that affect their lives.

A group of young people that the press has labelled “new left” has been trying to do just this. They have accepted their personal moral responsibility for the way this society operates and for the actions of their government .

They have decided to take direct action of their own rather than sit quietly by and give their tacit consent to an unjust system.

The newspapers, who have their own financial stake in the materialistic system, of course accuse these young people of irresponsibility. In fact, these young people are about the only citizens who are acting res- ponsibly.

The new left accepts its responsibility to do something about perceived injustices.

The majority of our citizens sit quietly by and accept everything as it is. absolving themselves from all responsibility. But to simply give up and say that its not their fault that things are the way they are is profoundly irresponsible.

The new left at least accepts its responsibility to do something about perceived injustices.

Occasionally others follow suit: for esimple. the housewives who last year picketed supermarkets and marched on Ottawa to protest high t’ood prices. These same housewives, who feel quite 1’ree to adopt the tactics of the new left when it suits their purposes. are the same people who scream “irrespc,nsible” wllen students use these tactics for ditl’eren; reasons.

Possibly part of the fear oi’ ?hc 1lew left lies in the name itself. People who are ac~usto~lletl !(I think in the old left-right terms of capital&m 1;s. ~‘ul~>nlunism can’t accurately fit the new left into this ou-Mcd spectrum.

citizen who wants a more democratic system.

The best way to view the new lcf’i is to think 01 :I political spectrum having authoritarianism on the right and idealistic anarchy on the left (idealist anal’- thy being a system in which government 1s unnecessary because people naturally co-operate with each other and no one would think of harming another 1.

The best political system at any point in time would be the system that comes closest to idealistic anarchy while still being practically workable: that is. the system which is as far to the left as possible.

On this spectrum both fascism and communism fall to the far right; that is, very close to authoritarianism.

Capitalism is near the middle: the new left falls closer to idealistic anarchy.

Students of the new left are striving to create a truly “participatory” democracy in which people have greater control over government and political decision- making.

As such, the new left and the student protesters are the natural allies of any citizen \Ivho wants a more democratic sys tern.

However, the young people cannot do it alone. This community badly needs civic action groups which will form to try to do something about the many problems this community faces ; from local pollution and lack of crossing guards at many railway crossings. to local housing problems.

It’s time the people of Waterloo got off their back- sides and began to do something about the problems that affect them and everyone else in this community.

by Michael Thomas Chevron staff

,


by Jean Michel

The managers in the education industry are up against the wall. They can’t live without us to absorb the unemployment they must disguise. But they’re be- ginning to find they can’t live with us, either. And, as budgets tighten and student consciousness grows, they’re going to find that things can only get worse.

The high schools are the newest front.

When education minister William Da- vis decreed a two-week extension of the high school year, he unleashed a torrent of resistance. Why did they do it and why did the students react so vehe- mently?

They did it because they have to. There are more than half a million secondary school students in the province of On- tario. Assume that half of them get summer jobs.

Taking them out of the labor force for two weeks is the equivalent of reducing the labor force by about 10,000 man years of labor. That’s 10,000 jobs t,hat won’t have to be provided and an automatic reduction of 10.000 in the number of unemployed and a rate of 8-10 I . Some- body in Queen’s Park has a good head for figures.

Summer income Cut From the students’ point of view. the

arbitrary extension of the school year reduces their total summer income by 1 6 (2 weeks out of 12) and discriminates against them and in favor of university students in the surnmer job market. A clever detail, that.

They can only hope in Queen’s Park that perhaps high school students will make less trouble than the unemployed university students, and maybe it will even be possible to direct t,heir resent- ment away from the government and toward the university students who get the jobs that the high school students need.

Further. a parent is less likely to be disgruntled if he has to aid his high school children more than he planned. instead of his university-level sons and daughters.

This offers a way to reduce real incomes without it showing. All the way around, it looked like a good idea at the time.

Ho-wever, even though the province is making every effort to shift their unemployment problem as far down the age range as they can, t’ie universities will feel it as well.

Budgets are being tightened on ever?; campus, but contingency plans are

being made to accommodate increased first-year enrollments as much as 30’1 greater than this year.

Student aid will not go up to match rising enrollments. Nor will faculty hiring. which means larger classes. In fact, we need to keep a watchful eye on our big faculty brothers. They are asking for a 15 to 20’ I raise in pay, but will be lucky to get 5’( .

This may radicalize a few of them, however, if the Association of Teaching Staff at the University of Toronto is a typical faculty sample. most of them will get right to work thinking of ways to reduce their work loads and let the student fend for themselves.

The ATS, for example. almost voted to withold final grades if their salary demands are not met. So. while we should keep trying to find ways to build ties to the faculty, we shouldn’t expect much and we should keep our guard up.

We should be particularly alert to faculty and administration attempts to ease their budgetary problems by means of apparently groovy expedients. It’s clear that a great many ways to cut the budget will be dressed up as “experi- merits’ ’ .

Benign short-cuts

Student-generated and administered courses ; a reduction in the number of lecture hours per course; abolition of requirements ; reduction in the number of courses that the student must take; encouragement to branch out and take a variety of courses-we should expect these and other ijalliatives to be offered.

!Xot that there is anything wrong with these ideas; but we must be careful not to let them get away with calling “reforms” measures that are simply expedients for them.

In particular, we must take advantage of the situation to demand the maximum power that we can get. They will try to offer us specific programs and the appearance bf sympathy. -

No matter how attractive the package

they offer, we should work to get students to demand a role in the decision- making process through which the program gets determined. Don’t forget that the revolution is not a course offered in a free school.

Problem is bad How bad is the problem? We have at

least a couple of clues that suggests that it’s pretty bad. One is that Trudeau has hinted at the possibility of year-round operation of the schools. More efficient. he says. ‘And it keeps young people out of the labor force while making more efficient use of teachers who are paid out of public funds.

Another magic reduction in unemployment achieved by making it impossible for students to work at all. Not to mention a way to cut down on public spending by exploiting teachers.

The other clue is Pelletier’s notorious suggestion of the civilian draft. It would be foolhardy of us to suppose that they’ve given up the idea just because there was such a torrent of negative reaction and because they aren’t talking about it any more.

If they’d even suggest such a thing in a country with such a tradition of opposition to conscription of any kind for any purpose, they’re pretty desperate. And if they can find a way to isolate the young people that would be subjected to this temporary slavery from the allies who might help them resist. why should- n’t they try it?

Unemployment will soon 1’~‘; ch 5’ C : tax increases promise some deflation ; the U.S. is heading into a recession and will try to shift its burdens on to its most docile satellite-the outlook isn’t bright from their point of view.

But we should expect them to try to find ways to treat their present problems as opportunities. Ptirticularly in- viting is the opportunity to undermine our attempts to build alliances with other working class groups.

We’re easing the unemployment rate

by being forced to stay in school. but the cost of our schooling is. in part. being borne by the workers. in ef’fect we’re sharing the unemployment with them: their real incomes are reducoed to provide us with subsistence.

Hard-pressed bias The press, which is eager to prevent

any alliances between students and workers. is quick to point this out. They are not so quick to point out that the tax structure of this province makes the working man pay for the go\.ernment and gives the corporations a tree ride and doesn’t tax capital gains.

If in fact economic conditions are getting worse. then workers may become very hostile to students unless we get the message through to them that what we need is to mount a join! attack on the corporations that oppress us botl?. ;i\ tougher corporation tax and a capital gains tax could provide the finance t’ol both the jobs and the student aid that \;5’e need.

So they’ve discovered that they can’t live without us to absorb the unemployment that they can’t cure. However. they don’t seem to be able to live with us. either. although no Ontario university has yet been as crude as the board of governors at Regina. where they have cut off the funds for the student paper because it is aimed al undermining the administration.

Regina will tell

However. we’re not the only people that hear the news reports. \L‘c can feel sure that the situation is being watched closely by our friendly neighborhood university administrators and that if they get away with it at Regina their example will be followed all over the country.

Fortunately for us. itls not likely that . they will get away with it. But more sub- tle pressures have been felt and will continue to mount.

In summary. then. the managers have a problem. They need us and they will probably feel they have to make what appear to be concessions to Us to keep us off the streets. But the>? don’t have much slack: they c*an’t go very far to appease us witho:lt running in!,.) trouble from the taxpayers. In caonclu- sion. they’re up against it. ;hnd that’s where we’ve got to keep them.

apt-17 1969 (special,J 979

Symbolism

’ AUTOMO6lLE Cc>0 . . . . _. _

If the seeds of antithesis in modern society Are hard to find, the symbol of its faults and of its apparent future is not. That symbol is the automobile.

It seems quite likely that future historians will probably write whole volumns on the mean ing of the car to our age and, if man by chance saves himself, thev may point in wonder to the fact that all America drove cars at one time without realizing that in doing so they had at their fingertips the key to the troubles of their times. Success factor

To manv in North America, in fact to most, the car is a symbol of status and success.

While the Rolls Royce remains aristocratic, and Italian cars are left to the sons of the verv rich, owning a Cadillac has become a symbol that one has arrived. Lincolns and Imperials are provided for variation only.

The hollowness of this symbol is, however, starting to become apparent even to the rich especially since even the working man can buy one on the instalment plan.

Seeing a person driving General Motors’ finest product today really means almost nothing. He may be parking it in front of a tenement house.

Somewhat unconsciously, the rich consider this unfair, their symbol is being destroved. The search for material objects with which they may announce their success is being frustrated.

The process exposes the real reasons people buy such a product as a Cadillac. Not because it is better but because it is more expensive. In manv wavs it is inferior to the little Volkswagen whose retail value it will share within ten years.

But. no matter. it is not real value that counts. it is surface-deep images we chase. Disintegration .

The Cadillac owner does share one common problem with the poor unfortunates who buy Chevrolet Biscavnes. Both cars have a habit of coming apart at the seams.

Automobile magazine tests show that it is virtual@ impossible to buv a car today without finding at least twentv errors in its workmanship. Everv car buyer lives in fear of the lemon.

It is not unusual to read in those same mag- azines fond words for the days of yesteryear when cars produced by a much inferior technology at least seemed to have less faults upon delivery.

If the machines have become better. it must be the men operating them who are making more mistak.es.

This conclusion holds true in practice and in theory and the reason for it is summed up in one word-alienation.

The production of cars today is really the result of a long stream of men screwing nuts on bolts or similarly uniform and minor tasks.

If you ask one of those production line men about the pride he feels when he sees a car made by the company he works for. he will laugh at you. In fact you would laugh at yourself if you thought of asking the question.

Anyone sitting screwing nuts on bolts all day really doesn’t give a damn about the final product that rolls off the production line. He probably doesn’t even see what he has to do with it. If he didn’t screw the nut someone else would.

So our case study goes to his toil every da! to make his $2.90 an hour by doing as little la: bour as possible.

If he can get away with turning the nut six times instead of seven and thereby lighten his work load, he probably will. He will do this because he is so divorced from his toil

that he doesn’t care about the quality of the final product and he doesn’t care about who buys it.

Why should he. thev don’t care about him. So in the end we all get cars that have poor-

ly screwed-on nuts.

Wait two years Bv the time we finally get the nccessar~~

nuts rtscrewed, we will be face to t’;icc lyith the second challenge to our car’s nw;qy~~ CS-

istence-planned obsolescence. Anv thinking engineer can tell you that for

the resources we allocate to the producht ion of’ automobiles ( expressed in terms 01’ the final number of dollars we have to pay t’w

them 1. we should get a very superior prod~t

in return. We don’t. and every child knows the rca-

son whv-the automobile manut’acturtrs want to make sure vou buy a new car within I’OUI~

vears. Now engineers aren’t told to design C;US

that will fall apart. There is no need to bc so obvious.

All the manufacturer has to do is offer thousands of economic reasons why one SCIT~I

should be used instead of two. why research on new methods and materials should proceed “slowly and surely” and generally how change must come about gradually. He believes all that himself.

Presto-an inferior product that is no one’s fault but sure makes the shareholders a lot of money. Good friends

Now Adam Smith. great free-market econo- mist, ‘would have argued that progress cant ’ be held back because one of the companies will always be trying to get the jump on the others.

Adam Smith never met Henrv Ford II. Today the car industry has illustrated that

man need not always be at war. ’ Instead of fighting with one another. they have banded together in one big happy family.

A family big enough to suggest to other families that they change businesses or quit.

Not all members of the family are brother and sister like Cadillac and Chevrolet-some are cousin like Pontiac and Ford-but the! all help each other out. ’ That is why General Motors loaned Ameri- can Motors millions of dollars during the last few years. If any more cousins disappear from the market. American federal authorities are probably going to investigate.

Anyone who has any doubts that the big three and A.M. are in cahoots should watch the rise in car prices over a period of several years. They all go up together.

Air Pollution All the problems don’t meet around board

room tables either. Some of them come out of the cars’ exhaust pipes.

The U.S. government has finally forced companies to do a little about car exhaust air pollution. Regulations applying to buses and trucks are on their way.

But the moves may be too little and too late. Our major cities are already being buried under a blanket of blackening smog.

The industry could. of course. clear up the situation if they wanted to. but since exhaust cleaning devices cost money they’ve chosen not to.

Their problem is that if they add a $50 cleaner to every car and truck they have to up the final price $100 to cover everyone’s profit. They would rather not do this as they feel the resulting decreased number of sales would hurt their overall profit situation. It would hurt because they are already charging

-c” di--Ul ?

22 980 the. Chevron, community issue

as much as the market can bear in order to receive maximum profits.

Highway cities Speaking about smog-fille,d cities, it’s inter-

esting to note how they are being planned now- adays.

The key is not the needs of the people, but the needs of the car. Roads-not walkways-are central.

Part of this problem is the huge amount of public money spent on subsidizing highways and roadways while public transportation is expected to break even. Gasoline taxes and car taxes do not pay for the roads but bus tickets are expected to pay for the buses.

We see symbolized here not only a society in which technology reigns rather than people, but as well, a society in which the best treatment is reserved for the better-off.

The rich have their transportation system subsidized; the poor must pay their own way.

The rich may live on the outskirts of dirty cities but the poor are stuck within.

Pay later But good old General Motors has at least

made plans to ensure that the vast majority can buy one of their cars somehow.

The key for those whose savings aren’t great enough are finance plans like G.M.A.C., General Motors Acceptance Corporation.

For those people who can’t get bank loans-- or don’t realize they should try there first- these plans offer instant credit for car buying at such reasonable interest rates as 305.

Rumour has it that if you look hard you can - borrow money for as little as 167 a year. But

you have to look pretty hard and you have to be able to offer security.

Oh well, the Joneses bought a new car so the Smiths will too. If nothing else, we live in an age marked .by the super credit plan; they’re almost as good a symbol as automobiles.

These plans, by-the-way, are by no means sub-conscious plots. The men who run the

*. finance corporations are very well aware of what thev are doing.

Madison Avenue Eventually it would seem that nature would

intervene and attempt to destroy the bastards at the automobile industries and maybe eventually she will; but for the moment man is preserving the upper hand through self- propaganda-advertising.

Should the thought ever occur to you that maybe you don’t need a Cadillac, you need on-8 ly open up any major magazine or turn to any TV channel to be reminded of why you do.

The Americans automobile industry spends billions of dollars a year on advertising.

Since we know that the companies involved are one big happy family the apparent argument that this is done in the spirit of competition would seem to fall flat on its proverbial face.

A better explanation would appear to be that the car companies would like to make sure we really want to buy this year’s Zommo- bile. Comparatively few individuals escape to the land of reasonable sanity and Volkswa- gen ownership.

Just in case you think wanting to buy this vear’s Zommobile is the natural state of mind, ask yourself why the American advertising and automotive industry employs over twenty-five percent of American behavioural psychology graduates Or read one of Vance Packard’s books.

So there is the living symbol of our age. An industry that is really an oligopolly

(controlled bv few 1 instead of the free market participant it pretends to be,.

A product that is inferior because of aliena- ted workers and profit-motivated shareholders.

A symbol that hasn’t any real human value but is shored up by expensive advertising.

And hence a cost of resources that could really be spent on helping starving neighbours and freeing ourselves from toil.

The future Interestingly, the automobile may also be a

major symbol of a future we seem to be completely unaware of. A future of cybernetics.

Cybernetics is the term applied to the extremely complicated theory of computer control of computers.

Applied to the automobile industry what this will basically mean is that man will be taken off the production line and replaced by computer-controlled computers.

In one sense this will free man. Not only will he have increased leisure time but he will also have an increased number of alternatives opened to him.

During the first years of automobile construction one could order a made-to-order car. The mass production line has provided more people with cars but has eliminated this ability.

Cybenetics will return one’s ability to re- quest tailor-made products while preserving,the capacity to do it in quantity.

Few examples exist today but the best one is an American trucking firm which has in- stalled a fully-computerized system on its production line.

As a result, purchasers now have a maximum of over 240 thousand options open to them in ordering a production line truck.

But in this freedom, man may find chaos and slavery.

Another way of saying that man will have more leisure is to say he is going to be out of work. There simply won’t be enough jobs to go around.

Yet he will be turning out enough products to go around. The problem will be finding a method of distribution.

One answer being debated in the United States today is the creation of a minimum annual wage.

Yet even if he can buy the produce goods, the man of today would be lost without work to do. We don’t know how to spend many leisure hours and we are trained to psychologically need work.

The,only possible solution here is going to be in changing our educational system to teach man how to deal with the new situation.

We are going to be forced to give up the idea that to-get to heaven one must sweat on earth. And for most we are going to have to stop teaching that the way to succeed in life is to toil hard.

Looking around us today it would seem that chaos has a much better chance of claiming the future.

We must also learn how to control a world in which technology plays such a big part. Today too many people in the humanities are simply jeering at the engineer and too many of the people in technocratic studies are ignoring those studying the humani ties.

If these two groups do not soon get together and try to understand each other’s fields. we will soon plunge by default into a world ruled not by man but by machine-and that, engineers, will include the maintenance men. .Our hope. then. lies in understanding the

symbol of our present times in order to mas- ter the symbols of our future. .

by Stewart Saxe .

april 7 969 (speciat) ‘98 7 2 3

by Don Gregory Chevron staff

, Dear Mom, I hear you are worried about me. You

have read in the newspaper and heard on the radio that small minority of dis- satisfied students at the University of Waterloo are disturbing the peace and serenity of our campus.

You may even have heard that I was arrested for trespassing while distributing supposedly obscene literature to highschool students. You have heard all this talk about student power and Marxism and revolution.

Well, some of it is true. We do talk about student power and Marxism; and we are planning a revolution. Let me tell you about our revolution.

We are, most of us, well-off. None of us starves.

All of us have somewhere to sleep. Some of us even own cars.

It is because we don’t need to worry about our physical well-being that we have time to look at the world around us. We don’t like what we see.

On the. one hand we are told we’ve never had it so good. On the other we wonder what’s “good“ about it. I remember once standing on a corner of Bloor Street in Toronto throughout lunch hour and not seeing one smiling person. The suicide and crime rates are climbing rapidly.

We are told that we live in a free and democratic society. We ,,w.onder how. the selection of our n-&tional leaders is democratic. Thelocal Amish folk are forced to participate in unemployment insurance and medicare schemes they neither want nor need. American troops crusade to force democracy on the people of Viet- nam.

The examples are endless and I could write you a letter everyday describing

them. Many of us have simply been over- whelmed by the magnitude of the contradictions facing us and have stuck our heads in the sand hoping that if we don’t see the problems they will go away.

Some of us have courageously entered the system with hopes of changing it from within. Others despair that nothing can be done before the whole social-poli-

mouth polite, meaningless banalities. We feel that this kind of world is pos-

sible-it has to be possible, otherwise there is no meaning to life. Societies have existed in the past where the majority of citizens were happy and creative. Ancient Greek society with all its imper- fections maybe a good example.

The Greeks were able to build their tical-economic monolith is brought crash- ing to the ground so a new society can rise phoenix-like from the ashes of the old.

Our revolution is not just political-we don’t just want to replace the old establishment with one that is newer and possibly more human.

We want to build a world where there is no place for an establishment; no place for a Hitler or a Trudeau; no place for people to starve as many in the Atlantic provinces and not a few in Ontario do now.

We want to build a world where there is no place for soldiers and bombs as there are everywhere now; no place for “news media’ ’ that report only crime and violence; no place for the infection of minds by spurious television.

We don’t want this just for Canada or for “the free world”; we want it for the whole world.

We want to stop foreign invasions in Vietnam and in Czechoslovakia. We want a world where a man works for his own needs, not those of the Big Company or the petty dictator.

We want a world where every man can be creative whether it be as an artist or as a mechanic or farmer. We want to speak as we feel and not just

1

famous statues, write their beautiful poems and formulate profound theories because they had thousands of slaves to work for them.

-

Today we have a different kind of slave-mechanical slaves. Unthinking machines can do nearly everything and a few thinking men can design machines to cover the few exceptions.

When control -of the means of production and the means of production and the means of communication passes from the hands of the few into the hands of all, then we can make the machines ’ which will free us from‘ routine uncrea- tive jobs to think about the fundamental problems of human existence.

Even while fighting for real democracy, whether it be behind the harri- c’ades at the Sorbonne. in ivenceslas Square, in the Black Ghettos. in the streets of Mexico City, at the campus center here or wearing black pyjamas in the jungles of Vietnam, we realize that political and economic reforms are but the first step.

Until a significant number of people in the world demand for themselves and their brothers not only “life. liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” but also the attainment of happiness and an equal share of the material wealth-until these are universal rights, the revolution will not even have begun.

What you have read in the papers are but the first successes and mistakes of a venture which I hope will someday involve all man in the search for human dignity and happiness.

To refuse the call to arms would be to refuse my birth-right as a human being. Just as my ancestors of two hundred years ago felt impelled to carve a nation , out of the wilderness of America; I, today, feel compelled to build a society where man has the power of self-determination.

With Love and Respect, Your son, Don.

e look back in later years. those five years will seem the best in our lives.”

With this sentence, five frustrating years at Elmira District Secondary School were glossed over presenting a smooth facade for the parents present..

Elmira’s commencement took place two weeks ago, to “honor those among us. who through working diligently to receive an education, excelled in their studies.”

Diplomas were awarded to all gra- duating grade 12, 13 and business and commerce students. Special awards were also made to those students who had tian Soldiers or some other appropriate out into the cold world”, they were The individual awards for “best welder”. shown themselves to be particularly good’ song (Fools rush in”) the graduates treated with a ten-minute oration on why a ‘“best English student”, “best memorizer machines over their stay in the factory. marched to their places of honor between the speaker should be elected to the of historv books”.

From the opening processional march etc. were presented by

masses of smiling. moist-eyed parents. county board. Strange, since very few local businessman and teachers. to the final reception held for “gradu- The president of the student council, students from last year‘s grade 13 and 12 ates, parents of graduates, and friends”.

Concidentally, the local businessmen as head of the students representative classes were of voting age.

the occasion retained the comical atmos- also donated the prizes. usually in the

body was first to speak. He did mention the school briefly, when form of a cheque. phere of a circus. Her speech (possibly from the manual

A typical scene of confusion reigned , Commencement speeches for student he thanked the principal for keeping “long Providing serious relief t,hroughout the

in the cafeteria during the half-hour hair and short skirts out of EDSS making three hour comedy were several musicall> council presidents) tied in very nicely

preceding the event. Participating stu- with the speech to follow. The next speak- it a school we can all be proud of”. excellent numbers by the school band

dents milled about totally lost. while and glee club.

er was the principal. Possibly sensing the anxiety of those several teachers appointed as sergeants Waiting to mount the stage for their

At last, the moment everyone had held Beaming a warm hello. he welcomed th .

attempted to form them into their pro- the graduates ‘home’ to progressive EDSS moment of glory, he then stepped down eir breath for arrived-diploma time.

per platoons. Sometime during this period The white, faintly phallic tubes stood off

the select elite of the students-those This was the same principal who sev- so the second act of the comedy could

begin. to one side, tied with white satin ribbon

receiving special awards-were led to the era1 months earlier apologized in the

This took place as about twenty stu- ( possibly symbolizing purity of thought 1.

stage to sit among the flowers. The local paper for allowing professional uni- Like a gargantuan puppet show, the versity agitators” dents received individual awards for,ex-

already-assembled audience had to have to dupe the student

something to stare at until the first act council president into distributing the cellencv in a specific subject. Of course.

processional proceeded without a hitch:

this demonstration assured them they walk out to the tape line on floor- reach

Ontarion supplement at Elmira. The for diploma with left hand- shake hands began. supplement was bluntly critical of the were better than the other students.

Back at the cafeteria, the teachers with right hand-smile-follow arrow to

present High school system. Winners of Ontario scholarships were stairs-puff out chest-march to chair. had succeeded in arranging everyone Following the prindipal’s message the also announced to let people in the lower alphabetically to ensure the procession chairman of the school board spoke. grades know if they really did a good

Breathtaking! !

on stage would be neat and orderly. Finally the participants are educated.

The local school board is soon to be At 2000 hours sharp, the troops moved

job mouthing back rote answers, they, free thinking, text-book learned pro- disbanded in favor of a county board, too would be paid off.

out of the cafeteria, and paraded to their ducts of the Elmira brain factory.

seats at the front of the auditorium (it and elections for positions on it are pre- The principal also mentioned that sev- Proudly they ooze to the reception sently underway. To any students unaware era1 students received bursaries. Their

was deemed possible. just this once. not of this. the chairman’s speech came as room to drink a cup of tea, eat a square,

names were not read however, since it to seat these students at the back of the

and take their place in society. a total shock. isn’t polite to talk about people whose

auditorium 1. Instead of the usual gems of wisdom parents aren’t rich enough to send them To the stirring strains of Onward Chris- imparted to the scholars as they “journey to university.


by Ralph Krueger

Planning and local government:

Refornmmeans chaqe NTARIO IS undergoing great ferment about local government organization and structure. The Ontario Committee oh Taxation, whose findings were published in 1967 in three vol-

umes. commonly known as The Smith Report. has stated it this wav: the existence of this Committee has co-inci- ded with what is undoubtedly the period of greatest ferment, both practical and theoretical. in the recent historv of local government in Ontario. A veritable deluge of legislation. provincial and municipal reports. and proposals from private and professional groups. all bearing on local reform and reorganization, has of late descend- ed on our province.

The Smith Report states that in addition to submissions on behalf of local government organization from municipalities. the Ontario Committee on Taxation received highlv impressive submissions regarding the need for local government reform from well-known as- sociations of’ professional and business people. “A rising interest in reshaping the fabric of local government is thus apparent: ” concludes the Smith Report. “and the flow of ideas and suggestions it has created has encouraged us to take up the subject”. . . .

And so we have in a major study on taxation. a chapter dealing with the need for local government reorganization in Ontario. and even a map showing the boundaries of proposed governmental regions in Ontario.

local government But how does t,his business about local government

re-organization have anything to do with communitr planning“

The answer. is that planning is an integral part of the local government process. not a luxurious frill tacked onto local ~o\;ernment.

Bv ~hllIlin, 0 I mean town planning that, concerns itself with details 0, land use and services within cities. as well a5 regional i~!ar~ning L . that concerns itself with the broad patterns of urban and rural development, including the ‘location of growth centres and transportation routes. and the supple oi’ regional water supplv and sewage trca tment .

B\, planning I mean physical planning that is concerned with the quality of the cultural and natural environment. as well as social planning that is concerned with the welfare and happiness of people.

Under the term planning I include regional economic

development programs that help to create the economic base required to provide the many goods and services demanded by our people.

,4r,d all of these kinds of planning that are a necessary prer<?quisite to the “just society” are the responsibility of local government.“in partnership. of course. with the senior governments.

With the flood of urbanization spilling over municipal boundaries. local governments have found that they have planning control over only one part of a functional entity. that is. the urban area. the urbanizing area. and the total urban life-space. *

,Joint planning boards have had onlv limited success because of the severe competition for industrial and commercial assessment. and because the final planning decisions are made by independent local municipal councils who tend to have a parochial view, and dis- cover that this parochial view. greatly at election time.

As the urban growth spreads out into the rural townships, the central city loses control over the form and pattern of its suburban growth, and the rural townships are usually not adequatelv prepared to handle the problems resulting from rapid urbanization.

’ Disorderly urban sprawl The result is a haphazard and disorderlv urban sprawl

that is uneconomic to service. and sociallv deficient. In the process. valuable agricultural lands and recrea-

tional resources are needlessly destroyed. 2nd the qualit\ of the total regional environment is seriously blighted.

Likewise. in the slow growth areas of the province. municipal fragmentation makes it extremely difficult for

the people ot the areas to mount co-ordinated development programs. The regional development councils of the ten economic regions in Ontario have to date had onlv limited success because development policies are implemented not bv appointed agencies. but bv a multitude of local government units.

In summary. it is clear that Ontario’s local government organization has been inadequate to permit the carrying out of the urgentlv needed community and regional planning and development.

The Government, of Ontario has responded to changing economic conditions and regional needs iv a variety of wan.

A number of important recommendations have been considered and acted upon. and I wish to list them here: 0 the establishment of a cabinet committee t,o coor- dinate government policies and programs related to the various aspects of regional development. l the establishment of an interdepartmental advisor\ committee comprised of senior civil servants of depart- men ts involved in regional development. * the establishment of regional advisorv boards coin- posed of government department representatives in the various regions. e the initiation of a major research program that will make it possible for regional development councils. in cooperation with the provincial government. to draw up development plans for each economic region.

ing and confusion However. I regret to sav much of this co-ordinatin,a

machinery is not yet working well. and that’there still seem to be overlapping responsibilities and confused jurisdictions concerning communitv planning and regional planning and development.

The regional development branch do not seem to be adequately iytegrating their research and policv programs.

As a result. the regional development councils are being encouraged to formulate plans which. to be imcle- mented. require the use of the Planning Act which is under the jurisdiction of a separate department-Muni- cipal Affairs.

Furthermore. the regional development branch is doing and subsidizing pre-planning research at the regional level while at the same t,ime. the community planning branch is doing and subsidizing pre-planning research at the county level.

The midwestern Ontario region provides an interesting example of the problems and complexity of co-ordinating planning activity. The Midwestern region. in co-operation

with the regional development Branch. is undertaking a series of studies aimed at the ultimate formulation of a development plan for the whole legion.

A number of government departments. in co-operation with local planning agencies. are carrving out a more comprehensive survev called the Waterloo-South Well- ington area planning and development study.

This studv is concerned with the social. economic. land use and transportation trends and projected needs of the rapidlv urbanizing “triangle” formed bv Kitch- ener-Waterloo. Galt-Preston. and Guelph.

However. there is no one political organization or planning agency with jurisdiction over the whole triangle.

TO complete the complexity of the picture. the Water- loo counts area planning board. which Includes representatives from all counter municipalities as weli as the cities. is working towards an official plan tar the count!..

In addition. everv rnunicipalitv< within the countv has a subsidiary planning board. There is little wonder that manv citizens in this area are asking who is planning for whom and how are all the plans going to bc implemented.

Water/o0 cow7 ty exa With all of’ this planning activity. it was with great

shock that the Waterloo countv arca learned of’ the purchase of 3.000 acres of’ land bv the Ontario housing corporation for the purpose of building a new town.

The shocking thing about the announcement wa,; that the location of’ the proposed new town of about I()().- 000 people did not fit into any of the t-‘voivnlg plans of an\- of’ the planning agencaicis.

In fact. none o! the planning agicncles or planning staff had been consulted. Nor were the government departments decplv in\-olved in planning stlldies in the area consulted.

The upshol c;t; this unilateral action ori the part of thtl Ontario housm~ corporation is that much of‘ (he \1+aterlOo-South 6\Tcliirlgton area planning and de\~elo/)- ment study 1 which 5~ (losting about :: I c!j :~-1 million dollars 1 ma\. have to b:: j-e -done. and Dr. Stewat’t Yyfe has

been obliged to rr)-open the locIa gov<Arnment revieL1 hearings in the arv;i

Unrelated and unto-ordinated planning activit in is ;( needless waste oi’ hot h financeial and lead~~rship rcsourc(‘s.

What is required is 21 rational province-wide s\rstem 01’ planning agencies. each planning within the framework of policies established at the next higher level. ii provincial development plan is also needed to pro\-ide the overall police. framt~work within which the government departments. re@on,s. and local municipalitie5 can do their planning. Local Government Re-organization

There is one major recommendation I made in 196: which has apparentiv not yet been accepted.

I suggested that local government reorcanization must be considered as an integral part of an overall pro-

gram of regional dcveloprnent. and that revised local government units should become the building blocks used in constructing the regions used for planning purposes.

LJnfortunatelv Prclnier Robarts bvhite papel-. Design

for development stated “Anv regiona! devc,; ,,pnleIlt

structures created by this government ifill by sc!fs3h that thev will not disturb the existing power and auti?:irit\, of the municipal and county councils within the regiins.

“concluded over page april 1969 (special) 983 2

Great caution has been exerciSed to avoid the imposition of new forms of government. Moreover, studies are now being conducted in certain local areas of the province that could lead to recommendations for adjustment in the local area governments”.

No overall co-ordination The greatest single weakness of the current series of

local government reviews is that they have been carried out without either an overall system of local

government or an overall system of planning and devel-

opment in mind.

New units of local government have been proposed without consideration as to how these would be related to the planning for regional development which the provincial government is so vigorously pursuing.

In my estimation, a regional planning and development program cannot be effective if it ignores the structure of local government. because in the final analysis, the

. achievement of regional development goals will depend heavily upon the decisions made by local governments.

More recently, I believe that Premier Robarts has had some second thoughts about being able to implement regional plans without disturbing “existing power and authority of the municipal and county councils within regions”.

In November of 1967, the Prime Minister said in an address to the Ontario Federation of Agriculture: “.. . planning cannot proceed in a vacuum. There must be agencies to formulate plans, forums in which to discuss plans and bodies to implement plans. If we are to have regional plans, we must also face the question of the appropriate machinery to implement them. Such implem- entation will involve all governments-provincial. municipal and regional--as well as other citizen groups.. . . ”

It is cl&ar to me, and if I interpret the recent statements of the premier and other cabinet ministers cor- rectly, it is also clear to the government of Ontariop. that if planning, in the broad sense that I defined it earlier is to be effective. we must work out a more rational system of local and or regional government than we now have.

The rnajor proposals for local government reform all present cogent arguments for what they usually term “regional government”.

They are in general agreement about the responsibilities that should be given to the “regional government” functions, including collection of taxes, capital borrow- ing. planning, police and fire protection, arterial roads and transit, water supply and sewage treatment, public health and welfare. education, regional parks and con- servation.

The Report. then goes on to say; “We would emphasize that this list. considerable though it may appear, leaves to the lower tier of local government substantial and important responsibilities. ”

It is my own opinion that what is left to the lower tier are primarily housekeeping duties and that. with a lack of challenge. many of the small local units of government may wither away and die.

What person with leadership ability is going to run for election on a council that cannot help to make the major policy decisions which will have the greatest effect upon the community?

There seems to be little doubt that from the efficiency of “service” point of view, a svstem of enlarged one-

s’r-,l. CLA I Rf’

EZSPX “The Mi^dwestern Ontario planning region pro- uvides an interesting example of the problems. . .

of coordinating planning activity. ”

One-tier: service or access? tier local governments would be superior. It is only from the “access” point of view that one can make a case for retaining the existing lower tier of local governments.

By “access”, the Srnith Report means participation of citizens in local government. - ,. . . . .

farming community, and that the cities just want to “gobble up” the farm land.

That mutual trust and confidence can be accomplished has been illustrated in the Waterloo County area plan-

ning board, where both urban and rural representatives discussed at length, and finally agreed upon. a set, of goals for the area.

There is every reason to believe that urban people in local government can understand the needs of the agricultural industry just as they must understand the needs of the manufacturing industry.

As for the threat of the city over-running the farm land, it has been my experience that urban people are more concerned about this problem than are rural people. Moreover. the only effective way to control and direct urban development is to place the entire urbanizing area under one local government. In brief. I believe that the rural people must join with the urban people in order to protect their own interests.

L QSS of local au tonon y The loss of local autonomy is often cited as an argu-

ment against one-tier local government units. In fact, the opposite can equally well be argued. The autonomy of local municipal governments has

been eroding because they have not been able to cope adequately with the problems confronting them and so the province and its agencies have been taking over more responsibilities and have been establishing more controls and regulations.

A larger unit of local government that has more adequate financial and leadership resources can be given much more local autonomy.

In fact, unless there is a rationalization of local govern- I submit that the present level ot participation in

local government is not very high (e.g. the lack of interest in nomination meetings, poor election turnouts, poor attendance at public hearings on civic issues. the inability to get some of the most capable people to run for public office,etc. ) and that this level of participation would diminish in the lower tier local government units with only housekeeping responsibilities.

Larger, one-tier units of local government that reflect present and future development patterns are likely to improve citizen participation because the new regional local government units will be able to take on more responsibilities and v,Gll have better fiscal resources to deal more adequately with the problems confronting the public.

In other words, the degree of participation will improve because the public will learn to regard the local government as a place where their problems can be solved.

Access in the form of citizens being able to contact their elected representatives or appointed officials, can be ensured by decentralizing the administration so that each elector has a convenient place to go to get information or advice on problems. Both electoral and administrative units should be small enough to be identified with the goals of a specific localitv.

While the underlying reason for this opposition is a lack of mutual trust and confidence. the specific reasons given are that the urban people who will dominate the local government do not.understand the needs of the

Those engaged in agriculture often oppose the inclu-‘ sion of urban land and agricultural land within one mun- icipality.

ment into larger units, local government autonom!, may ultimately disappear.

In summary. then. a system of one-tier local governments is likely to increase local autonomy.

I do not claim that a system of one-tier regional JOY- ernment units with electoral and administrative sub- districts is the only acceptable solution: nor that it is a panacea for all community planning problems. How- ever. such a svstem does have sufficient merits that it should not be dismissed summarily as it seems to have been by a number of important studies including the Smith Report.

* ;I; * I began by commenting on the fertient concerning

local government reorganization. There is indeed a groundswell of public opinion in support of some drastic reform.

However, I sense by discussions with municipal elected people and appointed officials that they are all for refdrm as long as their local municipalities do not change in any way.

In fact. I understand that there is great concern that the reforms suggested mav even lead to changes in local government boundaries.

As the Smith Report says, unless we strengthen local government through revenue and boundary improvements, the provincial government will be forced to take over increasingly what are now local functions.

Indeed that is right. Reform means change. Without change in local government boundaries, or-

ganization and structure, we are not going to be able to implement the planning that members of CPAC es- pouse.

LAKE HI/RON

RIO

PROPOSED GOVERNMENTAL REGIONS

LAKE ERIE:

r yl.“p~:;;;~;:: :__‘“‘i’::z:,, RE G 1 O N S

DISTRICT R E G I O N S

CONTRACT REGIONAL S E R V I C E S FROM ADJACENT REGIONAL GOVERNMENTS

0 40 80 -___- _ - - t --_=------------A

SMITH REPORT, VOL. ! I , 1967 MILES AEh

The Smith Report recommends the establishment of a set of 22 regional government units in Southern Ontario.

Within these regional government boundaries there would be a number of lower-tier local government units.


WATER-ONTARIO’S MOST plentiful natural resource- may soon become a nenace to human life.

And one of the greatest menaces to our water system is, simply, human waste.

While the Ontario government will tell the public 90 per cent of our municipalities have waste treatment programs, this figure does not include rural areas.

An outhouse or a septic tank is not waste treatment.

Ottawa dumps its human waste into the Rideau and Ottawa Rivers.

Montreal; Canada’s largest city, dumps its sewage untreated i’nto the St. Lawrence.

Some municipalities, like Hamilton, use “primary treatment” only. Sewage is held in a tank until some of the solids settle out of it. The remainder is dumped raw into the lake.

The Ontario Water Resources Com- mission, which has recently become concerned about the effect of dumping all this sewage raw, may recommend that the town build a sewage disposal plant- but its recommendations have no teeth.

The Ontario Munjcipal Board has the power to overrule the OWRC if it feels the treatment plant is too expensive. Ef- fective recommendations and plans are often overruled.

Changes in methods of farming have raised other difficulties. In the days when truck farming was the rule, organic animal waste was easily and econo- mically spread on the ground as natural fertilizer.

Times have changed, but the problem of waste from livestock has received no attention whatsoever.

The old-fashioned barns have been abolished and livestocK is kept in multi- storey, hygenically sealed buildings. Built close to urban centres on small parcels of land, a single installation of this kind produces organic waste equal to that of a town of 10,000 people.

Waste is spread heavily over avail-

able land, where it cannot be properly decomposed. A multitude of disease-bearing bacteria find their way into the water table and eventually into our water supplies.

At present, all methods of waste treatment concern only one type of waste material- carbon or organic. This is the waste which floats in rivers or streams, causing localiied areas of foul smelling pollution.

A second type of pollution is phos- phorous pollution, and nothing is being done about it.

Phosphates cqme from iidustrial waste, the fertilizer spread on farmer’s fields and from the household. Some pollution from industry is unavoidable, and little can be done about run-off from fertilizer. But phosphates from the household are another story.

Domestic detergents account for 50 per cent of the phosphorus in the water.

No research is being done to find a substitute for phosphates in detergent, yet pollution from phosphates. can ren- der our organic waste treatment program useless.

In the past, plant life in the Great Lakes was limited to the availability of phosphorus in the water. There is only a small amount present in nature and the plants can’t live without it.

Even a small amount of phosphorus added to the water drastically increases the plant population. Lake Erie is now flooded with algae. Most of this algae forms a stinking, decaying mass which further depletes the water’s oxygen content. .

Apart from what happens to our lakes and streams after’we have polluted them, a quick run-down of the major poison groups that are daily discharged into our water supplies is enough to frighten the most conservative of citizens.

@ Raw sewage. In many countries, Canada included, untreated sewage has been responsible for epidemics of

typhoid, cholera and other epidemic diseases.

0 Chlorination of municipal supplies

kills bacteria, but chlorine, itself a poison, is now being linked with higher inci- dence of heart failure in early life.

0 Deoxygenation: oxygen in the water supports life in the river and aids in the decomposition yf wastes and supports plants and animal that also aid in waste removal. Where water supplies are deoxygenated the problems from pollution are compounded.

0 Thermal Pollution: mainly from industry and thermalelectric power plants. The heating of water further deoxygen- ates the water.

o Phosphates. The result of d;lmping sewage (treated and otherwise), fertili- zers and detergents. Phosphates become a, nutrient for algae which is now clogg- ing Lake Erie. It clogs up sewage treatment plants, water intakes and when it dies, it sinks to the bottom of the lakes and decays, using up precious oxygen.

Lack of Oxygen has killed most of the whitefish, walleye and blue pike in Lake Erie.

Less desirable fish such as the alewife have burgeoned as a result. The alewife is dying off and rotting corpses now lit- ter the beaches, in themselves a source of raw sewage and a further nutrient to the tons of algae.

l Worms: In Toronto Harbor the only things that can exist in the deoxygenated water are bloodworms and sludgeworms.

The sludgeworms are red, almost microscopic pimply worms, whose bodies contain deadly tetanus and typhus germs. The mere handling of these sludgeworms is likely to produce blood poisoning.

Authorities are now concerned that these sludgeworms might get into our municipal water supply, with lethal results.

by Ron Graner from the Varsity

0 Cyanide, used in electroplating, har- dening metal and gold extraction regularly seeps into our waters. l Oil: a recent spill near the Trent Water System let thousands of gallons of oil into the river, endangering the drinking supply.

Oil not only spoils water for human use but also kills fish and aquatic life. Many thousands of waterfowl are killed yearly by oil poisoning.

0 Arsenic, ( a cumulative poison, (it tends to build up in our bodies) is releas- ed from mine tailings and as a copper byproduct Arsenic is also a main ingre- dient in many pesticides widely used all over Ontario.

l Phenols, important in tlie manufac- ture of plastics and a by-product of the coking process taint and kill fish and gives the water unpleasant tastes and odors.

l Sulphuric acid, in itself a poison, has the ability to corrode metals, adding other poisons to the water such as copper, lead and zinc.

@ Metallic poisons in New Brunswick have killed fish and prevented salmon from spawning.

e D.D.T.: another cumulative poison has been slowly seeping into our water from the fields on which it has been sprayed.

l Aerosol Bromines, given off from the burning gasoline. After they have done their damage in the air,’ they coll- ect in the water droplets of clouds and are the major source of bromines in the Great Lakes, and other fresh-water systems.

And a closing thought for the day: l 25 percent of the seabeds off Canada’s

coasts are now polluted. The department of mines & energy resources, in a recent report on hepatitis, shows that shellfish from polluted water are a source of hepatitis infection.

Boon or blunder, good pl / 1 I -_ or bad -Ontario’s answer to commuter congestion is likely , not all it’s cracked up to b

Chevron staff

M ODERN TECHNOCRACY is one of the most interesting phenomenon of an age when contradictions have become a way of life.

For, as there may often be a tendency for “progress” to leave ordinary citizens coughing in the exhaust of technological momentum, ‘technology can also literally sweep up citizens and become the integral of their daily activities.

Such is the case with the Ontario government’s new commuter rail service GO TRANSIT.

From only a vague plan five years ago, GO TRANSIT has emerged as one of the future’s major shapers of lakeshore landscape from Hamilton almost as far east as Oshawa.

Already its influence has affected road routes, housing development locations, shopping complexes and even, in its ultimate ramifications, the toilet habits of thousands of suburban, middle-class businessmen who are too busy rushing to meet the 7:48 to think of the long-range implications of GO TRANSIT’s expansion and pervasive influence.

From an original rapid transit committee set up in December, 1962 by the Ontario government, planners eventually established-one year later-an “investigation area” to serve as the guideline for further study into commuter and rapid transit development in Ontar- io’s most densely populated urban corridor. This investigation area was to include a triangle of land along the shore of Lake Ontario from Hamilton east to Oshawa and north to Barrie.

Based on existing commuter traffic of about 1750 people a day, the Metropolitan Toronto and Region Transportation Study Committee was to make commuter service recommendations based on projected traffic of over 15,000 people per day.

Recommendations would have to consider utilization of the best of 250 miles of track within a 30-mile radius of metro Toronto-an area affecting about 500,000 persons. In other words, the committee was to determine:

l how many people would eventually use the service, and

l the modifications in existing rail lines which would have to be made so they could serve both regular train and rapid transit service.

Regional implications Now, it mav be pointed out, I feel, that as an exercise

in regional piannlng. the GO TRANSIT system exhibits some interesting qualities.

First, as C.R. Crump, then President of Canadian Pacific Railways stated in 1963, the concept of rapid transit commuter service was accepted readily on a provincial level, but encountered hot counter-winds issuing from the seamy reaches of municipal oligarchies.

Most municipal governments in the study area put their local problems (games? ) above any regional approach-a tiresome roadblock to get by, even when

the proposed regional plan is possibly the only and best answer.

And this leads to consideration of another interesting factor-the question of whether the GO TRANSIT plan as it evolved was actually the proper solution to commuter problems. i While general comment five years ago seemed to stress the desirability of bringing ‘far-flung suburbs in closer contact with the central city core’, it appears-as will be pointed out later in greater detail-the effect of a lakeshore corridor system, while immediate, was a somewhat inadequate solution to any problems of wise, urban “satellite city” planning.

Symptoms treated, not disease While a more comprehensive study might have ad-

dressed itself to the whole concept of a series of secondary cities around one or two major urban cores between Niagara Falls and Oshawa, the investigators chose to be as narrow in scope with proposals as were those who advocated more highways and/or “freeways”.

Both types of proposal were typical of an economi- cally expedient society; albeit one more than the other- GO TRANSIT was to cost less than 113 the interest rate alone for new expressways-in either case though, it was not the disease being treated, but the symptoms.

It was true that’ Toronto Township, Port Credit, Oak- ville and Burlington, with a combined population of 200,000 sent 25,000 people every day (15,000 during peak, rush-hour periods) into metro Toronto to work.

It was also true that by 1981, this strain on highways and roads would have to deal with 1,400,OOO vehicles. And was also true that the government admitted it had erred in spending millions on roadways while ignoring the possibilities rail systems offered. But these facts were not sufficient to hail GO TRANSIT as the almighty savior of human mobility problems in Ontario.

It appears that although originally touted as the bold new member of a provincial government team of ex- citing and somewhat novel “regional” departments- planning boards, grant systems, county government plans and regional taxation boards-its philosophy was still plagued by the “provincial“ attitude of ‘symptom- alleviation”.

It lacked boldness and comprehensiveness in not being co-ordinated with other regional and urban proposals about to be developed for the same area.

Satellite cities premature ? Consider for example, the assessment of satellite

cities given by R.D. Cowley, chairman of the technical advisory committee of the commuter study group.

With typical administrative near-sightedness, he stated talk of them would be “premature”.

He would apparently prefer towns already established in order that a clearer picture of the amount of pass- enger demand might be made.

Here is a classic example of the inadequacy of spec- ialized administrative concern.

Nowhere in his assessment is even 3 hint of first. the desirabilitv of having 15.000 daily commuters enter the metro Toronto region. and second. the realization that historically, ‘evolutionary “suburban” or **satellite” areas result only in wasted land space, poor utilization of resources and a patchwork of unplanned roads. housing areas and unweiidy shopping complexes.

Created urban satellites on the other hand, will, by virtue of their being, have to deal nnmediately with matters which only become problems when they are considered in the context of our present. patterns of man-land use.

Cowley says-again, remember he is thinking only in a “commuter” context: one which is unique to vast. : sprawling megalopolis areas and which would be almost non-existent if we were presently living in a comprehensive regional satellite center-that his commi& tee would have been happiest if it needed to deal only with transportation to and from areas with a “ready- made density*‘.

But he fails to realize that the commuter problem would be only half as great if it did apply to transportation between satellite cities-for no recent plan for urban reform suggests anything but satellite cores with a relatively fixed population density.

What he seems to be referring to as an area of fixed density is a suburban area such as Scarboro. which is the outer fringe of an ever-expanding urban ‘shadow’ ’ ; or a center like ,Oshawa itself, which is expanding continually toward the metro Toronto area and which could never be described as a fixed area of population, ’ density unless boundaries of satellite planning (both in area and population) were imposed on it.

Some of these boundaries would inherently include answers to the questions Cowley wants to paint as great obstacles to proper satellite planning, such as who pays for services, who lays out the town, who sees there is no criss-crossing or duplication in traffic or service areas: who says these satellite cities will not eventually attract enough job-potential industry to motivate people to give up Toronto jobs (here of course, he ignores a ‘fixed size’ concept 1.

American examples Cowley might be interested in the story of some Amer-

ican satellite cities, such as Columbia, mid-way between Baltimore and Washington, D.C. which will provide homes for 110,000 within the next 10 years. Situ- ated on 14,000 acres, with 3400 acres reserved for permanent open park space, its pre-determined qualities are testimonial to the purposes of even more comprehensive systems-exemplified, by the Toronto conception of Buckminster Fuller.

For the characteristic objectives of all such plans include elimination of spiralling taxes, land waste and


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s~e~ulation. land abuse, monotony and inconven~en~e: As a result, we are w~t~ess~ng perhaps one of the few muter train system to make them accessible. r-l& to mention ihe re n, as much as possible, of the existence of Yom needs”, or, until that may

iist~~al~y achieved, the ~a~i~itat~on of better corn- and rapid transit moveme~~t by virtue of the

set about TV rein- finally, in June,

idea was what it

opera&d by Canadian rational, subsidized by the On- tario governm~~t and with 11% station stops? complete

‘with ~~etty colored tickets and newly-paved parking ‘lots for its patrons. I And of course, all the proper ~~~~~~~~~ reasons why it was such a marvellous thing-each of 15,~~Q commuters would save at least $500 a year by using GO TRA staggering costs and delays e~g~u~te mg super highways, and it would save the time and nerves of ~~~,~~~ (1 million by 1981) people who would have access to its facilities.

e. IEn fact, not only control over urban

~viding only sympto- the e~~er~en~~ of a

tion, there was a 0' i 1. ~~~~~~ati~g the relocate i~~order to

people per day from an esti-

* po parkin

beneficial effects of the system in a general lessening of demand for parking spaces in Toronto proper, and the r~snlting ~a~rni~g effect on certain land values.

But now there is a further consideration: what must be the effect of GO stations and their parking requirements on the land use and cost of surrounding lots?

* possible beneficial effects, but certainly not long- term by any means, might include the fact that inde- ~endent. studies seem to indicate GO SE to entourage more professionals to settle in suburbs- families could return to the more ~i~an~~ally desirable status of owning only one ear. and students could receive reduced fares.

There are in addition, more major ~o~~~rns which are pressing for imaginative solutions.

T~A~§~~ will or could attract tbousands more people to suburban sprawls than such areas should or could support.

This was one argument offered by the Town of Mis- sissauga to the Ontario spanning Board in an attempt to eliminate the proposed ~orkdale-style Sherway Cen- ter which is to be built in bordering Etobi~oke at the junction of Highway 27 and the queen Elizabeth Way- already an extremely densely populated area. .

In this case, although Mississaga’s motives were suspect (it bad planned a similar plaza within its own

ble truth of its argument seem- approving the Sherway plan,

ard possibly deals not so much in ~~~rn~rehe~~ive urban planning as it does in providing political favors.

The delay in announcing expansion of GO ~~~~S~~. however. may indicate that at last the government ’ r~~ogniz~~g the planning i~~~~i~atior~s that are arisi from providing commuter services; that is, “whi

es first. the chicken or the egg?”

In other words- hick comes first, the travellin population to en.cor age fast, hourly train service: the ~ornmnt~r trains to attract the po~ul~ti~~ to areas the gov~?r~me~~t ~resnrnab~~ wants deve~o~~d’~

ence, is what was ignored in pressing for- with the first stage of GO ~~~~S~~ de-

v~lo~ment, altbongh all the objections just outlined hat has caused gov~r~rn~nt spokesmen t further expansion will have to wait at

least three years. Many gcbver spanners are still saying, of

course, that a r-type satellite city system does not have to be built from the ground up because such cities already exist, and what is needed then. is a com-

But, as already jointed out. tke areas they are referring to ‘are ~0% modern satel%ite city ~r~)~~t~r~es. but are edf&?r urban fqrawl fri towns and small cities which are growth patterns as the traditional ma surround. and which have Ned been i ther or~~~~#~~ as sem~~~uto~omous sate

Commuter service ta these areas as it tablished is only going to irritate an already sad situation. It will not be a progressive step.

Taxwise, ~rangev~l~e cannot accommodate many more residents who want to /iwe in lehe foyg/n but who P~&DV~ &I&BC of it to and from work in and around metro Toronto each day.

For these people. while contributing nothing to the town’s labor force and probably little by way of major consumer purchases (which would likely be made in Toronto centers), still leave their children to be edueat- ed in Orangeville. and as well. require utility services -both of which are great expenditL~res which must be made by the town to which not enough e~o~orni~ input is being made.

Just outside a great urban *‘shadow”. development here is faltering. It will continue to do so until more

and urban analyses must be

ry upon community services and 1ocaH In fact. maybe W.L. Mason. director of urban studies

at York ~~n~v~rsit~ has the right idea when he suggests cars be baraned from downtown Toronto and GO

ems may even include the space-age oving pedestrians belts. small. ~~ers~~nal

air ‘vehicles over exclusive and “dial-a- buses” -gom~uter~contro~~ed buses res ing to tele- ~b(~n~d reservations. destinations and requests.

~~hatever the e~7e~tua~ locutions te~hno~o igbt provide. it is a safe bet to assume that ~~L~sak or not. GO TRANSIT will1 pak7% have priiPved one of-’ the best.

WHY RADICALISM, is one of the hardest questions the radical student is constantly confronted with because the answer is usually personal, very involved and constant!y being refined.

The Port Huron Statement, from which the following article is extract- ed, is generally agreed to be one of the best answers to this question. Or- iginally published in 1962 the document acted for a long time as the manifesto of the Students For a Democratic Society in the United States. The principle author of the statement was Tom Hayden.

We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities. looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.

When we were kids, Western Society was the wealthiest and strongest in the world: the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, prime mover of the United Nations, and we thought that we would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual; government of. by, and for the people-these democratic values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency.

As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dis- miss.

First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the struggle against racial bigotry, in the United States, compelled most of us from silence to activism.

Second. the enclosing fact of the Cold War. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb, brought awareness that we ourselves, and our friends. and millions of abstract “others” we know more directly because of our common peril, might die at any time. We might deliberately ignore, or avoid, or fail to feel all other human problems: but not these two, for these were too immediate and crushing in their impact, too challenging in the demand that we as individuals take the responsibility for encounter and resolution.

We witnessed, and continue to witness. frightening paradoxes. With nuclear energy, whole cities can easily be power- ed, yet the dominant nation-states seem more likely to unleash destruction greater than that incurred in all wars of human history. Although our own technology is destroying old and creating new forms of social organization, men still tolerate meaningless work and idleness. While two-thirds of ‘mankind suffers under- nourishment. our own upper classes revel amidst superfluous abundance.

Uncontrolled exploitation governs the sapping of the earth’s physical resources

Although world population is expected tq double in forty years. the nations still tolerate anarchy as a major principle of international conduct and uncontrolled exploitation governs the sapping of the earth’s physical resources.

Not only did tarnish appear on our image of Western virtue, not only did disillu- sion occur when the hypocrisy of Western ideals was discovered, but we began to sense that what we had originally seen as the American Golden Age was actually

, the decline of an era.

The worldwide outbreak of revolution against colonialism and imperialism, the entrenchment of totalitarian states, the menace of war, overpopulation, international disorder, supertechnology-these trends were testing the tenacity of our own commitment to democracy and freedom and our abilities to visualize their application to a work in upheaval.

The message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present

The vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and the world as eternally-functional parts. In this is perhaps the outstand- ing paradox : we ourselves are imbued with urgency, yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. Beneath the reassuring tones of the politicians, beneath the common opinion that Western society will mud. dle through, beneath the stagnation of those who have cl&ed their minds to the future, is the pervading feeling there simply are no alternatives. that our times have witnessed the exhaustion not only of Utopias, but of any new departures as well.

Feeling the press of complexity upon the emptiness of life, people are fearful of the thought that at any moment things might be thrust out of control. They fear change itself. since change might smash whatever invisible framework seems to hold back chaos for them now.

For most Western people. all crusades are suspect. threatening. The fact that each individual sees apathy in his fell- ows perpetuates the common reluctance to organize for change. The dominant institutions are complex enough to blunt the minds of their potential critics. and en- trenched enough to swiftly dissipate or entirely repel the energies of protest and reform. thus limiting human expectan- cies. Then, tod, we are a materially improved society. and by our own improvements we seem to have weakened the case for further change.

Some would have us believe our fellow citizens feel contentment amidst prosper- ity-but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the school, the workplaces, the bureau- cracies, the government?

It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and engine of change that we direct our present appeal. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present, and a commitment to social experi- mentation with them, is a worthy and ful- filling one which moves us today.

Making values explicit-an initial task - in establishing alternatives-is an activit! that has been devalued and corrupted. The conventional moral terms of the age. free world. people’s democracies-reflect realities poorly. if at all. and seem to function more as ruling myths than as descrip- tive principles. But neither has our experience in the universities brought us moral enlightenment. Our professors and administrators sacrifice contrdversy to public relations: their curriculums change more slowly than the living events of the world: their skills and silence are purchased by investors in the arms race: pas- sion is called unscholastic. The questions we might want raised-what is really important? can we live in a different and better way : if we wanted to change society. how would we do it’?-are not thought to be questions of a “fruitful. em- pirical nature. ” and thus are brushed a- side.

It has been said that our liberal and socialist predecessors were plagued b> vision without program. while our own generation is plagued by program without vision. All around us there is an astute grasp of method and technique-the committee. the ad-hoc group. the lobbyist. the hard and soft sell. the make. the projected image-but. if pressed critically. such expertise is incompetent to explain its implicit ideals. It is highly fashionable to identify oneself by old categories. or by naming a respected political figure, or by explaining “how we would vote” on various issues.

Theoretic chaos. has replaced the idealistic thinking of old-and. unable to recon- stitute theoretic order. men have condemned idealism itself.

Doubt has replaced hopefulness-and men act out a defeatism that is labelled realistic. The decline of IJtopia and hope is in fact one of the defining features of social life today.

The reasons are various: the dreams of the older left were perverted by Stalin- ism and never recreated; the parliamentary stalemate makes men narrow their view of the possible: the specialization of human activity leaves little room for sweeping thought: the horrors of the twentieth century, symbolized in the gas-ovens and concentration camps and atom bombs. have blasted hopefulness.

To be idealistic is to be considered apocalyptic. deluded. To’have no serious as- pirations. on the contrary. is to be “tough- minded. ’ ’

Perhaps matured by the past, we have no sure formulas, no closed theories

In suggesting social goals and values. therefore. we are aware of entering a sphere of some disrepute. Perhaps matured by the past, we have no sure formulas. no closed theories-but that does not mean values are beyond discussion and- tenta- tive determination.

A first task of any social movementis to convince people the search for orienting theories and the creation of human values is complex but worthwhile. We are aware that to avoid platitudes we must analyze the concrete conditions of social order. But to direct such an analysis we must use the guideposts of basic principles. Our own social values involve conceptions of human beings, human relationships and social systems.

We regard men as infinitely precious and possessed of unfulfilled capacities for reason, freedom and love.

In affirming these principles we are aware of countering perhaps the dominant conceptions of man in the twentieth century-that he is a thing to be manipulated, and that he is inherently incapable of directing his own affairs. We oppose the depersonalization that reduces human beings to the status of things. The brutalities of the twentieth century teach that means and ends are intivately related, that vague .appeals to “posterity” cannot justify the mutilations of the present.

We oppose. too. the doctrincb Of hurwrl

Incompetence because it rests cbss(*ntiall> )n the modern t’act that men havcb htb(bn ‘competently” manipulated into incomp-

?tence-we see little reason why men cannot meet with increasing skill the ?omplexities and responsibilities ol’ their ;ituation. if society is organized not for minority. but for majority participation In decision-making.

Men have unrealized PO- tential for se/f-cultivation, self-direction, self-understanding and creativity

Men have unrcalized potent ial t or scl I - caultivation. self’-dirtlc*tion. ~;tllf-undc:.~t~nci- ing and creativit!.. It is this potential \\‘o regard as crucial and to \\-hicah \ve appeal. not to the human potentl;llit>. for violCn(*cl. unreason and submission to authorit!..

The goal of’ man and societ>. should hcb human independence-a concern not ivith image of popularity but with t’inding a meaning in life that is personally authen- tic: a quality of’ mind not compulsivel!. driven by a sense of powerlessness. nor one which unthinkingly adopts status values. nor one which represses all threats to its habits. Rather one which has f’ull. spontaneous access to present-and past experiences. one which easily unites the fragmented parts of personal histor>.. one which openly faces problems which art’ troubling and unresolved : one with an intuitive awareness of possibilities. an active sense of curiosity. an abilit!. and willingness to learn.

This kind of independence does ’ not mean egotistic individualism-the object is not to have one’s way so much as it is to have a way that is one’s own. Nor do we deify man-we merely have faith in his potential.

Human relationships should involve 1’ra- ternity and honesty. Human interdcpcnd- ence is contemporary fact: human brother- hood must be willed. however. as a condition of future survival and as the most appropriate form of social relations.

Personal links between man and man are needed. especially to go beyond the partial and fragmentary bonds of function that blind men only as worker to worker. employer to employee. teacher to student. American to Russian..

Loneliness, estrangement, isolation describe the vast distance between man and man today

Loneliness. estrangement. isolation describe the vast distance between man and man today.

These dominant tendencies cannot be- overcome by better personnel management. nor bv improved gadgets. but onl>, when a love of man overcomes the i(fr)lo- trous \\-orship of things by man.

As the individualism we affirm is not egoism. the selflessness we affirm is not self-elimination. On the contrary. \~e believe in generosity of a kind that im- prints one’s unique individual qualities in the relation to other men. and to all human activity. Further. to dislike isoiation is not to favor the abolition of privacy: the latter differs from isolation in that it occurs or is abolished according to individual will.

We would replace power rooted in pos- session. privilege or circumstance b! power and uniqueness rooted in love. reflectiveness. reason and creativity.

As a social system we seek the establishment of a democracy of individual participation. governed by two central aims: quality and direction of his life: that society be organized to encourage independence in men and provide the media for their common participation.

In a participatory democracy, the political life would be based in several root principles : .-

l decision-making of basic social con- sequence be carried on by public group- ings’;

l politics be seen positively, as the


art of collectively creating an acceptable pattern of social relations;

l politics has the function of bringing people otit of isolation and into community thus being a necessary, though not sufficient, means of finding meaning in personal life ;

a the political order should serve to clarify problems in a way instrumental to their solution; it should provide out- lets for the expression of personal grievance and aspiration; opposing views should be organized so as to illuminate choices and facilitate the attainment of goals; channels should be commonly available to relate men to knowledge and to power so that private problems- from bad recreation facilities to personal alienation-are formulated as general issues.

VVorlc should involve incentives worthier than money or survival

The economic sphere would’ have as its basis the principles :

e work should involve incentives wort,hier than money or survival. It should be educative. not stultifying; creative, not mechanical : self-directed, not manipulated, encouraging indcpen- dence, a respect for others, a sense of dignity and a willingness to accept social responsibility, since it is this experience that has crucial influence on habits, perceptions and individual ethics ;

8 the economic experience is so personally decisive that the individual must share in its full determination;

l the economy itself is of such social imporlance that its major resources and means of production should be open to democratic participation and subject to democratic social regulation.

Like the political and economic ones, major social institutions- cultural, educational., rehabilitative and others-should be generally organized with the well- being and dignity of man as the essential measure of success.

ln social change or interchange we find violence to be abhorent

In social change or interchange, we find violence to be abhorrent because it requires generally the transforma- tion of the target, be it a human being or a community of people. into a depersonalized object of hate. It is im- perative the means of violence by abolished and the institutions-local. national, international-that encourage nonvio- lence as a condition of conflict be developed.

These are our central values, in skele- tal form. It remains vital to understand their denial or attainment in the context of the modern world.

In the last few years, thousands of students demonstrated they at least felt the urgency of the times.

They moved actively and directly against racial injustices, the threat of war, violations of individual rights of conscience and, less frequently, against economic manipulation. They succeeded in restoring a small measure of controversy to the campuses after the still- ness of the Joe McCarthy period. They succeeded, too, in gaining some concessions from the people and institutions they opposed, especially in the fight against racial bigotry.

The significance of these scattered movements lies not in their success or failure in gaining objectives-at least not yet. Nor does the significance lie in the intellectual “competence” or “maturity” of the students involved- as some pedantic elders allege.

The significance is in the fact the students are breaking the crust of apathy and overcoming the inner alienation that remains the defining characteristic of American college life.

The real campus is a place of commitment to business- as-usual, getting ahead, playing it cool

If student movements for change are still rareties on the campus scene, what is commonplace there?

i-7 The real campu s, the familiar. campus, ,),s a place of private people, engaged in ’ their notorious “inner emigration.” It is a place of commitment to business-as- usual, getting ahead, playing it cool. It is a place of mass affirmation of the twist, but mass reluctance toward the controversial public stance.

Rules are accepted as “inevitable,” bureaucracy as “just circumstances,” irrelevance as “scholarship,” selflessness as “martyrdom,” politics as “just another way to make people, and an un- profitable one, too.”

Almost no students value activity as citizens.

Passive in public, they are hardly more idealistic in arranging their private lives: Gallup conclues they will settle for ‘*low success, and won’t risk high failure.”

There is not much willingness to take risks (not even in business). no setting of dangerous goals, no real conception of personal identity except one manufac- tured in the image of others, no real urge for personal fulfillment except to be almost as successful as the very successful people.

Attention is being paid to social status (the quality of shirt collars, meeting people, getting wives or hus- bands, making solid contacts for later on> ; much, too, is paid to academic status (grades, honors, the med-school rat-race). But neglected generally is real intellectual status, the personal cultivation of the mind.

“Student don’t even give a .damn about the apathy,” one has said. Apathy toward apathy begets a privately-constructed universe, a place of systematic study schedules, two nights each week for beer, a girl or two, and early marriage; a framework infused with pers’onalit.y, warmth, and under control, no matter how unsatisfying otherwise.

Under these conditions university life loses all revelvance to some. Four hundred thousand of our classmates leave college every year.

pathy is the product of so- ciaf institutions and of the structure of higher education itself

But apathy is not simply an attitude; it is a product of social institutions, and of the structure and organization of higher education itself. The extracurricular life is ordered according to in /OCO parentis theory, which ratifies the administration as the moral guardian of the young. ,

The accompanying “let’s pretend” theory of student extracurricular affairs validates student government as a training center for those who want to spend their lives in political pretense, and dis- courages initiative from the more articu- late, honest and sensitive students.

The bounds and style of controversy are deliniated before controversy begins.

The university “prepares” the student for “citizenship through perpetual rehearsals and, usually, through emas- culation of what creative spirit there is in the individual.

The academic life contains reinforcing counterparts to the way in way in which extracurricular life is organized.

The academic world is founded on,a teacher-student relationship analogous to the paren t-child relationship

The academic world is founded on a teacher-student relation analogous to the parent-child relation which characteri-

zes in IOCO parentis. Further. academia Students leave college somewhat includes a radical separation of the more “tolerant” than u-hen they arrived. student from the material of study. That but basically unchallenged in thkir values which is studies, the social reality, is and political orientations. “objectified” to sterility, dividing the student from life-just as he is restrained in active involvement by powerlessness The student learns by his of student “government.” isolation to accept elite rule

The specialization of function and knowledge, admittedly necessary to our within the univer-sit y.

complex- technological and social structure, has produced an exaggerated com- partmentalization of study ane understanding. This has contributed to an overly-parochial view by faculty of the role of its research and scholarship, to a discontifiuous and truncated understanding by students of the surrounding social order; and to a loss of personal attachment by nearly all to the worth of

study as a humanistic enterprise. There is, finally, the cumbersome

academic bureaucracy extending through- ‘out the academic as well as the extracurricular structures, contributing to the sense of outer complexity and inner powerlessness that transforms the honest searching of many students Co a ratifi- cation of convention and, worse, to a numbness to present and future catas- trophes.

The size and financing systems of the university enhance the permanent trusteeship of the administrative bureaucracy, -their power leading to a shift within the university toward the value standards of business and the administrative mentality.

Huge foundations and other private financial interests, besides government, shape the universities, not only making them more commercial, but less dis- posed to diagnose society critically, less open to dissent. Many social and physical scientists, neglecting the lib- erating heritage of higher learning, develop “human relations” or “morale- producing” techniques for the corporate economy, while others exercise their intellectual skills to accelerate the arms race.

Huge foundations and other private financial interests, besides government, shape the university

Tragically, the university could serve as a significant source of social criticism and an initiator of new modes and molders of attitudes. But the actual intellectual effect of the college experience is hardly distingishable from that of any other communications channel-say. a television set-passing on the stock truths of the day.

With administrators ordering the institutions, and faculty the curriculum. the student learns by his isolation to accept elite rule within the university, which prepares him to accept later forms of minority control. The real function of the educational system-as opposed to its more rhetorical function of “searching for truth”-is to impart the key information and styles that will help the student get by. modestly but comfortably, in the big society beyond. .

There are no convincing apologies for the contemporary malaise. While the world tumbles toward the final war, while men in other nations are trying desperate- ly to alter events, while the very future qua future is uncertain-America is without community impulse, without the inner momentum necessary for an age when societies cannot successfully perpetuate themselves by their military weapons, when democracy must be viable because of the quality of life, not its quantity of rocket.

The apathy here is, first. subjective- the felt powerlessness or ordinary people. the resignation before the enormity of events.

But subjective apathy is encouraged by the objective American situation-the actual structural separation of people from power, from relevant knowledge, from pinnacles of decision-making.

Just as the university influences the student way of life, so do major social institutions create the circumstances in which the isolated citizen will try hope- lessly to understand his world and himself.

The very isolation of the individual- from power and community and ability to aspire-means the rise of a democracy without publics. With the great mass of people structurally remote and psychologically hesitant with respect to democratic institutions, those institutions them. selves attenuate and become in the ashion of the vicious circle. progressively less accessible to those few who aspire to serious participation in social affairs. The vital democratic connection between community and leadership, between the mass and the several elites. has been so wrenched and perverted that disas- trous policies go lunchallcngcd t,ime ;tnd again.

april 1969 (special) 989 3 1

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