[1982] andré gunder frank. the political-economic crisis and the shift to the right (in: crime and...

8/12/2019 [1982] Andr Gunder Frank. The Political-Economic Crisis and the Shift to the Right (In: Crime and Social Justice n 17, pp. 4-19)

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THE POLITICAL-ECONOMIC CRISIS AND THE SHIFT TO THE RIGHTAuthor(s): Andre Gunder FrankReviewed work(s):

Source: Crime and Social Justice, No. 17, MEETING THE CHALLENGE OF THE 1980s (Summer1982), pp. 4-19Published by: Social Justice/Global OptionsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29766139.

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development of underdevelopment" (ibid.). In short,capitalism was seen as underdeveloping the periphery, ananalysis which was clearly anathema to the capitalistdevelopmentalist thrustof John F. Kennedy's Alliance forProgress and Peace Corps in thewake of theCuban Revolu?tion.Frank's book Dependent Accumulation and Under?development (1979) tries to shed his strictly"dependency"

heritage. Rather, it ventures an explanation of underdevel?opment through theanalysis of theproduction and exchangerelations of dependence within theworld process of capitalaccumulation. Between 1968 and 1973, Frank taught andconducted research in Chile. The above-mentioned bookand his World Accumulation 1492-1789 (1978) were theproducts of a period marked by both the hubris of SalvadorAllende's electoral victory in September, 1970, and thetragedy of the coup of 1973. I stress thisperiod to showthat when Frank speaks of political repression and thecorporatist command state,he speaks from experience.Prior to leavingChile, Frank increasinglyfocused onthe nature of the current economic crisis. In fact, in 1972he publicly expressed the opinion that the capitalist worldhad entered another major crisis of capital accumulation.This essay isnow Chapter 1 ofFrank's book Reflections ontheWorld Economic Crisis (1981b). Frank here argues thatas of themid-1960s, theworld-economy entered a long-cyclecontraction.As noted earlier,capitalism as a global mode of produc?tion tends always towards uneven development spatiallyand sectorally,which we call the industrialized core and thesuperexploited periphery. Capitalist development andaccumulation are also temporally uneven. Capital accumula?tion is a cyclical phenomenon - the business cycle is wellknown to practically all observers. What has been lessaccepted by government economists is the thesis that theworld capitalist economy is also governed by "long waves"of 50 to 75 years induration. These waves consist of twophases: the irst isa period of growth, of expansion econom?ically, such as characterized the world-economy from theend of World War II to 1966; the second is a period of nogrowth, of stagnation, which today takes the form ofstagflation. These long-wave cycles ceased to be denied by1978 when the Bank for International Settlements (the"central bankers'" central bank), the Club ofRome, andeven theTrilateral Commission seriously began to consideran economic downturn of theKondratieff type (Frank,1980a: 22).The long-cycle downswing which ensued in 1966 ischaracterized by worldwide stagnation in investment andgrowth, declining and lower profits, stagflation, the intro?duction of cost-savingmeasures, and thefailure of majorfinancial and industrial concerns. As Frank (1980a: 23)notes, "downswings have exhibited certain political/economic transformations thathave made a recuperation ofprofits possible, thereby stimulating innovativemajor newinvestments and then expansion of production in the nextupswing. " The mechanism at work is this: the capital/laborratio has become too high in the boom, resulting in lowerlevelsof investment.The major enterprisesmove to recuper

ate the previous rate of profit through a preference forcost-reducing rationalization and invention. Most important,however, are the political defeats of the working class inclass struggle, exemplified by thedefeat of the revolutionsof 1848 for theEuropean working classes and thedefeat oftheGerman revolution (Spartacist uprising) of 1918, whichwas followed by the general defeat of labor through the1920s. The latterpaved theway, made thepolitical space,for the riseof classical fascism.ANALYTICALBASES FOR THERISE OF THE RIGHT

Marlene Dixon, another pioneer of theworld-systemsperspective, has stated the premise that wherever thereexists a conjunction between great concentrations of powerin the hands of rulingminorities and timesof economic andsociocultural crisis, fascism is possible (1982b: i). LikeFrank (1981b: 7-8) and Gross (1980), she locates the rootof the "rise of theRight" in the "world crisis of capitalaccumulation, in the adaptive responses of national andtransnational capital on theone hand, and theacute, radicaland potentially violent social dislocation such adaptationsprovoke on theother" (Dixon, 1982b: i-ii).There is likewiseagreement that any neofascist arrangement in the capitalistcore will unfold according to a logic of its own and willassume a form unlike that of classical German or ItalianFascism.The policies of national and transnational capital willdemand thepillaging of theworking classes and underclassesof the advanced countries and the intensification of exploi?tation for the emerging working classes of the semiperiphery (Dixon, op. cit). This makes clear the ideologicalfunction ofHuntington^ essay The Crisis ofDemocracy: itis a call for the consolidation of oligarchic power and forthe imposition of national controls to assure that thetransnational corporate powers, given their nonterritorialcharacter, are able to keep their concentration of wealthintact.It is for this reason that the following selections byFrank beginwith an examination of the rise of theRight byintroducing the worldview of the Trilateral Commission inregard to the "democratic distemper." This emergingworldview, as Gross and Dixon have noted, insistsupon asupra-governmental, nonterritorial managerial formulacapable of consolidating ever greater concentrations ofwealth and power. Dixon (1982b: iv) in particular hasobserved that the "complexities of modern forms ofneofascism are thus complicated by thefact that it isnot aquestion of subduing a single nation-state, but a wholesystemof stateswithin theworld-economy. "

While it is clear that a policy of global reaction hasbeen implemented by capital, the outcome is by no meanspredetermined. The experience which has been solely thatof theperiphery will now come to haunt theU.S.: we willlikely experience a stripping away of democratic veils in theface of a hostile transnationalpower, but not a dismantlingof theformal democratic machinery. The Reagan adminis?tration is the beginning of a longperiod of conservative ruleinwhich the share of the national wealth allotted to theSummer 1982/ 5


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working class and underclass will diminish with the imple?mentation of reactionary social policies and direct rollbacksinwage levels.The abandonment of the New Deal (high-growthcapitalism) policy of industrialpeace, as well as thedeliber?ate immiseration of the unemployed population, will haveprofound social consequences for which the rulingpowersare prepared. First, an accentuation of sexism (Kress,1982), of racism (Bush, 1982), and of incarceration (Platt,1982) are certainties. The deliberate fostering of right-wingevangelical movements by the rightwing of therulingclassiswell documented (Huntington andKaplan, 1982). Abov'eall, the sudden intensification of right-wingparamilitaryorganizations reflects the repressive necessities of thebourgeoisie, which is unable, or unwilling, to directlyunleash state terrorbecause of the necessity of affirmingthepower of theConstitution to protect national stability(Dixon, 1981b). The existence of these right-wingextralegal forces also creates a pretext for "fightingthe terrorismof the left and the right." Frank's article underscores thedegree towhich the rise of theRight is international in itsmanifestations (see also Crime and Social Justice 15, "Lawand Order in the 1980s: The Rise of theRight" and Con?temporaryMarxism 4, "WorldCapitalist Crisis and theRiseof theRight").Finally, it seems appropriate to underscore several ofFrank's conclusions in the following passages. First, thesuccess orfailure of theRight's self-proclaimed "revolution"(which in reality is a counterrevolution) depends entirelyupon whether theworking class and itsallies are sufficient?ly organized and equipped with leadership and politicalpolicies to deflect the attack thatwill certainly intensify sthe crisis isaggravated.For while the crisis in capitalism is being used bycapital to launch a dangerous offensive against thefunda?mental rightsof labor and democratic forces, the additionaldanger exists that thepopular resistance to the restructuringof theworld-economy will, according toFrank, be derailedintonationalist/regionalist, cological, or bourgeois women'smovements, thus rendering protest ineffective at best orreactionary at worst. Yet this need not come to pass:self-conscious intervention on behalf of the workers'movement and itsdemocratically inclined allies holds thepotential for an alternative resolution to the crisis.While thefollowing article isnot "current" in termsofthe factual data presented, Frank's analytical frameworkproves to be of enormous value in theprediction of futuretrends. It is themethod of analysis that should be learnedfrom, for the exposition of empirical data follows from thetedious gathering of newspaper clippingswhich validate theanalysis. Frank (along with Ernest Mandel and GiovanniArrighi and others) realized early on thatwhat theworldfamous Keynesian advisers took to be short-termrecessions,momentary bad dreams in the eternal fantasy of an un?broken chain of capitalist prosperity, were indeed theearly signs of a long-term apitalist crisis of capital accumu?lation. As such, the policies initiated during the Carteradministration and intensified in theReagan era reflect thelogic of the necessities of capital: the world defeat of the

working classes and the imposition of restrictionson civilrightswhere bourgeois democracy places restraintson thecentralization of oligarchic power and concentration ofwealth. This shift to the right in the centers of power wasinitiallyreflected in the electoral arena,where theorganizedRight took the initiative in the ace of bankrupt policies ofsocial reform that require a high-growth economy. Frankalso spoke to the continuing development of religious andparamilitary right-wing ormations: today we see the KuKlux Klan, theMoonies, and the U.S. Labor Party (NationalDemocratic Policy Committee) on themove and functioningas "organizational provocateurs." The current trends incriminology-preventative detention, the abolition ofparole, criminalization of strike activity, and the increaseduse of incarceration-reflect the Trilateral Commission'scall for moderation and restriction of democracy andrepresent a concerted political, legal, economic, and ideo?logical assault on the rights and standards of living ofthemajority of thepopulations of theworld.The methodological tools of analysis used byFrank areavailable to all who wish to pursue this line of thoughtfurther.While the theoreticalframework is rooted inMarx'sCapital, thefollowing selections on world-systems analysisand neofascism should be a useful beginningpoint.

SELECTBIBLIOGRAPHYAmin, Samir1976 Unequal Development. Brighton: Harvester.

1974 Accumulation on a World Scale. New York: MonthlyReview Press.Arrighi, Giovanni1978 The Geometry of Imperialism. London: New LeftBooks.Bahro, Rudolph1979 The Alternative. London: New Left Books.Bush, Rod1982 "Racism and the Rise of the Right." ContemporaryMarxism 4 (Winter).

Dixon, Marlene1982a "World Capitalist Crisis and the Rise of the Right."Contemporary Marxism 4 (Winter).

1982b "Tyranny Will Come Silently, Slowly, Like Fog Creepingin on Little Cat Feet. . . ." Contemporary Marxism 4(Winter).

1981a "Limitations Imposed by the Capitalist World-System."Our Socialism 2, 2 (May).1981b "On the Situation in the USA Today." Our Socialism

2, 8 (October).1981c "The Transition to Socialism as a World Process." OurSocialism 2, 2 (May).198Id "Abstract: The Degradation of Waged Labor and ClassFormation on an International Scale." Our Socialism

2, 2 (May).1980 "The Challenge of Transnational Capitalism." OurSocialism 1, 1 (Fall).

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Dixon, Marlene, Elizabeth Martinez, and Ed McCaughan1982 "Chicanos and Mexicanos: A Transnational WorkingClass, Part I." Our Socialism 3, 6 (March).

Emmanuel, Arghiri1972 Unequal Exchange. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Frank, Andre Gunder1982 "After Reaganomics and Thatcherism, What? FromKeynesian Demand Management via Supply-Side Eco?nomics to Corporate State Planning and 1984." Con?temporary Marxism 4 (Winter).

1981a Crisis: In the Third World. New York: Holmes & MeierPublishers, Inc.

1981b Reflections on the World Economic Crisis. New York:Monthly Review Press.

1980a Crisis: In the World Economy. New York: Holmes &Meier Publishers, Inc.1980b "World System in Crisis." Contemporary Marxism2 (Winter).1979 Dependent Accumulation and Underdevelopment. NewYork: Monthly Review Press.1977 "Long Live Transideological Enterprise The SocialistEconomies in the Capitalist International Division ofLabor." Review 1, 1 (Summer).1967 Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America.New York: Monthly Review Press.

Fr?bel, Folker, J?rgen Heinrichs and Otto Kreye1980 The New International Division of Labor. CambridgeCambridge University Press.Gross, Bertram1980 Friendly Fascism: The New Face of Power in America.New York: M. Evans and Company.Hopkins, Terence K.1977 "Notes on Class Analysis and World-System." Review 1,1.Hopkins, Terence K. and Immanuel Wallerstein1977 "Patterns of Development of the Modern System."Review 1,1 (Fall).Huntington, Deborah and Ruth Kaplan1982 "Whose Gold Is Behind the Altar? Corporate Ties toEvangelicals." Contemporary Marxism 4 (Winter).Jonas, Susanne and Marlene Dixon1980 "Proletarianization and Class Alliances in theAmericas."In Terence K. Hopkins and Immanuel Wallerstein (eds.),Processes of the World System. Beverly Hills: SagePublications.Kress, June

1982 "Austerity and the Right-Wing Attack on Women."Contemporary Marxism 4 (Winter).Platt, Tony1982 "Managing the Crisis: Austerity and the Penal System."Contemporary Marxism 4 (Winter).Sau, Ranjit1978 Unequal Exchange, Imperialism and Underdevelopment.An Essay on the Political Economy ofWorld Capitalism.Bombay: Oxford University Press.

Shank, Gregory1982 "Commentary on Friendly Fascism." ContemporaryMarxism 4 (Winter).Sweezy, Paul1981 "Economic Crisis in the United States." MonthlyReview 33 (December).Trilateral Commission1975 The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governabilityof Democracies to the Trilateral Commission. NewYork: New York University Press.Wallerstein, Immanuel1982 "The USA in Today's World." Contemporary Marxism4 (Winter).

1980 "The Future of the World Economy." In Terence K.Hopkins and Immanuel Wallerstein (eds.), Processesof theWorld-System. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.1979 The Capitalist World Economy. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.1976 "A World-System Perspective on the Social Sciences."British Journal of Sociology 27 (September).1974a The Modern World System. New York: Academic Press.1974b "The Rise and Future Demise of the World CapitalistSystem: Concepts for Comparative Analysis." Compara?tive Studies in Society and History 6, 4 (September).

Gregory Shank

The status quo is highly unstable and capital and itsstates are preparing for the eventuality that in a deepeningcrisis they will have to demand still greater economicsacrificesfromlabor. Itmay well become politically problem?atic to obtain these sacrifices through "social contract"and labor's "self-discipline." In that case, capitalwill againhave recourse to greater force and other powers of persua?sion, and it is already preparing to use these.Capital's concern and preparation was publicly mani?fested through the publication of the revealing book,The Crisis of Democracy, Report on theGovernability ofDemocracies to the Trilateral Commission (1975). Thiscommission subsequently attracted considerable notorietyafter some of itsmembers were elected or appointedpresident, vice-president, secretary of state and to otherhigh offices in theUnited States and certain other govern?ments. The director of the Trilateral Commission, whowrote the "Introductory Note" to thatreport,wasZbigniewBrzezinski, who later became President Carter's nationalsecurity adviser. The obvious pedigree of the TrilateralCommission lends The Crisis of Democracy the aura ofpolitical policy at thehighest level. Some excerpts speak forthemselves:

From Chapter I, Introduction I.The Current Pessimism About Democracy. . .What are in doubt today are not just the eco?nomic and military policies but also the politicalinstitutions inherited from the past. Is politicaldemocracy, as it exists today, a viable form ofSummer 19821 7


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government for the industrialized countries ofEurope, North America, andAsia? In recentyears,acute observers on all three continents have seen ableak future for democratic government. . . .Thispessimism about the future of democracy hascoincided with a parallel pessimism about thefuture of economic conditions. Economists haverediscovered the fifty-year Kondratieff cycle,according to which 1971 (like 1921) should havemarked the beginning of a sustained economicdownturn fromwhich the industrialized capitalistworld would not emerge until close to the end ofthe century. . . .The current pessimism seems to stem from theconjunction of three types of challenges to demo?cratic government. First, contextual challengesarise autonomously from the external environmentsin which democracies operate. . . . Worldwidedepression or inflation . . .may present seriousproblems to the functioning of democracy. . . .Changes in the international distribution ofeconomic, political, and military power and therelations both among Trilateral societies andbetween them and the Second and Third Worldsnow confront the democratic societies with a setof interrelated contextual challenges. . . .

They arise, however, at a timewhen democraticgovernments are also confronted with otherserious problems stemming from the social evolu?tion and political dynamics of theirown societies.... At the present time, a significant challengecomes from the intellectuals and related groups. . . .This development constitutes a challenge todemocratic government which is, potentially atleast, as serious as those posed in the past by thearistocratic cliques, fascist movements, and com?munist parties. In addition ... a parallel andpossibly related trend affecting the viabilityof democracy concerns broader changes in socialvalues. . . .The new values may not survive reces?sion and resource shortages. But if they do,theypose an additional new problem fordemocrat?ic government in termsof itsability tomobilize itscitizens for the achievement of social and politicalgoals and to impose discipline and sacrifice uponitscitizens inorder to achieve those goals.Finally, and perhaps most seriously, there arethe intrinsicchallenges to theviability of democrat?ic government. ... In recent years, the operationsof the democratic process do indeed appear tohave generated a breakdown of traditionalmeansof social control, a delegitimation of political andother forms of authority, and an overload ofdemands on government, exceeding its capacity torespond. . . .[In] France and Italy ... a very sizeable part ofthe electorate will always vote for extremistparties. ... A general drift toward alienation,irresponsibility, and breakdown of consensus also

exists in these countries and even in Sweden.. . .In Denmark, the Netherlands, and Britain, thesocial democratic consensus is breaking down.. . .The late sixtieshave been amajor turning oint. . . .From VI. Conclusions:Toward aDemocratic Balance

Predictively, the implication of this analysis isthat in due course the democratic surge and itsresulting dual distemper in government willmoderate. Prescriptively, the implication is thatthese developments ought to take place.. . .Al Smith once remarked that "the only cure forthe evils of democracy ismore democracy." Ouranalysis suggests that applying that cure at thepresent time could well be adding fuel to theflames. Instead, some of the problems of govern?ance in the United States today stem from anexcess of democracy. . . .Needed, instead, is agreater degree of moderation in democracy. . . .In practice, thismoderation has twomajor areasof application. First, democracy is only one wayof constituting authority, and it is not necessarilya universally applicable one. . . .The areas wheredemocratic procedures are appropriate are, inshort, limited. Second, the effectiveoperation of ademocratic political systemusually requires somemeasure of apathy and noninvolvement on thepart of some individuals and groups. ... In itself,this marginality on the part of some groups isinherentlyundemocratic, but ithas also been oneof the factors which has enabled democracy tofunction effectively. . . . "Democracy never lastslong," John Adams observed. "It soon wastes,exhausts, and murders itself. There never was ademocracy yet that did not commit suicide." Thatsuicide ismore likely to be the product of over?indulgence than of any other cause (TrilateralCommission, 1975).

This "suicide" of democracy is even more likelywith alittle help from its "friends" who have discovered thechallenges to democracy from a sustained economic down?turn and?as Brzezinski emphasizes in his "IntroductoryNote"?are concerned that "their discussion of 'The Crisisof Democracy' is designed to make democracy stronger . . .and more democratic."There iswidespread and increasing evidence that theTrilateral Commission is not merely whistling in the dark.However, we can convey here only the very smallest?andperhaps most superficial part of thisevidence; our sourcesincludemostly press reports.

Poll Finds ConservativeMoodNo Move to theRight inU.S.What many perceive as a groundswell of conser?vatism in the United States?a new right, asit has been called?may instead be only an expres?sion of extreme dissatisfaction with the federal

government, a Washington Post poll suggests. . . .The Post's findings cast doubt on the assertion by8 /Crimeand Social Justice


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as the Trilateral Commission fears, then the solution is"a greater degree of moderation in democracy" instead.

POLITICALREPRESSIONON THE INCREASEIn Europe, similar tendencies are emerging. "Holland'sChief of Government fearsRightward Trend inEurope. . . .Prime Minister Joop den Uyl [says] the 'present tendencyin all of Europe [is] to restoration toward the right'

"(FR,September 21, 1976).

In various political circles and in part of publicopinion, the idea is abroad that a general processof a "political rightturn" isgoing throughEurope.... I believe this is due to three economic reasons.In the first place, and possibly most important. . .[is] a reaction against the levels of tax pressure. . . .Another economic factor that seems to be rejectedby theordinaryEuropean is the growing economicintervention by the state. . . .Additionally, Ibelieve, there is a third socio-economic phenome?non that theEuropean citizen rejects: the expresspower and lack of control of the labor unions(EPA, November 29, 1979).

The facts that thewriter adduces to support his thesis arethat the labor and social-democratic parties have been votedout of office in England and Sweden, where taxes werehighest, but have been retained in office inGermany andAustria, where the three factors he cites are at least inevidence. On the other hand, particularly at Germaninitiative, there is taking place: "A European ConventionAgainst Terrorism. The end of thepolitical offense?"Inspired essentially by Federal Germany, itwasto be signed on 22 September at Strasbourg by theCommittee ofMinisters of theCouncil of Europe.. .. This text climaxes the repressive legislationputin force in the past few years by thewhole of the

western countries. ... If it is ratified, it wouldestablish a sort of federalism of delinquency,especially political. Its purpose: to facilitateextradition. . . .The convention turns its back?tobeginwith?on the liberal traditionon theEurope?an level?and consequently on the national levelof a fundamental distinction of penal law: politicaloffenses and offenses of common law. . ..Withthis text, therefore, there is no more politicaloffense. . . .This convention denies in brutalfashion one of the principles of the rightsofmanwhich has long been accepted by positive law: therightto [political] asylum. . . .Federal Germany isdemanding an almost general and automaticprocedure of extradition. Who wants to help herfillher prisons? (LM, November 12, 1976).

European justice Ministers, meeting inDublin,have signed a new convention on terrorismdesignedto get around the reservations of some countries?including Ireland?about extradition. It replacesan original convention which Ireland and Malta

refused to sign.The IrishGovernment claims ithasconstitutional difficulties about extraditing for'political' offenses (FT, December 5, 1979).France, which originally held up the signature of thisconvention, did indeed extradite theGerman lawyerKlausCroissant without much ado and in themost scandalousfashion. On the other hand, rightbefore a demonstrationby French and foreign opponents of atomic energy at a

French nuclear power plant, theWest German police sentphotographs of West German opponents of nuclear energyahead to the French police. And theywere used. Further,"the West German Interior Ministry said that its closerelationshipwith theDutch police brought about the arrestlast year of two German terrorist suspects . . . and thatteamwork displayed by French and Swiss authorities led to[another] capture at a Swiss border post" (IHT, May 9,1978).InWest Germany, "the danger for internal security ofthe Federal Republic still comes from the 'left-extremists'according to the Verfassungsschutz [the political police]"?not from the "right-extremists" who have receivedincreasing publicity (FR, June 28, 1978). Accordingly,political repression against the left has been increased bythe Social Democratic government to an extent in recentyears impossible to summarize here. The West Germanweekly pictorialmagazine Stern (July6-12, 1978; circulation1,876,444) published an expose of the"?berwachungstaat"(surveillance state) with photographs of police officersidentifying nd filming individuals at demonstrations:

These pictures are not out of aNazi film.Thesepictures are German reality:West Berlin, 1May1978?police officers observe peaceful demonstra?tors. Freedom 1978?that means, no citizen is safeanymore from being shadowed by the police andtheVerfassungsschutz [politicalpolice]. No citizencan escape the computers of the guardians of thestate. Millions are already registered. Freedom'78?mobilization against the citizen, prohibitionto exercise one's profession and destruction of thedemocratic state of law. It means more police,better weapons and shooting to kill. ... A demon?strator whose neck and head are held by thepolice. Plainclothes policemen photograph himwith a police camera for the archives. .. .WhereverGermans demonstrate? the guardians of the stateare there.No matter whether it is about nuclearpower plants, unemployment or slumhousing;whoever makes use of his basic rights is alreadysuspicious for thepolice.Nuclear power is a matter of very serious economicconcern at home and abroad forbigWest German businessand the state: "A planned, very importantGerman industri?al restructuringfor the 1980s and 1990s reliesheavily on anadvanced nuclear industryand its exports" (IHT, June 29,1978). However, the West German nuclear business notonly calls forth President Carter's staunch opposition toWest German sales of nuclear reactors to Brazil; it also



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draws environmentalist opposition from urban and ruralresidents of various political shades at home. Therefore,during demonstrations against nuclear power plants inWestGermany, the government closed off superhighways for afullday, searched 50,000 cars and confiscated jacks and tireirons as "potential weapons," turned people back at theborders, stopped and searched trains in the countrysideafter swooping down on themwith helicopters, and beathundreds of people black and blue. Police raids and "acci?dental" shootings of innocent people by the police arecommon occurrences. The government denies that it isholding any political prisoners, and calls them "commoncriminals" instead. Nonetheless, political prisoners receiveuncommon treatment?they are systematically kept insolitary confinement for many months and in speciallysound- and sight-treated,all-white cells, designed to elimi?nate stimulation of the senses. This police action is,however,only the administrative praxis of a series of politicallyrepressive laws and a political climate deliberately createdby themost responsible representativesof theWest German"state of law."

The Bertrand Russell Tribunal?which previouslyexamined American aggression againstVietnam andmilitaryterror and torture inChile and other countries of SouthAmerica?limited itself at its third session, in 1978, toexamining the "Berufsverbot" Under this decree commu?nists, and even left Social Democrats and conscientiousobjectors, have been denied public employment, particularlyas teachers, after the Social Democratic governmentpasseda "Radikalenerlass" law.Though thenumber of people whohave been denied employment specifically under thisdecreeis about four thousand, the number so affected throughvarious subterfuges ismany times greater, and thosewhohave been investigated by the Verfassungsschutz numberabout two million (Stern, July 6-12, 1978). Those whohave been intimidated by this witchhunt?evidence ofwhich goes right through the society tohigh school students?are virtually countless.Furthermore, itwas recently revealed that the borderpolice maintained a list of 239 organizations and anotherof 187 publications ranging literally fromA to Z (AktionDritte Welt/ThirdWorld toZivilcourage, also including thefoldout of theWest German edition ofMad magazine). Thepolice regardtheseas "extreme left," and have been control?ling and registering arriers of such publications on compu?ters at airports and other border crossing points (FR, May30, 1978). Moreover, the Frankfurter Rundschau (FR,March 30, 1978) expresses the following concern: "Toread can sometimes turn out to be expensive. How oftendoes the Verfassungsschutz control public libraries andbook stores?" For, as it turnsout, the political police fillsits computers with informationon who reads and/or buyswhat in librariesand bookshops. The Trilateral Commission(1975: 30-31) is very concerned about the "tremendousincrease in the number of intellectuals, would-be intellec?tuals, and para-intellectuals." Evidently, it isnot alone in itsconcern. In October, 1977, several leadingWest Germanpolitical figures?including the heads of the conservativeChristian Democratic (CDU) and Christian Social (CSU)

Parties, Helmut Kohl and Franz-Joseph Strauss?madepublic Statements very similar to the following assertion byCSU member of Parliament, Carl-Dieter Spranger:Terrorism has only been able to develop asdangerously as it has because numerous leftintellectual publicists, politicians, theologians,professors minimized the danger and called it

harmless ... thereby extending the dangerouscircle of sympathizers (FR, October 5, 1977).Among the guilty "left intellectuals" Spranger namedwere Nobel Prize winner Heinrich Boll, writer GunterGrass, and "politician" Willy Brandt, who was chancellorwhen the "Radikalenerlass" was passed, and who is stillchairman of the governing Social Democratic party. Thewitchhunt, however, has hardly been limited to attacksagainst "left intellectuals." In 1978, the West GermanParliament, with only four left-wing Social Democrats

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taken in the capitalist countries by Gallup International in1975/1976, in the United States 33 percent, inWesternEurope 39 percent, and in the Far East 30 percent of thepeople thought that "living conditions for people likeyourself in this country are better. . . than theywere fiveyears ago" (USN, January 24, 1977). The remainder,wellover half, thought that theywere the same orworse. In theUnited States 49 percent said "worse." Since then,although aminority may still find that "life is improving," hardlyanybody anymore considers full employment a realisticprospect for the foreseeable future. In mid-1976, 66percent of Americans no longer felt that full employmentin the United States was a realistic goal. Interestinglyenough, in the same poll 69 percent blamed thegovernment,65 percent blamed the labor unions, and only 38 percentthought that business should take some responsibility forinflation (USN, September 13, 1976). In his major nation?wide television speech of July 15, 1979, President Carterobserved thatmost Americans think thenext fiveyearswillbe worse than the last five (which were alreadyworse thanthose before). The president then went on to analyze the"crisis of conscience," forwhich, however, he offered noremedy. Certainly, the dream of "ever bigger and better"through the "American way of life" has vanished formostpeople in the industrial countries, and has turned into anightmare formany of them.As early as December, 1973,Time magazine announced that thishad been the "last yearof the past"?that is, of the postwar era; and itpicturedWestern Europe as going downhill from then on. PerhapsTime's editors and writerswere not aware at the time justhow real, steep, and prolonged this descent would be; but alargemajority of theWest's population has by now probablybecome aware of it, and this awareness grows with eachsucceeding recession. This situation poses a most seriousproblem for capital and the state on the ideological front,where the erstwhilepostwar "bigger and better" ideology isincreasinglybelied by reality?not just by the"intellectuals,would-be intellectuals and para-intellectuals" that theTrilateral Commission cites. What new ideology is toreplace the old, to offer the necessary legitimation of thesystem so as to achieve "social control" over the growingnumber of people who are "alienated" from the "main?stream" of life in capitalist society?That new ideology andthemeans to achieve its acceptance are still the subjects ofinsistent search. "A genetic defense of the freemarket"through sociobiology (BW, April 10, 1978) by Gary Beckerand other Chicago-trained economistsmight convince somepara-intellectuals, but is unlikely to catch the imaginationof themasses. The Harvard Business Review (November

December, 1975) published an opinion and attitude surveyfor theUnited States, and addressed the issue of "individual?ism" versus "communitarianism." Seventy percent preferredindividualism, but only 62 percent thought that it existedin the United States at present. That is,38 percent thoughtcommunitarianism already dominant today. Forty percentthought communitarianism more suitable for solvingproblems in the future; and 73 percent anticipated thatcommunitarianism would be dominant in theUnited Statesby 1985.

As the survey shows,many believe thatwe arein themidst of an ideological transition.When atraditional ideology loses acceptance, the com?munity loses direction. Its institutions are nolonger legitimate. ... A society that ignoresideological change may promote the anarchythat inevitably leads to totalitarian temptations;history is replete with examples. . . .Ideology II... is becoming the legitimizer for our greatand essentially communitarian institutions?Exxon,ITT, First National City Bank of New York, theU.S. government,Harvard University, and the like(HBR, November-December, 1975: 15).Thus, it seems that the alternative to "individualism" isless "communitarian" than corporativist.The extent of the social, ideological, and politicalproblem and theurgency of corresponding countermeasuresmanifest themselves visibly as the tip of the iceberg.Therehas been Watergate in the United States and Lockheedand other scandals in Japan, Italy, and elsewhere, all ofwhich have forced the resignation of heads of governmentor of state. Their successors, like Jimmy Carter and his"I'll never tell a lie" campaign and thenhis "human rights"campaign, have correctly sensed theirprincipal immediatepolitical task to be the short-termrestoration of ideologicallegitimacy.Though theyhave had a measure of short-termsuccess during the 1976-77 economic recovery, none ofthem can be sure of itspermanence, particularly if anotherrecession?and/or the one after that?is very deep. Thereare other, less visible, but all themore real,manifestations.

Mental Health in theU.S.: President's StudyPanel Finds Emotional StressMore WidespreadThan Was Previously Believed. . . and that one-quarter of the population sufferedsevere emotional stress. . . and that itwas probablethat about 40 million Americans had diagnosablemental disturbances and were in need of profes?sional care. ... 16.4 per cent of the populations ofNorth America and Europe could be defined ashaving "functional psychiatric disorders" (IHT,September 17-18, 1977).

Only suicide and homicide, among death rates,rise and fall with unemployment and its familiarconsequences during depressions. . . .The mostdramatic indicator of the relation between jobsecurity and stress is the suicide rate. .. .Formen of all labor market ages there is a peak insuicide for each peak in unemployment.

. . .Among working-age males, for each unemploy?ment peak there is an ulcer death rate peak. . .with a lag of between 1 and 3 years.Alternatively,one might emphasize the stresses which risewith the boom of the business cycle, such asoverwork . . . [which make] heart disease, stroke,cancer, cirrhosis, diabetes, accidents, influenzapneumonia, and many smaller causes of deathsuch as ulcers rise during the boom with the



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lengthening of hours of work. . . .The movement of death rates in the nextdecade will depend on whether and how capital?ism recovers. ... A recovery can only be pro?duced by extraordinary extraction of surplusfrom one or more worker groups. If the smallcohort is the object of this intensification, itshealth gainswill be lost. If thebaby boom childrencontinue to bear the brunt of redistributivemeasures, the prospective increase in death ratesfor this group as itmoves into maximal riskages forheart disease, cancer, and cirrhosiswill bethat much larger (Eyer and Sterling, 1977: 9,30-32).Under the headline "Jobless Youths Worry West Europe.Fears Grow on Crime, 'Unemployables'," the IHT (Decem?ber 14, 1976) reports:

The blight of jobless youth has fallen overWestern Europe [leading to the] developmentof a hard-core of long-termunemployed people.... As in theUnited States, it is school dropouts?often from the least favored strata, often withinadequate vocational training or an educationmismatched with the needs of employers?who get the hardest hit. In U.S. cities, risingyouth unemployment has been associated withincreased crime and other violence, suicides, drugaddiction and prostitution. An investigation hasfound fears running deep inmany Western Euro?pean countries that theymay be headed down asimilar path. Economic and social forces arecombining to make youths into ... a new under?privileged group. . . .There is a danger ofmakingunemployables out of our employed. . . .There istoo much similarity for comfort between whathappened in the northern cities of the UnitedStates andwhat ishappening here [inLondon]....Youth unemployment has grown so much inBritain that it is now genuinely reflected in delin?quency, crime and anti-social behavior (IHT,December 14, 1976).But since it isnot possible towork to death all thosewho are employed or towait for all thosewho are unem?ployed to commit suicide, some other social and ideologicalmeasures are necessary for the quarter of the populationthat ismentally disturbed and even for the three quartersthat is not (yet). One possibility is the "Big ReligiousRevival inU.S." and elsewhere as well. In his triumphanttours ofMexico, Ireland, theUnited States, and his nativePoland, the very conservative Pope John Paul II drewfargreaternumbers of people to hear or seehim (3millioninMexico, 5million inPoland, and in Ireland one thirdofthe entire population at a singlemass) and elicited a fardeeper response than conventional politicians of all huesput together everhave. Referring to the estimated 150,000young sect members of "substitute religions" in WestGermany, the Frankfurter Rundschau (July 11, 1978)

points out that "common to all these groups is the fixationon an authoritarian leadership figurewith the foundation ofa claim to absolutism and total obedience that are tied to astrictsubmission to the group."For the first time innearly two decades, churchattendance is up. . . .Church membership is up,

particularly in evangelical churches. . . .Theproportion of Americans?39 per cent?whobelieve religion is increasing its influence on U.S.life "is up sharply in recentmonths and has tripledsince 1971," Mr. Gallup said (IHT, June 18, 1977).[Church] membership of groups with a funda?mentalist or related viewpoint has increasedsteadily, while membership of non-fundamen?talist groups peaked in the mid 1960's and hasdeclined since then. . . .They seek to alleviatethese uncertainties and disruptions by turningtoward a traditional and fundamentalist religiousoutlook (SA, April, 1976: 35-36).

As the above-cited article on "The Science-TextbookControversies" documents, these fundamentalists havelaunched a far-reaching campaign against "the authorityrepresented by scientific dogmatism." But they seek toreplace it with far more reactionary political dogmas,such as that of the notorious "Moon" sect, whose tiesto the South Korean CIA have been exposed in theworldpress.There have been widespread attacks on the liberaland progressive education reformsof the 1960s, such as settheory,which helped children reason inmathematics, andnotably also on integrated schooling, inwhich unequaleducational opportunities were reduced somewhat. Reformsin educational content and organization are now on theretreat in the face of awell-financed and organized counter?attack from the political right and ultra-right inside andoutside the churches in the United States, Britain, WestGermany, and elsewhere. The pretext for the attackseverywhere is that "Johnny can't read" or do arithmetic,and that test scores and educational achievements havefallen everywhere in the industrialworld. The latter corre?sponds to fact and is another symptom of the crisis.But theproposed remedyof the economic, political, and ideologicalright is to cut educational expenditures (as noted above),reduce educational opportunities intended forminoritiesand the poor (in which they have been backed up by"anti-busing" movements and the Bakke decision of theU.S. Supreme Court), and to give educational content apolitically and ideologically reactionary turn to the right.After 25 years of trying to follow America'slead inmass education, many nations are findingtheyhave gone too far, too fast, and are tryingtopull back. The oncewidely held idea that educationfor all would enhance economic progress and serveto equalize social classes is being abandoned inmuch of Europe and the Far East, and inmany"third world" countries. . . . ven the rapid

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growth of college and university systems isbeingquestioned in many nations. Many educatorscontend ... an overeducated and underemployedgraduate population. . . . The result has been asweeping? and some would say regressive?reform.... All these suggestions of academic counterrevo?lution cause little surprise among Americaneducators (USN, November 8, 1976).

InWest Germany, "conservative professors celebrated the450th anniversary of the University of Marburg in theirown way [with a call for the] return to 'leadership throughthe best. . . .' The so far most important association ofprofessors . . .asked industry for contributions [and]as 'retribution'promised its 8,500 members to help organ?ize the necessary salvation of the German universitiesfrompolitical alienation and blind fanaticism" (FR, June 27,1977). Several right-wingparliamentarians, stateministersof education, and others inWest Germany have formed a"Working Group for a Free Society [which] wants to drivepolitical education into the right corner . . . [and] hastaken the counter-offensive against all left?and liberalenlightening developments in educational guidelines andtextbooks" (FR, November 4, 1976). The counteroffensiveis in full swing at the local and state or district school-boardlevels in one country after another.Another development is "Dwindling Coverage ofForeign News inU.S." (IHT, February 6, 1978) aswell aselsewhere. At the same time, concerted political andfinancial attacks from the right are increasing againsttelevision programming that is not sufficiently"balanced"or not exclusively conservative. Programming or entirenetworks in Munich, Hamburg, and Paris have sufferedsuch attacks. In short, the political righthas launched awidespread ideological and literally reactionary counteroffensive all around the industrial capitalist world and theThirdWorld. This worldwide counteroffensive includes thevisible reactivation?and now international coordination?offascist groups in the United States (Skokie, Illinois, andelsewhere), Britain (National Front campaigns against"coloureds"), West Germany (the new Hitler wave, localNazi demonstrations, exposes of Nazi activities in thearmy), France, Italy, Japan, and elsewhere, which areonly a glimpse of the tip of the iceberg.Three increasinglywidespread recent developments onthe ideological and sociopolitical frontmerit special atten?tion. They are the women's liberation movement, theecological movement, and the revival of nationalist orregionalist movements. None of these are authoritarianper se. On the contrary, each of them, and perhaps thegay and othermovements as well, in its own way containsan antiauthoritarian response to existing organized exploita?tion and/or repression of large sectors of the population,which is to be welcomed by progressives and people ofgoodwill everywhere.All threeof thesemovements containimportant progressive, socialist, and even revolutionarycurrents.But at the same time, it is possible to point tostrongescapist tendencies in thesemovements and to notethat they seem increasingly to be joined and/or taken over

by politically right-wing groups. The exploitation andoppression ofwomen iscemented in the social and economicorganization of our society, andmost socialist and revolu?tionarymovements have done little or nothing to reduce,let alone to eliminate it.Therefore, themore than legitimateformation of women's liberation caucuses in left-wingparties and any progressive leadership in the women'smovement are only to be welcomed. But almost everywherethe women's movement seems already to have shed itserstwhile left leadership and increasingly to support thepolitical positions and status quo demanded by the right.The many environmental groups, ecological movements,and "green" political parties that are springingup in theWest also represent much legitimate opposition to thereduced "quality of life" that capital is imposing on thepopulation at large. Even more than the women's movement,the ecological movement and the green parties bring to?gether people from a very large range of the politicalspectrum from left to right. Many of themhave concludedthat "left" and "right" have become unidentifiable and/ormeaningless.) But even if these social movements andpolitical parties include many people who are subjectivelyleft,theobjective political consequence of theirjoint actionis likely to be to reinforce the political movement to theright.They help to divide or otherwiseweaken progressiveand revolutionary movements and parties on the left,destroy center-leftparliamentary coalitions, and throw theelections in this or that country or region over to theparties of thepolitical right. he renewed rise of nationalistand regionalist parties may have similar but even morefar-reaching consequences.The renewed spread and intensification of nationalismand regionalism in the developed countries as well aselsewhere in theworld could be the subject of a book initself. Indeed, many books written by spokesmen of oneor another of thesemovements are appearing (in English,for instance, The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and NeoNationalism by Tom Nairn, 1977, and Scotland 1980:The Economics of Self Government, edited by DonaldMacKay, 1977). Many of these nationalist and regionalistmovements have made headlines elsewhere, and theyare destined to do so increasingly as the crisis deepens inScotland and Wales; Euzkadi, Pais Vasco, Cataluna, Anda?lusia, and Galicia in Spain; Flemings and Walloons inBelgium; Bretagne and Corsica inFrance; Sardinia in Italy;the Jura in Switzerland; Quebec inCanada; inCyprus andelsewhere. Nationalism and regionalism are also becomingacute forces of contention in Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe,the Soviet Union, China, Vietnam, Kampuchea, elsewherein Southeast Asia, Sri Lanka, various parts of India, theMiddle East, and Africa, inmany of which the forces ofnationalism seem to be mobilizing themasses and preoccu?pying the political leadershipmore than the ideological andpolitical struggle between classes at the regional, national,or international levels. Perhaps the accelerated differentia?tion of development levels from one region to another,an acceleration generated by the economic crisis, is animportant determinant of this nationalist and regionalistresponse. But the political implications of the ever more

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widespread appearance of these particular ideologicalresponses also give cause for further reflection.Nationalism was already the subject of insistent soulsearching by Marxists and others, fromMarx and Engelsto Lenin and Stalin, between 50 and 100 years ago. Theyfaced the dilemma of supporting or opposing popular massmovements at a time when many of these nationalistmovements, especially after 1870, served political ends

manipulated by themost reactionary and imperialist sectorsof thebourgeoisie, as Carlton J.Hayes (1941) showed inhisclassic study. To some extent, notably in Germany, thistendency persisted throughmuch of the twentieth century.But with the rise of the anticolonial and national liberationmovements, particularly during and since World War II(except in the socialist countries thatwere liberated fromfascism and where nationalism has often been manipulatedfor reactionary purposes by outside political interests),nationalism became a cause that Marxists and progressiveswere able and anxious to support. The present writer andothers like him certainly supported nationalist causes allaround the globe inwriting and otherwise. Particularly afterthewar against, and the liberation of,Vietnam and otherparts of Indochina, nationalism retains a deservedly largepolitical capital of goodwill and support throughout theworld.

However, today-not unlike a hundred years ago-itis becoming increasingly important to question whether

many nationalist and regionalistmovements, independentlyof the subjective desires of many of their leaders andsupporters, are not serving or being manipulated by essentially reactionary interests to divide and conquer popularmovements of resistance to capital as it seeks to confrontthe new crisis of capitalism. The United States playing"the Chinese card" in its global poker game with theSoviet Union, the Soviet Union's sudden abandonmentof Somalia and perhaps of Eritrea in favor of Ethiopiain its power play against theWest and China inAfrica,and theVietnamese invasion ofKampuchea and theChineseinvasion of Vietnam are suggestive of the divisive andunprogressive uses and consequences of nationalism on theglobal level. But the neonationalism and regionalism thatare growing inmany parts of Europe and elsewhere, aswellas their flowering in China, Vietnam, and Kampuchea,portend the additional danger thatpopular resistance to therestructuring of the world economy by capital will bederailed into nationalist protests that are ineffectiveat bestand literally reactionary at worst. While the crisis of capitalism is differentiating the economy and society furtherandwhile some sectors of capital are launching dangerousauthoritarian counteroffensives, nationalism and regionalism,like fundamentalist religion,may seem to offer ideologicalescapes for many individuals and another safety-valve forthe capitalist system as a whole. The threat is very readythat, evenwhen real possibilities for itmay exist, socialism

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may be sacrificedon the altarof nationalism and/or religion.Of course, mystical, spiritualist, and fundamentalistreligious waves; nationalist or regionalist movements;individualist escapes into personal neuroses, drugs, andcriminality; as well as other centrifugal ideological re?sponses of escape, offer no more of a solution than thepossible instability of multiple political parties, each pull?ing in its own direction. Therefore, at each criticalmomentof the growing crisis, at least at the national levels, someexisting or potential political leadershipmakes increasinglyinsistent calls for common sacrifice and self-disciplinefor the national good. There have already been severalserious suggestions for the formation of coalition govern?ments of national unity, which would include the broad?est if not the entire parliamentary political spectrum.Some of these proposals have come from the politicalright,but, significantly, themost insistentones have beenmade for their countries by the Communist parties ofItaly and Spain. So far, the political situation has not yetripened for such emergency political measures ?that is,capital and the righthave not yet found themselves obligedto accept or impose them. But the next economic reces?sion or another lagging "recovery" from it, or the nextrecession after that, may well generate political emer?gencies inwhich such governments of national unitymayappear as the only or at least the first acceptable politicalresponse. Of course, such governmentswould inherit andincorporate the ideological preparations made in themean?timeby the political right and some by the "left"). But ifthe crisis persisted or gotworse, these emergency govern?ments would have to pave theway formore permanenteconomic, social, political, and ideological crisismanage?ment, which could only select and utilize those aspects ofpreviously centrifugal responses that could be incorporatedinto a centripetal and systematic crisismanagement.The reactionary counteroffensive, like the growth andspread of fascismduring theGreat Depression of the 1930s,has its roots and raison d'etre in the deepening economic,social, political, and ideological crisis of the capitalistworld economy. We can?and I believe must?agree withErnestMandel when he says:

Under these conditions, the conclusion is onethat we have stressed continually for severalyears: The possibility of a new period of acceler?ated growth of the type that occurred during the1950s and the beginning of the 1960s is, in thefinal analysis, linked to a radical increase in therate of surplus value through a sharp compressionof the mass of direct and indirectwages. Onlysuch a modification could seriously relaunch therate of profit and the rate of self-financed invest?ment by the big monopoly trusts(that is, invest?ments that are made without massive resortto inflation). And such a genuine upturn in therate of profit is indispensable for generating anew era of capitalist "prosperity. ..."Under these conditions, it is clear that a strugglefor a substantial rise in the rate of surplusvalue?

the sort of strugglethathasmarked the 1970s andwill continue tomark the rest of the 1970s andthe 1980s, just as itmarked the 1920s and 1930sin Europe?has only just begun. . . .The capitalist world will not be able to passfrom its present phase of general social crisis andgeneralized economic recession to a new phaseof lasting and prolonged expansion except byfirst inflicting a crushing defeat on theworkingclass and by inflicting disasters in the form ofappalling famines, new bloody dictatorships,and new murderous wars on all humanity. . . .

Increasingly, tough tests of strength betweencapital and labor will occur inmany imperialistcountries. Pre-revolutionary and revolutionarysituations will arise in several of these countries(Mandel, 1975a: 967-68).

What is not yet clear, especially in view of thepoliticalexperience of labor and thepolitical policies of itsorganiza?tions and leadership on the left reviewed and foreseenabove, iswhether theworking class and itsallieswill be ableto take advantage of these "pre-revolutionary and revolu?tionary situations," or whether capital will "inflict acrushingdefeat on theworking class" and "bloody dictator?ships" on us all.

We are still, then, in a situation of extremelyunstable and fragile equilibrium. ... In this situa?tion, an accident of whatever kind?political,social, economic, or fiscal?can set off either arevolutionary explosion, or a counter-revolution?ary,much more aggressive offensive of the bour?geoisie (Mandel, ICP,May 13, 1978).

In the face of the inevitable conflicts generated duringanother recession and theone after that (in time for 1984?),which will it be?

ABBREVIATIONS:PERIODICALSBWEPAFERFTFRGUAHBRICP

Business Week, New YorkEl Pais, MadridFar Eastern Economic Review, Hong KongFinancial Times, LondonFrankfurter Rundschau, FrankfurtThe Guardian, LondonHarvard Business Review, Cambridge, Mass.Intercontinental Press, New York (incorporatingInprecor, Brussels)International Herald Tribune, ParisLe Monde, ParisThe Times, LondonNeue Z?richer Zeitung, Z?richScientific American, New YorkU.S. News and World Report, Washington

IHTLMLTNZZSAUSN

REFERENCESAmin, Samir, Andre Gunder Frank, and Hosea Jaffe1975 Qu?le 1984. Milano: Jaca Book.

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Amin, Samir et al.1975 La Crise de l'imperialisme. Paris: Les Editions Minuit.Eyer, Joseph and Peter Sterling1977 "Stress Related Mortality and Social Organization."The Review of Radical Political Economics 9:1 (Spring).Frank, Andre Gunder1977 Reflexiones sobre la crisis economica. Barcelona:

Anagrama. English edition: Reflections on the WorldEconomic Crisis. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Hayes, Carlton J.H.1941 A Generation of Materialism: 1871-1900. New York:Harper & Brothers.

MacKay, Donald (ed.)1977 Scotland 1980: The Economics of Self-Government.Edinburgh: Q Press.

Mandel, Ernest1975a "Prospects for the International Capitalist Economy."Intercontinental Press (July 7), New York.1975b "Folgen der Weltwirtschaftkrise auf die Entwicklungder Arbeiterk?mpfe im EG-Bereich." Ein Interviewmit Ernest Mandel von Adelbert Reif. Monthly Review,Deutsche Ausgabe, Frankfurt, 1:5 (Oktober).

Nairn, Tom1977 The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism.London: New Left Books.

Trilateral Commission (Michael Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington, andJojiWatanuki)1975 The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governabilityof Democracies to the Trilateral Commission. NewYork: New York University Press.

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[1982] andré gunder frank. the political-economic crisis and the shift to the right (in: crime and...

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