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Culture & Psychology

DOI: 10.1177/1354067X070828052007; 13; 461Culture Psychology

Marcus Eugnio Oliveira Lima9780691127927 (pbk)

Princeton, NJ/Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006. 324 pp. ISBNRace in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil.

Review Essay: Racial Relations and Racism in Brazil: Telles, Edward Eric,

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Abstract Edward Telles book Race in Another America:The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil (2006) has contributed to the

understanding of racial and skin color relations in Brazil.The main aspects of the past and present of racism in Brazil are

discussed, such as whitening, mestizaje, and the ideology of racialdemocracy, and some additional data are presented. This work

reflects on and brings to light the reflections of Telles and of otherresearchers of racism about a future of more equalitarian racial

and social relations in Brazil.

Key Words affirmative-action policies, comparative perspective,racism in Brazil, whitening

Marcus Eugnio Oliveira LimaUniversidade Federal de Sergipe, Brazil

Racial Relations and Racism in Brazil

Telles, Edward Eric, Race in Another America: The Significance of SkinColor in Brazil. Princeton, NJ/Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006.324 pp. ISBN 9780691127927 (pbk)

Edward E. Telles has intensively studied racism in Brazil since thebeginning of the 1990s with many publications on that topic. In hiswork Telles examines variables that are essential to the understandingof racial issues, such as gender, social class, the industrialization levelsof society, income inequities and racial classification, among others.Against this background, the book Race in Another America: The Signifi-cance of Skin Color in Brazil is a fundamental work for the understand-ing of the phenomenon of racism in Brazil and also the similar andcontrasting expressions of this same phenomenon in the United Statesand in South Africa.

The book was first published in 2004 and received a number of inter-national awards, which included Best Book on Brazil in English. Theimportance of Telles book lies not only in the profound comparisonthat it permits of racial relations in Brazil and the United States, butalso in its very well-based statistical analysis of the social and histori-cal aspects of Brazilian racism, overcoming more traditional andsomewhat Manichean perspectives that, in the theorizing of skin colorissues in Brazil, were likely to oppose the thoughts of Gilberto Freyre

to those of Florestan Fernandes.Culture & PsychologyCopyright 2007 SAGE Publications

(Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) http://cap.sagepub.comVol. 13(4): 461473 [DOI: 10.1177/1354067X07082805]

Review Essay

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formulated the theory of Brazilian racial democracy. The implicitcorollary of this theory is the idea of the absence of racial prejudiceand discrimination, permitting egalitarian economic and social

opportunities for Whites and Blacks in Brazil (Andrews, 1991;Hasenbalg, 1985).The myth of racial democracy started to collapse when Florestan

Fernandes and Roger Bastide, as requested by UNESCO, carried out aseries of researches on the situation of black people in Brazil. The mainconclusion from these studies drawn by the authors is as follows:

The alteration of the social status of the black people after abolition wasmerely legal. Racial prejudice was still being softly and discreetly expressed.Under the mantle of judicial and political equality not only did economic

and social inequality continue between Whites and Blacks, but so did theold racial ideology, with all the illusions that it used to cover. (Fernandes &Bastide, 1951, pp. 1314)2

In Edward Telles analysis of these two theories of racism in Brazil,he argues that there are horizontal elements in the inter-racial relationsin Brazil which make these relations peculiar, as Freyre acknowledged.However, this horizontality in interpersonal relations is establishedparallel to a strong verticality in the distribution of power and socialresources between Whites and non-Whites, as exposed by Fernandes.

Telles even affirms that the two main arguments that support racialideology in Brazil are miscegenation and the myth of racial democ-racy. We can also include in this analysis whitening, which wasmentioned by Telles but deserves some special emphasis, since it isnot only an ideology in Brazil but also the national policy that is thebasis for miscegenation. Whitening can be understood on at least threelevels: (a) institutional relations towards national eugenics; (b) socialperceptions and inter-group relations; and (c) self-perception andinterpersonal relations.

At the first level, institutional relations, attention is merited to theBrazilian governments strategy of changing black labor to white labor.This was accomplished between 1890 and 1914 as more than 1 millionEuropeans crossed the Atlantic destined for So Paulo, with more thanthe majority of tickets paid for by So Paulos state government, whilethe recently liberated population was thought of as non-qualified(Alencastro, 1998). This form of whitening of Brazil brought about theeffects noted in the constant decline of the population of African originsince the census of 1872 (when the Blacks composed 19.2% of the popu-

lation) until 1990 (when they were already less than 5%, though thiswas to rise swiftly to 6.2% by the time of the 2000 census).

Lima Racial Relations and Racism in Brazil

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On the level of social perceptions the strong correlation betweensocial class and skin color in Brazil deserves attention, with a height-ened appreciation of the white skin color and depreciation of black

skin. In Brazil, there is, as referred to by Harris (cited by Degler, 1971,p. 116), a racial economic pyramid, a sort of pigmentocracy:

A black person is any of the following:

A very poor whiteA very poor mulattoA poor mulattoA very poor blackA poor blackA well-off black

A white person is any of the following:

A wealthy whiteA well-off whiteA poor whiteA wealthy mulattoA well-off mulattoA wealthy black

The relative fluidity in the color classifications in Brazil is true in all

environments of everyday national life, no matter how different theyare. Srgio Adorno (1996), in a study carried out in the great So Pauloarea in 1990, in which criminal reports of felonies that had beencommitted during that year were analyzed (e.g., thefts, rapes, extortionthrough kidnappings, drug trafficking, etc.), verifies a tendency tochange the skin color of the population of those who were accused ofcrimes and found guilty, according to the progress of the case. In theauthors words:

If in the course of the process, it is verified that the suspect is a workingcitizen, respecter of the family, a good father and an exemplary spouse, whowas accidentally involved in a crime, it is possible that in the proceduraloutcome he is seen as having a light brown skin, the inverse is also true.(Adorno, 1996, p. 268)

In this sense, we conducted a study with four experimentalconditions. In the first one we have a scenario with photographs of agroup of well-dressed Blacks with a description attached referring tothe social and economic success of the group. In another condition aphoto was presented of a group of well-dressed Whites with the samedescription of social success. In the third condition a photo of badly

dressed Blacks was presented that included a scenario of social andeconomic failure. Finally, the fourth experimental condition consisted

Culture & Psychology 13(4)

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of a photo of badly dressed Whites and the same scenario of failure.There were only two photos, one for the Whites and another for theBlacks. The only change made was that in the success condition, the

three persons in the photo were in more sophisticated clothes whilethose in the failure condition were more simply clothed (see Figure 1).The dependent variables were the attribution of natural or culturaltraits (dehumanizers) and the racial classification of the groups, in anordinal scale of 7 positions (1= Blacks, 2 = very dark mulattos, 3 = darkmulattos, 4 = mulattos, 5 = light mulattos, 6 very light mulattos, 7 =Whites).

The study, conducted in AracajuNortheastern Brazilinvolvedwhite university students, and showed that there is a main effect of

success on the perception of color: those presented as successful were

Blacks who fail:

Whites who fail


465

Figure 1. Photographs of experimental conditions



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considered whiter than the failures (see Figure 2). More interesting,however, was the mediation of the hetero-perception of color, which ishere called whitening, in attribution of personality traits to the groupsrepresented in the photos. The traits described could be positive ornegative, cultural or natural, as follows: positive cultural (intelligent,

wise, progressive), positive natural (happy, sharp-minded and spon-taneous), negative cultural (deceitful, ignorant and childish) andnegative natural (aggressive, uncontrolled and impulsive). We did notfind direct effects of negative or naturalizing stereotyping of Blacks inrelation to Whites. Nevertheless, when the whitening mediation effecton the group stereotyping was analyzed, we found that that thesocially and economically successful Blacks were whitened the morepositive characteristics were given to them, especially the positivecultural traits. The inverse situation may be noticed for the Blacks who

fail, who are perceived as darker and more dehumanized (Lima & Vala,2004b). This study was replicated in Goinia (the mid-eastern region of


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Blacks who succeed:

Whites who succeed

Figure 1. continued



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Brazil) and in So Paulo (the south-eastern region of Brazil), with

similar results (Lima & Vala, 2005).Finally, whitening can also be expressed on the level of self-perceptionand of interpersonal relations. In the 19th century, supported by scien-tific racism, which considered Blacks to be genetically inferior, thewhitening ideology was thought to be the best means of escape byBrazilian Blacks. As is known, ideologies act as social norms that,when accepted, are interiorized even by those who may become thepreferential victims of their logic. It is in that context that racism, as asocial norm, may be interiorized together with the whitening ideology,affecting black peoples self-concept. In fact, many Blacks have beenassimilated into the whitening ideology, up to the point where Blackracial identity is lost on purpose, with the intention of looking forpeople with a different skin color with whom to have intimate relation-ships, thus trying to escape from or minimize the consequences of theskin color burden. It is according to this logic that a Black journalaffirmed in the early 20th century: We do not intend to perpetuate ourrace, but in fact to infiltrate in the core of the privileged racethe whiterace, because, we repeat, we are not Africans, but purely Brazilians(O Getulino, September 30, 1923).

In this context miscegenation is turned into a sort of solution forthe symptoms of national racism. This miscegenation makes the


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3.78

3

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Groups that suceed Groups that fail

Whitening

Figure 2. Average of whitening as a function of success*

* Comparison of conditions was found statistically significant (F(1, 70) = 5.41,p = .02;standard deviations for success = 1.85; for failure = 1.80). The magnitude of thesestandard deviations relative to the averages renders the comparison of averagesuninterpretable, hence the data here are not necessarily sufficient for interpretation



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national Black identity difficult and can even destroy it. Degler (1971)defines the mestizaje solution as the mulatto escape hatch. Whiten-ing is seen as an emergency exit, simultaneously personal and social,

for the condition of inferiority of black people in Brazil.Telles himself comments on research conducted by the InstitutoBrasileiro de Geografia e Estatstica (IBGEBrazilian Bureau of Stat-istics) with a representative sample of the national population in 1976,in which it is verified that, when required to classify themselves bytheir skin color, Brazilians used 135 different colors. A kaleidoscope iscomposed, which varies from sulfur color to reddish-brown andeven dirty-white and white. Even if Telles demonstrates in a quan-titative analysis that the vast majority of the self-definitions involve

more usual color categories (white with 42%, brown with 32%,pardo [mixed-color or mestizo] with 7%, negro or black with 8%), amore qualitative analysis demonstrates a tendency to avoid the blackcolor and a pursuit of lighter colors. In the lexicon of the 135 Brazilianskin colors there are many more terms related to the white color (reallywhite, really light-colored, white, reddish-white, smeared-white, browned-white, pale-white, burned-white, freckled-white, dirty-white, whitey,whitened, light, lighty light and tend-to-white) than terms related to the

black color (almost-black, dark, darkened, black, blackened and darkish).

The perception of the symbolic values associated with color and itscorrelated pursuit of whitening may be verified in children from fiveyears old. In a study carried out in Aracaju with 238 white, black andmixed-race Brazilian children aged five to ten years old, Frana andMonteiro (2002) found 23 different labels of skin color and the sametendency to whitening that was found in adults. These authors verifiedthat self-definition of skin color presents greater irregularity in relationto the classification made by three judges (hetero-defining) for blackchildren rather than for white children. In fact, 79% of the childrenhetero-defined as white considered themselves to be white, 54% of thosehetero-defined as mixed-race considered themselves to be of a mixedrace and only 40% of the hetero-defined as black said they were black.In a more recent study, similar results of idealization of the white skincolor were found (in a smaller proportion) among indigenous childrenas well as black children from a remaining Quilombo, that is, a ruralcommunity for descendants of slaves, located in Sergipe (Lima, 2006).

Where is the Cordiality in Cordial Racism in Brazil?

Telles analyses and data demystify the ideology of racial democracyin Brazil, but at the same time pinpoint the peculiarities of Brazilian


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racism in contrast to racism in the United States and in South Africa.Specifically in the third chapter, Telles focuses on the role of socialmovements and of international pressures in questioning the racial

democratic myth and on ideological and political changes in the racialrelations in Brazil, culminating in the arousal of affirmative actionpolicies on the 1990s. It is in this context that 1995 DATAFOLHAresearch shows that almost 80% of Brazilian people still believe thatthere is racism in Brazil, although less than 10% consider themselvesto be racists (Turra & Venturi, 1995). The prejudice of being prejudicedis similar to the aversive racism concept of Gaertner and Dovidio(1986). As Florestan Fernandes (1966) had already observed:

The most evident thing in the Brazilians attitudes towards the colorprejudice is the tendency to consider it demeaning (for those who sufferfrom it) and degrading (for those who practice it). As a result, people worrymore, become apprehensive and even obssessive by the prejudice of beingprejudiced. (p. 33)

Telles considers the subtlety and indirectness of Brazilian racism tobe influenced by many factors, including the great importance of mech-anisms based on class to reproduce racial inequalities and the apparentabsence of violent racial segregation in schools and in organizations in

general. On the other hand, there is no subtlety or cordiality in thediscrimination against non-Whites and mainly against Blacks in thedifferent aspects of Brazilian society. Telles believes that, even thoughthe dissemination of negative racial stereotypes in Brazil is not asintense as it is in the United States, being expressed mainly in jokes andpopular sayings, the invisibility of Blacks in the media and their nearabsence in the middle and upper classes in Brazil are more drastic thanin the USA.

Something similar is found when intermarriages are analyzed. Tellespresents data that show that the ideology of miscegenation is not onlyrestricted to sexual relations. Marriages between Whites and non-Whites occur in Brazil much more frequently than they do in the UnitedStates and South Africa. More than one fifth of white Brazilians marrysomeone with a different skin color. This is a consequence of the closercontact between Whites and non-Whites in Brazil and also of the factthat in this country, for historical reasons of the ethnographic formationof our people, marriages between people with a different skin color arenot as stigmatized as they are in those countries with clearly segre-gationist cultures such as the United States and South Africa.

Nonetheless, in Telles words, when intermarriage occurs, love doesnot always trump racism (p. 193). In the market of matrimonial choices


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the white product is still the most valuable, while the black isrejected, mainly when we consider the black woman. Telles concludes,however, by acknowledging that there is less residential segregation in

Brazil than in South Africa and in the United States and that there aremore networks of horizontal sociability between Whites and non-Whites, which results in more friendships between the different groupsand enhances the possibility of love relationships.

Thus, the existence of friendships between the different groups doesnot reduce racism, but simply camouflages its means of expression,making them more subtle. As noted by Allport (1954), in his classicalhypothesis of contact, only inter-racial contact with institutionalsupport and under ideal conditions of equity seems to be effective in

overcoming racism. But this is not the case in Brazil. In point of fact,the slight difference in the residential borders between Blacks andWhites in Brazil is also influenced by social class. Poor Whites arespatially closer to Blacks and mixed-race people; upper- and middle-class Whites hardly ever have black neighbors.

Nevertheless, if in the field of the expressions of prejudice it ispossible to feel the pressures of the anti-racist norm producing subtleor cordial expressions of racism, in the field of objective discrimi-nation of Blacks and mulattos in Brazil what is observed is another

scenario. Indeed, the situation of social and economic exclusion of non-White citizens is alarming, despite the development of capitalism inBrazil (Hasenbalg, 1985).

Telles compares the racial inequities in Brazil, the United States andSouth Africa, focusing on income distribution according to race in eachcontext of racialized relations. Supported by substantial empiricalevidence, the author concludes that the socio-economic structure inBrazil is strongly split along racial lines. It is undeniable that there isracial discrimination in Brazil, even when the effects of the inequitiesbased on the class or on the region of the country are controlled for.

In effect, comparing the data on discrimination of Blacks in Brazil tothose of the United Kingdom, South Africa and the United States, itcan be observed that in Brazil the inequities between Blacks andWhites, in terms of income, the provision of education and socialmobility, are greater than in these other countries (Lima, 2003;Munanga, 1996). However, when the expressions of racial prejudice inthese contexts are compared, it is possible to notice that new ormodern expressions of prejudice, more hidden and subtle, started inEurope and in the United States in the late 1960s (cf. Gaertner &

Dovidio, 1986; Kinder & Sears, 1981; McConahay & Hough, 1976;Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995; Vala, Lopes, & Brito, 1999), while in Brazil,


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after the abolition of slavery (1888), racial relations have always beenmarked by the epidermal cordiality of racial democracy and by thesubtle, aversive and hidden expressions of prejudice (Lima & Vala,

2003, 2004a).In the 1990s this background brought social pressures which organ-ized internal and external movements in the country demanding actionfrom the government on the control of racial discrimination. Since1994, Affirmative-Action Policies (AAP) have been introduced, includ-ing quotas for Blacks in university admissions. The AAP have facedsubstantial resistance in Brazil. One of the arguments against themsuggests that they result in the racial segregation of Brazil and that inour country it is hard to determine who is black. The debate over the

racial quotas is at a boiling point. A deadline has been imposed on thepublic universities to implement a system of admissions to those whobenefit from the quotas. Most institutions have chosen a mixed systemof social quotas (for poor or public school students) with racial sub-quotas directly proportional to the percentage of Blacks andpardos inthe local population.

The Future of the Racial Relations in Brazil: Sociability

and Public Policies on Racial Equality

Despite the resistance of many groups to the quotas, includinguniversity students and even representatives of the black movement,the fact is that Brazil is living in a unique moment in its racial relations.Never in national history has racism been so debated in our everydayconversations as it is nowadays. There have never been so manydiscussions about who is black and who is not black in Brazil andabout the criteria of racial equality and equity. Theses on racial democ-racy and on class-over-race are discussed by common citizens, Blacksand non-Blacks, in public or private segments of society. We think thatthis can produce a newer and more widely open form of socializationover racial themes. However, the impacts on this socialization in thefuture will depend on the articulated efforts of knowledge and inter-vention by social scientists and civil society representatives to pressurethe government to apply and equalize public policies that promoteequality.

All of these factors are shown to be important in building a moresocially inclusive reality in Brazil. Public policies when joined with theracial mixture and segregationist non-racialism can be important tools

to promote positive changes in the status quo of racial relations inBrazil. However, as Telles affirms, to create mechanisms that fight the


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still very resistant racial culture, it is necessary to consider, whenoutlining the public policies in Brazil, the singularities of each regionof the country as well as the relation between race and social class.

Notes

1. Mestizaje, mestiagem in Portuguese, meaning the process of miscegenation.2. Although Florestan Fernandes conclusions point to Brazilian racism,

Gilberto Freyres thesis on racial democracy had the most significantinternational repercussions (Schwarcz, 1996).

References

Adorno, S. (1996). Violncia e racismo: Discriminao no acesso justiapenal. In L.M. Schwarcz & R. da S. Queiroz (Eds.), Raa e diversidade(pp. 255275). So Paulo: EDUSP.

Alencastro, L.F. de. (1998). Vida privada e ordem privada no Imprio. InL.F. de Alencastro (Ed.),Histria da Vida Privada no Brasil/Imprio: A corte e amodernidade nacional (Vol. 2, pp. 1194). So Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

Allport, G.W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. 3rd ed. Wokingham:Addison-Wesley.

Andrews, G.R. (1991). Negros e brancos em So Paulo (18881988). Bauru:EDUSC.

Degler, C.N. (1971). Nem preto nem branco: escravido e relaes raciais no Brasil

e no EUA. Rio de Janeiro: Labor.Fernandes, F. (1966). O Negro no mundo dos brancos. So Paulo: Difuso

Europia do Livro.Fernandes, F., & Bastide, R. (1951). Preconceito racial em So Paulo. So Paulo:

Publicaes do Instituto de Administrao da USP.Frana, D.X., & Monteiro, M.B. (2002). Identidade racial e preferncia em

crianas brasileiras de 5 a 10 anos. Psicologia, XVI, 293323.Freyre, G. (1933/1983). Casa-grande e senzala: Formao da famlia brasileira sob o

regime de economia patriarcal. Lisbon: Edio Livros do Brasil.Gaertner, S.L., & Dovidio, J.F. (1986). The aversive form of racism. In

J.F. Dovidio & S.L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, discrimination, and racism:Theory and research (pp. 6189). Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Hasenbalg, C. (1985). Race and socioeconomic inequalities in Brazil. InP.M. Fontaine (Ed.), Race, class and power in Brazil (pp.2541). Los Angeles:Centre for Afro-American Studies, University of California.

Kinder, D.R., & Sears, D.O. (1981). Prejudice and politics: Symbolic racismversus racial threats to the good life.Journal of Personality and SocialPsychology, 40, 414431.

Lima, M.E.O. (2003). Normas sociais e racismo: Efeitos do igualitarismo e doindividualismo meritocrtico na infra-humanizao dos negros. Unpublisheddoctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Cincias do Trabalho e da Empresa,

Lisbon.Lima, M.E.O. (2006). Racismo, socializao das atitudes intergrupais e identidade


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tnica de crianas Negras e Indgenas no Nordeste. Technical report for CNPq,Universidade Federal de Sergipe, So Cristvo.

Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2003). Racismo e democracia racial no Brasil. In

J. Vala, M. Garrid, & P. Alcobia (Eds.), Percursos da investigao em psicologiasocial (pp.233253). Lisbon: Colibri.Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2004a). As novas formas de expresso do preconceito

e do racismo. Estudos de Psicologia,9, 401412.Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2004b). Sucesso social, branqueamento e racismo.

Psicologia: Teoria e Pesquisa, 20, 1119.Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2005). A cor do sucesso: Efeitos da performance

social e econmica no branqueamento e na infra-humanizao dos Negrosno Brasil.. Psicologia USP, 16(3), 143166.

McConahay, J.B., & Hough, J.C., Jr. (1976). Symbolic racism.Journal of SocialIssues, 32, 2345.

Munanga, K. (1996). As facetas de um racismo silenciado. In L.M. Schwarcz &R. da S. Queiroz (Eds.), Raa e diversidade (pp. 213229). So Paulo: EDUSP.Pettigrew, T.F., & Meertens, R.W. (1995). Subtle and blatant prejudice in

western Europe. European Journal of Social Psychology, 25, 5775.Schwarcz, L.M. (1996). As teorias raciais, uma construo histrica de finais do

sculo XX: O contexto brasileiro. In L.M. Schwarcz & R. da S. Queiroz(Eds.), Raa e diversidade (pp. 147185). So Paulo: EDUSP.

Turra, C., & Venturi, G. (1995). Racismo cordial: A mais completa anlise sobrepreconceito de cor no Brasil. So Paulo: tica.

Vala, J., Lopes, D., & Brito, R. (1999). A construo social da diferena:Racializao e etnicizao das minorias. In J. Vala (Ed.), Novos racismos:Perspectivas comparativas (pp. 145179). Oeiras: Celta.

Biography

MARCUS EUGNIO OLIVEIRA LIMA graduated from the UniversidadeFederal da Paraba. He received his doctorate in Social Psychology fromPortugal at the ISCTE in 2003. Presently he is a Professor at the UniversidadeFederal de Sergipe, Brazil. His areas of scientific interest are group processesand inter-group relations, focusing specifically on social norms, racism andthe dehumanization of minorities. He has researched into the relation between

social norms and the modern expressions of racism, specifically the impact ofegalitarianism and competition on automatic prejudice against Blacks and onBrazilians attitudes to racial quotas. ADDRESS: Marcus Eugenio OliveriaLima, Cidade Universitria Professor Jos Alosio de Campos, Av. MarechalRondon, s/n, Departamento de Psicologia, So Cristvo- Sergipe/BrasilCEP: 49100. [email: [email protected]]


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