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THEPRETENDER'SDECLARATION

ABSTRACTED

•rom two Anonymous Pamphlets:

The One Intitled

JUS SACRUM;And the Other,

fomoirs of the €tyt\)ZlMtt &U<&lOlQt.

i^ith fome Memoirs of two other

Ctiefcaitets £>t; d^eojge in the

Reign of King Henp VII.

Written by Mv.JSGILL.

Princifiis objta*

Cljc &econfci CWtton.

LONDON,Printed by J. Darby in Bartholomew- Cbfe.

M. DCC XV.

<3>

The Pretender's Declaration

Abftrafted, &c.

TH ES E two Anonymous Pieces coming

out both at the Tame time, and pub-

lifh'd by the fame Perfon, and fuited

together (as a Scabbard to a Dagger)

may be fuppos'd to have been written by the fame

Author.

And perhaps cunningly divided (as he thought)

to evade a double Treafon:

Whether that be fo or not, they are Arrows

from the fame Quiver..

And the Difference is no more, than that in

.conjunction they are High Treafon, within two

Claufes of the Aft, 4 Am*%ca

P*8 - ,. rif

And being fepafated, the Jtu Sacrum of it lelt

is Hieh Treafon within one of them. _.,.,,By the firft of thofe two Claufes, it is declar d

High Treafon, to affirm .by Writing or Printings

That her vrefent Majefiy is not Rightful Queen of theje

Realms ; or that any other Fcrfon hath a Right, other

than according to the two late Alls of Settlement of

'AndTby the laft of thofe two Claufes, 'tis made

iHi&h Treafon, By Writing or Print to affirm, T»at

theKinzs and Queens of England, with the TarUa-6 ^ A 2 M*ntt

>

(4tnent^ cannot limit and bind the Crown^ and the Smcejfion thereof*

Now (you muft know) that our Author's Mttnoirs is the Heraldry of his Chevalier St. George

blazoning him out as the Legitimate Son and Reif

of the late King James II.

And under this Charader, the Jus Sacrum hat

avouch'd him to be the lawful King of thefe Realff

according to the Laws of God,of Nature,the Civil Law andCommon Law.

Which is palpable Treafon, within the firj

Claufe of the Ad, as affirming that her prefent Majefiy is not Rightful Queen : But that this Chevali

St. George hath that Right, contrary to both Adof Settlement.

But without this Conjundion, the Jus Sacrvi

of it felf is an elaborate and repeated Affirmance

That no Power on Earth can limit , alter, or fettle tk

Crown, from the next of kin to the laft Regnant.

Which is a palpable Treafon within the lal

Claufe of the Ad, as affirming, That the King

and Queens \of this Realm, with the Parliament, can

not limit and bind the Crown, and the Succejfiot

thereof.

Now whether the Author be ignorant of thef

two late Ads of Settlement of the Crown (whic

are not the firft, fecond, or third Ads, by whic

the Crown hath been fettled by Parliament)

Or whether he may think himfelf a bold Mai

for incurring Pligh Treafon, in vindication of hi

injur'd Hero, (as he calls him) I can't tell.

But if that be the Cafe, perhaps I think mfelf as bold a Man in telling him of it : (Confide

rat is Confidcrandis)

However

( 5)However, I am fure to get a Place by it : I

can't mifs being put into one of the Examiners^

md advertis'd in the Toft-Boy.

Bat becaufe our Author hath given himfelf the

Mrs of arraigning the Laws of the Kingdom, as

repugnant to the Laws of God y

He Ihall not have Silence for Confent^ nor the

pleafure to fay,

— Pudetj h&c opprobria vobls^

Et diet potuijfe^ & non potuijfe refelli.

Tho had his Tinge went no deeper than the

(Perfon of his Chevalier (who hath hitherto fpent

Ihis Reign abroad, to get himfelf reputed of the

[Royal Family at home, without advancing to anyhigher Chara&er than a Pretender) perhaps I

|might have let it went with him, (as we fay in

[Ireland.

)

6ut this Holy Thing calPd Jus Sacrum is calcu-

lated as a perpetual Almanack for the Succeflion

f the whole Royal Family, interdi&ing (withpretended Anathema's of Scripture) the Houfe ofHannover from the Crown, till all the other inter-

mediate Relations, between her prefent Majefty

and that Houfe, are fpent.

YOU muftknow that Jus Sacrum in Latiny is

Anglice, Indefeapble Hereditary Right.

But our Author (for brevity fake) hath fiil'd uphis Title-Page with englifhing of it : viz.*

Or a Difcourfe whereby it is fully proved and de-

monftrated7 That no Prince ought to be deprived of his

natural Right on account of Religion^ &c.

But

( 6 )

But (by way of Interruption) fincc our Authc

begins with natural Rights I would ask him a mtural Queftion, Whether in his EtCatera he hat

couch'd natural Infirmities.

Becaufe if he hath, I can contradict him witl

out going any farther

:

By citing a Cafe of a King depos'd for Z«

tr°fy-2 Chron. 26. And Uzziah the King was a Lem

unto the day of his Death, and dwelt in a feverJHoufe, being a Leper, for he was cut off from ti

Houfe of the Lord, and Jotham his Son was over tk\\

King's Houfe, judging the People of the Land.

Islow let our Author go on.

To make good the Promife of his Title-pag<

he lays down three Pofitions

:

1. That Monarchy is of Divine Inftitution.

2. That Hereditary Succeffion to that Monarchy is ordain'd by God.

3. That Kings are accountable to none bu

God, and therefore cannot be divelted of thei

Kingdoms or Chara&ers, but by God himfelf.

Which Pofitions he afiumes to prove,

By the Laws of God,of Nature,Civil Law andCommon Law.

And with all this he happens to ken Logickeven to an Enthymeme.

Now (bear witnefs) that I am not going fur-

ther to contradift his facred Notions, neither iiil

Tofita nor Pofitiva, Poftulata nor Peftilentia, Pre-

mifes nor Conclufions

:

But ihall leave them all as I found them (tie-

ceflary Ufage of wearing and tearing, reading anC

obferving only excepted.)

But

(?)But tho I am not going to contradia him, I

hope 'tis no offence to Ihew how he hath contra-

cted himfelf.

Being fo unlucky in his Quotations, that the

fame Texts he brings to prove fome one of his

Pofitions do always contradidt fome other of his

iPofitions, and fo overthrow the EngUJh of his Jus

Sacrum*

To be fure he begins with Scripture,

(In nomine Domini incipit omne Malum.)

Text i. By me Kings reign^ and Princes decree

Juftice*

Then if they decree Injuftice, God difowns themon account of their Religion, &c*Text 2. Samuel [aid to Saul, "The Lord hath rent

the Kingdom from thee, and given it to a Neighbour

of thine*

Then SauPs Kingdom was not Hereditary, and

jwas taken from him on account of his Religion,

&c* being not a Man after God's own heart, as his

Neighbour David was.

Text 3. / anointed thee King over the Houfe ofIfrael, and gave thee the Houfe of Ifrael and Judab,

And yet David had then fix or feven elder Bro-thers, who (according to our Author's Jus Sacrum)ought to have taken the Sceptre before him.

Text 4. Solomon fxvore^ As the Lord liveth? whohath fet me on the Throne of David my Father*

But Solomon being but a younger Son of Davidby a feventh Venter, vihMzAdonijah and other elder

Brothers were living \ where then is the Birthright

(which our Author faith, God always favours ?

)

Text 5. God faid to Jeroboam, / will rend the

Kingdom from the hand of Solomon, and give ten

Tribes to thee*

Contrary

( 8 )

Contrary to the Right of Rehoboam, Son ancHeir of Solomon, if this Jus Sacrum be true.

Texttf. The Lord Jha/l raife up a King over Ifraeliwho jhall cut off the Houfe of Jeroboam that day*Tis God that raifeth the Poor out of the Dufl, anclifteth up the Beggar from the Dunghil to fet hidamong Princes, and to make him inherit the Throngof Glory*

If Beggars then may be made Princes by Inhe-ritance, what may not Princes be made (viaverfa ?)

Text 7. David faid, God was his Shield and Pro-teElor, who fubdud his People under him.And yet David was forc'd to fight, not only for

hisConquefts, but for his own Kingdom, againfthis own Son.

Text 8. There is no Power but of God? whofoeverrefifteth the Power, refifteth the Ordinance of God.

But it doth not therefore follow, that God ne-ver ordain'd any Power but that of Kings j orthat it is lawful to refill all other Powers butKings.

FROM thefe Texts our Author, by way ofTranfition, pafleth over to Inftances of

Kings.

1 ft Inftance. We find Kingly Power invefted in the

four Kings that invaded the five that livd in thePlain of Gomorrah.And why not in the five as well as the four ?

Tho perhaps our Author, is cunning , for it

feems the five were beat, till Abraham refcu'd themfrom the four Conquerors, with 318 Men of his

own Family :

Which

(5> )

Which fliews thofe Kings were not very great

Monarchs.

Nor (in truth) were the other eight any morethan Subje&s, or Homagers to Chedarlaomer, tiil

they revolted. /

Nor doth it appear that they had their Com-miflion immediately from Heaven, as our Author

would make all Kings to have.

And therefore methinks fo great a Champion(for Monarchy mould have chofe out fome other

jBafis of it than this Example.2d Iaftance. That Abimeleeh was King of Gera.

Pharaoh King of Egypt.Melchifedeck King of Salem.

Mofes King in Jefnurun.

But I don't find him pofitive, That either Md-Wvfedec\ or Mofes's Kingdoms were Hereditary ',

:ho I believe he might have been fatisfy'd that

:hey were not, and perhaps neither of them real

'but only myftical) Kingdoms.But to make amends for that, he's confident the

\flyrian Monarchy defcended from Father to Son for

[300 Tears, from Nimrod the firft King, without

nterruption.

Then Nimrod himfelf had not his Kingdom bynheritance.

Nor doth he feem to have had much Jm-SacrumShod in his Veins, being defcended of the accurfed

lace of Ham, deftin'd unto Servitude.

Curfed be Canaan, a Servant of Servants Jhall he

ie unto his Brethren.

PROM thefe Inftances of Kings^ our Author makesa Tranfition to the Judges that fuccefively fuc-

eeded Mofes ', of which there being but one at a time,

e infers God's conftant Deftgnation for Monarchy-

B But

jt! 10 )

But bow he can conclude an Hereditary Monaichy from a Succeffive Ele&ive Juftice-fhip, is byond my Logick.

But this he faith was before the Civil Goventoent was well fettled ; but that when God can

to fettle it, he appointed Saul a King.And this is the fecond time that he hath quot<

Saul, appointed a King for Life only, as an Hftance of Hereditary Monarchy.From thence he pafleth on to David and his See.

Then he quotes the Prophecy of Jacob, Th;the Monarchy fhould be Hereditary in the Tx'U\

of Judah.

The Sceptre Jhall not depart from Judah, nor\

Lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come.l

This happens to be no news to me, becau;

long before this Jm Sacrum came out, from tl

Entail of the Jewijh Sceptre, 1 publifh'd a flio

Treatife,

That the Title of the Houfe of Hannover to t

contingent Succeffion of the Britifh Monarchy, is

Title Hereditary, and of Divine Jnftitution :

As being conformable to this lnltitution of

Jewijh Monarchy ; befides which, there is not an

ther extant by any fpecial Ordination of G<

(altho all are by his divine Permiflion and Pr

vidence.)

But this Entail of the Sceptre was to the Tri

of Judah in general, without fpecial Limitatic

to the firft and other Sons.

And as it was at firft entail'd in the general, fot

was afterwards executed in the alternative, fou-

time in the elder, and fometiine in the youngei

And in the firft Inftance of this Execution, te

whole Race of Shelah (then the elder Houfe i

Judah) werepafs'd by, and the Sceptre delivei

to the Defendant of Pharez. (the younger Hou)W3

( II )

who ever after retain'd it, till the DifTolution ofthat Monarchy.Which I prefume doth not quadrate with what

our Author would have, by his general Maxim,That God always favours the Right of the Firft-born.

(Always fometimes.)

Tho the Words ftridly are true,

That God doth always favour the Right of the

Firft-born.

And fo he doth the Right of the fecond, andthe Right of the third, and all the reft

:

For fhall not the Judg of all the Earth do Right ?

But the queftion is, what that Right is.

The two Tables deliver'd by God to Mofes uponMount Sina^ are an' Abftrad of the whole moralLaw, which is eternal, and not abolifh'd by the

jDeath of Chrift.

J came not to deftroy the Law^ but to fulfil.

But with this eternal Law there is recorded a

jLaw of Ceremonies and Sacrifices, and divers o-

ther Precepts, which were made but temporary

only.

The Law of Ceremonies and Sacrifices was abo-

lifh'd by the offering up of that eternal Sacrifice of

Chrift.

And feveral other Precepts were prefcrib'd for

the Ufe of the Jewijh Nation only.

Some of which are fince become Sin :

As that of one Brother's marrying another Bro-

ther's Wife.Atnongft thefe temporary Laws was that Law of

the Birthright^ by which the eldeft Son was to

have a double Portion only, or twice as much as

any one of the reft.

But this being but a temporal Law, net incorpo-

rated into the eternal Law of the Decalogue, is not

obligatory to the whole World, as the moral Lawis. B 2 But

( 12 )

But is changeable, according to the Times 01

Places in which Men happen to be born or to live.)

And even in that there is Variety too.

As in England there are divers Inheritances, o:!

which fome defcend to the eldeft, fome to th<

youngeft, and fome to all the Sons alike.

And the old Cuftom of Thaniftry in IreUm(detur dignlori) left the Eftate to the molt worth

jj

of the Family :

Which (in truth) was generally interpreted tc

him that had the greateft Power to keep it frou

all the reft.

And for a quite contrary reafon, the Borough

Englifh gave it to the youngeft Son, as molt un-

able to help himfelf.

But there being fuch Diverfities of Inheritances

no one can determine what is the Right of eldei

or younger, without diftinguifhing according t<

the Times and Places where they are born and live.

BU T our Author (to do every thing extraor

dinary) hath quoted Inftances in younger Sons

to prove the Birthright of the elder.

1. That Abraham obtained the Promife of the King

dom for Ifaac his Firfi-born Son.

Kow (in truth) Ifaac was his laft-born, anc

born after Abraham and Sarah had quitted ail hope

of Iflbe.

2. That this Promife was renewed to Ifaac for hi

Son Jacob.

And yet Jacob had then an elder Brother.

3. That Jacob prophefy'd of the Kingdom for Judaft

And yet Judah was but a fourth Son, and feemi

to have the Nomination of the Sceptre fallen t«|

him, in default of his three elder Brothers

:

Reuben for Iuceft, and Simeon and Levi for Blood

toed.S

( !? )

So that thefe three were fet afide on account of

weligion, &c.By which our Author feems cruelly to manglehjpu Sacrum of Birthright.

BU T to make out for this (and becaufe Jun&ajuvant) he faith that Priefthood was Heredi-

ary as well as Monarchy, and that the Son oreareft Kinfman always fucceeded the Father, till

irifiobulm thruft out his elder Brother Hircanus.

Which I prefume our Author don't relate hifto-

ically only, but by way of Inftru&ion, that this

lucceflion in Priefthood may be reviv'd.

And then the eldeft Son of an Archbilhop muit>e always Archbifhop :

And fo for Bifhops, Deans, and the inferiour

-iergy.

And if no Sons, then the Function to go to

Daughters j for our Author makes all Inheritances

dike, and depends much on the Daughters ofZelophehadj who inherited to their Father in de-

fault of his Iflue Male.

. Tho this won't fuit with Monarchy neither, un-

lefs he would have all Daughters to inherit the

Crown together as Coheirs.

Which may convince us, That the Jura Corona

ar Laws of the Monarchy, and thofe of paternal

Inheritances, are not fuited to anfwer one another

in every point.

BUT to follow our Author :

From the Old Teftament he makes a Tranli-

tion to the ISJew.

Andfirft he is mightily pleas'd with the Law,which the Farmers of the Vineyard had got among

them-

( M )

themfelves: This is the Heir^ let mlillhim^ andvJhal/ have the Inheritance*

Which our Author faith thefe Farmers hi,

from the Light of Nature.

For, faith he, it is not to be prefurrid that th'

were skilful in human Laws.

And in my Confcience I believe fo too.

ISIor doth our Author feem over-skilful in Dvine Laws.

For that, in fad, there never were any fu<

Men in the World as thefe Farmers •, our Savior

putting forth this (as other Parables) by wayv£nigmas^ and not as real things.

Another Quotation he takes from our Saviou

The Children of the Kingdom Jhall be jhut out.

From Whence he infers that God may tranfla

Kingdoms from one Family to another', but not Mart.

But doth not God ad by Man ?

And if all Power be of God, then what is dor

by the Power of Man, is done by the Power <

God.

BUT of all Texts he feems to cling clofeft t

that of Paul j If Sons, then Heirs.

But this implies there mult be fomething for th

Sons to inherit to, which another Apoftle hat

elfewhere fignify'd } To an Inheritance incorruptible

and that fadeth not away, referv*d in Heaven for you

But there are no fuch Indefeafible Inheritanti

among Men.Man hath nothing on earth but what is corrup

tible and changeable by Time and Place : Tim

and Chance happen to every thing under the Sun.

Tempora mutantur, quoque nos mutamur in illis.

FRO?

( 15)

TJROM tbefe Texts (as the Laws of God) he

jO makes a Tranfition to the Law of Nature. .

By which he faith, 'Tis natural for Men to fro*

vide for their Children.

And for this he appals to every Man's natural Af-fection, That if he had never fo much Poffejfions, he

would leave them all to his Children.

What, all to his eldeft Son only ? For if not,

it don't fuit our Author's purpofe.

And in truth, natural Afle&ion would be but

a random Title to Eftates, and perhaps to King-doms too.

Maximilian the Emperor having two Grandfons,

^Charles and Ferdinand, had intended the Kingdomjof Spain for Ferdinand (whom he belt loved) but

Iwasdifappointed.

FROM the Law of Nature, our Author pafTeth

to the Civil Law.By which he faith that the Trince (much lefs the

People who are under his Subjection) cannot take awaythe Succeffion that belongs to his lawful Heir*

But this don't fay that the Prince and People to-

gether cannot.

Nor is there any SuccelTion belongs to the Heir,

dnlefs the Predeceflbr leaves him fomething to

fucceed to.

Then he falls into his Jm Sacrum again, That

Kingdoms are given by God, &CBut here he betrays the Shortnefs of his Me-

mory.

For firft he faith, The Right of Succeffion is afublick Agreement between Prince and People, which

obligeth both Parties.

Whereas

( i6)Whereas afterwards he affirms, There*s no Or

ginal Contratt between King and People } and that Athe King faith or doth to them is purely voluntary* fa

that what they fay or do to him is binding.

2. By this his Civil-Law-Law, he hath made|

oat, That the Renunciation of Philip Duke of Anjoi

to the Crown of France, is void againfl his ijfue.

Which I-fnppofe is a Slip beyond our Authorprefent Commiflion.

Tho (with our Author's leave) I apprehenthe MsTxim of the Civil Law to be a Reverie t

what he would have*

The Civilians fay, Haredes fattiy non nati.

No Man is born an Heir, any farther than th

Laws of his Country make him fo.

And by their Law, if a Father by Will faith

I make A. B. my Heir \ that A.B. (tho a Strange

in Blood) fliall inherit the Eftate againft the Son.Which fhews that the Inheritance is annex'd t<

the Right of the Eftate, and not to the Perfon othe Son , who during the Life of the Father hadonly a Chance to be Heir or no Heir, as tb<

Eftate fliall be either left to him or difpos'd fron

him.

FROM the Civil Law our Author pajfeth over tt

the Statute Laws of all Kingdoms, but what art

Eletlive,

But whence came Elective Kingdoms, if all be

Hereditary ?

But he faith he jhould fwtll his Pamphlet too big,

to enumerate all the Laws of this Kingdom in favour

of Hereditary Right, from the Conqueror to the Revo*

lutionin 1688.

An Emphatical Year ! But what need of Sta-

tute Laws in favour of a thing that can't be other-

wife ? (as he faith.) For'

( 17)For Inftanccs he quotes,

I. That William the Conqueror took care to have

tllegiance twice fworn to him and his Heirs.

i

That was to him and his Succeffors, Heirs of the

\ingdom \ which happen'd to be William his

bunger, and not Robert his elded Son.

! 2d Inftance. That William Rufns got the Subjetls

|

fwear Allegiance to him-) being jealous of their Af*Bions to his eldefi Brother Robert ; Reafons of State

ducing him to thofe Meafures.

Oho! Now we have got to a fifth Law, Rea-

ns of State : Anglice, Arcana Imperii, to rule the

her four by.

But William Rufm having no Ijfue, our Authorlith he

7ll fay no more of him, tr any of his Succeffors^

\l Henry Vlll.

I Why if he won't, I can't help it:

|

But if he won't, I will.

(For that neither this William Rufus,

Nor Henry I. (his younger Brother)

Nor King Stephen,

Nor King John,

Nor Henry IV, V, or VI.

Nor Richard \[\.

^Nor Henry MIL (without conjunction with his

peen) did either of them fucceed to the CrownEngland, according to the Right of our Author's4s Sacrum.

For that during each of their Reigns there wasbeing one or other of the Royal Family nearer

y'd in Blood to the Crown, according to the

ight of paternal Inheritances in England.

But thefe Breaches came to be heal'd in thetffonof Henry V\\\.

By which 1 am fallen in with my Author again i

here 1 find he bath met with fomething he is

ighty fond of, and hath made it his Pin-basket ofiiftances. C He

( 18 )

He faith, that by the Aft 25 7/**. 8. the Rmainder ia the Crown (after default of Que.i

Elizabeth*$ Iffue) is limited to the right Heirs of Ki:

JHenry VIII. for ever, by courfe of Inheritance, **v.

Crown of England hath been accuftam'd And ougt

to go.

Which Statute (he faith) the Lords andCoj r

mans took an Oath to defend :

And which, he faith, hath not been repeal'd;

;

For (faith he) tho fome neceffary Laws have ba

fince made for the Security of our Religion and Cil

Eight j, yet the Right af Inheritance is ft ill in force, q

For (faith he again) */ the Right of Succejfifi

could be taken away, it might be ask*d by what Ritf,

the Kings of England affume the Title of Kingsf\

France, when by the Confent of all the Eftates f

France, the Succejfion of that Kingdom was adjudfi,

to Philip deValois againft Edward III. when oth.-

wife by the Common Law the Kingdom was due to £•<

ward III. as Heir of his Mother.

Now by our Author's lufty Skip from WiUui

Rufm to Henry VIII. and his Blazoning this Static

at-

large, and printing the words [_AS TMCROWN OF ENGLAND HATH BEETACCVSTOM'D AND OVGHT TO GMin great Letters \ and faying that this Statute *t

fvvorn to, and never repeal'd :

I find he hath fingled it out as a Standard for 1

Chevalier to demand the Crown of England by,

Heir %t Law to Henry VIII. according to that S<

tiement which the Lords and Commons th

fwore to.

. Bqt thofe Lords and Commons are dead.

And the prevent Lords and Commons havefwc

to the prefent Settlements :

Which are no ways contradicliory, but purfua

to thai Settlement in Henry VIII.

Wh<

( 19)Whenever a Fee (or perpetual Eftate) is li-

nked, the word Heirs is inferted, without which

:heFee will not pafs.

But this is fo inferted as a word of Limitation

j>nly, without giving any Title or Property, ei-

ther in Pofieflion or Reversion, to the Son or next

pf kin to him to whom the Eftate is fo limited.

For whenever a Remainder in Fee is limited to

i Man and his Heirs, he himfelf, without his

fieirs, may limit away that Fee again to whomfie pleafeth.

}

So in this Cafe of the Crown, where the Re*(nainder is limited to Henry VIII. and his Heirs,

that Remainder remains fubjeft and liable to be

limited again by the like Legiflative Power, byivhich the former Remainder was limited.

J

And purfuant thereunto, that Remainder hath

>cen again limited by the two late Ads of Set-

lement.

By which there is nothing left for our Author's

hevalier, tho he were the Perfon that he wouldave us think he is.

Nor is there any Right of the Crown left to

efcend to any of the Royal Family, but to whomthe fame is limited by the prefent Settlements.

Andfuch Limitations of Inheritances away from

fhofe

who would otherwife have a Right to fue-

led, are allowM in all Eftatesof Inheritance.

For 'tis not what the Father lived feizjd of^ but

hat he died fe'nCd of only, that defcends to the Son.

Therefore if this Chevalier St. George (or any

j>rte elfe for whom our Author writes) are comingto- claim any Inheritance of the Crown from Hen-

fy VIII. he may inform them (if he pleafeth) that

tis otherwife difpos'd of.

And by the fame, and with as good reafon as

hey would claim the Crowa as limited to Hen-C 2 ry

( 20 )

ry VIII. and his Heirs, they may alfo claim a

the Crown and Abby- Lands, of which the fare

Henry VIII. was ever feiz'd to him and his Heirs.;

And as for the Kings of England afluming th

Title of Kings of France^ notwithstanding it Wi

determinM againft Edward III. by the States

France }

Neither Edward III. nor any King or Queen (

England ever join'd with the States of France

that Determination : and therefore the Kings an

Queens of England are no more bound by the A£of the States of France (done without their Coi

fent) than they would by any pretended Ads i

England without their Royal Aflent.

BU T to return to our Author, he tells us tto

he hath now difcharg'd what he promis'd t

prove, That Hereditary Succeflion to a Monarchis of Divine Inftitution.

From whence he faith, It necrjfarily follows th

neither their Elections or Title are owing to the Voice

the People \ which makes them independent of the

^Approbation or Dijlike^ and confequently not account,

blc to them*

But as necefTary a Confequence as it is, yet

find he thinks it neceflary to try to prove it ov<

again.

For this he faith^ It is a Maxim in our LaWy.

aitient a* our Confiitution^ That the King can do

Wrong.

By which our Author would have us underftan,

That tho a King fhould happen to do that whin

would be wrong in another Man, yet that til

King, by his doing it, converts that Wrong in \

Right, according to that antient and laudab:

Maxim :

Turpi

( M>Turpia Cerdoni, Volefos Brutofque decebmtl

But this Maxim in our Conftitution, That the

King can do no Wrongs is well grounded :

For that there are known Laws of the Kingdomfutable to our Conftitution, by which the King is

to govern, and which if he obferves he cannot err

:

And whatever he a&s againft them, is void andgoes for nothing.

THEN our Author falls to enumerating the

ufual Texts for Duty and Reverence to

Kings.

Which he faith the Republicans would attribute to

good Kings only.

But he confutes them by faying, That tho Godmay in his Rewards and Punifiments diftinguiflj be-

tween good and bad Kings ',

Tet that there is no fuch diftintlion to be made by

the People^ who are to love and obey their Kings all

alike-, good or bad, merciful or cruel.

Why ay ! for you know Subjects are but a par-

cel of Dogs or Swine: And you alfo know what's

as good for a Sow as a Pancake.

But befides he tells us, That we ought to be more

eafy under a Tyrant's Government, becaufe he is ap-

pointed by God to punijh the Sins of the People :

In the nature of Confeflbrs to enjoin Penance.

THENCE he proceeds to the Coronation-

Oath.

'Tis granted (faith he) that when Kings are fet on

the Throne, they are accufiom'd to take an Oath : (for

fj(hioa-fake, it feems.)

But

( 22 )

But to whom t Not to the People, but to God alone.}

who is the fole Avenger of the Breach of it. So the>

Judgment of its Violation is to be refer d not to the

People, but to God to whom the Oath is taken.

But^ faith hey the People fwear expre/lyto the King^

fo as the People are bound to the King; and his Heirs

for ever.&

A»d yet j faith he, none of the Subjects are punijPd

for Perjury tn breaking their Oath ', but for violating

theK'-ngs Laws and Royal Majefty.Wherefore (Gith he) the Oath is not mutual (at

u givm out vy Men <f pernicious Principles :)

But jthe Idno [wears to God%

And the People fwear by God to the 'King.

Aud if Swearing were not a Sin, I would fwear

that here are fome of the niceft Diftin&ions of

Swearing and Forfwearing that ever I heard of.

But the Abilraft of the whole is this:

That Pr]>y In a King is a Sin againft God, but no

Sin agaiyft Man.And that Perjury in a Subject is a Sin againfi Man,

but no Sin againfi God,

But what a Republican King was Henry V. (not

the leaft Glory of the Norman Race) who refus'd

to accept the Homage tender'd him by the No-bles and Commons, till he had firlt taken his

Coronation-Oath >

Giving them thanks for their Goodwill, but

faying, That he would by no means accept of their

Tenders, till he was crown 'd, and had taken on himfelfas ferions Obligations to be a good King, as he could

lawfully defire jhould be laid upon them to be loyal

Subjects.

And when Charles V. of Spain infilled to have

Allegiance fworn to him before he fwore to the

Obfervance of the Laws, there arofe a Conteft,

which was at hft accommodated by fome par-

ticular

( M

)

ticular Perfbns firft fwearing Allegiance before his

Coronation-Oath, and the reft afterwards.

B

1 —i ,

U T our Author (to diftinguifh Kings out oftheir Oaths) hath more Diftin&ionsftill.

There are (faith he) two forts of Limitations \

one by Conceffion, and the other by Coercion :

And that all the ABs of Kings are Limitations of

Concejfions only*

He allows" that a King may if he pleafe (like God)limit himfelf to his Subjells by way of Concejfion only^

by granting them fuch and fuch Laws :

Which he faith is all the Original Contrail between

King and People.

And which yet (he faith) is neither Original

nor Contrail.

NotOriginalj becaufe Laws are made by Kings

:

Therefore (faith he) Kings mufi. be before Laws.

And had he flung but one Bar's length further,

That Kings were before Men too, he had made his

Sacrum a Sacrijfimum.

But God ordain'd a Law for the Kings of Ifrael (Deut. 17.) above 300 Years before they hada King.

Which Law the Kings at their Coronation fworeto obferve as'the Jura Corona.

2 Chron. 23. Then they brought out the KingsSon, and put on him the Crown, and gave him the

Teftimony, and MA D E him King.

BUT OUJ Author makes a facial Challenge to

produce the Law that made the firfi King in

England.

Why (in promptu caufa eft) The Law ofArms.All

( 24)All Governments arofc at firfl: by Accident or

Occafion, and increasM by degrees to what they

are.

Nimrod was a Huntfman before he was a King \

And from killing of Beafts, he became a Con-queror of Men.

He began to be a Mighty One in the Earth, he was a

mighty Hunter before the Lord*

And the firft Kings by Increafe of Power grow-

ing formidable to their Neighbours, put their

Neighbours upon chufing Kings (or Generals) to

match their Enemies.

And thus the Israelites once chofe Jephthah

And for the Succefs they had under Gideon, they

offer'd to chufe him King, and entail it on his

Family.

Rule thou over us, thou and thy Son, and thy Son's

Son \ for thou haft deliver d us from the hand of

Midian.

But Gideon refus'd it.

But Wars breaking out again and again upon

them, they ask'd of God a King to go in and out

before them, and fight their Battels like other Nations.

And thus the Romans in time of War chofe a

Di&ator for General, till at laft one of thofe Ger

nerah detaining, by Force, the Power firft deli-

ver'd him by Confent, made himfelf Emperor.

And thus 'tis faid that thofe Saxons in Germany

(before their Invafion of Britain) were govern'd

by twelve Cantons, who in time of War chofe one

General.

And having got footing here, they at firft can-

ton'd out the Country into eight Kingdoms.

Which was foon redue'd to feven, call'd the

Heptarchy*

And after that, the feven to fix.

Then the fix to two.And

( *J

)

And laft of all, the two to one, by King Eg->rt i who is therefore faid to be the firft MonarchEngland*

And there's a Categorical Anfwer to our Aii-

lor's Queftion } By what Law the firft King ofngland was made *

BUT to return to our Author, who hath moreNews for us (till.

The laft he told us, was, That the King's OaththeiPeople was not mutual.

Now he tells us, That the Laws which the King(tkes are no Contrails, nor binding to him, bein?wily Concerns on his fide.

And for an Inftance he cites Magna Charta\

hich he faith begins our Statute-Book*and is folelyim the King, of his mere and free Will.

And fo, forfooth ! becaufe this Magna Chartamds firft in Mr. Keeble'sStatute-Book^ there muftver have been any Laws or Statutes in Englandfore.

Whereas the Articles in this Charter were thetient Rights demanded by the Peers, and allow'dHenry II. and King John, and after confirm'dHenry III. and his SuccelTors.

And if our Author had read it through, hed found the laft words to be Ratify, Approved Confirm.

RUT our Author, from all thefe nice Diftinc-tions, hath made a flat Conclufion :

That the fole Legiflative Power is in the Kino-.|For which he cites the Form of the Ad :

Be it enabled by the King, by the Advice of theirds, and the humble Petition of the Commws, &c.

D And

( i6 )

And he hath put his &c. in a lucky place : f r

the very next words are, And by the Authority f

the fame.

Which words are inferted in all the A&s bacU

wards to i Edw. 4.

And from thence backwards, there are woi 1

that amount to it.

And 'tis ftrange that none of the Kings t

Queens of England ever underftood their own Pirogative, till this Chevalier's Attorney-Gene

d

found it out.

But never too old to learn

:

Better late than never.

This may foon be alter'd when the Chevacomes.

'Tis but changing the Writs of SummonsParliament into fo many Subpoena's ad Tefiific

dum, for the Peers and Commons to comewitnefs fuch Laws, as the King is going to mby himfelf.

And when they come, to be employ'd as Scri

ners and Clerks to draw and ingrofs them.

But the Title of the Mony-Bills mult bealtei

And inftead of, An Att for granting an Ait

his Majefty, for the Vfes therein mention d j

It mult be, An Acl for granting an Aid by

Majtfty, from his Subjetts to himfelf, for fuch 1m

a* he Jhall think fit*

And as for the Coronation-Oath, fince 'tl

thing only between God and the King, 'tisa«

matter to the Subje&s to know the Contents.

And fo the King may either take it in priv

1

or let it alone, (as he pleafeth) and celebrate.t

Coronation ai a Lord-MayorVShew only.

B

( ^7 )

BUT after all this, our Author hath Plumbsin his pocket for us.

He tells us, That tho the King is not bounds

By any Oaths that he takes y

Or Laws that he makes ;

\ Being all but free Concejfions only

:

|(And fo he that gives them can take them away)

I Yet he faiths that if his King be kept ingood humour^

B not otherwife frovok'd by rebellious Wives^ Chil-

\reny

or Servants '•>

Thatytis likely he may be kind to his Subjells

:

But that they have no other way for it.

Why then I wi(h him a good Corn-cutter.

! But why rebellious Wives put fo clofe with

brvants ?

This Courtfhip won't gain Female Profelytes.

A BlefTed Reformation

!

The King to be A-la-modc de France.

And the Husband A-la-modc de Spain.

3UT fince our Author hath fo admirably per-

form'd his part, in making good his Title-

age;

I'll aflift him with a Caft of my Office, to drawis Chevalier's Declaration for him in form, fromit Model and Maxims of his Jus Sacrum :

That I may make good my Title-Page too.

Thi

L

I

( 28

)

The Tretendefs Declaration,

JAMES the Third (by virtue of Depofition

taken in Chancery) of England, Scotland, (bu

not France) and Ireland, Chevalier.

Whereas one William Henry Naffav% with d:

vers tumultuous and malicious People, did in th

Year 1688. make a Revolution *, by continuanc

whereof We have been hitherto kept out of the]

Kingdoms, contrary to all Juftice and Equity :

In tender Confideration whereof, and for the

fuch Matters are properly relievable by Declar;

tions, and a particular A& of Oblivion with g<

neral Exceptions :

We therefore of the Premifes not being igiK

rant, do hereby of our certain Knowledg ar ]'•

Remembrance publifh and declare our felves to ll

the fole rightful King of thefe Realms (excel;

France as aforefaid) againft all Occupyers and Pcl ;

fefiors thereof.

And do thereupon demand admittance theri

unto, without Fraud or further Delay, accordiij

to the true Intent and Meaning of thefe PrefemH

and of two late Pamphlets publifh'd on our beha!i»

the one intitled Jm Sacrum \ and the other, Awtnoirs of the Chevalier St. George.

And whereas we have been inform'd, that finfl

the laid Revolution in 1688. and alfo aforetiis

for the fpace of 500 Years laft paft and upwardthe Crown and Royal Dignity of our faid Realis

have been from time to time invaded and i-

croach'd upon by divers riotous AfTemblies, w&have taken on them to frame and devife certcfl

things call'd Statutes, or A&s of Parliamej:,

therein faid to be ena&ed by the Authority of te

( 2 9 )

King, Lords, and Commons, in manifeft diminu-tion of the fole Legiflative Power of the King

:

Therefore in Vindication of fuch our Right,

We do hereby declare, That all and every the

things aforefaid, call'd A&s or Statutes, made or

faid to be made by Authority of Parliament, to

have been totally void ab origine. And therefore

do legiflate and enact, That all the pretended Re-cords thereof be and are hereby abrogated, re-

peal'd and annull'd, to ail Intents and Purpofes

whatfoever, (necefTary Ufes only excepted.)

And for preventing the like Abufes for the fu-

ture, We do hereby of our felves and by our

felves, in our own Perfon, and as a Noun Sub-

ftantive only, enact: and legiflate, That fromhenceforth, inftead of the Forms aforefaid, all

Ads of Legiflature fhall run in Form following,

viz..

Be it enabled by the King's moft Excellent Majefty,with himfclf and by himfelf, of his own mere Will and

Pleafure, without any Advice or Confent of the Lords

Spiritual or Temporal, or Commons, either in or out ofParliament, or Authority of the fame \ That, &c.And We do hereby, of our felves as aforefaid,

legiflate, That to the Coronation-Oath fhall be

added this Claufe :

Provided neverthelefs that this Oath fhall be no

ways binding to the Crown, for preferring any Laws,Rights, or Liberties of Church or State therein men-tion d ', the fame Oath being an Acl of Conceffion only,

and not of Obligation : And that the Violation thereof

fhall not be efteemd any Sin againft our Neighbour.

And whereas the Titles of Crowns are nowaysalienable from their Heirs ; now purfuant to the

faid Maxim, and for Value receiv'd from his moftChriftian Majefty Lewis XIV. We do for us andour Heirs grant and renounce the Right and Title

of

( 5° )

of the Crown of France to his faid moft Chriftian

Majefty and his Heirs.

And for quieting the Minds of our loving Sub-

jects againft: Fears of our Difpleafure for things

paft, We do hereby declare, That all and every

of them who fhall without Fraud or further De-lay come in and fubmit themfelves to our abfolute

Pleafure and Difpofal, fhall have our Royal Grantof Conceflibn to enjoy their Lives and Eftates

during our Royal Will and Pleafure, (and GoodHumour.)CExcept all and every Perfon or Perfons, who

in Council, Field, or Garifon, either in England^

Scotland^ or Ireland^ were any ways advifing, aid-

ing or abetting the faid Revolution in 1688.

And except all Perfons, who fince the 13th ofFebruary 1688. have voted in either Houfe of Par-

liament in England^ Scotland^ or Ireland.

And all other Officers, Civil or Military, whohave taken the Oaths of Abjuration ; (other than

fuch of them who fhall abjure the fame back again.)

And except all Perfons, who by Writing or

Printing, Thought, Word, or Deed, have de-

fam'd Us and our Title.

And except all Proteftants whatfoever (not be-

ing Jacobites*)

And except all fuch Perfon or Perfons, as Wefhall from time to time think fit to except by

Name, on account of their Religion, &c.~}

Some

( 31 )

Some MEMOIRS of Two€\)t\MUtt$ &L<Btom in the

Reign of Henry VIL

ALL Pretenders have an equal Liberty (with

Poets or Painters) to call themfelves what they

fleafe.

And our Author having caffd his Pretender Cheva-lier St. George, / call mine fo too.

KING Edward III. had four Sons, neither of

which came to the Crown '

7 but the Defcen-

dants of each of them did.

i. Edward the Black Prince of Wales, who had\SixQ Richard II.

2. Lionel Duke of Clarence, from whofe Daugh-ter and Heir defcended Edward IV.

3. John Duke of Lancaflery whofe Son Henrycame to be Henry IV.

4. Edmund Duke of Tori, from whom EdwardIV. was defcended by the Father's fide.

Richard II. being depos'd, and Lionel Duke ofClarence and- John Duke of Lancafler dead, Hen-ry (Son of John Duke of Lancafler) was invited

to accept the Crown 3 which he did by the nameof Henry IV.

And left it to Henry V.

Who left it to Henry VI.

Which three Henrys were call'd the Line of

Lancafler* Tho

( JOTho during their Reigns there were Heirs of

the elder Houfe of Clarence intermarry'd into the

Houfe of York.

But in the Reign of Henry VI. Richard Duke of

Tork began the Civil Wars between the two Houfes.

Who being {lain in Battel, Edward his Son pro-

fecuting his Claim, recover'd the Crown (from

Henry VI.) and died feiz'd of it by the Name of

Edward IV.

Leaving two Sons, Edward V. and Richard Dukeof Torky and a Daughter Elizabeth^ and other

Daughters

;

And a Nephew, Edward Tlantagenet, (Son of

George Duke of Clarence, his next Brother :)

And Richard Duke of Glouccfter his youngeft

Brother, and two Sifters, (or fome fay. AuntsElizabeth marry'd to the Duke of Suffolk, andMargaret to the Duke of Burgundy.

Edward V. was proclaim'd •, but before he wascrown'd, Richard Duke of Gloucefter ufurp'd the

Throne, by the Name of Richard 111.

Secur'd his Nephews Edward V. and Richard

Duke of Tork, under ground \

And fent his Niece Elizabeth and Nephew Plan-

tagenet Prifoners to //wmw- Cattle in Yorkjhire :

And was in queft after Henry Earl of Richmond

(a remaining Defcendant of John Duke of L^»-

cafter by his third Wife) upon which, the Earl

cfcap'd to Flanders.

But King Richard having by this Ufurpation and

Tyranny render'd himfelf odious to the People,

they fent an Invitation to the Earl of Richmond

to come add accept the Crown, and to marry

Lady Elizabeth, King Edward's eldeft Daughter.

Which the Earl accepted \ and landing with an

Army of 2000 Men, and being join'd by others,

gave King Richard battel at Bofworth-Fie\& in

Leicefter"

( 33 >

Leicefterfrire, 22 Augufl 1 485. where King Richard

was flain, and the Earl proclaim'd King by the

liaame of Henry VII.

Before he left the Country, he fent for Lady<Eliz.abetb and Edward Plantagenet from Hutton-

Caftle, and fent the Lady to the Queen Dowagerper Mother, but Plantagenet Prifoner to the Tower.

In Ottober following the King was crown'd,

md the Crown entail'd by Parliament on him and

fhe Heirs of his Body, without any Entail of the

keverfion.

i The 1 8th of January following he marry'dLadyW.liz.abeth*

But the delaying her Coronation, and impri-

soning Edward Plantagenet^ had difgufted the Peo-ple, and gave them an lmpreflion of him, as hav-ing an Averfion tothe Houfe of 7V£, whofe Rightj;hey prefer'd to his.

j

And in order to blaft his Title, it was rumour'dIbout that Richard Duke of York was not murder'dIvith his Brother Edward V. but permitted to

lifcape, and was ftill living.

To carry on this Projed, one Simon an OxfordIrrielt undertook to get Duke Richard perfonated byone of the Prieft's Pupils, a fprightly Lad of about

[[he Duke's Age) Lambert Simnel a Baker's Son.

But another Rumour arifing about the fametime, that Edward Plantagenet was efcap'd out of

jhe Tower , (which feem'd more probable than the

[lefurredibn of Duke Richard ,)

1 Simon transform'd his Pupil Simnel from Duke' tichard to Edward PUntagenet*

I By which, Simon ('tis faid) aim'd at a Bi-

[hoprick.

The Sifters of Edward IV. (fome fay Aunts) be-

ing in the Projedt to trip up King Henry's heels,

hat the Crown might revert to the Houfe of TorhE For

( 34)For tho Simon buoy'd up Simnel with hopes o

a Crown for himfelf, the Lad was only Jingle

out for a Tool to run the Gauntlet of Fortune.

But this being a Scene that would aft better a

broad than at home, Simon fail'd with his Simminto Ireland, where the Affection for the Houfe <

Tork was highefl:

:

Where 'tis faid they made the firft Addrefstthe Earl of Kildare Lord Deputy, who being (c

feeming^) poflefs'd with the Pretence as true, fir.

communicated it to the Nobles, and after let ;

take vent among the People

:

Who (as the Hiftory faith) either out of Afe&ion to the Houfe of York, or Pride to gnEngland a King, proclaim'd Simnel King at Dui\

;

lin, by the name of Edward VI.

King Henry (upon this News) to convince tl

People of the Cheat, caus'd Edward Tlantagen

on a Sunday to be brought from the Tower 1

Paul's Church in good Habit •, where feveral Nbles and Gentlemen of his Acquaintance coj

vers'd with him.

Which convinc'd the People in London \ but tl

Jrijh turn'd the Impofture upon the King, as

he had drefs'd up a counterfeit Plantagenet in En<

land to refemble theirs in Ireland.

And knowing that John Earl of Lincoln (Sc

and Heir to Elizabeth, eldeft Sifter or Aunt of Eward IV. by the Duke of Suffolk) had fome though

of the Crown, the Irifli fent to him to come ai

join their Plantagenet.

The Earl having alfo receiv'd Letters about I

from his Aunt the Dutchefs of Burgundy, fa

over to her in Flanders :

Where it was confulted, that if Simnel fucceed I

againft the King, he fhould be deteded as a Cou-

terfeit, and the true Plantagenet fet up.

( 15 )

In order to this, the Dutchefs furnifh'd Ships,

md fent 2000 Almain Soldiers to Ireland underlolonel Swart^ to aiTilt Simnel, who upon their

Arrival was crown'd King at Dublin.

King Henry hearing that the Dutchefs of Bur-undy and Earl of Lincoln were at the bottom,"ound he mult fight for the Crown again.

Simnel with his Army under four Generals, the

Saris of Lincoln and Kddare, Lord Lovely andfoart, landing at Fouldnefs in Lancashire, was join'd

>y Sit Thomas Broughton :

And gave the King battel at Stokefield near

Vewark \

Where the King had the Victory \

The four Generals kill'd,

Simnel and Simon taken prifoners.

Simnel (known to be only a Tool) the Kingvould not put to death, but firft put him a Servant

n hisKitchin,and afterwards made him a Falconer.

Simon was commited to Prifon, and never

leard of.

And this was the Succefs of that firft Chevalier.

BU T about five Years after (the Hiftory faith)

the King began again to be haunted with the

jhoft of Richard Duke of York, rais'd by Dutchefs

Margaret \ who had Spies abroad to find out

landfom Youths to make Plantagenets or Dukes of

"orh of.

For which there was brought to her a Son of Pe-

er Osbecky or Warbeck (a Convert Jew of Tournay,

piarry'd to Katherine de Faro) whofe Bufinefs had

Brawn him and his Wife to London in Edward IV's

rcien -

IDuring which, this Son was born, and being

tnown in Court, the King had honour'd him to

E 2 goifip

,.

t

( %6 )

goffip his Son by the name of Peter ; afterward!

call'd by the diminutive Name of Peterhn or PerhnAnd having perfectly learnt the Englifh Tongue

and being a comely crafcy Lad, was brought to th<

Dutchefs :

Who keeping him with her in fecret, inftru&ec

him in the common and fecret Paffages of Kin{

Edward's Family \

And defcrib'd to him the Perfonages of th<

King and Queen, and all their Children, and o

feveral Courtiers and Servants at that time :

Adding- to him Promifes of the Crown, if h

fucceeded.

And with thefe Accomplishments intended

fend him to Ireland, at a time when King Hemihould be at war with France.

But that he might not be fufpe&ed by comindirettly from Flanders ;

She fent him with a Privado to Portugal, to e>

peel: further Orders :

Where he had continu'd about a Year, wheKing Henry had declar'd War againft France.

Then fhe fent him Directions to fail for Ir,

land, where he landed at Cork, aflTuming the Pe

fon of Duke Richard.

And drawing in Accomplices, he wrote Letters 1

the Earls of Defmond and Kildare to come to his Ai

(the Originals whereof the Hiftory faith are extant

Some time before this, the Dutchefs had gain

to her Stephen Frion (King Henry's Secretary f<

French) who on difcontent was fled to Chari

King of France.

The French King (ready to embrace all Advatages againft King Henry, and inftigated by t

Dutchefs and Frion) fent Frion and one Lvcas

AmbafTadors to Perhn, inviting him to France,

refolving to aid him againft King Henry.

Perl

Jc

i:

( 37 )

Perkin exalted with fo great an Ally, fails from'reland to France :

Where he was receiv'd and lodg'd in State, bythe name of the Duke of Tork, and a Guard af-

Ggn'd to his Perfon.

And the Courtiers (to pleafe the King) feem'd

;o take it as real.

And thither came to him about an hundredGentlemen from England.

But the Hiftory faith, that all this on the Trench

King's part was but a Trick, to bring King Henryto a Peace.

And therefore upon the Entrance on the Peace at

Bulloign, Perkin was warn'd away.

Who thereupon return'd to the Dutchefs in

Flanders, pretending (to all but the Dutchefs) to

be caft there by various Fortunes, as never there

before \

The Dutchefs feeming to make him as ftrange

to her, faying, She had been taught Wit by Simnel,

how to give credit to any more counterfeit Stuff:

And (in Company) would pofe him with hardQueitions, whether he were the Duke.

But then being fatisfy'd with his Anfwers, fhe

feem'd tranfported with aftonifhrnent at his Deli-

verance, as if rifen from the dead, and referv'd

by Providence for fome great Fortune.

And his Difmiflion from Trance (lie magnify'd as

the greateft Teftimony of his Sincerity, as being

fo confiderable a Perfon, that the two Kings madehim a Bargain of the Peace.

All which Perkin a&ed fo well, that he was ge-

nerally believ'd the real Duke \ the Dutchefs calling

him Nephew, and afllgning him a Guard of thirty

Halberdeers.

This ISlews came blazing to England, that Duke'Richard was certainly alive.

And

( ?8 )

And Sir William Stanly and others (in difguf

with the King) efpous'd Perkins Caufe, and fen

over Sir Robert Clifford and another to Flanders

to give more certain Intelligence.

Six Robert -Clifford tent back word, that he knev

the Perfon of Duke Richard } and that this was th<

very Duke.

Upon this, things feem'd tending to a Revolt.

But King Henry, to detect the Counterfeit, feoi

Spies into Flanders, and fifted out Perkins Paren-I

tage abroad, and his Correfpondents in England

and elfewhere. #And by degrees the King won off Sir Rober,

Clifford, who knew molt of the Secret.

Then the King fent AmbafTadors to the Dukeof Burgundy, to deliver Perkin:

Which the Duke excus'd, as being upon thi

Lands of his Mother-in-Law the Dutchefs's Dow-ry, where fhe was abfolute.

Whereupon the King banifh'd the Fiemings out ol

England, and the Duke the Englijh out of Flanders,

But the King knowing that Perkin muft depend

more upon his Complices at home than abroad,

executed feveral of them.

And Sir Robert Clifford coming to England, andimpeaching Sir William Stanly^ he was beheaded.

Perkin finding his Friends going down the wind,

refolv'd topafs into England, and to try his Fate,

by fetting up his Standard on the Coafts of Kent

:

where he arriv'd and caft anchor near Sandwich in

July, with a defpicable number of Defperadoes of

feveral Nations.

And to found the AfFe&ions of the People, fent

fome of his Men on fhore, boafting of the Powerthat was to follow.

But molt of them were kill'd by the Kentifh Men,and 1 50 taken prifoners, who were afterwards exe-

cuted. Perkin

( 39)Perkin hereupon returns to Flanders, and from

phence again to Ireland.

But finding things there fettled againfc him, he

nras advis'd to feek Aid from the King of Scot*

gnd, (ill-affe&ed to K\ug Henry.)

And getting Letters of Recommendation fromMaximilian and the French King, he arriv'd in Scot-

and with a good Company, and was there honoura-

)ly receiv'd by James IV. in prefence of his Nobles.

Before whom Perkin made a Declaration or Nar-•ation (almoft half as long as our Author's JmSacrum) aflerting himfelf the right Richard.

But faid, as to the manner of his Efcape, it wasit to pafs in filence, in refpeft to fome living

md fome dead.

Comparing himfelf to little Joas, favM alive

From the Tyranny of Athaliah.

\JLet Pretenders alone for quoting Scripture,'}

And fo call himfelf into King James's Arms, for

Aid to recover his Kingdom of England.

To which the King anfwer'd, That whatever he

were, he jhould not repent him of putting himfelf into

bis hands.

And after entertain'd him as Duke of York, andmarry'd him to the Earl of Huntley's Daughter,

the King's Kinfwoman.Islot long after, King James with an Army (and

Perkin with him) enter'd Northumberland.

And Perkin fent a Proclamation before him, in

the name of Richard Duke of Tork, true Inheritor

of the Crown of England:

Therein offering a thoufand Pounds, and a hun-

dred Marks per ann. for taking or killing KingHenry (by the name of one Henry Tudor.)

But King James obferving none of the Countryflocking in to Perkin, thought he would prove of

jno ufe to him in that Expedition

:

And

( 4° )

And fo proceeded no farther than Northumber-

land, which he ravag'd with his Army.At which Ferkin (to (hew himfelf the true Pa-

rent of his Country) told King James, That he had

rather lofe his Kingdom , than pur chafe it with the

Blood of his Subjebls.

To which K. James reply'd (half in fport) That

he doubted he was careful for what was none of his ojpw.jsj

However, Perkin returns with King James into!

Scotland,

During this, the Cornijh Men in England rebel'dX

and came up towards London ; but were routed ati;[

Blackheath :

And the Scots invade England again *, but on a

Truce contracted, Perkin left Scotland, and withhis Lady and fome Followers landed again in Ireland,

Where the Cornifli Men fent to him to comeinto CornwaL

Which he did, landing with about 120 Men at

Whitfons-Bay :

To whom were g3ther'd about 3000 more.

Upon this, tte-puts forth a new Declaration,

with Inve&ives againft King Henry, and large Pro-

mifes to the Subjects

:

Stiling himfelf RichardW. King of England.

And firft they befiege Exeter', but the Forces of

the Country coming againft them, they remove to

Taunton*

FromTauntsn he fled by night with about fixty

Men, and took San&uary at Bewly in Hampfiire. s

King Henry leaving a guard on the Sanduary,

fent for the Lady Katherine Gourdon (Perkins

Wife) and entertain'd her honourably, and gave

her an Eftate for her Life.

And Perkin fubmitting to quit Sanduary, was

afterwards brought to Court, but not into the

King's prefence } tho the King (for Curiofity)

faw him out of the Window. And

,

( 4» 3

And when the King went for London^ Terlin

vas brought after him with a Guard, and led onlorfe-back to the Tower> and fo back to Weft-

\iinfter \

And examin'd as to his Pedegree, but not his

jVccomplices.

Efcaping from his Keeper, he was retaken, andftut in the Stocks ; where he read his Confeiuon,

JAnd was then fent Prifoner to the Tower*

There getting to Edward Plantagenet, he putlim, as 'tis faid, upon a Project for making their

fJLfcapes \

ij Which being difcover'd, Terlin was foon after

[xecuted at Tyburn for Treafon, where he read[gain his Confeflion, and took it upon his Deathb be true.

E And thus ended this fecond Chevalier.

EDward Tlantagenet was foon after arraign'd andbeheaded.

I Which the People thought hard Ufage.

\And in him the Male Line of the Tlantagenets

nded.

jkTOW if I am ask'd what 1 have repeated

ii\ thefe old Stories for ?

I can't well tell.

||But by it we fee that Pretenders to Crowns are

p new things.

if And to have great Perfons at home and abroad

[betting them (fome knowingly and fome igno-

Imtly, fome cunningly and fome foolifhly, fome: ^r one end and fome for another, and fome for noad at all but Variety) is alfo no new thing.

F And

.'

t 4* )

And the Hiftory tells usv That Perkin had I

poffefs'd the People with his Pretention, that h

himfelf began to fufpeft whether it was not true.

And there's another Riftorian would (till hav

his Readers think, That this Perkin Osbeck was mPerkin Osbeck, but the very Richard Duke of Yorwhich he ajfum-d to be*

But it feems the Majority in thofe days were <

another mind, (and with good reafon.)

Now this feems fomething of the Cafe of tt

prefent Chevalier.

Some think him the real Son of King James an

his Queen

:

Others think there was Legerdemain in the Mkwifery, (notwithftanding the Depofitions in ou

Author's Memoirs) and efpecially fince his Birt

was fo certainly predided to be a Male, and r<

ported about Town two hours before the time <fi

Delivery in the Depofitions.

Others think there was a Change in the Cradl

of which there are violent Sufpicions in Print.

And fome others are not much concern'd or can ''

ful in this matter one way or other : with this di

ference only, That were there no Sufpicion in h:

Perfon, his Blood would have protected him froi

the Language he hath drawn on himfelf by aflumifl B

the Crown.But be the Fad of his Birth as it will, he is bt

a Pretender to the Crown without Right, bein

legally excluded : (befides his Attainder.)

And that with the higheft reafon, if there wei

no other, (as a Papift.)

A Difability to which her Majefty hath fui

je&ed her own Iflue, fhould they fall under it

:

And by which all the intermediate Relatioj

between her Majefty and the Houfe of Hannover c1

ftand excluded, without any Affront or Diftionoi

to them. Oi

ft

(43 )

Our Author indeed has prefer'd his Jus Sacrumis an Indictment againft thofe Settlements, for

lealing 'the Crown from his Chevalier j in hopes[as fhould feem) one time or other to get a pack'd

ury, who may find it Billa Vera*

But as bad as thofe Ads of Settlement are

ireated, I am glad we have them :

And that we had them when we had : and that

here is a Proteftant Branch of the Royal Familyeft (as a Teil-Tree) to inherit the contingent

lucceffion of the Crown.Andtho (to fave our Author's Longing to know

>y what Law the firft King of England was made)took occafion to mention Monarchy as an Accef-

ion of Power, proceeding by gradation from lefler

jovernments *,

I am not thereby railing a Diflike of Monarchy,>r wiihinga Return of it into any other Govern-nent :

But on the contrary, admiring that Perfection

>f Policy in the Conftitution of the Monarchy ofireat Britain, by which the Head is cemented to

he Members, in the compleat Body Politick of

Jueen, (or King) Lords and Commons.And from this Conftitution it is faid, That the

£ings (or Queens) of England, never die.

For that tho their Perfons die like other Men,Yet the Body Politick furviving, theSucceflbr im-

mediately fills theThrone,withoutany newEle&ion.For which reafon, the Kings, Queens, and Par-

iaments of England have been fo careful not to

save that Succeflion doubtful.

And therefore to prevent the Defcent of the

Irown to any but Proteftants, the late A£rs of

ettlement were made.

And this is the Hook which King William left in

he Pope's Nofe

:

F 2 And

(44>And which her prefent Majefty hath happib

clench'd by the Union, with the Succeffion of th»

Crown in the Proteftant Line.

And now becaufe his Holinefs's Bulls (in Parch

tnent under the leaden Seat of the Fijherman) are no

at prefent current in our Country,

His EmifTaries fquib them abroad in Papers an<

Pamphlets of Jus Sacrum, &c. curfing and damninj

all the Laws and Law-makers difabling Catholick

from the Crown on account of their Religion.

And yet thofe Holy Fathers (and Holy Sons) c

Borne, would never let the Proteftant Kings c

France reft: on the Throne, till they had declar'

themfelves Papifts \ and after that, murder'

them, as being not cruel enough to Hereticks.

And yet again they would now difpenfe wit

their Catholick Chevalier to turn Heretick, t

bring the Crown of Great Britain again under tfc

Pope's paw.(Any thing to get fome Peter-Pence in an h(

nelt way.)

And yet in both thefe Extremes they would t

efteem'd infallible.

*And tho they ufe but little Scripture at hom<

they are very copious in it abroad

:

And tho they pray in Latin only, they can cur

in all Languages when things don't go their way.

Otherwife they are good-humour'd (as our Ai

thor faith his Chevalier will be, when he is pleas'd

And fo is fomebody elfe ,

From whom, Libera nos Domine.

And after all this, perhaps fome of the Pretei

der's now pretended Friends may have no bett<

Thoughts for him, than thofe Pretenders pr

tended Friends then had for them , who (had th<

fucceeded to dethrone the then King) were (

beft) only to be paid for atting, and fent hon

aga

(45 )

ligain with fomething to drink their Matters andMiftreffes Health that employ'd them •, there being

;;hen other Takers ready for the Crown, of whofe?erfons there was no fufpicion.

Nor do I think that all this Duft is now rais'd

lb much to fet up the Pretender, as to pull down(the Bulwark of the Church and State) the twolate Ads for Settlement of the Crown.Againft which, fuch Do&rines as this Jus Sa-

crum are fpread about, hoping the People will of

themfelves make the proper Application whentime ferves.

And 1 hope fo too.

But 1 remember an ingenious Gentleman, whofancying he had found out the perpetual Motionin the Mathematicks, had all the parts of his

Scheme fram'd in pieces by the Mechanicks : but

being put together, he difcover'd one Fault in it,

That it would not go.

Now I mutt needs fay, that thefe Jus Sacrumsj

&c. are pretty ingenious things \ but being exa-min'd by the Teft, they difcover one Fault in

themfelves, That they are not true.

A Country Farmer obferv'd^ That he never knew

a Man do a good Day's Worky that eat two Mejfes ofPorridge to his Break/aft.

And I believe one might hold odds of Six toFour, That a Man who begins his Argument in a

Triangle of two Adje&ives to one Subftantive,

writes himfelf out of breath before he has done.

31irt»efeaBWe=8>etenttatp

Is a pretty Amufement enough for a Motto upona Sun-Dial.

But when the Inventors of it try to explain it,

and tell what they would have by it, it terminates

in a Jeft ; Dejlnit

( 4*->,

Deftnit in fifcem Mulier formofa fupewe.,

But that I may not take all the Quarrel 01

my felf

:

If thefe Jus-Sacrum Divines can convince th<

Lawyers, I'll knock under table.

The Lawyers have a common Term amonj

them, of being feiz^ed of an Indefeafible Eftate 4Inheritance*

But they fay with it, That whoever is fo feiz'4

may alienate that Inheritance from his Son or Heii

apparent, without their Confent \ lor that ever)

Man hath his Heirs in him.

But thefe Jus-Sacrum Lawyers deny that •, anc

fay. That the Inheritance is lodg'd in the Son 01

Heir expectant, who cannot be defeated of that

Expe&ancy by Father or Anceftors.

But fhould thefe Gentlemen turn this their Lawinto Pra&ice, and ride about as Attorneys-Itine-

rant, delivering Eje&ments againft all the Lands

in the Kingdom alienated by Anceftors from their

Heirs expectant

:

Would they not deferve (think you) to be in-

di&ed for Barretors ?

Why then fhould the Legiflature be condemn'd,

for declaring thofe to be Traitors who attempt to

difturb the Peace of the Realm, by libelling the

Settlements of the Crown ?

But won't they turn the Libel upon me ?

If they do, I have fon ajfault demefne for it

;

They began firft.

They have had their Saying,

And I have had mine.

And if they claim Privilege (as Plaintiffs) to

have the Reply, I fubmit to the Court.

But if I don't miftake them, they are but as

Coventry-Bowlers, who play their bell at firft.

.THE END.