222013/3EthnomusicologyForumEthnomusicology Forum Volume 22Number 3December 2013ISSN 1741-1912THE HUMAN AND NON-HUMAN IN LOWLANDSOUTH AMERICAN INDIGENOUS MUSICISSN 1741-1912Ethnomusicology Forum Volume 22Number 3December 2013EthnomusicologyForumEditorialTrevor Wiggins, Eleni Kallimopoulou & Simone KrgerIntroduction: Considering Music, Humans, and Non-humansBernd Brabec de Mori & Anthony SeegerApap World Hearing Revisited: Talking with Animals, Spirits and other Beings, and Listening to the Apparently InaudibleRafael Jos de Menezes BastosFlutes, Songs and Dreams: Cycles of Creation and Musical Performanceamong the Wauja of the Upper Xingu (Brazil)Accio Tadeu de Camargo PiedadeInstruments of Power: Musicalising the Other in Lowland South AmericaJonathan D. HillShipibo Laughing Songs and the Transformative Faculty: Performing orBecoming the OtherBernd Brabec de MoriFocusing Perspectives and Establishing Boundaries and Power: Why the Suy/Ksdj Sing for the Whites in the Twenty-first CenturyAnthony SeegerSPECIAL ISSUE: The Human and Non-human in Lowland South American Indigenous MusicGUEST EDITOR: Bernd Brabec de MoriPaper fromresponsible sourcesFSCC020438MIXShipibo Laughing Songs and theTransformative Faculty: Performing orBecoming the OtherBernd Brabec de MoriShipibo indigenous people performa sophisticated array of vocal musical genres,includingshort laughingsongs calledosanti. Thesesong-jokesmakefunof certainnon-humans, mostly animals. They are by definition sung fromwithin the non-humans perspective. Osanti areonlyperformedbytrainedspecialists inindigenousmedicine andsorcery(mdicos), because it is crucial that the performer owns thefaculty of transforming into the animal in question, although in osanti the singers donot transform. Songs involving actual transformation are not meant for laughing: theseare magical songs including interaction with and transformation into animals or spiritsthat possess a more ample radius of perception and action thanReal Human beings.Osanti songs, withtheir positionbetweensecular andmagical songs, allowfor ananalysis of humour and laughing in the construction of the indigenous ontology, therebyquestioning some generalisations made in theories of animism and perspectivism.Keywords: Shipibo-Konibo; Humour; Vocal Music; Magic; PerspectivismIntroductionRelations betweenhumans andnon-humans are the subject of manyindigenousritualsandareusuallyconsideredveryseriousbyresearchers, buttheycanalsobefunny. This paper is about a specific song genre called osanti (to laugh), performedamong Shipibo-Konibo indigenous people (henceforth Shipibo). Osanti songs expressdifferencesbetweenpeopleandcertainnon-humans, mostlyanimals, inawaythatBernd Brabec de Mori received his PhD in musicology from the University of Vienna, Austria. He specialised inindigenousmusicfromtheUcayalivalleyinEasternPeru, wherehespentsomeyearsamongtheindigenousgroup Shipibo-Konibo. He is currently Senior Scientist at the Institute of Ethnomusicology, University of MusicandPerformingArts, Graz, Austria. HispublicationscontributetotheresearchareasofwesternAmazonianindigenous music, arts and history as well as the complex of music, ritual and altered states. Correspondence to:Bernd Brabec de Mori, Institute of Ethnomusicology, Leonhardstrae 81-83, 8010 Graz, Austria. Email:bernd.brabec@kug.ac.atEthnomusicology Forum, 2013Vol. 22, No. 3, 343361, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17411912.2013.844528 2013 Taylor & Francisprovokeslaughteramongsingersandlistenersof thisindigenousgroup. Althoughhumourappearstobeahighlyculturalcategory, laughingandmakingfunseemtobridge borders and social gaps. Likewise, sung words, in Shipibo context, are thoughtto be comprehended also by non-Shipibo Others. Therefore it is rewarding to analysethe role of humour andsongspecificallyof humorous singinginthe complexnegotiationsoftheboundariesbetweenhumansandnon-humans.1Theaimofthiscontribution lies in investigating the functions of laughing and singing in theconstructionandmaintenanceof boundariesbetweentheShipibopeopleandtheirenvironment.TheShipibo, who numberasmany as50,000, livemainly along theUcayaliriveranditstributariesinthelowlandrainforestsofEasternPeru. Theyarewell knownamong both researchers and tourists for their spectacular artwork in embroidered andpainted patterns (see Figure 1; cf. Tessmann 1928: 40, 49 and 62), as well as for theirsophisticateduse of the hallucinogenic plant brewayawaskaintheir indigenousmedicine.2Shipibo as well as Konibo are not autodenominations in the strict sense.Althoughtoday, mostofthemwill saythattheyconsiderthemselves Shipibo, theFigure 1A textile sheet with ken patterns during the process of embroidering.1For a definition of how I use human versus non-human see the introductory essay in this volume.2Foracomprehensivecompendiumonpreparation, usesandcontextsofayawaskaseethevolumeeditedbyLabate and Araujo (2004); for its history in the Peruvian lowlands, see Brabec de Mori (2011c). For the relationsbetweenmusic, artworkandindigenousmedicine, seeBrabecdeMori(2011b)andBrabecdeMoriandMoriSilvano de Brabec (2009).344 B. Brabec de Morivernacular autodenomination is noa jonikon, We the Real People. Throughout thispaper, I will useReal People(withupper-caseinitials)inordertorefertopeoplefromthesame group, dependingonperspective: fromaShipibos point of view,otherShipiboareRealPeople; fromajaguarspointofview, otherjaguarsareRealPeople. ThisterminologyisintunewithAmerindianperspectivism, followingtheconcept of cosmological deixisestablishedbyViveirosdeCastro(1998: 476), whopoints out that the people category, besides embracingother humanbeings likeneighbouringindigenouspopulations, Peruvianmestizosorwhites, furtherextendsamong animals andevenplants or rivers andmountains, for example. It is therespectivepoint of view, theperspective, that defineswe; that is, whopertainstothe Real People. The validityof perspectivismis not unchallenged, anddebatingperspectivismandanimism(Descola2005)isacentral issueinthepresentvolume(seealsothedossiereditedbyHalbmayer2012b). Intheintroductiontothisissueit was considered that the theories of Descola and Viveiros de Castro, amongothers, cannot be appliedwithout confronting inconsistencies (see alsoHill andBastos, this issue). In general, both authors are too quick in assuming anencompassing cosmology for Amerindiansocieties. I prefer the interpretationbyHalbmayer(2012a, quotedindetailintheintroductiontothisissue)whoproposesa multiverse with multiple overlapping and non-encompassing layers of reality,specific not only for humans, animals andspirits but alsofor things andsocialentities (e.g., villages). Interactions of humans and non-humans therefore areconstituted by complex and contingent relations that have to be permanentlynegotiated, processes Halbmayer calls politics of fragile inter-species andmulti-world border management (2012a: 119). Therefore I will later turn to thesociological conceptof boundaryworkasatool foranalysingthesenegotiations.The material presented in this contribution was recorded and evaluated during myown fieldwork among the Shipibo and neighbouring groups from 2001 to 2006 (seeBrabec de Mori 2011a). Selection, translation and interpretation has been undertakenin close cooperation with the singers themselves, bilingual native teachers and othernative experts who commented on the work in progress. The short and funny animalsongsosanti werehithertoonlymentionedbyIllius(1999: 22730)andBrabecdeMori (2011a: 41730 and 88192, where the examples in this text are taken from). Inorder to comprehend osanti and their performance contexts, in the following sectionI will first outline Shipibo vocal music and its functions, then the form and functionof humour, and the conceptof boundary work. Thereafter, osanti songs and relatedgenres will be presented, analysedandjuxtaposedtomagical songs dealingwithanimals in different ways. Finally I will propose answers to some questions: What isfunny about these short animal songs? Why is their performance restricted tospecialists? How do laughter and singing contribute to boundary work thatestablishes and maintains the singers and their communities position in theirenvironment? Andhowcanhumour andsonghelpincriticisinganddevelopingexisting theories on personhood and indigenous cosmology?Ethnomusicology Forum 345Songs, Humour and Boundary WorkShipibo people employ a rich and developed music theory, especially regarding vocalmusic (see Brabec de Mori 2011a: 284309). They distinguish mainly three categoriesof songs, which are defined by their melodic-rhythmic form. The first, mash,denotesbotharounddanceanditsaccompanyingsong, commonlyperformedatatsa xeati (manioc [cassava] beer) drinking festivals. This formis definedby asuccessively accelerating four-beat rhythm with sequences of repeated phrases, whichare usually preceded by a higher pitched introductory phrase. The shiro bew is a linedance with its accompanying song, likewise performed mostly at festivals. Its phrasestructure moves infour-beat or five-beat rhythms along a generally descendingmelodicline, lackingthemashs repeatedphrases. Finally, thebewis generallyperformedat aslower tempo, withmorefermataandoftenexhibits asymmetricphrase structure. It is performed at festivals, but also in private and is notaccompaniedbydance.3Ontheotherhand, Shipibopeoplenameanddistinguishmanysongtopics(e.g., nokonchaibetanxeaitianik, sungwhendrinkingtogetherwithmybrother-in-law), whichcanbegroupedinwhatIcallgenres, forexample:drinkingsongs, lovesongs, songsforwelcomeordeparture(whichIcategoriseasnon-magical songs), as well as curing, protection or sorcery songs (i.e., magical songs)andalsotheosanti laughingsongs. These genres are usuallyperformedapplyingeither mash, shiro bew or bew musical forms. A distinction between magical andnon-magical songsisnotnamedbyShipibobuttheypreciselydistinguishthembycontext, intentionandperformer: amagicalsongcanonlybeperformedbytrainedspecialists (i.e., byhealers andsorcerers, whoI amgoingtocall mdicos inthispaper),4it shouldchangecircumstancesorstatesof persons(e.g., inordertocureillness), andit isperformedinritualsorinsituationswhenaskedforbyaclient.Magical songs likewise make use of the formal categories mash, shiro bew or bew,and additionally ikaro, a vocal form limited to magical songs.5Theattentivereadermayhavenoticedthat Ihavenot yet definedamagical ornon-magicalstatusforosantisongs. Thisisnotobviousbecauseosanticanonlybeperformed by mdicos but, at the same time, they are not thought to changecircumstances. Maybe they are neither magical nor non-magical, or both; but anyway,osanti songs are funny, so let us turn to the topic of humour for the moment.Humour and laughing in general rank among the less studied phenomena,especially in the anthropology of Lowland South American societies (but see Beaudet1996; Lagrou2006; Overing2000). Aseminal workabouthumourandpowerwas3Certainritual songs (nawarin, ai ik, ishori andikaro) represent their ownformal category. Adetailedtreatment of these songs and their formal characteristics is given by Brabec de Mori (2011a: 395444).4InShipibolanguage, the correspondingterms are yob (dart warfare specialist) andmerya(specialist intransformation). However, in Ucayali indigenous discourse, the reinterpreted Spanish term mdico is most oftenapplied also by the specialists themselves. Throughout this paper I will use male forms with this term, becausemost practitioners are males (93% in my survey).5Ikaroisaformof vocal musicknownandappliedamongmostpopulationsinthePeruvianlowlands. Itisassociated with, although not restricted to, the use of ayawaska in curing or sorcery rituals. Among the Shipibo itwas introduced together with ayawaska from the north, probably around 1800 (cf. Brabec de Mori 2011c).346 B. Brabec de MoripublishedbyRadcliffe-Brown, whoproposesthat amongmanysocietiesonearth,people make fun of each other in more or less formal, symmetrically orasymmetrically constructed relationships of mutual disrespect and licence. Anyserious hostility is prevented by the playful antagonism of teasing (1940: 1978). Inthe western Amazon, such joking relationships are very common among in-laws, orbetweengrandparentsandgrandchildren. Jokinginsuchrelationships, but alsoingeneral, is called shiroi among Shipibo and is highly esteemed. For example, one mantoldmethat hemanagedtostayunnoticedwhileknottingashort ropetobothapillar andtohis brother-in-laws belt while theywere sittingona platformandchatting. He teased the victim that for sure he could not jump to the other platform,about two metres away and separated by water. The victim tried, with the predictableresult. Peoplewhoexcel in(sometimesfairlydolorousorbawdy)jokingarecalledshiromisbypeersandmanysay, inasenseofethnicidentification, thatShipiboingeneral are kikin shiromis, real jokers.6Similarly, joking towards outsiders isimportant and often takes the form of tall tales or ridiculous events that the victim ismade to believe. After the poor persons departure, the jokers would often literally rollonthefloorlaughing. Evenworseif thishappenedpublicly: awhitewomanwhoworked in a non-governmental organisation project was taught by malicious Shipibothat, intheirlanguage, gentlemenwasexpressedwithboshirashki,7andsheshoulduse this term to address the villages authorities when presenting her project. She did,and the rest is history, as the reader might imagine. Likewise I was told on myfirstdays among Shipibo that being very nice to a young woman was expressed with xebinoe. I suspected something, and asked a female Shipibo friend what this meant. Shewas earnestly upset about her peers unmannerliness.These anecdotes illustratethat inmanyinstances laughter explicitlydeals withalterity and humour is used in order to work on boundaries. Foreigners are funny,states Critchley (2002: 67), because Humour is a form of cultural insider-knowledge[]. Itsostensiveuntranslatabilityendowsnativespeakerswithapalpablesenseoftheir cultural distinctiveness or even superiority. In jokes about foreigners, these arecommonly either stupid or canny, and both can be understood as a sort of prejudicialcategorising themas inferior tothe ones wholaugh(The SuperiorityTheoryofHumour, see Carroll 2003: 345). On the other hand, humour can be an effective toolin bridging boundaries, for instance when a foreign field researcher starts out amongacommunitystill alientohimorher (Driessen1997; Illius 2003). Insuchcases,humour and laughing allow an Alien entity to be changed to an Other, an Other thatcan be understood and dealt with (one cannot deal with an Alien). We will see that6The verb shiroi is also used in the musical form shiro bew. Shiroi can be translated as to joke but its meaningextends much further: courting is subsumed in shiroi, as well as formalised speech for expressing jealousy or lossof relationships, or formalisedinvitations for fightinganddrinkingtogether at a festival. Therefore, shiroicircumscribes fairly exactly the scope of good life or living well (cf. Gow 2000). Accordingly, the predominanttopics performedinthe shirobewvocal formare drinking, courtship, loss of relationships, welcomeanddeparture.7This term and also the following are so obscene that I refrain from translating here. For obscenities in namessee also Driessen (1997).Ethnomusicology Forum 347muchalthoughnot allof the laughingabout animals inosanti songs maybeunderstoodaspertainingtooneof thesetwoboundaryprocesses: superiorityandothering.Boundaryworkas ananalytical concept was introducedinthe early1980s byThomas Gieryn (1995: 441) as a tool for studying the margins of science andtechnology. This concept has since then been used in sociological analysis of borderprocesses ingeneral terms (see Pachucki, Pendergrass andLamont 2007). TanjaPaulitz (2012: 4758) implements in boundary work what Foucault had to say aboutknowledge and power, adds Bourdieus actors and habitus, and therefore provides apowerful tool for analysing processes of othering. When Gieryn mentions four typesof boundary-work: monopolization, expansion, expulsion, and protection (1995:424), one may be reminded of methods used by Shipibo mdicos for underlining theirdistinctionamong Shipibolaypeople, as well as for their negotiations withnon-humans or non-Real People, aiming for their own groups effective positioning in thecosmos. Here, Halbmayers fragile inter-species andmulti-worldborder manage-ment comes into play as the main occupation of indigenous healers and sorcerers. Ifdealingwithnon-humansincludingspirits, animalsandinthepresent casenon-Shipibo indigenous, mestizo or white peoplemainly consists of imminentlyperformedboundarywork, I will inthefollowingpageselucidatewhereandhowsingingandlaughter enter intothesedealings andwhat their functions or effectsmay be.Osanti Songs: Performing the OtherOsanti are short funny songs. Their melodic and rhythmic structure is borrowed fromthe aforementionedmashandshirobewforms but, unlike those, theyare notperformedat festivalsoraccompaniedbydance. Whenanalysingthemasisolatedpieces, the most obvious difference fromother categories of song is their shortduration, a few seconds up to a maximum of about one minute. Further on, in theiradaptation of a mash or shiro bew form, there is most often an error included, as ifthe singer would not know how to sing correctly according to emic aesthetic criteria:thetempomaybetoofast, forexample, ormelodiclinesnotwelldeveloped. Quitecontrarily, festivalsongsaswellasmagicalsongsarealwaysintendedtoexploitthesingers aesthetic knowledge and singing abilities to the maximum. It is veryimportant for Shipibo singers to perform as perfectly as possible.Osanti aresungfromtheperspectiveof animals or, moreseldom, of plants ordemons. Animalsandothernon-humansplayaprominentroleinalmostallsongsperformedbyShipibo(andthroughouttheindigenouswesternAmazon). However,these roles are multiple: in non-magical songs, people who are mentioned in the lyricsare in general substituted by animal names (cf. Brabec de Mori 2011b). Thesemetaphors or codes are shared, so any culturally educated Shipibo understands them.Inafestiveshirobew, thesingermayalsouseametaphorical codeforhimselforherself, butthisisnevermeantliterally. Inmagical songlyrics, ontheotherhand,348 B. Brabec de Morinon-humannamesareneverusedtosubstitutepresent people(patientsorfamilymembers). These are addressed froma safe distance while the non-humanspositionalities remainunclear; the lyrics are oftencodedandtwisted(Townsley1993). The singer may disguise as a non-human, masking his voice or hinting at histransformationinthe lyrics, but this is not made obvious althoughit is meantliterally. But in osanti songs, the role of animals is explicit: they are the singers.Osanti songs are usually performed before or during, but most often after healingsessions, and only by the specialists. For instance, a highly renowned Shipibo mdico,wholeft usin2008, usedtosingthetortoisesosanti (seeFigure2)aftertreatingseverely ill people. In the dark of night, he shifted his body posture in order to appearlikea tortoise and sangits mash, imitating the tortoise by his movements. He toldme that if the patient then laughed, his healing would be successful; if not, the patientwould be doomed. Here, the osanti song serves as a tool for post-treatment diagnosis,a test if the patient was again brought back tocorrect human life.Illius, contrarily, describes osanti songs as entertainment provided by the specialistsin order to educate children:The merya, mighty priest-shamans of old, besides their function as healers, also hadthedutytoeducateandentertainchildren. Everynight, thesemedicinal-religiousfunctionaries provided show performances of their art of transformation which notonly contributed to strengthentheir reputationas equally powerful enemies oftheyoshinbo[demons], but alsosimplyservedas entertainment. [S]pirits weredepicted as ridiculous by any means and sometimes one could even interpret someself-irony of the merya. (Illius 1999: 227; my translation)Illius is certainly correct in interpreting osanti song performances as ridiculousrenderingsof the meryastransformative faculty. They are entertainment, althoughI doubt that they would be specifically dedicated to children. In my own experience,osanti were more often performed in the absence of children. There are also Shipibochildrens songs but these always apply third-person addressing for animals. Childrenmake fun, for example, of three small pigs who go bathing to the beach despite theirmothers warningandare eatenbya jaguar (cf. Brabec de Mori 2011a: 4737).Children, along with Shipibo laypeople, would never dare to sing osanti. For instance,beforeIgraspedthisandbelievedthatosantiwerechildrenssongs, onedayIsangsomeosantiIhad heardbeforehandtoafew boysinaShipibovillage, justforfun.Figure 2Transcription of the beginning of the land tortoises song.Ethnomusicology Forum 349Well, theyhadtheirfun, laughedandcommentedonmyperformancewithojojoi,kikin yob (Wow, a true mdico!).ThisanecdoteillustratesIlliussuggestionthattherenderingofosantisongsisadisplay of the singers own transformative faculty, of his training as a mdico: the coreability of mdicos is their acquired power intentionally to transform into an animal orspirit while retaining the ability to returnagainfromthis endeavour as a RealHuman. Thistransformativefacultyisalsoaprerequisiteforsingingosanti. Onlyapersonwhohasthe knowledge oftransformationisbelievedby hispeerstobeableconvincinglytoperformosantialthoughthesesongsdonothingmagicalandtheyare not thought to produce any effect besides laughter. Let us analyse the firstexample, a song performed by the howler monkey roo.The songsmusical structure (Figure3)exhibits a typical form ofthe shirobew:versesaregroupedinmusical phrasesof mostlyfivebeatsinlength(separatedbyticks in the transcription). The first phrase is relatively high pitched and repeated (A),followedbyonedescendingandoneascendingphrase(B) andconcludedwitharelatively low pitched sequence of phrases (C), starting an octave lower than (A). Butthere are two minor singing errors: the phrases marked with (C) are, compared witha correctly performed shiro bew, too lowand monotonous, they imitate thehowlers prolonged roar (also in the lyrics: jo oraraira jo are not Shipibo, nor humanwords). Furthermore, in a human shiro bew, the final syllable of each phrase has tobeje. Thisisanonomatopoeicparticlewithhighsignificance; itmeansaffirmationandcanalsobe glossedas melody inmusic theory. Je is anessentiallyhumansyllableinShipibounderstanding. Here, thehowlerisalmostperfectinsinginglikeReal People, but failsinthesetwomusical details, heroarsat theendandfalselypronouncesthesyllablejo, hintingathisimpressivecall. Withthis, herevealsthatalthoughhemaybeaReal Humaninhisownexperience, heisdifferentfromtheShipibo. In the lyrics, the howlers appear very human, too. The song is sung by themale leader of a polygamous group:8Figure 3Transcription of the beginning of the howler monkeys song.8Excerpts, performedbyRafael RodriguezYui in2004andPascual MahuaOchavanoin2005. Phonogram-marchiv (Vienna) archive numbers D 5293 and D 5544.350 B. Brabec de MoriLyrics 1: Osanti by the Howler Monkey Roo.1. nokon chin bakebo jo My younger children2. shin tapon joyoxon jo form a row on top of a palm tree3. mochakinpariban jo and are going to worship the sun4. jo oraraira jo while crying hooh (onomatopoeic word.)5. noara nawan anake jo The foreigners (nawa) could kill us,6. iki itaibi jo this may happen, because7. inkan yami kanakan jo the flash from the Incas iron [a gun]8. ratresibawanke jo already gave us a fright before9. xomi nishi ponyaman jo On the branches of a big tree10. nokon awinbobetan jo together with my wives11. bewashaman noikanwe jo we sing to each other in love12. oken chixbabekoni jo while their buttocks wobbleThe lyrics illustrate the monkeys presumed humanness, their dealing with foreignersand a pun. The pun is delivered rather directly at the end (lines 912), where the malesinger sings love songs together with his many wives and while they sing the wivesbuttocks wobble. This is fun for Shipibo listeners who imagine the monkeys behavingin this way. Although wobbling buttocks are not a sole property of howlers, they are atypical feature of the female howlers physiognomy that is highlighted and exploitedinthisphrase. Thisisoneoftheveryfewinstancesofobscenityinosantilyrics. Inboth the examples presented later and in other details of the howlers song text, thehumour is not bawdy but very subtle.In lines 14, the singer describes his children worshipping the sun (mochakin). ThemochairitualcomplexisnolongerperformedamongShipibobutinformertimesitwas staged for collectively transcending the borders of humanness in order to worshipthesun, heal thesunorthemoonintimesofeclipse, andalsoforsummoningandtransformingintocelestial ordemonicnon-humanpersons(BrabecdeMori 2011a:44764). This essential ritual for negotiating the ontological status of Real People in thecomplexandpartiallyoverlappingmultiverseisherealsoperformedbythehowlers,confirming that they are Real People in their own perspective.Lines58demonstratetheirrelationtoShipibopeople. Thesingingleaderwarnshisfellowmonkeystotakecareof theforeigners(nawa), becausetheymayshootthemwith guns (the Incas flashing iron). This feature is similarly astonishingbecausetheoreticallyit couldbe sung inexactlythe same terms by a Shipibosingerfrightenedof approachingwhites(or, forexample, guerrillafightinggroupsduring the Peruvian civil war). Historically speaking, Shipibo people know very wellwhat life is like when in the howlers position (except for the generic wobblybuttocks, ofcourse).From the analysis of both musical form and lyrics it can be deduced that this songis thought to originate from a singing howler monkey, although it is performed by aShipibomalesingerwhoisaspecialistmdico. Themonkeysbehavehumanlyinaconvincing way, despite the small instances where they reveal their non-humanidentity. They also engage actively (here, evading) in their relationship with cannibalenemies who appreciate monkey soup.Ethnomusicology Forum 351LetuspauseforamomenttoanalysewhatisconsideredfunnyherebyShipibolisteners. First, the not-exactly-correct singing of the emically well-known shiro bewform. This resembles humour inmusic inawayequallywell knowninwesternsociety. Onemay, for example, haveheardrecordings byFlorenceFoster Jenkinssinging opera arias and appearing ridiculous to people who know how these arias aresupposedtobesungcorrectly. Themonkeysthinkthat theysingbeautifully orcorrectly (it is said that also Foster Jenkins thought she could sing brilliantly).9Fromthemonkeys perspectivetheconcludingsyllabletheysingisje, theyfeel thesamequalityof correctness that Shipibopeople sense whenhearingje. Therefore themonkeys consider their song a beautiful shiro bew. However, the Shipibo (and fellowhumans, even tape-recorders) hear the same sound as jo. Fromthe Shipibosperspective, the monkeys fail to sing correctly, so they appear ridiculous. Second, thepunwiththewobblybuttocksisconsideredfunny. But therearemorehumorousfacets hidden in the performance context. Imagining howthe howlers song isperformed subsequently after a very serious healing session, the audience may sense areleasefromanxietytowardslaughterandlightness. Furthermore, it isconsideredfunny that the mdico sings as if he was transformed into a howler monkey. Applyingthe (dangerous, serious and powerful) transformative faculty on the magicallypowerless monkey would be an incongruent act (the Incongruity Theory of Humour,Carroll 2003: 347). Finally, and most delicately, Shipibo people laugh aboutperspectivism. Thatis, theyareamusedbythefactthatthehowlersthinktheyareReal People. Simplyimagininghowlers doingmochai whensinging inthe earlymorning, worshipping the sun, makes Shipibo listeners cheer up. What is understoodin a very serious way connected to predation and cannibalism by most perspectivistanthropologistsisridiculedbytheindigenouspeoplethemselves(apuncompletelyunintended but nevertheless cheerful).Thenextexampleshowsanothersortofsubtlehumourandillustratesaslightlydifferent formof relationshiptoShipibofromtheperspectiveof the(zoologicallyunidentified) aquatic birdjenenponpo. The jenenponposimilarlyperforms ashirobew in a musical form very closely related to the one performed by the howler. Here,therevealingdetail isagaincodedinthesyllablesconcludingthephrases: thebirdcannot pronounce it correctly and utters on on ri (onomatopoeic syllables):10Lyrics 2: Osanti by the Aquatic Bird Jenenponpo.1. nokon tae kenya on on ri My feet show design patterns2. tae kenyaninbi on on ri With those patterned feet3. winawinaboai on on ri I continue paddling and paddling4. en chaikonintsi on on ri My poor chaikoni5. nonti toron axona on on ri makes his canoe sound so noisily6. oniskain ninike on on ri that I have sadly to retire9SeeBrittan(2010)formoredetailson(deliberate)musical failureandanalternativeinterpretationofFosterJenkins ineptitude.10Performed by Francisco Pancho Mahua Ahuanari, 2005 (D 5350).352 B. Brabec de MoriMuch like the howler monkey, the bird seems to be a Real Human at the first glancebut reveals its otherness with the on on ri syllables, as well as with hints hidden in thelyrics: First, it mentions its designed feet (tae kenya). The ken designs (see Figure 1)are genuinely Shipibo and are used in general to confirm their humanness and socialstatus. For festivities, Shipibo may paint their faces, hands, and feet withken.However, the bird sings that it is paddling with these designed feet; a Shipibo would,of course, paddle with a paddle (winti) that he manoeuvres with his hands (note thatalso this detail is subtly constructed: winti paddles, at least in former times, were oftendecorated with carved ken patterns, see Tessmann 1928: 118).For lines 46 it is first necessary to explain what a chaikoni is. In former times, allShipibo lived in an intraculturally determined correct way of living but many did notbehavewell beforetheInca, sothiscultureheroseparatedthemintotwogroups;those we commonly know and meet, and the chaikoni. The latter did not commit thesins of the former and so the Inca sent them to live in the deep woods, hidden fromviewforordinarypeople. Onlywell-trainedspecialistsmaycontact thesechaikonipeople, whomaintainthecorrect wayofliving, wearingperfumedclothes, singinginstead of talking, commanding all sorts of rainforest magic and being the masters ofall the animals, including the mighty anacondas and jaguars.Inthejenenponpososanti song, thebirdmentionsachaikoni. Fromthebirdspoint of view, aShipibofishermaninhis canoeis as strange andpowerful as achaikoni is from a Shipibos point of view (note here the historical implication: once,Shipiboandchaikoni wereequals; nowtheyaredifferent). Therefore, thehumanbird sees the Shipibo as its chaikoni. This chaikoni beats his canoe with the paddle,thus scaring fish into a net he prepared beforehand (which is not made explicit in thesongbutisacommonfishingtechniqueamongShipibo). Becauseofthenoisethebird has to retire. The bird itself was fishing, too, but all its potential catch is scaredawaybythechaikoni (who, therefore, commands theseanimals bysound, as thechaikoni are thought to do). The detail lies in the suffix -tsi applied to the chaikoni inline 4. This suffixindicates compassion. The bird knows verywell that it isactuallythebetter fisherman, workingquicklyandpreciselywithits beakwithout scaringawaytheother fish. Therefore, thejokegoes against theShipibos clumsyfishingtechnique, whichisfunny, becauseShipibogenerallyregardthemselvesformidablefishermen. Thisosanti isaboutsuperiority, butnotalinearone. Shipiboaremorepowerful than jenenponpo birds in the way chaikoni are superior to Shipibo; however,the bird is the superior fisherman and, remarkably, the pun is at the expense of theShipibo.The conflict of appearing human but not being one, or, fromthe animalsperspective, being humanbut not appearing thus, is perfectly illustratedby thetortoises mash:1111Performed by Herminia Sanancino Mozombite, 2005 (D 5467).Ethnomusicology Forum 353Lyrics 3: Osanti by the Tortoise Mananxawe.1. jawe rao kaarinx All herbs I passed by on my way-nssh (onomatopoeic)2. bero wiso sanakon I have seen with my black eye3. ibaikanai Again and again they say that4. chanketitanina I was unable to walk upright,5. ninaren akerix but I stand very well-issh (onomatopoeic)Here, funismadedirectlyaboutthetortoiselackingtheabilitytostandandwalkupright. In lines 12 the tortoise affirms that it eyed all the (low-growing) herbs whilewalking. Theysayinline3referstoShipibowho(ignoranttoreality!)donotseethat the tortoise is really walking upright, as Real People do. Again the hints in thelyrics are accompanied by musical ones: the mash is truncated to a monotonous lineoftoneswithslightmicrotonalfluctuation(Figure2), asifperformedbysomebodywho has only the dimmest idea how a mash should be sung. The tortoise also revealsitself by repeatedly interjecting the sound inssh, onomatopoeic for what Shipibo hearfrom tortoises.The Transformative Faculty: Becoming the OtherThe following, final, example text shows what sounds like an osanti but is none. Themusical form is again shiro bew, but note here the correct human pronunciation inje je je:12Lyrics 4: Love Magic Song, by the Bird of Prey Matataon.1. eara jain joai je je je From there I am coming,2. nokon xoarantibi je je je with my vest3. xoarameyontaanan je je je Having dressed up with my vest4. bari jiwi ponyaman je je on a branch on a sunsplashed tree5. yaka akekawanax je je je I sat down when passing this way,6. taen oten taentan je je je putting one foot above the other7. nokon bero kereshin je My eyes are red8. maxen bero kereshin je je je red like the Bixa orellana fruit juiceThese lyrics seem perfect for an osanti: The bird has stripes on its breast, so it appearsthat it put on a vest, like Real People might do. It sits down on a tree branch, puttingone foot above the otherhinting at its non-humanness, which is finally made evidentby the red eyes. But there is neither an error in singing or pronunciation, nor a pun.Thereforethis songis not funny. Onthecontrary, Shipibolisteners arescaredwhen hearing this. The matataon is a (zoologically unidentified) bird of prey, and itsappearanceis an omen of love magic. The specific matataon who sings that song isnot an animal in the strict sense, but a very Real Human Shipibo: it is themanifestation of a mdico who put on the birds vest in order to dispose of the birdsabilitytoinitiateloverelationships. Themdicousesthebirdsagencyinordertoactively manipulate the world. This is not a laughing song but a serious magical song.Onemethodof transformationistheuseof mask-clothing, asViveirosdeCastro12Performed by Misael Torres Garcia, 2004 (D 5423).354 B. Brabec de Mori(1998: 482)putsit. Inthematataoncase, however, themdicodoesnot put onamask in the literal sense but indicates that a matataon which can be seen by people inreality is actually himself in a transformed state. In Shipibo understanding, anybodycan transform unwillingly (many illnesses are interpreted as incidental or incompletetransformations), but only trained specialists harness the musical power oftransformingandreturningwithout harmingtheir original humanidentity. Thereare three main techniques used to obtain such transformed states (see Brabec de Mori2012, 2013): withorwithout ingestingthehallucinogenicayawaskabrew, Shipibomdicos cantransformhiddenfromviewor inabsolutedarkness, expressedwithintransitive verbs directly derived from names (e.g., inoti, to transform into a jaguarino). Another technique is to infiltrate the nature (niwe) of non-humans by adaptingtheirappearance, aprocesscallednaikiti. Withbothtechniques, themdicoobtainsfull access to these beings competences of perception and action. Finally, the mdicocan use deception by appearing similar to the target beings, mimicking theirappearanceandbehaviourbut without owningtheircompetences, aprocesscalledparanti (to betray, to trick) in Shipibo.During a healing ritual, the boundaries of humanness become veiled and extremelyopaque. While the patient becomes an Other by being drawn beyond these borders bymalign forces, the mdico consciously plays with his own indifferent positionality; therituals mainphase is highlyliminal anddeconstructive, the mdicobecomes anenigmaticentity. Buthisaim(whenhealing)liesinthereconstructionoftheworldwithits boundaries againsecurelyembracingthepatient withintheReal Peoplesdomain. Thereforehe ends asessionbysingingprotective songs andreturning,putting off voice masks and again appearing and sounding human. Magical songs forcuringandsorcerydonotusemetaphorsofanimalsorspiritsaimingatdescribingcertainfeatures of humansociality, but rather they are emanations of (prior orcurrent) full-blown experiences of what it is like to be an animal or a spirit (cf. Brabecde Mori 2012).Overing (2000: 77) declares her opposition to Sir James Frazers claim that magicwords were false words because of his claim that: You cannot control natural forceswithwords. Overingarguesthat themagical wordsofPiaroamythshaveagooddeal of efficacy because they have first andforemost todowithhumanforces(original emphasis). This is true for Piaroa myths, and for narratives with translatedmetaphors. However, forces that weina naturalistic understandingdeclare asnatural are located within the realm of humanness (although not of Real Humans)withinananimicontology. Agencyisdistributedamongthemandinteractionwiththem is crucial. The key for communication is song. For the Shipibo, Illius writes thatMusicisthespiritslanguage, andsingingistheadequatemodeofcommunicatingwiththem (1997: 216; my translation). Whenmusic performance kicks in, thehuman voice is super-formalised to an inter-specifically intelligible medium and mayexert thepowerof itswordsonhumanforcesinagentssuchashowlermonkeys,birds of omen, anacondas or spirits. This is underlined by the behaviour of the super-humanchaikoni, whoconstantlysinginsteadof talkingandthereforeareabletoEthnomusicology Forum 355command even the most powerful rainforest agents, including spirit-animals like thejenen ino (water-dwelling jaguar). The power that chaikoni wield towards any otherbeings by producing sounds and song stands paradigmatic for the paramount role ofthe sonic in Shipibo cosmology and cosmological boundary work.It is therefore interesting to differentiate between those non-human instances thatproduce funny osanti songs when singing through the mouth of a mdico and thoseassociated with magical songs, like the chaikoni or the matataon bird. The matataonsongdiffersfromosantimorethananythingelseintherespectthatthesingerusesthe birds superior agency for changing circumstances. He does not use the howlersor tortoises agency in osanti singing. Here are the animals that appear in osanti songsI recorded: the howler monkey (roo), the redmonkey (joshinshino), the spidermonkey (iso), the dog (ochiti), a vulture (xete), a baby parrot (bawa), two more birds(jenenponpo and abokoma), the land tortoise (mananxawe) and three fish (ipo,amkiri and koyaparo). Further on appear one plant (the bush anta) and one lesserdemon. These entities have in common that they possess lower competence of actionor perception than Shipibo people. Therefore osanti songs, by the means ofperformance, reconstruct thehierarchyof beings. Aslongasonecanlaughaboutsomebody else, the hierarchical positioning is in favour of those who laugh. Dealingwith instances of higher competence, on the other hand, is the sole domain of magicalsongs, where alsotrickery (paranti) may play a role, but this is not funny andtherefore beyond the limited scope of this paper.Thesebordersareneversetinstoneandhavetobemaintainedandnegotiated.Theboundaries, at least inShipiboontology, areneither basedonahierarchyofpredators and prey as commonly suggested by perspectivism, nor do they replicate asymbolic economy of affinity.The hierarchy is based upon the agents competencesof perception and action, and the scaling is very fine-tuned and flexible. Many birdsown a higher competence of perception than Shipibo and therefore may foretell thefutureacompetencethat canbeuseful foramdico, ascanthecompetencesofactionownedby the legendary chaikoni, or the magical and physical power ofanacondasandjaguars. All theseinstancesareaddressedinmagical songs. Becausethemedicosknowandperformmagicalsongsforsummoningortransformingintothese beings, they can establish social relationships with them. But with that, also thebordersbetweenmdicosandShipibolaypeoplearestrengthened: Mdicostoldmethat insomecases theywouldmakefun, together withpowerful entities likethechaikoni, ofothersincludingShipibolaypeople. However, Ihavenotyetdiscoveredwhether chaikoni sing osanti songs from the Shipibos perspective.Ifosanticontributetoboundaryworkbydemonstratingthemdicos superioritycomparedwiththosewhoarethoughttosingthem, aquestionremains: wherearewhites and mestizo people localised in this hierarchy of competences? I recorded anosanti song by a lesser demon who expresses how its bones bend and arch and its feetfeel likeironfromrepeatedstamping. This demonis actuallyawhiteor mestizoyoung adult dancing in a discotheque or at a party as viewed by conservative Shipibopeople: insteadof dancinginacivilisedwayinamashrounddance, thisperson356 B. Brabec de Moristampsonthegroundandbendsboneslikearidiculousdemon. Funcanalsobemade of such people and boundary work can be done: by performing an osanti, thesinger relegates the dancer to the realm of the non-human, specifically to the realm ofnon-humans with lower competences than the singer.In most instances involving whites, mestizos or other indians, however, a differentmusical genre is performedthat is not exclusively Shipibo: mocking songs. Onemdicosangsuchmockingsongs after ahealingsessionI recorded(D525565),respectively imitating an Ashninka healer, a mestizo from downriver who is thoughtto cheat white visitors, and a gringo shaman apprentice (Brabec de Moriforthcoming). Here, thesingerimitates(mawai)theOtherand, notably, neitheristhe musical form shipibicised into mash or shiro bew nor are the lyrics translated.Both the mocking songs localisation after the ritual and their function in boundaryworkis similar totheosantis. But inosanti, theanimals different musicality istranslated(although withdeliberateerrors), asistheirlanguage. Inmockingsongsthese stay foreign and are directly imitated, although likewise with errors andridiculous additions. Translation is not considered necessary in mocking as anybodycanunderstandit. Likewise, anyShipibomaymusicallymockwhites, mestizos orother indians, this is not restricted to mdicos.ConclusionsMaryDouglas, inher analysis of ritual jokes, extrapolates theambiguous roleofjokers insociety: Ajoker has a firmholdonhis ownpositioninthe [social]structure, but at the same time he lightens for everyone the oppressiveness of socialrealityand [h]isjokesexposetheinadequacyofrealiststructuringsofexperience(Douglas[1970]1999: 159). Thisrefersrathertoprofessional jokers, who, fortheAmazon, are most often mentioned as trickster characters (cf. Basso 1996; Hill 2009).Atricksterishattitudecanbeascribedtomdicos intheir ritual dealings withallformsofnon-humans, manyoftheseinvolvingtrickery(paranti), butosanti songsthemselveslackanysuchtricks. Theanimal ordemonprotagonistsinosantisongsare far frombeingtricksters, althoughsome of themmaybe tricksters inothercontexts: the tortoise mananxawe, for example, archetypically wins a race against thestag chaxo or resists the mighty jaguar ino as a protagonist intrickster stories.However, as a protagonist in osanti songs, mananxawe is simply itself and does nottrick anyone (see Lyrics 3).Althoughtricksters innarrative have beenstudiedamongLowlandindigenouspeople, humour by itself is hardly mentioned or analysed. An important contributionisOverings(2000)paperabout TheLudicSideofMagic. Overinghighlightstherepeatedsurfacingof obsceneandhilarioushintsthroughout situationscommonlyregardedasserious, likemyth-tellingorritual curing, forexample. Asaresult, sheasserts generativepower[to]bawdywords(2000: 77), concludingthathumourinritual and myth-telling is a tool for achieving positive conviviality and finally fertility(this idea is further developed in Lagrou 2006).Ethnomusicology Forum 357Recallingthatosantiaremostoftenperformedafterveryserioushealingsessionsand, as one mdico put it, as a test of whether the patient was again brought back tocorrect human life, Overings proposition can be questioned. Here, life is in perfectorder if a person is able to laugh. The joke and its laughter are not tools for achievingwell-being(whichisachievedwithmagical songs), theyarewhatistobeachieved.AmongtheShipibo, humourandlaughing(shiroi)areultimategoalsoftechniquesfor constructing a world in which conviviality can be achieved. Shiroi does not lead toa good community life but results from it.Osantisongs, however, mayalsoserveastoolsapartofpost-treatmentdiagnosis.Theydemonstrate that laughingworks for maintainingborders. Theyestablishaspecific joking relationship between more and less powerful entities (the mdicos andtheosanti singinganimals). Whilethemdicos astricksters(cf. Basso1996, 2009;Douglas [1970] 1999) deconstruct the world in ritual, they reconstruct it afterwards,alsobysinginganosanti ortwoafterthesession. Astoolsfororderingtheworld,osanti pertainto Radcliffe-Browns proposal thatthe comic helps toestablish order.Notably, joking(shiroi)amongin-laws, towardsvisitorsandinmockingoutsiders,can be done in words, or without music and translation. Anybody can imagine (andmock)theOthers position. Osanti songs, ontheotherhand, canonlybesungbymdicos, becausethesearetheonlyoneswhoownthetransformativefacultythatenables them to convincingly communicateby translating from the originalhowanimals, plants or demons perceive their world.ViveirosdeCastroalsotalksabout humourbut hemakesaprematuregeneral-isation when he asks, based on an analogy borrowed from Clastres:What do Indians laugh about? By analogy, I wish to ask: what are Indians afraid of?The response is, in principle (and only ever in principle ), simple: they laugh atand fear the same things, [] such as jaguars, shamans, whites and spiritsthat is,beings defined by their radical alterity. (Viveiros de Castro 2012: 29)Osanti songs show that this is an overt simplification. Shipibo people laugh, in principle(and only ever in principle), about Others that are clearly distinguished from those theyfear. Theywouldnotlaughabout, anddefinitelyneverat, thejaguar, shamansorspiritslest theywouldreveal suicidal tendencies(but theydolaughabout whites,including perspectivists, who they usually do not fear). Osanti songs, furthermore, showa very interesting attitude towards animals: in humour, European perspectives can besurprisingly coherent withAmerindianideas. Critchley (2002), withconsiderablescrutiny, explores whether animals canlaugh, basing his argument onEuropeanhistory, literature and ethological studies, and concludes that only humans can laugh orsense humour. Consequently, [i]f humour is human, then it also [] explores what itmeans tobehumanbymovingbackandforthacross thefrontier that separateshumanity from animality, thereby making it unstable (2002). Critchley goes on that[w]emight evendefinethehumanasadynamicprocessproducedbyaseriesofidentifications and misidentifications with animality (2002: 29; original emphasis) inhumour and beyond. That said, in European or naturalistic terms, humour contributes358 B. Brabec de Morito boundary work marking a difference between humans and animals. For Critchley,and for the naturalistic world, animals are funny in jokes when they become (or behavelike) humans, but humans appear disgusting whenbecoming (or behaving like)animals. Among Lowland South American societies, the picture does not appear verydifferent. Osanti singinganimals, as indicatedbyperspectivism, arepersons, theybelievethattheyareReal People andthereforebehavelikehumans, whichfinallyresults in thembeing funny when trying (and failing) to sing like humans. But with that,theosanti casealsoquestionssomeoftheanimicorperspectivisticclaimsthatthefrontiers between animal persons and human persons are very differently treated in theAmazon when compared with naturalism. If one bears in mind that in naturalism, allanimalsareconsideredinferiortohumans, thelaughterabout thembehavinglikehumans seems very similar to the Shipibos laughter about osanti-singing animals.AcknowledgementsI express my deep gratitude to my wife Laida Mori Silvano de Brabec, to Bruno Illius,Jean Langdon, Beverley Diamond, Laure Carbonnel, Anthony Seeger and all authorsin this special issue, who significantly helped me sculpting this paper out of a mess ofcrazy ideas.ReferencesBasso, EllenB. 1996. TheTrickstersScatteredSelf. InDisorderlyDiscourse. Narrative, Conflict,and Inequality, edited by Charles Briggs, 5371. Oxford: University Press.. 2009. OrdealsofLanguage. InCulture, Rhetoric, andtheVicissitudesof Life, editedbyMichael Carrithers, 12137. New York: Berghahn.Beaudet, Jean-Michel. 1996. Rire. Un exemple dAmazonie [To Laugh. An Example fromAmazonia]. LHomme 36(140): 8199.BrabecdeMori, Bernd. 2011a. DieLiederderRichtigenMenschen. 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