Foreign policy: ‘Erfullungspolitik’

1924-1929 marked major foreign policy changes affecting

Germany.

Gustav Stresemann’s policy of Erfullungspolitik [Fulfilment]

meant complying with the terms of the Treaty of

Versailles to improve relations with Allied countries and negotiate improvements.

Stresemann had come to believe that Germany had more to gain from negotiation than threats.

He felt this because Germany was still militarily weak and

could not challenge the Allies. In addition he felt that an

economically strong Germany was of benefit to all of Europe,

and could also attract US investment too.

Six key actions helped Stresemann to do this:

• Reparations changes

• Treaties of Locarno, 1925

• League of Nations, 1926

• Treaty of Berlin, 1926

• Changes to Allied occupation

• Disarmament

Changes to reparations

Stresemann had discussions with Charles Dawes, as part of

his Reparations Commission.

As a result of this, Germany re-organised reparation payments and was also able to secure an 800 million marks loan from the USA. Allied troops also left

the Ruhr.

There were still problems with Germany paying reparations.

In 1929, Owen Young, an American industrialist, was

asked to draft another reparations plan. Young was part of the 1924 Dawes Commission.

Young submitted a report in 1929 and it was implemented in

1930.

Young’s deal greatly reduced the reparations to be paid

(from 132 million marks to 37 million marks). In addition

payment was to take 58 years, rather than 42 years.

For this first time, Germany was allowed to participate in these discussions, which also saw Allied troops withdraw

in 1930 (five years early).

Treaties of Locarno

In October 1925, the major European powers met in the

Swiss town of Locarno to discuss borders in Europe.

The aims were to agree the borders of new states in

Central and Eastern Europe, and to improve relations with

Germany.

There were seven agreements made (and formally signed in London in December 1925).

In Western Europe, all signatories said they would

respect all borders, including those agreed in the Treaty of Versailles. All countries that any country breaking the

agreement would be attacked by the others.

The agreements were different for Eastern Europe.

Germany agreed to undertake arbitration over disputed land in Poland and Czechoslovakia:

(P) City of Danzig

(P) Polish Corridor

(C) Sudetenland

In diplomatic terms, Locarno was seen as beneficial to

Germany. By accepting their Western borders it left open

the chance that they could gain back land in the east.

Poland in particular were furious and felt that France and

Britain had ‘abandoned the east to keep peace in the west.’

League of Nations

As part of Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points speech, and

the Treaty of Versailles, it was agreed to set up an global organisation to negotiate

disputes between countries.

The League was founded in 1920 although Germany was excluded from membership.

In 1926, following improvements in global

standing after the Treaties of Locarno, Germany was finally allowed to join the

League of Nations.

Germany was given Great Power status on the

League Council, including the right of veto.

As part of the joining agreement, Germany was

permitted to not take part in collective military action

because of Versailles’ military restrictions.

Stresemann used their membership to raise issues of

concern to Germany.

Treaty of Berlin, 1926

Germany also sought to build better links with the Soviet

Union (building on the 1922 Treaty of Rapallo).

The treaty included public and secret deals. It was partly

designed to gain better links with European powers worried

about a German-Soviet pact.

Public deals in the Treaty of Berlin included the

commitment that neither side would attack the other for

five years. German banks also agreed to give credit to

Soviet businesses.

Secretly, German troops began training in the USSR.

Allied occupation

Germans wanted an end to Allied occupation of parts of their country for reasons of security and national pride.

As part of the Dawes Plan, and with Stresemann ending

passive resistance, French troops left the Ruhr during

1924-25.

After the Locarno Pact, by December 1925 the Allies also

left Zone I near Cologne.

Stresemann also had a key role in the Young Plan of 1929.

This saw reparation payments reduced and led to Allied

troops being entirely withdrawn from Germany by

June 1930.

Disarmament

Stresemann also pushed the Allies to pursue the issue of general disarmament, which

had been part of the Treaty of Versailles.

A preliminary meeting took place in 1926 but no

agreement was reached.

In 1926, Stresemann managed to have the Inter-Allied Military Commission

(monitoring Germany’s military in terms of the Versailles

agreements) leave Germany.

This allowed Germany to secretly break the treaty’s

military commitments, including Russian training.

In 1928, the Pact of Paris (or Kellogg-Briand Pact) was

signed by more than 70 countries.

All signatories promised to not use war to resolve:

"disputes or conflicts of whatever nature or of whatever origin they may be, which may

arise among them."

The Kellogg-Briand Pact had little impact. Instead

countries often started using war tactics without officially

declaring war.

In general terms, Stresemann and Germany achieved little in the way of disarmament,

but they did give themselves time to rearm.

Stresemann had many achievements and was even awarded the Nobel Peace

Prize in 1926 (for his work on the Locarno Pact).

He gave Germany a stronger global influence, reduced

reparations and also achieved Allied withdrawal

(albeit in 1930, after his death in 1929).

Stresemann also faced some criticisms.

Right-wingers and nationalists in Germany were angry at his acceptance of the

Treaty of Versailles. In particular they hated the Dawes and Young Plans because they formalised

Germany paying reparations.

Right-wing groups used the Constitution to hold a national referendum on the Young Plan.

Whilst only 14% of Germans voted to reject the plan, the publicity involved did help cement Adolf Hitler as a

national political figure, helping hugely boost the Nazi vote in

the 1930 Reichstag elections.

Ordinary Germans were split on Stresemann’s actions too.

Whilst there was undeniable progress, the fact that it was

often subtle – as part of a conciliatory approach – meant that it was easy to believe that little had been achieved. Many believed that Weimar was still

failing them.

Historians’ views• Sally Marks: Stresemann’s actions only benefitted Germany.

“Germany became the pre-eminent member of the European family — which is what he all along intended should happen.”

• Eberhard Kolb: Takes the view that Stresemann was a nationalist, but his “keen sense of reality” meant that he viewed Germany’s restoration and European peace as interdependent.

• Richard J Evans: Stresemann was the Republic’s most skilled politician. His actions were based on realism, including the fact there was little chance of Germany defeating the allies in a war.