6 the politics of trc in south afrıca

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THE POLITICS OF TRUTHAND RECONCILIATION IN

SOUTH AFRICA

Legitimizing the Post-Apartheid State

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Com-mission (TRC) was set up to deal with the humanrights violations of apartheid during the years19601994. However, as Wilson shows, the TRCsrestorative justice approach to healing the nation didnot always serve the needs of communities at a locallevel. Based on extended anthropological fieldwork,this book illustrates the impact of the TRC in urbanAfrican communities in the Johannesburg area. Whilea religious constituency largely embraced the Commis-sions religious-redemptive language of reconciliation,Wilson argues that the TRC had little effect on popularideas of justice as retribution. This provocative studydeepens our understanding of post-apartheid SouthAfrica and the use of human rights discourse. It endson a call for more cautious and realistic expectationsabout what human rights institutions can achieve indemocratizing countries.

RICHARD A. WILSON is a Senior Lecturer in SocialAnthropology at the University of Sussex. He haswritten numerous articles on political violence andhuman rights and is editor of the journal AnthropologicalTheory. He is also the author of Maya Resurgence inGuatemala (1995), and editor of Human Rights, Cultureand Context (1997) and Culture and Rights (CambridgeUniversity Press, 2001).

www.cambridge.org in this web service Cambridge University Press

Cambridge University Press978-0-521-00194-6 - The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa: Legitimizingthe Post-Apartheid StateRichard A. WilsonFrontmatterMore information

CAMBRIDGE STUDIES IN LAW AND SOCIETY

Series editors:Chris Arup, Martin Chanock, Pat OMalleySchool of Law and Legal Studies, La Trobe UniversitySally Engle Merry, Susan SilbeyDepartments of Anthropology and Sociology, Wellesley College

Editorial board:Richard Abel, Harry Arthurs, Sandra Burman, Peter Fitzpatrick, Marc Galanter,Yash Ghai, Nicola Lacey, Boaventura da Sousa Santos, Sol Picciotto, JonathanSimon, Frank Snyder

The broad area of law and society has become a remarkably rich and dynamicfield of study. At the same time, the social sciences have increasingly engagedwith questions of law. In this process, the borders between legal scholarship andthe social, political and cultural sciences have been transcended, and the resultis a time of fundamental rethinking both within and about law. In this vitalperiod, Cambridge Studies in Law and Society provides a significant new bookseries with an international focus and a concern with the global transformationof the legal arena. The series aims to publish the best scholarly work on legaldiscourse and practice in social context, combining theoretical insights andempirical research.

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To Thomas, born in the middle of it all.

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THE POLITICS OF TRUTHAND RECONCILIATION INSOUTH AFRICALegi t imiz ing the Post -Aparthe idState

Richard A. WilsonUniversity of Sussex

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PUBLISHED BY THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 100114211, USA477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, AustraliaRuiz de Alarcn 13, 28014, Madrid, SpainDock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa

http://www.cambridge.org

Richard A. Wilson 2001

This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptionand to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,no reproduction of any part may take place withoutthe written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2001Fourth printing 2005

Printed in United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge

Typeface New Baskerville (Adobe) 10/12 pt. System QuarkXPress [BC]

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

National Library of Australia Cataloguing in Publication dataWilson, Richard A., 1964 .The politics of truth and reconciliation in South Africa:legitimizing the post-apartheid state.Bibliography.Includes index.ISBN 0 521 00194 3 (pbk.).ISBN 0 521 80219 9.1. South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission.2. Political violence South Africa. 3. South Africa Politics and government. 4. South Africa Race relations.I. Title.968.065

ISBN 0 521 80219 9 hardbackISBN 0 521 00194 3 paperback

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CONTENTS

List of Acronyms and Glossary x

MapsMap 1 Pre-1994 South Africa: The homelands xiiMap 2 Post-1994 South Africa: Provinces of the Republic xiiiMap 3 Johannesburg and the Vaal Region xiv

Preface and Acknowledgements xv

1 Human Rights and Nation-Building 1The Civic State versus Ethno-Nationalism 1Legal Ideology and Nation-States 3Human Rights in the Negotiations 5Human Rights, Ubuntu and the African Community 9Truth, Reconciliation and Nation-Building 13Manufacturing Legitimacy 17Truth Commissions as Liminal Institutions 19The Structure of the TRC 21Truth Commissions and Impunity 27

PART I Human Rights and Truth

2 Technologies of Truth: The TRCs Truth-Making Machine 33The Limitations of the Mandate 34Rainbow Truths 36The Rise and Rise of Infocomm 38Truth in Crisis 41Taking on the Statement-Takers 42The New Protocol 44The Database Driving the Model 46Experiences of Truth-Telling 48The Banality of Evil 51A Moral Response to Apartheid Violence 55The Human Right to a Human Story 57

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3 The Politics of Truth and Human Rights 62Was there a Third Force? 63Was there a Third Force? Well, No, Yes, Sort of, Maybe 66Theorizing the Third Force 73Human Rights Violations and Common Crimes 79Race Crimes and Political Motives 84

PART II Reconciliation, Retribution and Revenge

4 Reconciliation Through Truth? 97Defining Reconciliation 98The Legal-Procedural Narrative 104The Mandarin-Intellectual Narrative 106The Religious-Redemptive Narrative 109Thick and Thin Reconciliation 121

5 Reconciliation in Society: Religious Values andProcedural Pragmatism 123

Legal Pluralism and Human Rights in South Africa 123Adductive Affinities 130Reconciliation through Amnesty? 140Procedural Pragmatism 142Behind the Scenes in Kagiso 147Reconciliation for Whom? 153

6 Vengeance, Revenge and Retribution 156Revenge in Modern Legal Thought 158National Debates on Vengeance 164Intimations of Vengeance during TRC Hearings 173Relational Discontinuities 174A History of Violence in Sharpeville since 1990 176Reconciliation in Ruins: The Death of Dennis Moerane 181Gunshots at Night 185

7 Reconciliation with a Vengeance 188A Short History of Legal Pluralism in South Africa 188Local Courts and the State: Ambivalent Relations 201Patriarchy and Procedure of the Boipatong Court 202Township Court Procedure 204Tribal Law? 206Reconciliation versus the Right to Punish 208

CONTENTS

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Punishment and Suffering: Comparing Informal andOfficial State Courts 210

Unintended Consequences of Popular Justice 211Justice and the TRC 213A Coda to Boipatong: Human Rights, Local Justice and Gender 215Legal Pluralism Revisited 218

8 Conclusions: Human Rights, Reconciliation andRetribution 223

Notes 231

Bibliography 246

Index 263

CONTENTS

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ACRONYMS AND GLOSSARY

AC Amnesty Committee of the TRCANC African National CongressANCYL ANC Youth LeagueAWB Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance

Movement)AZAPO Azanian Peoples OrganizationBRAC Boipatong Residents Against CrimeCODESA Convention for a Democratic South AfricaCOSATU Congress of South African Trade UnionsCPF Community Policing ForumDP Democratic PartyGNU Government of National UnityHRVC Human Rights Violations Committee of the TRCHRV Hearings Human Rights Violations hearings of the TRCICC International Criminal CourtIFP Inkatha Freedom PartyImbizo Meeting or court (Zulu)Infocomm Information Management System of the TRCISCOR Iron and Steel Corporation (Vaal)IU Investigative Unit of the TRCKgotla Meeting or court (Sesotho); plural lekgotlaKhulumani Speak out Survivors support groupMDM Mass Democratic MovementMK Umkhonto we Sizwe (ANC armed wing)MP Member of ParliamentNCPS National Crime Prevention StrategyNGO Non-governmental organizationNP National PartyNSMS National Security Management SystemNPA National Peace AccordNUMSA National Union of Mineworkers of South AfricaNURA National Unity and Reconciliation Act (1995)PAC Pan Africanist CongressPAGAD People Against Gangsterism and Drugs

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RRC Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee of the TRCSAIRR South African Institute of Race RelationsSABC South African Broadcasting CompanySACC South African Council of ChurchesSACP South African Communist PartySADF South African Defense Force (apartheid)SANCO South African National Civics OrganizationSANDF South African National Defense Force

(post-apartheid)SAP South African Police (apartheid)SAPS South African Police Service (post-apartheid)SDU Special Defence Unit (ANC)SPU Special Protection Unit (IFP)SSC State Security CouncilSTRATCOM Strategic CommunicationsTRC Truth and Reconciliation CommissionUbuntu Humanity, personhood, mutualityUDF United Democratic FrontZCC Zionist Christian Church

ACRONYMS AND GLOSSARY

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"Independent" homelands:BophuthatswanaVendaTranskeiCiskei

Other homelands:GazankuluKangwaneKwaZuluLebowaQwa QwaKwandebele

0 kms 200

Pretoria

Durban

East LondonPort Elizabeth

Cape Town

C A P E P R O V I N C E

ORANGEFREE STATE

LESOTHO

SWAZILAND

Bloemfontein

Qwa Qwa

T R A N S V A A LT R A N S V A A LT R A N S V A A L

JohannesburgJohannesburgJohannesburg

Map 1 Pre-1994 South Africa: The homelands



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Map 2 Post-1994 South Africa: Provinces of the Republic

Northern Cape

Kwazulu-Natal

NorthernProvince

Free State

NorthWest Gauteng

Eastern Cape

Western Cape

Mpumalanga

LESOTHO

SWAZILAND

0 kms 200

PRETORIAJOHANNESBURG

DURBAN

CAPETOWN



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Map 3 Johannesburg and the Vaal Region

EvatonSebokeng

BophelongBoipatong

SharpevilleVereeniging

VanderbijlparkSasolburg

Kagiso

Soweto

AlexandraTembisa

PRETORIA

JOHANNESBURG

10 km

R EG I ONVAA L



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PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In democratizing countries of Latin America from the mid-1980s andEastern Europe from 1989, the language of human rights emerged as auniversal panacea to authoritarianism. Human rights were demandedby ordinary citizens massed in the squares of Leipzig or on the streetsof Bisho, and they became symptomatic of the kind of proceduralliberalism established in post-authoritarian states.1 Human rights basedlegislation became a central component in the transformation of re-pressive institutions and in the establishing of the rule of law after thedistortions of authoritarian legality. Each society had to face the ques-tion of how to deal with the gross human rights violations of the past,and new institutions and commissions were set up to reaffirm humandignity and to ensure that violations would not occur again. Increas-ingly, human rights talk was detached from its strictly legal foundationsand became a generalized moral and political discourse to speak aboutpower relations between individuals, social groups and states. Thisbroad extension of human rights talk was exacerbated as democratizingregimes with crumbling economies and fractured social orders graspedfor unifying metaphors, and human rights talk seemed to provide anideological adhesive through terms such as truth and reconciliation.

By the 1990s, it was time to take stock and to evaluate critically therole of human rights ideas and institutions in democratic transitions.It became possible to move on from simply extolling human rights toexamining what happened when human rights institutions were estab-lished in complicated contexts of political compromise, where neitheropposing side in a civil war had won an outright military victory,where key perpetrators of the era of repression (from Vice-PresidentF W de Klerk in South Africa to Senator Augusto Pinochet in Chile) stilloccupied positions of political power and where the former bureauc-racies of death (especially the criminal justice system and securityforces) were still staffed by personnel from the authoritarian era.

In the literature on democratization, liberal visions of democraticconsolidation often adopted a model-building and technicist tone.2

Transitology attempts to isolate the variables that reinforce or under-mine democratic consolidation and build universal mechanistic models



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that treat democratization as if it were a matter of correctly arrangingpieces of a puzzle. Transition theory in mainstream political scienceoften accepted a minimalist liberal understanding of democracy as indi-cated by constitutions enshrining individual civil rights, political partycompetition and periodic elections.

The establishing of a bare functioning minimum is not to be lightlydismissed, as it was an important objective of the struggles of oppositionand dissident movements. Yet this book emphasizes a more sociologicalstandpoint which places justice in transition in the context of nation-building and a hegemonic project of state formation. A focus upon howthe rule of law is established and maintained must be complementedby an analysis of the concrete ideological and administrative difficultieswhich new regimes found themselves in. This requires a greater aware-ness of how new regimes used human rights to re-imagine the nation byconstructing new official histories, and how they sought to manufacturelegitimacy for key state institutions such as the criminal justice system.

Human rights discourses and institutions in South Africa such asthe Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Human Rights Commissionand the Commission for Gender Equality are central to creating a newmoral and cultural leadership, that is to say, a new hegemony. This newhegemony is initially asserted in relation to accountability of past statecrimes and whether to punish and/or pardon previous human rightsviolations. The study of transitional truth and justice has been toodominated by philosophical discussions abstracted from specific con-texts, and we should instead examine how the politics of punishmentand the writing of a new official memory are central to state strategiesto create a new hegemony in the area of justice and construct thepresent moment as post-authoritarian when it includes many elementsof the past.

In South Africa, human rights talk became ever more compromisedas it was dragooned by an emergent bureaucratic elite into the serviceof nation-building. Ostensibly, the language of rights represented adeparture from old ethno-nationalist models of nationalism with theirromantic images of blood and land. Post-authoritarian nation-building,in contrast, appealed to civic nationalism as the new basis for moralintegration and a redefined conception of nation. Yet this process ofnation-building also had its normative injunctions and included ele-ments of moral coercion. The constitution and subsequent legislationdeprived victims of their right to justice and retributive justice wasdefined as un-African by some, such as former Archbishop DesmondTutu. Human rights became the language of restorative justice and for-giveness of human rights offenders in South Africa, whereas at the sametime in international contexts, human rights were developing in just the



opposite (punitive) direction with the creation of an InternationalCriminal Court and the prosecutions brought by the UN war crimestribunal for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

There were some unintended consequences of the reliance uponhuman rights talk for nation-building and state centralization. Due toamnesty laws and a lack of prosecutions of human rights offenders, thehigh expectations expressed in human rights talk by both politiciansand citizens were left unfulfilled, as transitional institutions seemed toprotect perpetrators more than they fulfilled victims hopes for justiceand reparation. Human rights came not to represent ideal and in-violable principles (such as justice for victims and punishment foroffenders), but instead expressed the problematical nature of the elite-pacted political settlement. The new promises of the constitutionalorder outstretched the capacity of the legal system, as human rightswere enshrined in the Constitution that were unrealizable by the majorityof impoverished black citizens. Given the yawning gap between humanrights ideals and the grim realities of criminal justice delivery, the con-ditions were ripe for a crisis of legitimacy. Rather than resolving thecrisis of legal institutions, human rights talk came to symbolicallyepitomize the legitimation crisis of post-authoritarian justice. Finally,the place of human rights talk in a project of legal unification andcentralization brought them into conflict with local justice institutionsand popular legal consciousness in a legally plural setting.

These reflections on human rights institutions in democratizationprocesses urge us to look beyond the formal, legalistic and normativedimensions of human rights, where they will always be a good thing.A sociology or ethnography of rights will look instead at how rightsare transformed, deformed, appropriated and resisted by state andsocietal actors when inserted into a particular historical and politicalcontext. This shifts our attention away from the transcendent moralphilosophy of rights to a rigorous examination of the history and sociallife of rights.

This book results from a twelve-month ethnographic study (over afour-year period) inside and outside of one of the main human rightsinstitutions in transitional South Africa the Truth and ReconciliationCommission (TRC). During this time I was a lecturer and visitingassociate in the anthropology department at the University of theWitwatersrand in Johannesburg. My research started in 1995, before theTRC began functioning, and continued into 19967, while it was in fullswing; it ended in late 1998 after the main regional offices had beenclosed. I attended three weeks of Human Rights Violations hearings in


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Klerksdorp, Tembisa and Kagiso and three weeks of amnesty hearingsfor Northern Province security policemen in Johannesburg. I inter-viewed nearly half of all the TRC Commissioners, the TRC executivesecretary, and many staff workers, such as lawyers, researchers and in-vestigators. I would also include as research the conference evaluatingthe TRC which I co-organized with Merle Lipton at the University ofSussex in September 1998, which included a TRC Commissioner, mem-bers of the Research Unit and Investigative Unit and a former judge ofthe Constitutional Court of South Africa.

Much of my research, however, took place outside the TRC processand concentrated on the impact of the TRC on the African townships ofthe Vaal region to the south of Johannesburg. In the Vaal, I carried outin-depth interviews with over 50 victims of political violence, manyof them members of the Khulumani Support Group, as well as localreligious personnel, local court officials, political leaders, legal activistsand policemen. In the beginning, my contacts were mainly aligned tothe African National Congress, but as time went on I actively sought outleaders and ordinary members of minority parties such as the PanAfricanist Congress and the Inkatha Freedom Party. I also tried to gleanviews from those who were not aligned with any political tradition at all.As for perpetrators, it is worth pointing out that some of my victiminformants were also implicated in acts of public violence during theapartheid era. Only a few were willing to speak openly about theirinvolvement in such acts, but I did interview three Inkatha FreedomParty members who had been convicted in the courts for their par-ticipation in the 1992 Boipatong massacre, as well as a policemanrepresenting amnesty applications from within the Vaal police force,and an Amnesty Committee investigator of the TRC for the Vaal region.Finally, my interviews in the Vaal were complemented by several weeksarchival work in the William Cullen Library, which holds many usefulhistorical records of human rights monitors such as Peace Action andthe Independent Board of Inquiry which worked in the Vaal in the late1980s and early 1990s.

Truth commissions are now standard post-conflict structures set up inover seventeen countries in the last 20 years to investigate unresolvedcases arising from past human rights violations.3 As one strand of theglobalization of human rights, they have taken on a transnational validityas one of the main mechanisms for announcing a new democraticorder. Truth commissions have fascinated international audiences andled to a voluminous literature acclaiming their promises of truth andrestoration, mostly from law, political science and moral philosophy.The South African truth commission, as the largest and most ambitiousin scope, is perhaps the zenith of this trajectory, and has attracted


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the most attention and discussion so far. The literature evaluatingthe achievements of truth commissions has mostly been positive andlaudatory, claiming these commissions heal the nation by providingtherapy for a traumatized national psyche. They break a regime ofofficial denial of atrocities by ending the public silence on violence andviolations. They expose the excesses of the previous political order andso discredit it, aiding in democratic consolidation. In Latin America,where disappearances were more widespread, they revealed the fate ofthe disappeared and led to exhumations of clandestine mass graves.

This book concentrates on the two main functions of the SouthAfrican Truth and Reconciliation Commission: truth-telling about theapartheid past and the reconciliation of the nation. The TRC Reportpublished in 1998 on the gross human rights violations of a 34-yearperiod provided a valuable starting point for discussions about moralresponsibility during that era. However, the TRCs account of the pastwas constrained by its excessive legalism4 and positivist methodology,which obstructed the writing of a coherent socio-political history ofapartheid.

The TRC worked with many different understandings of reconcili-ation, but one came to dominate in the dozens of televised HumanRights Violations hearings held around the country. The religious-redemptive vision of reconciliation stressed public confession by victims,and it created meaning for suffering through a narrative of sacrifice forliberation. Finally, it encouraged the forsaking of revenge. Chapters 5to 8 examine the consequences of the TRCs version of reconciliationfor individual victims who appeared at hearings and others outside theTRC process in the African townships of Johannesburg. In many ofthese urban townships, political strife was ongoing during the periodof fieldwork (19958), and it was possible to see the effect of the TRCon these conflicts.

At this point the book begins to shift its focus away from the TRCtowards the surrounding social context, in order to evaluate the impactof human rights using ethnographic methods. This approach follows inthe tradition of legal anthropology, documenting the moralities, dis-courses and everyday practices of ordinary citizens when they engage inrights processes and institutions. The TRCs language of reconciliationelicited a variety of local responses and most could be placed in threecategories: adductive affinities, where local values and human rightsoverlap and reinforce one another; pragmatic proceduralism, wheresurvivors participate in human rights procedures to pursue their ownagendas and without necessarily taking on human rights values; andrelational discontinuities, where local actors are resistant to a restorativevision of human rights and assert a more retributive model of justice.


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The variety of responses among the main ANC-supporting townshipconstituency of the TRC demonstrates how human rights institutionsare caught in a web of centralizing and pluralizing strategies simul-taneously. Human rights talk is a contested discourse which drawspopular legal consciousness closer to that of the state, while at the sametime encountering resistance from localized organizations and moralitieswhich assert the autonomous right to define and enforce justice. Oneof the main results of my ethnographic inquiries was the centrality ofemotions of vengeance in popular legal consciousness and practicesof revenge in local justice institutions. Despite the existence of manyrarified national institutions dedicated to protecting human rights (notonly the TRC, but also the Gender Commission, the ConstitutionalCourt and the Human Rights Commission), enclaves of revengecontrolled by militarized youth and punitive elders continued to shapethe character of justice in the townships of South Africa. Because it wasguided by a religious-redemptive notion of reconciliation, the TRCwas never able to engage with, much less transform, these emotionsand structures.

Understanding why the TRC struggled to accomplish its stated mis-sion of reconciling the nation requires a historical explanation whichlocates the TRC in a history of legal pluralism in South Africa in thetwentieth century. The work of the TRC was shaped by the history ofstate attempts to consolidate the administration of justice and attemptsby Africans to preserve control over local institutions of justice andsocial order. The racialized and dual legal system consolidated in thetwentieth century led to a fracturing of justice and moralities whichendured after the first multi-racial elections in 1994. The persistence oflegal pluralism is closely linked to the historical failure to create a SouthAfrican nation, reminding us of the concrete links between nation-building and state-building.

Instead of succumbing to state attempts at centralization, urbanAfrican residents continued to use local justice institutions to createsocial order in conditions of urbanization, industrialization and massmigration from rural areas. In the new South Africa, human rights talkwas inserted into a context of a massive crime wave, profound socialand economic inequality and disillusionment with ineffective criminaljustice institutions. Human rights thus emerge as part of a pragmaticpolicy of state-building and centralization of justice in a milieu wherestate legality is still often perceived by township residents to be externaland alien to the community.

An ethnography of human rights evaluates new institutions of thenation-state from below and compels us to understand them from aposition of institutional fragmentation and legal pluralism. In concrete


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terms, it draws our attention to how human rights institutions anddiscourses in the new South Africa have often failed to connect withlocal moralities and justice institutions and thereby transform them.As we come to realize that the new culture of human rights is verythin indeed, we may need to temper celebrations of another seemingtriumph for the model of liberal human rights. In a comparative per-spective, the new human rights institutions of post-apartheid SouthAfrica are impressive for their ability to shape the public debate ontruth and reconciliation. It remains to be seen whether they havealtered, over the long term, concrete social practices and discourses ofviolent conflict, justice and punishment.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was funded by two grants from the Economic and SocialResearch Council (UK) and an academic exchange funded by theBritish Council. It would not have been possible without the advice andassistance of many people in South Africa, including Andr du Toit,Patrick Kelly, Piers Pigou, Fiona Ross and Gerald OSullivan. Thanksare due to those at the University of the Witwatersrand between 1995and 1999; Belinda Bozzoli, Carolyn Hamilton, Deborah James, JustineLucas, Sakkie Niehaus, Joanne Pannell, Patrick Pearson, RobertThornton, and Linda Waldman. In particular, Elsa van Huyssteen was atolerant listener and constructive critic. At the Center for the Study ofViolence and Reconciliation, I thank Brandon Hamber and Hugo vander Merwe. From the Khulumani Victims Support Group, I am grate-ful for the valuable help of Maggie Friedman and the late SylviaDhlomo-Jele. In the Vaal, my warm appreciation goes to MagouwsiMotau, Oupa Tsoabisi and especially to Duma Khumalo, my main Vaalcontact, drinking partner and merciless adversary on the chess board.During writing, I benefited from conversations with Jocelyn Alexander,Patrick Ball, Andy Carl, Jane Cowan, Marie-Bndicte Dembour, DavidDyzenhaus, Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ralph Grillo, Stewart Lansley,Merle Lipton, Shula Marks and Neil Stammers. Saul Dubow providedexperienced advice on the literature and incisive commentary on partsof the text. None of these people are responsible for any errors of factor interpretation in the book, and some will undoubtedly disagree withaspects of the argument. At Cambridge University Press, my thanks areto Martin Chanock, Sharon Mullins and Paul Watt, also to Jean Cooney.Finally, Helene Kvale read many chapters and condoned my longabsences, but most importantly encouraged me to pursue this wholenew venture.


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6 the politics of trc in south afrıca

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