7 democratic values 37 - the asia foundation...7 democratic values 37 7.1 meaning of democracy 37...

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Contents

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 41.1 National Mood 41.2 Views of Government 51.3 Political Participation 51.4 Fairness of Elections 51.5 Elections Awareness & Voter Education 51.6 Democratic Values 61.7 Gender Issues 61.8 Media Exposure & Information Sources 61.9 Summary of Recommendations 7

1 INTRODUCTION 81.1 Sampling Methodology 81.2 Sample structure 91.3 Sample distribution by age and gender 10

2 THE NATIONAL MOOD 112.1 Direction of the Country 112.2 Direction of Country: Reasons for Right Direction 112.3 Direction of Country: Reasons for Wrong Direction 122.4 Biggest Problem Facing Mongolia 132.5 Direction at Municipal Level 142.6 Biggest Problem at Municipal Level 142.7 Economic Well-Being 152.8 Environment Concerns 152.9 Traffi cking Concern 162.10 Observations and Recommendations 16

3 VIEWS OF GOVERNMENT 173.1 Satisfaction with Government 173.2 Political Alienation 183.3 Observations and Recommendations 18

4 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 194.1 Intention to Vote 194.2 Reasons to Vote 194.3 Reason for Not Voting 204.4 Choosing a Candidate 204.5 Importance of Voting 214.6 Observations and Recommendations 21

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5 FAIRNESS OF ELECTIONS 225.1 Fairness of the Municipal Elections 225.2 Perceptions of Malfeasance in Municipal Elections 235.3 Vote Buying in Municipal Elections 235.4 Perceptions on Fairness of Presidential Elections 245.5 Perceptions of Malfeasance in Presidential Election 255.6 Expected Irregularities 255.7 Where to Complain 265.8 Willingness to Complain 275.9 Measures to Improve Confi dence in Elections 285.10 Conclusions and Recommendations 28

6 ELECTIONS AWARENESS & VOTER EDUCATION 316.1 Awareness of Presidential Elections 316.2 Knowledge of Representative 316.3 Difference between Parties 326.4 Media Preference for Voter Education 326.5 Interest in Political Programming 336.6 Individual Choice in Elections 346.7 Vote Buying 346.8 Job of the President 356.9 Observations and Recommendations 35

7 DEMOCRATIC VALUES 377.1 Meaning of Democracy 377.2 Benefi ts of Democracy 387.3 Support for Multi-Party Democracy 387.4 What Elections Can Do 397.5 Political Effi cacy 397.6 Interest in Politics 407.7 Tolerance 417.8 Perception of Freedom of Speech 427.9 Trust 427.10 Observations and Recommendations 42

8 GENDER ISSUES 448.1 Women’s Choice 448.2 Women in Parliament 448.3 Gender Preference for Representative 458.4 Inclusion of Women on Party List 468.5 Public Forums to Discuss Women’s Concerns 468.6 Problems Facing Women 478.7 Observations and Recommendations 47

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9 MEDIA EXPOSURE & INFORMATION SOURCES 489.1 Sources of Information 489.2 Sources of Information on Registering to Vote 499.3 Television Watching 499.4 Radio Stations 519.5 Newspaper 529.6 Observations and Recommendations 52

10 KEY OBSERVATIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS 5410.1 For Political Parties, Representatives and Candidates 5410.2 For Voter Educators 5510.3 For General Election Commission 62


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

With fi nancial support from the British Embassy, The Asia Foundation sponsored a survey on voter and civic education issues in November and December 2008.

The survey results provide a better understanding of public knowledge and expecta-tions in relation to elections and democratic processes in Mongolia. The objectives of the survey is to: identify potential interventions that will enhance public participation and support free and fair elections; and help ensure that the outcome of elections are accepted as accurately representing the will of the Mongolian people.

Although the short-term focus is the Presidential Elections of May 2009, this research and the voter education and engagement programs that emerge from it are intended to strengthen citizen trust and credibility in Mongolia’s democracy, its electoral processes and its public institutions.

Components of the survey include: 1) national mood; 2) views of government; 3) politi-cal participation; 3) fairness of elections; 4) elections awareness and voter education; 4) democratic values; 5) gender issues; and 6) media exposure and information sources. The following sections provide a summary of key fi ndings of the survey.

1.1 National Mood

Less than half (44%) of Mongolians think that things are heading in the right direction, while a third think things are heading in the wrong direction, and 22% are unsure. Inter-estingly, residents of Ulaanbaatar are evenly split in their opinion on this question. De-mocracy and liberalization is the main reason provided for things heading in the right direction while poverty and the economy are the main reasons for the wrong direction. When asked what the biggest problems facing Mongolia are, half of the respondents named poverty and unemployment. Responses to these questions that are specifi c to the local level mirror those of the national level. Notably, Ulaanbaatar residents rated environmental degradation and crime signifi cantly higher in response to questions on the biggest problems.

Almost an even proportion, approximately 35% of respondents, considered themselves better off and worse off as compared to two years ago and 22% that feel they are the same. Of the 38% that felt worse off, the percentage of those who thought they were “much worse off” was 16%.

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1.2 Views of Government

Mongolians are not very satisfi ed with their government and President. Almost 60% of respondents are not satisfi ed with the government, with only 35% satisfi ed. Political alienation is high among Mongolians with 68% thinking that the government does not care what they think, suggesting that the high level of dissatisfaction with government is general, rather than specifi c dissatisfaction with the current government. Satisfaction with the President is slightly better with half of the population satisfi ed, and slightly less than half - dissatisfi ed.

1.3 Political Participation

An impressive 84% of Mongolians plan to vote in the upcoming Presidential Election, stating “civic duty” as the main reason for participating. Half of those respondents who do not intend to vote (5%) cited “not understanding politics” and “no infl uence through voting” for non-participation. Nevertheless, half (48%) think their vote will actually make a difference, against 36% who think that their vote in the Presidential Election will change little to nothing. Mongolians look to candidates’ policies and promises when casting their ballots. In selecting a candidate, Mongolians look to their policies and what they deliver as the main factors.

1.4 Fairness of Elections

Mongolians are highly skeptical of the fairness of elections. Overall, only 37% of re-spondents thought that the October 2008 Municipal Elections were free and fair. Half of the respondents think that some kind of malfeasance happened. Approximately 40% of respondents think the Presidential Elections will be free fair, and slightly less think some kind of malfeasance will occur, specifi cally in gift-giving and/or vote counting. Urban residents are considerably more dubious of the election than are rural residents.

The majority of respondents (58%) do not know where to register complaints if irregu-larities happen. However, of those that do know, most say that they will register their complaints with the local election committee. A little more than half (55%) of respon-dents are likely to fi le a complaint, and roughly three quarters think that irregularities should be reported. A sizeable majority (66%) of respondents say that the presence of independent observers will improve their confi dence in elections.

1.5 Elections Awareness & Voter Education

Most Mongolians are aware of the upcoming Presidential Elections (52%) with some 84% intending to participate in them. In regards to distinguishing between political parties in Parliament, over half of the respondents see no difference between parties or see a difference but can not specify them. This is interesting because it contrasts with


the high percentage of respondents nationwide (85%) who correctly named at least one of their representatives in Parliament.

While the intention to vote in the Presidential Elections is high, it is notable that the role the President plays seems unclear to interviewees, with only a third naming him as “army commander” and nearly 30% not knowing his role. Nearly half of respondents are interested in watching television programs with election debates, while almost 80% are interested in programs in which the President would ask questions of the govern-ment.

1.6 Democratic Values

For most Mongolians, “democracy” means “freedom” and “freedom of speech.” “Free-dom,” “freedom to express one’s self” and “equality” – are what Mongolians feel they personally gained through democracy. Three quarters of Mongolians believe that you must have more than one party competing in elections in a democracy. “Choosing lead-ers” and “forcing government to change” are the two most signifi cant outcomes of what elections can do. With only 35% thinking that they have infl uence, most Mongolians do not think they infl uence national government decision making.

Mongolians are not very interested in politics, with only 46% stating they are inter-ested. Twenty-seven percent (27%) of respondents “never” or “almost never” discuss politics. Consistent with their relatively low-level of interest in politics, Mongolians are generally tolerant of other peoples’ political views. In contrast to Mongolians’ valuing of their freedom of speech, a surprising 27% do not think people in their area feel free to express their political opinions.

Consistent with other post-transition countries, there are low levels of trust in society. Almost half of Mongolians think that people can be trusted, with only 30% thinking they can be.

1.7 Gender Issues

There is a preference for women to be represented in government. Three quarters of re-spondents think women should make their own choice in voting. Nearly 70% of respon-dents would like more women represented in Parliament. Women have a stronger pref-erence than men for more women representation in Parliament. The biggest problems facing women mirror those cited as the biggest problems facing Mongolia – poverty and unemployment. Domestic violence also ranked high following these two issues.

1.8 Media Exposure & Information Sources

Almost all Mongolians fi nd out what is happening in the country through watching television. A distant second is newspapers, with 30% citing it as source. Only 14% said they read newspapers every day, and 29% said they never read them. Three quarters of

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Mongolians mainly watch national TV followed by Channel 25 during the prime time evening hours (5:00-9:00pm). Television is also the predominate medium for Mongo-lians to fi nd out about voter registration (71%). Half of the respondents said they get information on voter registration issues from local election committees. Radio is not an important source of information for most Mongolians with only 14% listening to it every day, and 60% saying that they do not listen to it at all.

1.9 Summary of Recommendations

The results of the survey provide important insights into civic and education needs. In particular, the results can be used by: 1) political parties and candidates to shape mes-sages and help them reach out to their constituents; 2) voter educators to strengthen meaningful participation in elections; and the 3) General Elections Commission to implement measures that will increase transparency and improve voting procedures.

In sum, the key recommendations to stakeholders include: ways to mitigate voter alien-ation; highlighting distinctions between political parties; clarifying roles of elected of-fi cials; deepening understanding of democracy; the most appropriate mediums through which to disseminate information; ways to improve transparency in electoral processes; and enhancing voter registration and vote counting procedures.


1 INTRODUCTION

The June 29, 2008 Parliamentary Election attracted 70% voter turnout across the country – casting ballots for 76 seats in 26 electoral districts. However, the results

of the election were contested in a number of districts and the election was generally marred by allegations of malfeasance. Concerns over malfeasance focused on voter registration and systemic weaknesses in regulations, policy and civic education. In response to these concerns, the British Embassy supported The Asia Foundation in conducting this survey and an assessment of the voter registration process in Novem-ber-December 2008.

The purpose of the studies is to allow stakeholders to elections to openly understand civic and voter education issues and identify ways to address them – creating an agenda for election reform. Developing an agenda for election reform is critical to protecting and building Mongolia’s vibrant democracy. By addressing weaknesses ahead of the Presidential Elections scheduled for May 2009, Mongolians’ confi dence in the electoral system will improve and lay the groundwork for greater support and respect for demo-cratic processes.

In this section the survey methodology is summarized. This section is followed by sections dedicated to each component of the survey including: 1) national mood; 2) views of government; 3) political participation; 3) fairness of elections; 4) elections awareness and voter education; 4) democratic values; 5) gender issues; and 6) media exposure and information sources.

At the conclusion of each of these sections, there are observations and recommenda-tions targeted to politicians, the General Election Commission, and those engaged in voter education. The fi nal section provides key recommendations based on analysis of the survey results grouped by target audience: political parties; voter educators; and the General Elections Commission.

1.1 Sampling Methodology

The target of the survey was the adult population above 18 years old. Face to face interviews was the methodology used in this survey. Nationwide multi-stage random sampling with probability sampling in an area cluster was employed in conducting the survey. At the fi rst level of randomization, provinces were selected randomly in each of Mongolia’s four regions in addition to the urban population. In the Western, Central, and Eastern regions, one province was selected from each. However, in Khangai re-gion, which is relatively more populated, two provinces were selected.

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At the second stage, clusters (soums in provinces and khoroos in the city) were se-lected. After selecting the cluster, a number of blocks were selected for each cluster. Finally, at the block level, eight households were randomly selected.

1.2 Sample structure

Region UB districts /Aimags and soums Sample Size

Capital Ulaanbaatar 390 West Uvs aimag 163

Ulaangom 100 Turgen 32 Tarialan 31

Khangai Ovorkhangai aimag 143 Arvaikheer 82 Khairkhandulaan 35 Nariinteel 26 Bayankhongor aimag 74 Bayankhongor 54Olziit 20

Central Selenge aimag 140 Sukhbaatar 100 Bayangol 19 Mandal 21

East Dornod aimag 90 Kherlen 50Bulgan 20Sergelen 20Total 1000


1.3 Sample distribution by age and gender

October 2008 Survey Country General populationNSO data 2007

Age Male Female Male Female 18 – 24 6,9% 7,8% 11,2% 11,8%25 – 29 5,0% 7,4% 6,6% 7,1%30 – 39 11,7% 13,7% 11,7% 12,5%40 – 49 10,9% 12,1% 9,3% 10,1%50 – 59 6,7% 6,1% 4,9% 5,4%60 + 6,9% 4,8% 4,2% 5,2%Total 48,1% 51,9% 47.9% 52.1%

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2 THE NATIONAL MOOD

2.1 Direction of the Country

Generally speaking, do you think things in Mongolia today are going in the right direction, or do you think they are going in the wrong direction? (Q.63)

Mongolians are pessimistic about the direction their country is taking. Just 44% felt the country was moving in the right direction, while 56% felt the country was moving in the wrong direction or were unsure. Opinions on the direction of the country were similar in Ulaanbaatar and in the countryside.


2.2 Direction of Country: Reasons for Right Direction

Why do you say that? (Q. 64)

Of the respondents that were optimistic about the direction of the country: 37% cited reasons connected to the economy (progress, development, infrastructure and invest-ment); while 33% cited improvement in the political environment (democracy, end of communism, peace); and 9% cited improvement in education, health care or other social services.

2.3 Direction of Country: Reasons for Wrong Direction

Why do you say that? (Q. 64 - top fi ve reasons)

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Although an almost equal number of respondents cited either economic or democratic improvements as reasons they were optimistic about the direction of the country, a strong majority (60%) of those who think the country is heading in the wrong direction cite economic concerns of one form or another (poverty, unemployment, worsening economy, underdevelopment, and price infl ation). Concerns about the political envi-ronment barely register. As single issue concerns, it is remarkable that corruption (7%) and environmental degradation (5%) are cited by so many as the primary reason the country is heading in the wrong direction.

While the country is fairly evenly divided between supporters of the major party alli-ances, and there were outbreaks of political violence after the last elections, these fi nd-ings, perhaps counter-intuitively for some, suggest that most Mongolians are relatively satisfi ed with the current state of their political institutions.

2.4 Biggest Problem Facing Mongolia

In your view, what is the biggest problem facing Mongolia? (Q.65)

The concerns listed by respondents who were pessimistic about the direction of the country were repeated when all respondents were asked what they thought was Mongo-lia’s biggest problem. Economic concerns dominate, with 36% citing poverty or unem-ployment as the primary problem facing the country; while another 11% cite infl ation or rising prices, and 18% cite the economy in general. Again, corruption is the most commonly cited single issue concern, followed by environmental degradation, alcohol-ism and education.


2.5 Direction at Municipal Level

Generally speaking, do you think things in your area today are going in the right or wrong direction? (Q. 67)

Mongolians’ thoughts on the direction their local community is heading in refl ect their opinions on the overall direction of the country. This suggests that their assessment of the state of the nation is largely determined by their personal experience. The basis or reasons given for the direction of the community are also similar to those given for the national direction. However, it is interesting to note that respondents in Ulaanbaatar are twice as concerned with environmental degradation (6%) compared with respondents from rural areas (3%); a fi nding confi rmed in the next question.

2.6 Biggest Problem at Municipal Level

In your view, what is the biggest problem facing your community? (Q. 69)

“Poverty or unemployment” was mentioned most frequently as the biggest problem at the municipal level in both the countryside and Ulaanbaatar. Almost half of rural respondents (46%) and a third of respondents (34%) in Ulaanbaatar cited “poverty and unemployment” as the biggest problem facing their community. The environment was the biggest non-economic concern, with fully one in ten considering it the most press-ing problem in their community.

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2.7 Economic Well-Being

How is your personal situation compared to two years ago? (Q. 75)

While more than a third of the population (35%) felt they were better off now than they were two years ago, slightly more than that (38%) felt they were worse off. While 22% said things were about the same. With more than half the population seeing their in-comes stagnant or declining, it is hardly surprizing that economic issues dominate voter concerns at both the national and municipal level. Urban residents were signifi cantly more likely to have improved their situation over the last two years, with 40% feeling they were better off, compared to 32% of countryside respondents.

2.8 Environment Concerns

How concerned are you with the problem of environmental pollution and food quality in Mongolia? (Q.73)


Environmental concerns are the top priority of only about ten percent of the population, but the fi ndings from this question demonstrate that the environment is a signifi cant concern of almost all respondents (97%). Although the intensity of concern was slightly higher in rural areas, the total percentage of respondents concerned was similar in the countryside and Ulaanbaatar.

2.9 Traffi cking Concern

How concerned are you with the problem of human traffi cking in Mongolia? (Q.74)

Similarly, over nine out of ten respondents (92%) were concerned with human traffi ck-ing as a problem in Mongolia.

2.10 Observations and Recommendations

Political Parties, Representatives and Candidates - To be responsive to voter concerns and improve their electoral competitiveness, politicians should address poverty and other economic issues in the Parliament. According to analysis of these results, they should highlight their work on economic issues in their campaigns and speeches. In addition, politicians may attract additional supporters by crafting and publicizing effec-tive policies for address corruption, environmental concerns and alcoholism.

Because people primarily evaluate national direction based on their personal experi-ence in the community, politicians wishing to sway voters should explain their national or international plans or policies in terms of their impacts or effects at the local level.

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3 VIEWS OF GOVERNMENT

3.1 Satisfaction with Government

How satisfi ed are you with the job the national government is doing? (Q.71)

Just a third of respondents (35%) are satisfi ed with the work of the national govern-ment, while almost six in ten (57%) are dissatisfi ed. Levels of dissatisfaction are similar in the countryside and Ulaanbaatar. Based on other fi ndings in the survey, we think this refl ects dissatisfaction with government in general, rather than specifi c dissatisfaction with the current government. Satisfaction with government, compared to other coun-tries in the region, is low. For example, the Asia Foundation asked the same question in a survey in Cambodia in 2003, where more than 75% were satisfi ed with their national government.


3.2 Political Alienation

To what extent do you agree with the statement that the national government does not care much about what you think? (Q. 72)

The level of political alienation in Mongolia is quite high, with almost seven in ten (68%) feeling the government cares little for their aspirations. When this question was asked in two similar surveys in 2003 elsewhere in Asia, 47% of respondents in Indone-sia agreed with the proposition, while 48% agreed in Cambodia. Alienation was slightly higher in Ulaanbaatar (71%) than in the countryside (66%).


Political Parties, Representatives and Candidates - Voter alienation and dissatisfaction with government may be attributable to low levels of communication and consultation between politicians and constituents. It may also be part of a Soviet legacy. To increase voter satisfaction, politicians should visit their constituency more often, elicit voter concerns, and explain how they are attempting to address those concerns at the national level.

Communication and consultation can be increased through community meetings or forums, with representatives talking about their work at the national level, listening to concerns, and answering questions. These public exchanges may be sponsored by the party or by civic groups interested in enhancing democracy and accountability in the community.

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4 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

4.1 Intention to Vote

Do you plan to vote in the Presidential elections? (Q. 12)

The dissatisfaction with government found in this survey does not translate into apathy among respondents. Eighty-four percent of respondents nationwide intend to vote in the upcoming elections, with interest somewhat higher (89%) in the countryside than in Ulaanbaatar (77%). Interestingly, respondents seem more interested in participating in the Presidential Election than they were in the Parliamentary Election, according to another survey conducted by Sant Maral Foundation prior to the Parliamentary Elec-tions in which only 61% of respondents said they planned to vote.

4.2 Reasons to Vote

What is the most important reason why you want to vote? (Q. 13)


Of the 84% of eligible citizens who plan to vote, almost a third (31%) will do so from a sense of civic duty, while another 29% say they will vote simply to choose a president. By signifi cant margins, these are the two main reasons for respondents’ intention in voting in the Presidential Election.

4.3 Reason for Not Voting

What is the most important reason why you may not vote? (Q. 14)

This question was asked of the only 5% of respondents who said they would not vote, so the value assigned specifi c responses may not accurately refl ect the population as a whole. Nevertheless, the range of responses is interesting. Those who “do not under-stand politics” or “do not know enough about the candidates” might be encouraged to vote by providing appropriate voter education.

4.4 Choosing a Candidate

What is the most important reason why you are voting for the candidate you choose?

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While almost six in ten (59%) select their candidate based on record, plans or ideology; 26% do not know how they choose a candidate, and a further 14% make their choice based on family or community pressure. The fi ndings for the countryside and Ulaan-baatar were similar except in one respect: 8% of Ulaanbaatar residents reported that family infl uenced their voting decision, compared to 5% of countryside residents.

4.5 Importance of Voting

How much of a difference do you think voting in the Presidential Election will make? (Q16)

Although a strong majority of citizens intend to vote in the Presidential Elections, less than half (48%) think their vote will actually make a difference. Feelings of political effi cacy are unlikely to increase until voters feel that representatives are listening to their concerns.


In regards to voter education, since the vast majority of Mongolians already intend to vote in the Presidential Elections, there is little need for educators to conduct tradi-tional-style “get out the vote” campaigns to encourage voting. Instead, resources should be reallocated to address other priority needs identifi ed through this survey.

A quarter of the population say they do not know how they determine who to vote for, suggesting there is signifi cant need for public education on the role and function of representatives, and how to evaluate candidates.

The voters’ sense of their own political effi cacy may be enhanced through increased communication and consultation between politicians and constituents.


5 FAIRNESS OF ELECTIONS

5.1 Fairness of the Municipal Elections

Do you think the Municipal Elections held in October 2008 were free and fair? (Q. 34)

Less than a third (29%) of all Mongolians and just 20% of Ulaanbaatar residents thought that the October 2008 Municipal Elections were free and fair. Nationwide half of all respondents (49%) overall and 64% of those in Ulaanbaatar thought malfeasance had occurred. These perceptions may seriously undermine public confi dence in the democratic legitimacy of elected offi cials.

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5.2 Perceptions of Malfeasance in Municipal Elections

Do you think that there was malfeasance in the way the Municipal Election was run? (Q35)

Nationwide, half of all voters (50%) thought cheating happened in the Municipal Elec-tions, while in Ulaanbaatar just 12% thought there had been no cheating.

5.3 Vote Buying in Municipal Elections

Did you hear of any gift-giving ahead of the Municipal Elections in your area? (Q. 37)


Did you hear of political parties giving money to people ahead of the municipal elec-tions in your area? (Q. 38)

More than a third of all voters heard about vote-buying and/or gift-giving in their area during the Municipal Elections, with 44% of respondents reporting politically moti-vated gift-giving, and 36% outright vote-buying. The pervasiveness of these activities suggests the persistence of patron/client relationships in some parts of Mongolian soci-ety, and highlights the need for civic education on this issue, as well as more effective enforcement of election laws.

5.4 Perceptions on Fairness of Presidential Elections

Do you think the Presidential Election will be free and fair? (Q. 27)

There is considerable doubt among the Mongolian electorate as to whether the Presi-dential Elections will be free and fair. Just four in ten (41%) think the elections will be free and fair, while 22% believe they will not be fair, and another 37% are unsure. In Ulaanbaatar, only 36% believe the elections will be free and fair, compared to 44% in the countryside.

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5.5 Perceptions of Malfeasance in Presidential Election

Do you think there will be malfeasance in the way the Presidential Election is run? (Q. 28)

One third of all respondents nationwide believe that malfeasance may happen in the elections, but this perception is much stronger in Ulaanbaatar, where close to half (46%) believe malfeasance may happen, compared to the countryside respondents (30%).

5.6 Expected Irregularities

Which kind of election irregularities are you expecting? (multiple responses) (Q. 29)


The most common irregularities expected, presumably based on respondents’ perceptions of past elections, are cheating in the vote count (34%), vote buying (30%), and news media bias (28%). Taken together, along with the other anticipated irregularities, these fi ndings paint a picture of an electorate that has serious doubts about the overall integrity of the electoral process.

5.7 Where to Complain

If problems happen in your area, do you know to whom you should complain? (Q. 30)

Almost six out of ten Mongolians (58%) say they do not know where to fi le a com-plaint if they witness an election irregularity. It is unclear if this fi nding refl ects a lack of awareness of institutions tasked with addressing electoral complaints or a lack of confi dence in those institutions.

To whom would you complain? (Q. 31) (multiple responses allowed)

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Of those who say they know who to complain to, most would complain to the Local Election Committee (75%). The second most common response (26%) was to complain to election observers, which is interesting in that independent election observers are not allowed under the current law. Just 18% mentioned the police, and very few mentioned government offi cials of any position, perhaps refl ecting public distrust of those institu-tions.

5.8 Willingness to Complain

If problems happened in your election area, how likely would you be to report it? (Q. 32)

Do you think that if a person knows of election problems that they should report it? (Q. 33)

Although almost three-quarters (74%) of all respondents think election problems should be reported, of those who know where to complain, just 55% think they would be likely


to complain. Reluctance to fi le complaints may be related to the distrust of electoral and governmental institutions, or a lack of knowledge of how to fi le complaints.

5.9 Measures to Improve Confi dence in Elections

How confi dent would you feel if neutral observers from your community were allowed to monitor voting and counting in the elections? (Q.42)

One of the contributing factors to the lack of transparency, and resulting lack of credi-bility in Mongolian elections, is the prohibition of Mongolian election observers. Some 66% of respondents say that the presence of observers would make them at least a little more confi dent the election would be fair, and just 8% say observers would make them no more confi dent.

5.10 Conclusions and Recommendations

A signifi cant number of Mongolians perceive the municipal elections to have not been fair, and doubt the overall integrity of the election process for future elections. Based on our assessment of the legal framework for elections, and experience in other countries undergoing democratic transitions, the Foundation believes that a contributing factor to the lack of confi dence in election fairness is a lack of transparency in the registration, polling and counting processes.

Election Commission – The simplest, cheapest and perhaps most effective method to enhance the integrity and credibility of elections is to increase the transparency of elec-tion processes. This can be achieved by allowing citizens, journalists, and others to observe each step of the registration, polling and counting processes.

Although current regulations do not permit non-partisan election observation (which the survey revealed would be an effective means of enhancing confi dence in the pro-cess), they do allow citizen observation. If the regulations cannot be modifi ed prior

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to the Presidential Election, transparency could be enhanced by opening processes to increased scrutiny by organized and ordinary citizens.

For registration, this might mean posting preliminary voter lists earlier to allow voters to review the list and propose corrections, and making copies of the list available to par-ties or citizens for the cost of production (as is done in most other countries). Although some have expressed concern that providing easier access to the list will violate pri-vacy, the list is already available for several weeks before the election. A more effective means of protecting privacy might be to post the preliminary list with just names and address, only using the voter’s ID number on the fi nal list for the polling station.

For the polling process, a number of citizens from the community (i.e. qualifi ed voters registered at the polling station) should be allowed the privileges of party observers, so they can reassure themselves and their communities that the process is fair. The number of such citizens watching the process may be limited by the space available, but should be a minimum of two or three for every polling station.

The survey revealed that voters are most concerned with malfeasance in the counting process. To enhance the credibility of this process, citizen observers, as described for the polling process above, should be allowed to join party observers. Currently, party observers are required to sit in a specifi c location, and they often complain that they cannot see the marks on the ballots. All observers should be allowed to move around, as long as they do not interfere with the process, and should be able to get close enough to see how a ballot is actually marked.1 At the close of counting, the results for the polling station should be certifi ed by observers, and posted in a public place at the station for the community.

Voter Educators – A lack of knowledge or understanding of a process can contribute to a lack of confi dence in the integrity of the process. Consequently, voter educators should try to ensure that voters clearly understand the registration, polling and counting processes. For registration, voters should know when and where the list will be posted for inspection, and the process for making corrections to the list. For polling and count-ing, voters should understand the steps and safeguards in the process.

The survey revealed that almost 60% do not know who to complain to if they wit-ness an election irregularity. Voter educators should provide clear guidance on who to approach for specifi c types of complaints. In addition, complaints are often rejected because they lack much of the information needed for effective follow-up or prosecu-tion, so it will be important for educators to also provide guidance on how to prepare a complaint (description of incident, time and place, names of people involved, and other witnesses, etc.).

Voters report widespread vote-buying and gift-giving prior to elections. Civic educators can combat vote-buying by addressing the moral link between the gift and the vote. Typically the gift (money or something else) is used to symbolize or strengthen the ties

1 Typically, in other countries, a counter will call out the party or candidate marked on a ballot while holding the ballot up so a line of observers can see the mark. Observers will also watch as another counting team member records the vote on a paper tally sheet or blackboard, or both.


that bind patron and client. Many voters are reluctant to refuse a gift, because it seems an open admission of political allegiances.

Voter educators can explain that there is no moral compulsion to vote for a candidate that gives you a gift, as the wrong is on the part of the giver, not the receiver; and the fact that someone tries to buy your vote may be a reason not to vote for them. As soon as doubt is raised in the candidates mind about the effectiveness of vote-buying as a strategy, they will begin to channel those resources into potentially more productive (and honest) campaign activities.

Non-Governmental Organization – To document and expose unfair media bias, and thus help to deter it, NGOs might consider conducting a formal media monitoring proj-ect for the Presidential Elections. Simple, inexpensive and effective methodologies for media monitoring are readily available (at least in English), and they could easily be adapted for use in Mongolia.

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6 ELECTIONS AWARENESS & VOTER EDUCATION

6.1 Awareness of Presidential Elections

Have you heard anything about elections coming for the President of Mongolia? (Q. 10)

When the survey was conducted, six months before the scheduled elections, slightly more than half (52%) of all respondents have heard about the Presidential Elections. Only 10% knew what month the elections would be held. Awareness levels were simi-lar in the countryside and Ulaanbaatar.

6.2 Knowledge of Representative

Can you name one of your representatives in Parliament? (Q.23)


Most respondents can name at least one of their representatives in Parliament, but knowl-edge of representatives is signifi cantly higher in rural areas. In Ulaanbaatar, more than a quarter (26%) of respondents could not correctly name any of their representatives.

6.3 Difference Between Parties

What difference do you see between the parties in the Parliament today? (Q19)

More than three-quarters of all respondents (77%) see no signifi cant difference between parties in Parliament, cannot articulate a difference, see difference only in number of members elected, or don’t know. Just 22% saw differences based on record, policies or ideology. Findings are similar for both urban and rural respondents.

6.4 Media Preference for Voter Education

Through which media or methods would you prefer to receive information about the Presidential Election? (Q. 11)

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Respondents were allowed to provide several responses to this question, so the percent-ages in the table represent the number of respondents who mentioned that media as one of their responses. Television was by far the most popular media, mentioned by 81% of respondents. The next most popular were newspapers, mentioned by 30%, and house visits by a non-partisan group, mentioned by 23%.

There were signifi cant differences in preferences between countryside and Ulaanbaatar respondents for some media. Fully 28% welcomed information from a local leader in the countryside, compared to just 7% in Ulaanbaatar. Similarly, 23% of rural respon-dents preferred public meetings compared to 14% of their urban counterparts. These fi ndings probably refl ect the more intimate nature of community life in rural areas, and the more limited access to other sources of information.

6.5 Interest in Political Programming

Would you be interested in watching on TV or listening on the radio to broadcasts about what different candidates say about problems facing Mongolia? (Q. 20)

A large majority (78%) of Mongolian respondents is interested in watching or listening to television or radio broadcasts about the policies and plans of political parties and candidates, and this interest extends beyond the election or campaign period.


6.6 Individual Choice in Elections

Do you think that the household head should be listened to by family members on how to vote or family members should have their own choice? (Q.55a)

Although nationally 87% think that respondents should independently choose their party or candidate; 9% think the head of household should provide advice on who to vote for, and 4% are unsure. Interestingly, a signifi cantly higher percentage of voters in Ulaanbaatar (12%) felt the family should be advised by the head of household, com-pared to just 7% in the countryside.

6.7 Vote Buying

What are your views on political parties giving money in elections? (Q55)

When asked about the moral issues surrounding vote-buying, more than three quarters of all respondents (77%) correctly understand that there is no moral compulsion to vote

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for a party or candidate that illegally tries to buy a vote, indicating that in most cases parties would be better off spending their money on advertising or other campaign activities rather than trying to buy votes. Nevertheless, 8% still think that morally one should vote for the candidate that gave the money or gift, while another 16% are un-sure. This is enough of a margin of susceptible respondents to easily make the differ-ence in a tight race, and (as pointed out in the previous section) suggests there remains signifi cant need for voter education on this issue.

6.8 Job of the President

What is the job of the President? (Q.24)

When respondents were asked to name the role or functions of the President, the most common response mentioned by 35%, was “Army Commander.” More than a quarter (27%) could not provide any response, with that fi gure being slightly higher in the countryside (30%) than in Ulaanbaatar (23%).

6.9 Observations and RecommendationsPolitical Parties – Mongolian political parties have in general failed to establish a clear and distinct identity in the minds of most voters. At the same time, Mongolians have expressed a strong interest in watching political programming that examines the issues and problems facing the country. This creates an excellent opportunity for parties or candidates to increase their vote share by more clearly defi ning their identity and ex-plaining their ideology to voters.

Although incumbents generally have an electoral advantage, those completely unknown to their constituents are the most likely to lose in the next election. This lack of recog-nition will have most impact if there is a return to the single-member district electoral system, but even under the proportional system will reduce a party’s vote total.


Clearly, to establish their party and individual identity, representatives should spend more time communicating directly with their constituents, particularly in Ulaanbaatar. To encourage this and to be more successful in elections, parties might consider survey-ing voters in target constituencies for representative recognition and approval, and then replace those who score poorly on candidate lists for the next election.

Voter Educators – Mongolians know little about the positions of parties or candidates on particular issues or about their guiding ideologies. Therefore, Mongolians have dif-fi culty choosing between candidates and parties. Although the primary responsibility lies with parties, voter educators also have a role to play in providing voters with the information they need to make an informed decision on Election Day.

Non-partisan voter educators can help encourage parties and candidates to make clear statements on issues by providing opportunities for them to present their messages to the broader public. These opportunities might be broadcast forums, public debates, or printed voters’ guides. Forums or guides would be structured to make it easy for voters to compare and contrast the candidates or parties, with each responding to the same set of questions or issues, and each provided with equal space or time to make their case.

Prior to the Presidential Election, there remains signifi cant need to educate the public about the role and functions of the President. This fi nding may refl ect a more general lack of knowledge of the institutions of democracy, and suggests there may be additional need for civic education both for the general public and as a formal course in schools.

Most voter education should be provided through television as that will be the most cost effective media to reach a large proportion of the population. However, voter educa-tors should also consider other media for those with limited access to television. Voter guides printed in newspapers, or on newsprint, can be a way to provide voters with information about the positions of parties and candidates, as well as information about the election processes. For those interested in targeting fi rst time voters, radio might be a viable media, particularly in urban areas.

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7 DEMOCRATIC VALUES

7.1 Meaning of Democracy

If a country is called a democracy, what does that mean to you? (multiple responses) (Q.43)

When asked to explain the meaning of democracy, the most common responses were related to “freedom,” “freedom of speech” or “rights.” Relatively few mentioned any attribute of democracy related to self-government or accountability.


7.2 Benefi ts of Democracy

What is the most important thing that democracy in Mongolia will bring you person-ally? (multiple responses) (Q.44)

Again, responses are primarily related to “freedoms” and “rights,” with just 8% men-tioning the ability to infl uence government through voting or representation.

7.3 Support for Multi-Party Democracy

Do you agree that to have a democracy there must be elections with more than one party competing? (Q.45)

Although 72% support multi-party democracy, it is worrying that 13% do not, and an-other 15% are unsure. This fi nding may refl ect the feelings of those who remember and did better during Communist times. However it could be caused by a growing percep-

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tion that democracy has failed to deliver on its initial promise. It would be interesting to explore this further through qualitative research and to track the growth or diminish-ment of this feeling over time.

7.4 What Elections Can Do

What are your views on what elections can do? (Q.46)

Although formal understanding of the meaning of democracy is weak, many Mongo-lians correctly view elections as a means for enhancing political accountability.

7.5 Political Effi cacy

How much infl uence do you think you can have over national government decisions? (Q.47)

Disillusionment with democracy is more understandable in light of the fact that just one-third (35%) of Mongolians think they have some political infl uence at the national level. Findings on this question were similar in Ulaanbaatar and the countryside, sug-gesting the feeling of political ineffi cacy is unrelated to income levels or closeness to government.


7.6 Interest in Politics

How interested are you in politics? (Q.51)

How often do you discuss politics with friends? (Q.52)

Although 78% of Mongolians say they are interested in watching or listening to politi-cal broadcasts, just 46% say they are very or somewhat interested in politics in general. Political discussion among friends is almost non-existent, with just 14% saying they often engage in political discussion. This lack of interest in political discussion is prob-ably related to the feeling among many respondents of a lack of freedom to express political opinion, and the low levels of trust in society highlighted later in this section.

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7.7 Tolerance

Would you accept a friendship with someone who supported a party that most people do not like?

Do you think that all political parties, even the ones most people dislike, should be allowed to hold meetings in your area?

At a personal level, 83% of Mongolians are willing to accept friends with differing political allegiances. This may not be surprising, as few Mongolians see signifi cant differences between parties. Respondents report similar equanimity and openness with 68% reporting that all political parties should be permitted to convene community and other meetings.


7.8 Perception of Freedom of Speech

Do people feel free to express their political opinions in the area where you live? (Q.53)

Although freedom of speech is seen by Mongolians as a fundamental attribute of a liberal democracy, just 55% say they feel free to express political opinions in their com-munity. This fear of speaking openly may be a legacy of the Soviet era and is probably a contributing factoring in respondents’ lack of interest in political discussion.

7.9 Trust

Generally speaking, do you think that most people can be trusted? (Q.54)

Less than half of all Mongolians feel that most people can be trusted. This remarkably low level of civic trust was probably also generated during the communist period. Low levels of trust inhibit association formation. This lack of trust in society probably con-tributes to the high level of distrust in the electoral process.


Voter Educators – Like most people in transitional democracies, Mongolians associate democracy more with rights and freedoms. Without a deeper understanding of these concepts, disillusionment with democracy may deepen.

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Civic educators should prioritize messages explaining the concepts of self-government, representation, and mechanisms citizens have for enhancing political accountability. Knowledge of these mechanisms should also increase voters’ perceptions of their po-litical effi cacy, thereby increasing their overall interest in politics; as well as strengthen their overall support for multi-party democracy.


8 GENDER ISSUES

8.1 Women’s Choice

Do you think women should make their own choice in voting or do you think men should advise her? (Q.56)

Although more than three-quarters (76%) of Mongolians believe women should make their own choice in voting, almost one in four (24%) think men should advise women, or are unsure. The fi ndings are similar for both Ulaanbaatar and the countryside, among both men and women.

8.2 Women in Parliament

Would you like to see more women as members of Parliament? (Q.57)

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Why do you think there should be more women in Parliament? (Q.58)

A strong majority (68%) would like to see more women in Parliament, but the preference was 7% greater in the countryside (71%) than in Ulaanbaatar (64%). Preference for more women representation in Parliament was also higher among women (76%) than among men (61%).

“To promote equality with men” and “to help women make progress” were the most frequent reasons given by those who would like to see more women representatives. “Women don’t know enough about politics,” and “politics takes women away from their families,” were the reasons most cited by those who opposed.

8.3 Gender Preference for Representative

Would you prefer to be represented by a man or a woman in Parliament? (Q.60)

In total, gender preference is about equal, with 20% preferring to be represented by a man, 25% by a woman, and for about 50% it makes no difference. Broken down by


gender, preferences are signifi cantly different, with men preferring men by 12%, and women preferring women by 19%.

8.4 Inclusion of Women on Party List

In the Parliamentary Elections, every party has a list of candidates for the province, but usually only the top two or three people on the list have a chance of being elected. Knowing this, if a woman were included on a list in one of the top three places would

you be more likely or less likely to vote for that party?

Including a woman as one of the top three candidates on a Parliamentary party list would make 33% of respondents more likely to vote for the party, while it would put off just 13%. This is not surprising, given the strong female preference for women repre-sentatives. This fi nding suggests that including women among their top candidates can be a winning strategy for political parties.

8.5 Public Forums to Discuss Women’s Concerns

Would you be in favor or opposed to a public meeting for women only to talk about their problems? (Q.61)

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A large majority (82%) of Mongolians would welcome public forums that allowed women to discuss local issues of particular concern to women.

8.6 Problems Facing Women

What are the biggest problems facing women? (2 choices) (Q.62) (reasons cited by more than 5%)

Similar to the fi ndings for problems facing the whole population, poverty (34%) and unemployment (16%) are the most cited problems facing women in Mongolia. This question was asked of both men and women and there were no signifi cant variations in gender disaggregated responses.


Political Parties – Findings of the survey strongly suggest that political parties can improve their electoral prospects under the proportional system by including a woman among their top three candidates. Women are clearly very interested in public forums where they can discuss their issues and concerns. While these could be conducted by NGOs, political parties and candidates eager to better understand the issues that moti-vate half the population (and win their votes), would be well-advised to sponsor them themselves. Such events would provide the information needed to develop attractive campaign platforms, and would demonstrate the party’s commitment to addressing the political concerns of the female electorate.

Voter Educators – For the quarter of the population that thinks women’s vote should be directed by men, or are unsure, civic and voter educators should develop messages that emphasize everyone’s right to vote freely and independently, regardless of gender.


9 MEDIA EXPOSURE & INFORMATION SOURCES

9.1 Sources of Information

How do you normally get information about what is happening in the country? (2 choices)(Q. 8)

Almost everyone (94%) gets at least some information about what is happening in the country from TV. Newspapers are the second source of information (30%) followed by friends, family and neighbors (21%). The radio is a distant fourth source, with only 13% getting their information on what is happening through listening to the radio.

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9.2 Sources of Information on Registering to Vote

How have you gotten information about registering and voting for elections? (2 choices) (Q.9)

Almost three quarters of respondents (71%) say they have received information about the election process through TV. The second most cited source, at 50%, is the Election Commission.

9.3 Television Watching

How many days a week do you watch TV?


Which TV stations do you watch? (2 choices)

What time of day do you watch TV? (two choices)

Seventy-six percent of Mongolians watch TV every day. Of the TV stations, viewers in the countryside mainly watch the national TV station (76%). Although national TV is still the most popular station in Ulaanbaatar, only 46% of respondents watch it, fol-lowed by TV25 (25%). The most popular time to watch TV is at night from 9:00 to 11:00pm followed closely by the evening hours between 5:00 and 9:00pm.

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9.4 Radio Stations

How many days a week do you listen to the radio?(Q.4)

Which radio stations do you listen to the most often?(Q.5)


What time of day do you listen to the radio? (Q.6)

About three-quarters (74%) of the population say they never or seldom listen to radio, and about 20% say they listen fairly regularly. Radio is ten percent more popular in Ulaanbaatar than in the countryside, probably because of the greater variety of formats available. Mongol Radio is the most popular station in the country. The most popular time to list to the radio is in the morning from 8:00-12:00 am.

9.5 Newspaper

How many days a week do you read a newspaper? (Q.7)

While 47% say they seldom read a newspaper, 51% read one fairly often, and 20% in Ulaanbaatar read a newspaper almost every day.


Voter Educators – Television is the primary source for information about events in the country and for elections, and consequently should be the primary media for voter education. In the countryside, voter education should be provided through National TV; while in Ulaanbaatar National TV should be the primary channel for voter education,

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supplemented with more limited messaging through TV25 and TV9. About 75% of messages should be broadcast between 7:00 and 11:00 PM.

The General Election Commission can effectively and economically supplement its voter education campaigns by providing information through Local Election Commit-tees and through local offi cials.

Radio is relatively cheap compared to television, and consequently can be a good choice for more in-depth educational materials like public forums or candidate debates that target a local audience or single constituency. Radio can also be used to supplement TV-based campaigns, and popular music stations might provide an effective channel through which youth or fi rst time voters could be targeted.

Newspapers probably primarily reach those with the most access to other source of in-formation. However, they can be an excellent choice for in-depth information like voter guide inserts, which may pass through many hands. They can enhance the transparency of the election process by providing voters with diagrams and descriptions of the vari-ous steps and procedures in registration, polling and counting.


10 KEY OBSERVATIONS & RECOMMENDATIONS

The fi ndings of this survey provide important insights into voter and civic educa-tion needs. These results are particularly useful for political party candidates, voter

educators, and the General Election Commission. Therefore, key recommendations de-rived from the survey are presented in the following sections according to relevance for stakeholders.

10.1 For Political Parties, Representatives and Candidates

The survey fi ndings are important for political parties, representatives and candidates because they accurately reveal voter concerns and political priorities. This information can be used to craft policies and manifestos that will be attractive to voters.

Issues – Politicians and candidates that wish to be responsive to voter concerns and be successful in elections, should address poverty, unemployment, and other economic issues fi rst and foremost in their policies and plans. Secondary, but nevertheless impor-tant issues are: corruption; environmental concerns; and alcoholism.

Communication with Voters – Currently, most voters feel alienated from their national government. They feel they have no infl uence over the direction or policies of govern-ment. Politicians and parties that can successfully engage voters in the political process are likely to improve their prospects at election time. The primary means to accomplish this is simple: increase direct contact and communication with voters. Representatives should visit their constituency more often, elicit voter concerns, and explain how they are attempting to address those concerns at the national level. The voters’ sense of their own political effi cacy will be enhanced through increased communication and consul-tation between politicians and constituents. While the politician or party will be more recognized and popular in the community as a result.

Political Identity – Mongolian political parties have failed to establish clear and dis-tinct identities in the minds of most voters. To have a defi ned identity, parties need to stand for something, and voters need to know what that is. To clearly defi ne their identity in the public mind, parties may fi rst need to defi ne it for themselves. First, the manifesto should be distilled down to a very few policies, principles, or ideas that can be expressed as simple phrases or slogans. Then the party members must agree on which slogans articulate the defi ning ideas of their party. Finally, these two or three slogans should be referred to or mentioned by every candidate and representative in every speech or statement. Some examples of defi ning ideas are: low taxes, export-led

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growth, self-suffi ciency economy, social safety net, family or traditional values, pro-gressive values, etc.

Approach to Voters – The survey reveals that people primarily evaluate national di-rection based on their personal experience in the community. Consequently, national politicians wishing to sway voters should explain their national or international plans or policies in terms of their impact or effect at the local level.

Representative Recognition – Although incumbents generally have an electoral advan-tage, those completely unknown to their constituents, are the likeliest losers in the next election. This lack of recognition will have most impact if there is a return to the single-member district electoral system, but even under the proportional system will reduce a party’s overall vote total. To better establish their party and individual identity in the community, representatives should spend more time communicating directly with their constituents, particularly in Ulaanbaatar. To encourage this, and thus make their party more successful in the next national election, parties might consider surveying voters in target constituencies for representative recognition and approval, and then dropping those who score poorly from the candidate lists for the next election.

Appealing to Women Voters – Findings of the survey strongly suggest that political parties can improve their electoral prospects under the proportional system by includ-ing a woman among their top three candidates, as this approach attracts considerable more voters than it discourages. Parties may also increase their share of the female vote by sponsoring public forums where women can discuss their issues and concerns. Sup-porting such forums will help political parties better understand the issues that motivate half the population and develop campaign platforms that are more attractive to women. This would also demonstrate the party’s commitment to addressing the political con-cerns of the female electorate.

10.2 For Voter Educators

This section summarizes the observations and recommendations for voter educators that can be drawn from the survey report. It is relevant for anyone involved in plan-ning or conducting voter or civic education, including specialists at the GEC, NGOs and CSOs, public school offi cials, and donors and international assistance providers. Since a primary purpose of this survey is to help inform the development of a national voter education plan for the Presidential Election, in addition to the narrative summary, this section includes a matrix with recommendations for potential activities prior to the Presidential Election.

Get Out The Vote – Since the vast majority of Mongolians already intend to vote in the Presidential Elections, there is little need for educators to conduct traditional-style “get out the vote” campaigns to encourage voting. Instead, resources intended for GOTV should be reallocated to address other priority needs identifi ed through this survey.

Roles of Elected Offi cials – The survey suggests that there is signifi cant need for public education on the role and function of representatives and other elected offi cials; and


in particular there is a need to educate the public about the role and functions of the President prior to the upcoming elections. Without this basic understanding it will be impossible for voters to effectively evaluate candidates prior to an election. In the short term, this need can be addressed through public education, and over the longer term this knowledge should be incorporated in formal civics classes in schools.

Election Processes – A general lack of knowledge or understanding of election pro-cesses contributes to the Mongolian public’s lack of confi dence in the integrity of those processes. The General Election Commission, possibly with the assistance of NGOs, should prepare and disseminate messages that clearly explain the registration, polling and counting processes. For registration, voters should know when and where the list will be posted for inspection, and the process for making corrections to the list. For poll-ing and counting, voters should understand the steps and safeguards in the process.

Complaints Process – The survey revealed that almost 60% do not know who to com-plain to if they witness an election irregularity. When complaints are fi led, they are often rejected because they lack the information needed for effective follow-up or pros-ecution. Voter educators, including the GEC and NGOS, should provide clear guidance to voters on who to approach for specifi c types of complaints, and how to prepare a complaint (description of incident, time and place, names of people involved, and other witnesses, etc.).

Vote-buying and Gift Giving – Civic educators can combat vote-buying by addressing the moral link between the gift and the vote. Typically the gift (money or something else) is used to symbolize or strengthen the ties that bind patron and client. Many voters are reluctant to refuse a gift, because it seems an open admission of political allegianc-es. Educators should prepare messages that explain that there is no moral compulsion to vote for a candidate who gives you a gift, as the wrong is on the part of the giver, not the receiver; and the fact that someone tries to buy your vote may be a reason not to vote for them.

Choosing Candidates – Mongolians know little about the positions of parties or can-didates on particular issues, or about their guiding ideologies, so will have diffi culty making an informed choice on election day. Voter educators can help encourage parties and candidates to make clear statements on issues by providing opportunities for them to present their messages to the broader public. These opportunities might be broadcast forums or debates, or printed voters guides. Forums or guides would be structured to make it easy for voters to compare and contrast the candidates or parties, with each responding to the same set of questions or issues, and each provided with equal space or time to make their case.

Democratic Understanding and Accountability – Mongolians associate democracy more with rights and freedoms than with self-government and accountability. Civic educators should prioritize messages explaining the concepts of self-government and representation, and mechanisms citizens have for enhancing political accountability. Knowledge of these mechanisms should also increase voters’ perceptions of their po-litical effi cacy, thereby increasing their overall interest in politics; as well as strengthen their overall support for multi-party democracy.

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Gender Equality – For the quarter of the population that thinks women’s vote should be directed by men, or are unsure, civic and voter educators should develop messages that emphasize everyone’s right to vote freely and independently, regardless of gender.

Appropriate Media for Voter Education – Most voter education should be provided through television, as that will be the most cost-effective media to reach a large propor-tion of the population. However, voter educators should also consider other media for those with limited access to television. Voter guides printed in newspapers, or on news-print, can be a cost effective way to provide voters with information about the positions of parties and candidates, as well as information about the election processes. For those interested in targeting fi rst-time voters, radio might be a viable media, particularly in urban areas.

In the countryside, voter education should be provided through National TV; while in Ulaanbaatar, National TV should be the primary channel for voter education, supple-mented with more limited messaging through TV25 and TV9. About 75% of messages should be broadcast between 7:00 and 11:00 PM.

The General Election Commission can effectively and economically supplement its televised voter education campaigns by providing information through Local Election Commissions, and through bagh chiefs.

Radio is relatively cheap compared to television. Consequently, it can be a good choice for more in-depth educational materials like public forums or candidate debates that target a local audience or single constituency. Radio can also be used to supplement TV-based campaigns, and popular music stations might provide an effective channel through which youth or fi rst time voters could be targeted.

Newspapers primarily reach those with the most access to other sources of informa-tion, but can be an excellent choice for in-depth information like voter guide inserts, which may pass through many hands; and can enhance the transparency of the election process by providing voters with diagrams and descriptions of the various steps and procedures in registration, polling and counting.


Illustrative National Voter Education PlanInfor-

mation Need

Activity Implementer Quantity / Media Timeframe

Role of PresidentA3 Poster on role and function of president

GEC One per bag Posted six weeks prior to election

Inclusion of information in presidential elec-tion voters guide

NGOs/news-papers

(TBD) Distributed in the month before election

Inclusion of information in presidential candidate debate broadcasts

GEC/NGO/ broadcaster?

Every debate During presi-dential election campaign period

Complaints ProcessLeafl et (mini-poster) on types of election malpractice, and where and how to fi le complaints.

GEC or NGO or MoJ or police?

20,000 – 35,000. One per registra-tion offi ce, polling station, bag offi ce, market, school, police station, and for general distribution.

Distributed/post-ed from regis-tration process through election.

30-second video PSA on com-plaints process


1 per day on National TV, TV25 and TV9 between 7:00 and 11:00 pm.

First week of reg-istration period and week before elections

30-second radio PSA on com-plaints process


3x per day on Mongol Radio and other popular stations

First week of reg-istration period and week before elections

Newspaper article/graphic on complaints process


All participating newspapers

Start of registra-tion period and week before elections

Registration ProcessA3 poster on reg-istration process

GEC One per bag Posted prior to and during the registration process

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1-minute video PSA on the reg-istration process (Video can be drawn from GEC training video)

GEC 3x per day for 30 days on National TV, TV25 and TV9 between 7:00 and 11:00 pm.

During registra-tion period

1-minute radio PSA on the regis-tration process

GEC 3x per day for 30 days on Mongol Radio and other popular stations

During registra-tion period

Newspaper article/diagram on registration process

GEC/NGO/ newspaper?

Start of registra-tion period

Polling and Counting ProcessesA3 poster on polling and counting pro-cesses

GEC One per polling station

Posted prior to and on election day

Video PSA on the polling and counting processes (Video can be drawn from GEC train-ing video)

GEC 3x per day for 5 days on National TV, TV25 and TV9 between 7:00 and 11:00 pm.

Week before election

Radio PSA on polling and counting pro-cesses

GEC 3x per day for 5 days on Mongol Radio and other popular stations


Newspaper article/diagram on polling and counting pro-cesses

GEC All participating newspapers


Voters’ guide to observing elec-tions

NGO/news-paper

10,000, plus publication in participating newspapers

Distributed in the week preceding election and on election day


Vote-buyingLeafl et (mini-poster) against vote buying

NGO 20,000 – 35,000. One per registra-tion offi ce, polling station, bag offi ce, market, school, police station, and for general distri-bution. Published in participating newspapers.

Distributed/posted from three weeks before election

A3 or larger color poster on polling and counting processes

NGO One per bag Distributed/posted from three weeks before election

30-second video PSA against vote-buying

NGO 3x per day for 5 days on National TV, TV25 and TV9 between 7:00 and 11:00 pm.

Three weeks be-fore the election

30-second radio PSA against vote-buying

NGO 3x per day for 5 days on Mongol Radio and other popular stations

Three weeks be-fore the election

Candidate Platforms1 or a series of presidential can-didate debates or forums broadcast on television and radio

NGO X times on National TV and Mongol Radio.

During the cam-paign period

Voters guide to platforms of can-didates (can also include other voter education)

NGO 35,000 newsprint inserts for distri-bution, plus two per bag for post-ing, plus publica-tion in participat-ing newspapers

Distributed/posted from three weeks before election

Women’s ParticipationA3 or larger color poster encour-aging women’s participation and freedom to vote

NGO One per bag Distributed/posted from six weeks before election

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30-second video PSA promoting women’s right to choose freely

NGO 1 per day on National TV, TV25 and TV9

Six weeks before the election

30-second radio PSA promoting women’s right to choose freely

NGO 1 per day Mongol Radio and other popular stations

Six weeks before the election

Leafl et (mini-poster) promot-ing women’s right to choose freely against vote buying

NGO 20,000 – 35,000. One per poll-ing station, bag offi ce, market, school, and for general distribu-tion. Published in participating newspapers.

Distributed/posted from six weeks before election


10.3 For General Election Commission

It is clear from the survey fi ndings that a signifi cant number of Mongolians think the recent Municipal Elections were not fair, and doubt the overall integrity of the election process and fairness of future elections.

Transparency – The simplest, cheapest and perhaps most effective method to enhance the integrity and credibility of elections is to increase the transparency of election pro-cesses. This can be achieved by allowing citizens, journalists, and others to observe each step of the registration, polling and counting processes. Although current regula-tions do not permit non-partisan election observation (which the survey revealed would be an effective means of enhancing confi dence in the process), they do allow citizen observation. If the regulations cannot be modifi ed prior to the Presidential Election, transparency could be enhanced by opening election processes to increased scrutiny by organized and ordinary citizens.

Voter Registration – To increase transparency in the voter registration process the pre-liminary voter lists can be posted earlier to allow voters to review the list and propose corrections. At the time of posting, the GEC can also make copies of the list available to parties or citizens for the cost of production (as is done in most other countries). Al-though some have expressed concern that providing easier access to the list will violate privacy, the list is already available for several weeks before the election. A possible means to protect privacy might be to post the preliminary list with just names and ad-dress, only using the voter’s ID number on the fi nal list for the polling station.

Polling Process – For the polling process, a number of citizens from the community (i.e. qualifi ed voters registered at the polling station) should be allowed the privileges of party observers, so they can reassure themselves and their communities that the process is fair. The number of such citizens watching the process may be limited by the space available, but should be a minimum of two or three for every polling station, and beyond that as many as can be comfortably accommodated.

Counting Process – The survey revealed that voters are most concerned with cheating in the counting process. To enhance the credibility of this process, citizen observers, as described for the polling process above, should be allowed to join the party observers. Currently, party observers are required to sit in a specifi c location, and often complain that they cannot see the marks on the ballots. All observers, party and citizen, should be allowed to move around, as long as they do not interfere with the process, and should be able to get close enough to see how a ballot is actually marked. At the close of counting, the results for the polling station should be certifi ed by observers, and posted in a public place at the station for the community.

7 democratic values 37 - the asia foundation...7 democratic values 37 7.1 meaning of democracy 37...

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