7 foot

Phonological Theory B (PLIN2104)

7 Feet

Outline� Stress prominence� The metrical grid� Metrical feet� Foot parameters� End Stress� Extrametricality� Catalexis

Stress prominence

1. Syllable prominence within the word

(a) Stress: the linguistic manifestation of rhythmic (metrical)structure.

(b) Alternating rhythmic pattern across phonological strings:perceptually strong syllables (stressed, prominence peaks)interspersed with perceptually weak syllables (unstressed,prominence troughs).

(c) Stressed vs. unstressed. Prominence peak (´) vs. trough.PEAK+TROUGH TROUGH+PEAK

déaler delíghtbáttle batíkpróper propél

(d) Main vs. subsidiary stresses: in words with more than one localprominence peak, one peak is even more prominent than theothers. Main/primary stress ( ´) vs. subsidiary (secondary, tertiary,etc.) stress ( Ì ).cònsternátion, Cìnderélla, mùltiplicátion

John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 2

(e) Secondary stressed vs. unstressed(i) SECONDARY+PRIMARY UNSTRESSED+PRIMARY

rè-sígn resígnfòurtéen forgétBC (bì+ sí+) besíege

(ii) PRIMARY+SECONDARY PRIMARY+UNSTRESSED

quártìle túrtlesnówmàn Rómantíe prèss Cyprus

2. Word stress systems

(a) Free vs. fixed stress languages(i) Fixed stress: predictable location, derivable by rule.(ii) Free stress: unpredictable; must be lexically specified.

(b) Examples of systems with fixed main stress(i) Hungarian: initial(ii) Polish: penultimate

(c) Examples of systems with free main stress: Russian, Greek.(d) ‘Intermediate’ systems: although stress is not fully fixed, the

possible locations of stress are limited to certain positions withinthe word.(i) English(ii) Spanish: stress falls on one of the last three syllables of a

word. The basic pattern for most of the vocabulary ispenultimate (e.g. camísa), but some words have final stress(e.g. Madríd), while others have antepenultimate (régimen).

The metrical grid

3. Representing linguistic rhythm: the metrical grid

(a) Metrical grid: represents the rhythmic structure of a phonological

3 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot

string.(b) Metrical grid: examples

(i) x

x x

x x x

x x x x x x

r e c o n c i l i a t i o n

(ii) x

x x x

x x x x x x

x x x x x x x x x x x x

twenty-seven Mississippi legislators

(c) (i) Grid mark (x): a unit of rhythm, a ‘beat’.(ii) Grid columns: a sequence of rhythmic beats, varying in

strength according to their height.(iii) Grid rows/layers: on a given row, the beats occur twice as fast

as the beats on the row above.(d) Layer 1 (the bottom row): marks represent all the units

participating in the rhythmic struture of the phonological string —typically syllables.

(e) Layer 1+n: marks represent only those units that bear some kind ofstress. The level of stress (primary, secondary, tertiary, etc.) isreflected in the number of marks in a given column.

The metrical foot

4. Rhythmic scansion in verse

(a) Metrical foot: a unit of rhythm containing (i) exactly one strongbeat and (ii) optionally one or more weak beats.

(b) Iambic foot: weak+strongFor oft, when on my couch I lie

In vacant or in pensive mood,

They flash upon that inward eye

Which is the bliss of solitude


(c) Trochaic: strong+weakHardly from his buried wigwam

Could the hunter force a passage;

With his mittens and his snow-shoes

Vainly walked he through the forest

(d) Verse metre is calculated over sentence-level stresses (sentenceaccents). In metric poetry, word-level stresses can count as eitherstrong or weak. Example: each of the four words in my couch I liein (a) bears a word-level stress. Of these, two count as strong beatsin the verse metre (couch, lie), while the other two count as weak(my, I).

(e) The terms IAMBIC and TROCHAIC have been borrowed intophonological theory to describe word-level stress patterns. Inmetrical phonology, any stressed syllable (main or subsidiary)always counts as strong, while only unstressed syllables count asweak.

5. Metrical constituency in phonology

(a) Evidence that beats in linguistic rhythm are grouped intoconstituents, cf. music again.

(b) The phonological METRICAL FOOT (first draft): the minimalmetrical constituent, consisting of an obligatory prominence peakand an optional trough.

(c) Foot types(i) TROCAHIC foot (a trochee): prominence on the left.(ii) IAMBIC foot (an iamb): prominence on the right.

(d) Bracketed grid notationGRID AND BRACKETS ABBREVIATION

(i) Trochee: left-headed x

(x x) (x .)

(ii) Iamb: right-headed x

(x x) (. x)


6. Linguistic stress vs. verse rhythm

(a) Within the phonological system of any given language with wordstress, only one foot type is used.

(b) Verse metre is quite independent of this. In principle, eitherphonological foot type can be fitted to any verse metre. Englishphonology has uniformly trochaic feet, but much metric poetry inEnglish uses iambic rhythm (by starting a line on an up-beat)..

7. Identifying feet in English

(a) Feet parenthesised(i) Bisyllabic trochee: (cíty), (báttle)(ii) Monosyllabic trochee: (time), (four)

(b) Words containing more than one foot(i) (cònster)(nátion), (Cìnde)(rélla)(ii) (múlti)(plyÌ ), (fórti)(tùde)(iii) (dì)(láte), (sé)(nìle)(iv) (fòun)(dátion), (fàc)(tótum)

(c) Stressed vs. unstressed syllables(i) Every stressed syllable forms the head of a foot.(ii) An unstressed syllable can either be

• the weak syllable of a foot, e.g. (cíty), or• unfooted (not included in foot structure), e.g. ba(nána),

(váni)ty.(d) Expletive insertion: sounds most natural between feet (as opposed

to within feet). Insert your own bisyllabic trochee:(abso)(lutely) (conster)(nation) (cater)(pillar)

8. Verse rimes

(a) The phonological domain over which a verse rime is defined is thefoot.


(b) Masculine vs. feminine verse rimes(i) Masculine: (cook)–(book), (tray)–de(lay).(ii) Feminine: e(lation)–(nation), (city)–(pity),

(merri)ly–(veri)ly.

Foot parameters

9. Foot parameters

(a) PARAMETER PARAMETRIC SETTINGS

(i) Foot head location: Left/Right(ii) Directionality of footing: Leftwards/Rightwards(iii) Foot binarity On/Off

(b) Foot head location(i) Left-headed: trochee(ii) Right-headed: iamb

(c) Directionality of footing(i) Foot construction proceeds right to left.(ii) Foot construction proceeds left to right.

(d) Foot binarity: the unmarked foot is binary.(i) Binarity [on]: no monosyllabic feet.(ii) Binarity [off]: feet may be monosyllabic (DEGENERATE).

10. Directional footing

(a) Words with an even number of syllables: different directionsconverge on the same result:(ó ó)(ó ó)(ó ó)

(b) Words with an odd number of syllables: footing yields differentresults according to whether it proceeds rightwards or leftwards:(i) Left-to-right: the right edge of word has either a degenerate

foot or an unfooted syllable (depending on the foot binarityparameter):


DEGENERATE FOOT UNFOOTED SYLLABLE

(ó ó)(ó ó)(ó ó)(ó) (ó ó)(ó ó)(ó ó) ó(ii) Right-to-left: the left edge of word has either a degenerate

foot or an unfooted syllable:DEGENERATE FOOT UNFOOTED SYLLABLE

(ó)(ó ó)(ó ó)(ó ó) ó (ó ó)(ó ó)(ó ó)

11. Case studies

(a) Four case studies below, focusing on:(i) Foot head location(ii) Directionality of footing(iii) Foot binarity

(b) None of the systems shows:(i) Extrametricality (see Handout 1 and below)(ii) Quantity sensitivity (see Handout 1 and below)

(c) We start by ignoring main vs. subsidiary stress distinctions.

12. Maranungku (Australia)

(a) pán ‘friend’tíralk ‘saliva’mérepèt ‘beard’yángarmàta ‘the Pleiades’wóngowùtanàwan ‘thunderhead’y

(b) There’s always a stress on the first syllable of the word.(c) Foot head: Left

Directionality: Left-to-rightFoot binarity: Off

(d) Even (x .) (x .) (x .)wóngo wùta nàwany

Odd (x .) (x)mére pèt


13. Polish

(a) màrmólad ‘marmalade (gen. pl.)’màrmoláda ‘marmalade (nom. sing.)’màrmòladówy ‘marmalade (adj.)’

(b) There’s always a stress on the penultimate syllable of the word.(c) Foot head: Left

Directionality: Right-to-leftFoot binarity: Off

(d) Even (x .) (x .)màrmo láda

Odd (x) (x .) (x .)màr mòla dówy

14. Yidin (Australia)y

(a) galbí ‘catfish (abs.)’gudága ‘dog (abs.)’wawád inú ‘see (antipass. past)’y

mad ímdaNád iN ‘walk up (trans. antipass. pers)’y y

(b) There’s always a stress on the second syllable of the word.(c) Foot head: Right

Directionality: Left-to-rightFoot binarity: On

(d) Even (. x) (. x)wawá dyinú

Odd (. x) (. x)mad ím daNá d iNy y


15. Aklan (Philippines)

(a) bisá ‘kiss’bísahí ‘kiss (ref. imp.)’suGúgu?ún ‘servant’

mátinámarún ‘being lazy’(b) There’s always a stress on the final syllable of the word.(c) Foot head: Right

Directionality: Right-to-leftFoot binarity: Off

(d) Even (. x) (. x)supú gu§ún

Odd (x) (. x) (. x)má tiná marún

Main stress

16. Main (primary) vs. subsidiary stress

(a) The universal pattern is for the main stress to fall within the foot ateither at the left or the right edge of the word.

(b) The head of the foot associated with main stress projects a gridmark on the word layer.

(c) The End Stress parameterPARAMETER SETTINGS

End Stress Left/Right

17. Examples

(a) Maranungku: End Stress [Left]Word x

Foot (x .) (x .) (x .)wóngo wùta nàwany


Word x

Foot (x .) (x)mére pèt

(b) Polish: End Stress [Right]Word x

Foot (x .) (x .)màrmo láda

Word x

Foot (x) (x .) (x .)màr mòla dówy

Metrical parameters: summary

18. Metrical parameters

PARAMETER PARAMETRIC SETTINGS

(a) Foot head location: Left/Right(b) Directionality of footing: Leftwards/Rightwards(c) Foot binarity: On/Off(d) End Stress: Left/Right(e) Quantity-sensitivity: On/Off(f) Extrametricality On/Off

Metrical effects at word-ends

19. EXTRAMETRICALITY

(a) An extrametrical element (syllable, mora, or segment) ismetrically inert.


(b) Parameters(i) Final extrametricality: ON/OFF

(ii) Domain of extrametricality: ó/ì/C

20. CATALEXIS

(a) Catalexis: the counting of a silent beat for metrical purposes.(b) Catalexis in verse: ‘absence of a syllable in the last foot of a line

of verse’.Taffy was a Welshman

Taffy was a thief 3

Taffy came to my house

And stole a piece of beef 3

Consonant extrametricality

21. Cairene Arabic syllable weight

Word position: Medial FinalLight CV T THeavy CVV, CVC T TSuperheavy CVVC, CVCC X T

22. Main stress in Cairene Arabic

(a) Quantity-sensitivity: main stress on final syllable if ‘superheavy’.(i) VCC]

kataÞbt ‘I wrote’

sa�aÞbt ‘I pulled’

nidiÞmt ‘I regretted’

kidiÞbt ‘I lied’


(ii) VVC]haggaÞ:t ‘old woman’

�addaÞ:b ‘liar (m.)’

�addaÞ:d ‘blacksmith (m.)’

banaÞ:t ‘girls’

(b) Otherwise, main stress on penult if heavy.(i) VC.C

kataÞbta ‘you (m.) wrote’

mudaÞrris ‘teacher (m.)

mu�aÞrrir ‘editor (m.)’

muhaÞndis ‘architect (m.)’

(ii) VV.Cha:DaÞ:ni ‘these 2 (m.)’

beÞ:tak ‘your (m.) house’

�abaÞ:yib ‘close friends’

heÞ:lak ‘take it easy’

(c) Otherwise, main stress on penult or antepenult (depending onconditions not relevant here).(i) Penultimate V.

¼iÞmil ‘he did’

hiÞrib ‘he ran away’

garraÞbu ‘try (imp. pl.)’

(ii) Antipenultimate V.?inkaÞSarit ‘it (f.) broke’

kaÞtabit ‘she wrote’SajaraÞtuhu

23. Standard analysis

(a) Parametric settings(i) Final C extrametrical(ii) Moraic trochees, oriented right(iii) Quantity-sensitive (weight-to-stress)


(b) (i) Final ‘superheavy’ka(taÞb)<t> (hag)(gaÞ:)<t>

(ii) Penultimate heavyka(taÞb)ta (ha:)(DaÞ:)ni

mu(daÞr)ri<s> (beÞ:)ta<k>

(iii) Penultimate light(¼iÞmi)<l> (gar)(raÞbu)

(iv) Antepenultimate light(kaÞta)bi<t> (Saja)(raÞtu)hu

(c) All rimes subject to binary limit; all feet binary.

24. Final-onset analysis

(a) Every final C is the onset of a dull syllable. No need for final Cextrametricality.

(b) ‘Super-heavy’ sequence = ordinary bimoraic heavy syllable plusfinal light syllable.

ka(taÞb)tØ (hag)(gaÞ:)tØ

Syllable extrametricality

25. Spanish

(a) Primary stress in V-final words(i) Penultimate (default)

camísa palóma perdída ‘lost (f.)’(ii) Antepenultimate

sábado rúbrica pérdida ‘loss’(iii) Final

Panamá paletó café(b) Primary stress in C-final words

(i) Final (default)civíl mercéd altár


(ii) Penultimatemóvil ámbar césped

(iii) Antepenultimateanálisis régimen Álvarez

(c) Limited quantity sensitivity: stress must fall on one of the lastthree syllables of a word; but antepenultimate stress is impossibleif the penultimate syllable is closed (* tápamba).

26. Spanish: standard analysis

(a) Default pattern: moraic trochee, oriented right.(i) V-final: ca(mísa) pa(lóma)(ii) C-final: ci(víl) mer(céd)

(b) Final V stress: lexically marked degenerate foot.ca(fé) (pàle)(tó)

(c) Antepenultimate V-final: lexically marked syllableextrametricality.

(sába)<do> (rúbri)<ca>(d) Penultimate C-final: lexically marked consonant extrametricality.

(móvi)<l> (céspe)<d>(e) Summary of standard assumptions

(i) CVC counts as heavy word-finally but not always word-internally – reverse of the usual pattern, cf. Arabic.

(ii) Syllable extrametricality.(iii) Consonant extrametricality.(iv) Degenerate feet.

27. Spanish: re-analysis with final dull syllable

(a) Default: syllabic trochee, right-oriented.V-final: ca(mísa) pa(lóma)

(b) Final dull syllable projects to metrical structure, just like any othersyllable.C-final: ci(vílØ) mer(cédØ)


(c) Final V stress: lexically marked catalexis; syllabic trocheeoverhangs word end.

ca(féØ) (pàle)(tóØ)(d) Antepenultimate V-final: lexically marked syllable

extrametricality.(sába)<do> (rúbri)<ca>

(e) Penultimate C-final: lexically marked syllable extrametricality.(móvi)<lØ> (céspe)<dØ>

(f) Summary(i) No special quantity behaviour of final CVC.(ii) Consonant extrametricality reduces to syllable

extrametricality.(iii) Degenerate feet dispensed with under catalexis.(iv) Potential to dispense with distinction between moraic and

syllabic trochees.

Reading

Roca & Johnson 1999 (ch 11-13)

7 foot

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