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Polaris Burmese Library Collection 1

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Rangoon University Annual magazine 1983-84 cover page
http://www.geocities.com/myanmasar/uni_zine/


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Rangoon University Convocation Hall

Rangoon University Entrance 2010.


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Rangoon University


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Tuesday, July 05, 2005

7th July pictures in Yangon University magazine

July 7, is the anniversary of students killed by Ne Wins army in 1962.On, 8th July 1962, army blew up student union building killing manystudents inside. It is a v dark day Burmese students will never forget.Twenty years later, in 1983, RASU students made the following coverpicture for annual university magazine. Only a few people knew thishappened. Rangoon University annual magazine cover of 1983-84 was

designed by students in the memory of students died when governmenttroops shot demonstration in 1962. The cover did not show anythingcontroversial if you do not look carefully. There are many hidden partsboth in background and objects.Back cover looks clean and plain but it was said that there were alsoparts with special meanings. The university authorities stopped sellingthe magazines within a few days.I was young at that time and dontknow much about hidden meanings but I kept this book.

Background story:

year 1962 On July 7th, the university students held a meeting inresponse to the government's actions, and demonstrated in the

university compound. Such a continuing expression of dissent wasintolerable for Ne Win. A police security group came to scatter thedemonstrators with the tear gas, and arrested the All-Burma StudentsUnion Chairman, Ko Thet, as well as the University Students UnionChairman, Ko Swe Lay.Gen. Ne Win Slaughters Unarmed Burmese Youth.Then the abominations began. At about 5:00 pm, two army trucks cameinto the University compound. The soldiers jumped out and beganshooting down the students. Ne Win's crony General Sein Lwin, who
http://dathana.blogspot.com/2005/07/7th-july-pictures-in-yangon-university.htmlhttp://dathana.blogspot.com/2005/07/7th-july-pictures-in-yangon-university.html


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titled himself "The Lion", led this disgraceful terrorist operation againstthe unarmed, innocent students.

Rangoon University Annual magazine 1983-84 cover page

14-Jul-10Infantry Unit #4 was given the order to shoot. For threeminutes, all you could hear was shooting, shouting, screaming, glassbreaking, people running, bullets hitting the wall, and the woundedstudents moaning, as if the world was on fire. Other students heard thegunfire and started to run away, but the soldiers started shooting again,until the dead bodies began to pile up around the compound. Thus, the
http://www.geocities.com/myanmasar/uni_zine/


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helpless Burmese students, running for their lives, were grudgingly andcruelly shot down by their own army.

Even at the great battle in front lines of war, those soldiers could notsee such a pile of dead and wounded enemies. In this case, about 200students died. But the government, ashamed, announced that only 15students had died, with 27 wounded. On July 8th, to be sure that thestudents had gotten the message, the army also blew up the StudentUnion Building. It came down with a loud explosion of army mines. Along with the building, Ko Kyaw Win of Myaung Mya, who had beenhiding himself in the building, died.

When the University was finally reopened, the students who lost arms orlegs, who were shot in the face or in the stomach, arrived at school withbandages still covering their wounds. Later these students were sent toother universities, and we lost contact with many of them. Some died

from their wounds.(Source)

http://dathana.blogspot.com/2005/07/7th-july-pictures-in-yangon-university.html

THE HISTORY OF THE STUDENT

MOVEMENT IN BURMA( by HMINE SAT AUNG )

Nowadays, the members of the so-called ?State Peace and Development Council?feel constrained on all sides by their failures, and by their growing problemsin the economy, politics, education, and social services. Moreover, they have

the additional problem of their drug business to sort out. They areconstantly torn between their desire for personal benefit and the terrible
http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/reg.burma/archives/199908/msg00085.htmlhttp://www.ibiblio.org/obl/reg.burma/archives/199908/msg00085.html


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consequences of their fruitless policies on the country. Thus, they have split intofactions among themselves. Those who got the first chance to secure wealth took the opportunity. These ones are now nervous and panicking, anticipating theinevitable demonstrations and mass uprisings. Out of fear, they are foolishly tryingto destroy the genuine historical records and substitute false ones.

The Case of Dr Thar HlaThe case of Dr Thar Hla is one example of this. To justify their own uselessand corrupted policies of closing the universities, the SPDC are desperatelytrying to tear out from the pages of History the actual words Dr Thar Hlaspoke concerning the value of Education to the country. So we must remind themof what they want to forget.After the assassination of General Aung San in 1947,and when the ethnic groups had finally been excluded from negotiations about thenew government, the 1949 Karen revolution against the AFPFL began at Insein, nearRangoon University. U Nu and and his government wanted to close down theUniversity, claiming that it was too risky for the students to be near the battle withthe Karen rebels. At that time, Dr Thar Hla was a member of the University Council,as well as Head Professor at the University. Dr Thar Hla argued that the university

ought not to be closed down. It would be a great mistake to do so, he claimed, asthere would be no way to recover the value of the education lost to the nation. TheProfessor explained about his experience in Britain during the War with Hitler. TheBritish had done all they could to keep the education system going on during thebattles. They said that, even if they should win the war, to close the schools wouldseverely damage the country. To stop teaching made no sense, and would bringgreat destruction of the people?s morale. Finally, Dr Thar Hla said, ?No rebel willshoot at the students in theUniversity. I dare to stand guarantee for that.? On hearing these words, themembers of the U Nu government felt a great pain in their hearts, as if theyhad received a strong and unexpected blow. Indeed, the rebels never did shoot atthe students. But later, in the years under the Ne Win BSPP military dictatorship andits offspring SLORC and SPDC, the Burmese Army itself tortured, killed, and blew upwith mines hundreds andthousands of students.

The Black Deeds of Ne Win?s BSPP


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Because of the present fascist government, it is necessary, once again, forthose of us who remember, to recite the history of the Burmese studentmovement. Generation after generation the students have taken dramatic actionin the cause of truth and freedom. In 1920, the students, without a student union,conducted mass demonstrations against the British colonial system, uniting on thebasis of their common understanding only. On September 20th, 1930, they agreed,in the gymnasium of Rangoon University, to form the University Students Union.During the years 1935-36, the All-Burma Students Union was also born. These twostudent unions always took appropriate actions in the noble fight against colonialismand for freedom and our national liberty.

After Ne Win seized power in 1962, he began to put an end to the UniversityCouncil. On May 11th, he dismissed Head Professor Dr Thar Hla. On May 17th,he formed a new University Council, consisting of army cronies Brigadier ThanPe, Brigadier San Tu, Colonel Than Sein, Colonel Tin Soe. As the HeadProfessor of the University, he appointed crony U Kar, who had been theEducation Minister in 1958 during U Nu?s caretaker government. So great was NeWin?s fear of education that he then proceeded to close downthe private schools. He also rejected the high school final examination inRangoon Division, so graduates could no longer find employment easily.Finally, he declared severe disciplinary measures against the universitystudents.

On July 3rd, the students demonstrated, demanding to keep the student hostelsfree of Ne Win?s control. On July 6th, the Revolutionary Council militarydictatorship replied by creating the ?University Senate?, staffed it with Ne

Win cronies, and then chose new Committee Members for the student hostels.

On July 7th, the university students held a meeting in response to thegovernment?s actions, and demonstrated in the university compound. Such acontinuing expression of dissent was intolerable for Ne Win. A policesecurity group came to scatter the demonstrators with the tear gas, and arrested the All-Burma Students Union Chairman, Ko Thet, as well as the University StudentsUnion Chairman, Ko Swe Lay.


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Gen. Ne Win Slaughters Unarmed Burmese Youth

Then the abominations began. At about 5:00 pm, two army trucks came into the

University compound. The soldiers jumped out and began shooting down thestudents. Ne Win?s crony General Sein Lwin, who titled himself ?The Lion?,led this disgraceful terrorist operation against the unarmed, innocent students.

Infantry Unit #4 was given the order to shoot. For three minutes, all youcould hear was shooting, shouting, screaming, glass breaking, people running,bullets hitting the wall, and the wounded students moaning, as if the worldwas on fire. Other students heard the gunfire and started to run away, but thesoldiers started shooting again, until the dead bodies began to pile up aroundthe compound. Thus, the helpless Burmese students, running for their lives,were grudgingly and cruelly shot down by their own army.Even at the great battle in front lines of war, those soldiers could not seesuch a pile of dead and wounded enemies. In this case, about 200 studentsdied. But the government, ashamed, announced that only 15 students had died,with 27 wounded. On July 8th, to be sure that the students had gotten the message,

the army also blew up the Student Union Building. It came down with a loudexplosion of army mines. Along with the building, Ko Kyaw Win of Myaung Mya,who had been hiding himself in the building, died. When the University was finallyreopened, the students who lost arms or legs,who were shot in the face or in the stomach, arrived at school with bandagesstill covering their wounds. Later these students were sent to otheruniversities, and we lost contact with many of them. Some died from theirwounds. The rest of the students soon regrouped, and they erected a temporarystudent union building, a big wooden hut. In memory and in honor of the hundredsof students who died, they also put up a stone pillar, 2.0 meters in length and 1.6meters in breadth, ?The Pillar of the Hundreds?. But in November 1963, duringanother student demonstration for an end to the on-going civil war, Ne Windeployed the army again. This time he destroyedboth the temporary student union building, as well as ?The Pillar of theHundreds?. Concerning the exploding of the Student Union Building, Ne Win tried to

blame his officer Aung Gyi. But at the second attack to destroy the temporarystudent union building, Aung Gyi was not even in his unit.


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Dropping all pretense, Ne Win, who had ordered the first shooting of unarmedstudents, now made his famous speech to the students: ?If you try to causeconflict, we are ready to counter you, a dagger for a dagger, a spear for aspear. Moreover, I am going to use the army. They will not shoot above you,but directly at you.? Thus spoke the bloodthirsty Chairman of theRevolutionary Council, General Ne Win, to the unarmed Burmese youth.

The Flag of the Fighting Peacock will Always be Flying

This is the heritage Ne Win has given to the SPDC today.When the 8/8/88 uprising occurred, the army again killed monks, students, andparents by the thousands, and put others into jails for many years. Some willbe there forever. Whom will we blame? In the end, we will blame thatcold-blooded killer, the cunning Khin Nyunt. This is certain.

The wheel that turns around will reach its inevitable political conclusion. You can still hear the echoing shouts and cries of those students, parents, And monks . You can still see the letters written with blood on the walls of the jails. In the uprising at the U Thant funeral (!973), and in the uprising at theHmine Centennial (1976), many demonstrating students were thrown into the jail.Two brothers, beaten bloody by the jailer and staffs, were shackled together. Onthe walls of their cell, using the blood running down from their heads, they

wrote, ?The evil spirit of Fascism must die,? and ?We shall never give up.?They believed in the revolution, and they knew that the people wouldwin.

?If you peel back the new tar road, And examine what lies beneath, You will find the true historyWritten in blood on the earth, And you will knowWhy they died.?


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On the night of 7 July 1962 only a few hours after the massacre of thestudents - a blood-letting which even the British imperialists dare notand did not commit in more than 100 years of colonial rule - General NeWin, Chairman of the Revolutionary Council addressed the nation on radio.The tone and tenor of Ne Win's address, which lasted no more than a fewminutes, were arrogant, harsh and threatening. He concluded his broadcastwith the following words: "If the student unrest is designed to challenge uswe wi l l r e spond SWORD WITH SWORD AND SPEAR WITH SPEAR"

()

These words were uttered on radio a few hours AFTER his troops gunned downunarmed students who were peacefully demonstrating against what theyconsidered to be oppressive hostel rules and a few hours BEFORE thehistoric Rangoon University Student Union Buliding was destroyed by

d y n a m i t e a t 5 a . m l o c a l t i m e o n 8 J u l y 1 9 6 2 .

A few days after the massacre and dynamiting of the Student Union Building -whose ha l ls bore the mark and re sona ted wi th the act iv i ti es o f ageneration of stalwart student leaders who spearheaded the freedom struggleagainst the Brit ish colonialists - Ne Win went on a tr ip to Austria for"medical-checkup".Twenty-six years later in his "valedictory address" to his BurmaSocialistProgramme Party (BSPP) and the nation on 23 July 1988, Ne Win continuedtouse the same harsh and threatening words. This speech was broadcast onBurmese
http://www.myanmarisp.com/Student_Movements/stu0005/image/image_view_fullscreen


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radio as well as television. Referring to the disturbances of March and June 1988 NeW i n i n e f f e c t , s a i d t h a t s o m e p e o p l e a r e " l e a r n i n g b yimitation" and that one town after another had followed the examples of others with gatherings and demonstrations against the government. He said,and I quote, ".... if the disturbances continue the Army will have to becalled and I would like to inform the whole country from here that if the Army shoots it shoots to hit, it has no tradition of shooting into the airto scare". Ne Win also said in that speech that the dynamiting of thestudent Union building on 8 July 1962 was done not by his orders but on theorders of his then deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi. In regard to the shootings of 7 July 1962 which preceded the destruction of the Student Union building he

said that as a "revolutionary leader" he had to take "responsibility" andg a ve t h e " s w o r d w i t h s w or d a n d s p e a r w i th s p ea r s p ee c h " .

General Ne Win and his cohorts did keep his promise of 23 July 1988 of "shooting straight" with a vengeance. The massacres of August and September1988 started with the shootings on the night of 8/8/88 (in what has come tobe known as the "the four eights uprising" ) in front of Rangoon City Hall.Many people estimated that in Rangoon alone, during the period of 8 to 12 August 1988, up to three thousand people might have died as a result of indiscriminate shootings that took place in those four days. During August1988 there were also other massacres in such towns like Sagaing andMoulmein. After a brief respite in what is now almost nostalgically known asthe "democracy summer" of August and September 1988 in which hundreds of thousands of people f rom a l l walks of l i fe ra l l ied aga ins t the BSPPgovernment in more than 40 cities and towns across Burma, the State Law and

Order Restoration Council (SLORC) took over on 18 September 1988.The SLORC "coup" was intended to do away with the civilian facade of BSPPrule and at the same time to shore up and save the BSPP elites. It alsoresulted in another huge loss of life. SLORC Foreign Minister Ohn Gyawhimself once stated in an interview that five hundred "looters" were shotd u r i n g a n d i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e S L O R C t a k e o v e r .

Ne Win's 23 July 1988 address to the BSPP Congress of "shooting straight"

i s on c lear record . Videotapes of h is " farewel l speech" are qui teeasi ly avai lable . But does any one know whether there are wri t ten


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transcripts or audio recordings of the full text of Ne Win's speech onBurmese radio of 7 July 1962? It would be of interest and significance todiscern whether any person or institution has a recording of his "swordwith sword, spear with spear speech" of thirty-five years ago. (In 1984 and1985 the BSPP compiled in two volumes all the speeches Ne Win had givensince 1962 under the title of The Epoch-changing, Revolutionary Speeches of the Great Burma Socialist Programme Party Chairman. but his "sword withsword, spear with spear speech" was not included in that collection.)On an international basis, the Sharpeville massacre in South Africa of March 1960 of roughly the same number of black South Africans by the thenapartheid regime receive more attention, publicity and commemoration than

the 7 July 1962 massacre of Burmese students of Rangoon University.The same can be said of the Tienanmen square massacre of June 1989 whichoccurred after the failed August-September 1988 Burmese uprising in whichm a n y m o r e p e o p l e d i e d t h a n i n T i e n a n m e n s q u a r e .Someone once said that the struggle against tyranny is in essence astruggle of memory and remembrance against forgetfulness. It is hoped thatthis short piece would in a small way contribute to help alleviate anyforgetfulness among persons who care about the Burmese people and theirp o i g n a n t s t r u g g l e f o r b a s i c h u m a n r i g h t s .

Memory is a pseudonym.http://www.burmalibrary.org/reg.burma/archives/199707/msg00095.html


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SEVENTH JULY STUDENT MASSACREhttp://www.tayzathuria.org.uk/bd/2006/7/01/mhbdl.htm

Seventh July is the historic day on the Burmese history on which day in 1962,unarmed university students sacrificed their lives against the Military Government.

Students were massacred and Students Union Building was dynamited downtogether with the students inside. Since that day students became the RESISTENCESYMBOL and used to spearhead the successive uprisings against the illegal MilitaryRulers.

Burma army Chief of Staff General Ne Win and cohorts threaten the U Nus electeddemocratic government to hand over power and formed a Caretaker governmentfrom 1958 to 1960 for eighteen months. General Ne Win and cohorts had a goodtaste of power after 18 months of the Caretaker Government, and they regarded UNu as a week leader and was not strong enough to govern the country. They openlytold the Pyidaungsu Governments that the army had to fight vigorously and they arenot happy to even protect and give security service to those corrupt political leaders.

General Ne Win took over the power second time in March of 1962. Military coupswere quite popular in those days of early sixties in Asia, Africa and in Latin America.Now it is out of fashion and most of them reverted back to the civilian rule. Justafter the Military coup of General Ne Win, he quelled the dissents and


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demonstrations with his army brutally. He even dynamited the Students Union in theRangoon University while some student leaders were still inside.

General Ne Wins first speech challenged or threatened the unarmed Burmese

Citizens that he would respond knife with knife, spear with spear if any one dare tochallenge him and his lap-dog army, in Burmese, Dhar dhar chin_Lhan lhan chinshin mae.

In his last farewell speech he warned the Burmese citizens that next time if HIS

Army had to be called to calm the uprising there is no vocabulary in the BURMA ARMYs guiding manuals to shoot up into the air for warning. Burma Army wouldshoot straight to the target, in other words Tatmadaw declared its SHOOT TO KILL policy even on unarmed civilians.General Ne Win took over in the early morning of March 2nd, 1962. There was an important announcement over the radio from theBurma Broadcasting Service. We heard marching songs being played and then theannouncement came regarding the taking over of the country by the military andabout the formation of the Revolutionary Council. There were 17 names mentioned

as members of the Revolutionary Council.


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Rangoon university student protests started against the Military coup on 6 July 1962.On the 7th of July 1962 there were demonstrations against the Ne Wins militarygovernment and the government retaliated with severe measures. Aung Gyi and TinPe were the most senior officers and Sein Lwin was the field commanding officer inthe university region. No on exactly know who gave the orders to open fire.

On July 7, over 130 stubborn or diehard or brave would be martyr students whowere demonstrating in the students union building in the campus of RangoonUniversity were dynamited and brutally killed by the army.

The historic students union building was destroyed into pieces. The 7 July studentsmassacre was merely a blood-stained on the Tatmadaw but they could not suppressthe students' spirit of going on fighting against the militarism. The arrest, tortureand imprisonment could not crush the spirit of the fighting peacock or therevolutionary student protests.

When the Students Union building was dynamited with some of the students insideour heart sank and nearly broke. All the students, parents and the whole populationfelt very hurt up to the present time especially on this auspicious or rather anotorious day. The 7th July is the 9-11 for all the Burmese.

Ne Win blamed Aung Gyi and Aung Gyi pointed back to Ne Win as a responsibleleader. But the real butcher who pulled the trigger was SEIN LWIN. (During the1967 Student Festival in Mandalay, there was a small fight between the students.One of the son of Butcher Sein Lwin boasted amongst his friends that to quell thatstudent unrest was a minor thing for his father who had shoot and killed a lot of students and dynamited the students union building on 7th July. And the wholeMandalay knew that the Anglo-Burmese Primary School teacher from St. PetersSchool was teaching English daily to that illiterate North-West Division Commander.)

No wonder there was a popular rallying slogan during 8888 because Ne Win put SeinLwin as his successor Prime Minister after his resignation:

Sein Lwin Chauk Tan_Tasauk Kan.,

Sein Lwin Chauk Tan_sauk yan loke myi.

San ta pyi sae nga kyat_Sein Lwin khaung ko pyat.


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Sein Lwin Phar Kyo_Hto Kyo e.t.c.

Ne Win was a drop out at Inter class for Bio and could not pursue his dreams tobecome a Medical Doctor. But he managed to snatch the wife of Dr Toke Gyi , Daw

Khin May Than who was the daughter of famous Professor Dr Ba Than. Curiouslyboth Ne Win and Dr Ba Than were notorious for womenisation.

Ne Win was notorious for never finishing any book except Adolph Hitlers book,MEINKAMPS. (Note this is not a satire or just tried to run down on Ne Win but the truth!)

And he was the one to demolish the very famous Burmese Research Association just because one of the professors got drunk and touch his wife Daw Khin May Than

during the associations dinner. He was shot and killed on the spot and the preciousBurma Research Association was disbanded since then.

According to the General Ne Win, educated class or intellectuals are undecided,ignorant and corrupted class not to be trusted in their Socialist revolution. Actuallyas a military dictator, he knew that he could not fool the educated class easily. Theintelligent class always uses their heads (brains) and use to question and analyzeeach and every order. The dictators and especially Tatmadaw leaders never like that

attitude. Subordinates must always obey the command given to them. They have noright to think whether it is right or wrong, just or not.

Intellectuals have no place under Military rulers. If do not want to keep their mouthshut, they must be put into detention or must leave the country to avoid thedangerous consequences.

In civilized countries the scholar is always placed above the man of war believing

that

Nations which trusted the gun perished by it earlier.

But in Myanmar under the Military rulers the opposite of the above rule is alwayscorrect.

For Myanmar Military, power comes out from the barrel of the gun only. The might isalways right for them.

"The evil that men do lives after them"


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Julius Caesar III ii.75,.by William Shakespeare

Yes, all the perpetrators of 7th July Ne Win, Sein Lwin and ? Aung Gyi ? are no moreon earth. But their evil of Massacring Students on this day would be remembered

forever. Since that day students became the RESISTENCE SYMBOL and used tospearhead the successive uprisings against the illegal Military Rulers.

The 7th July is the 9-11 for all the Burmese.

The spirit of 7 July will last forever.

MAHA BANDULA

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http://www.photayokeking.org/Articlesmm/7-july.html

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7TH JULY TERROR IN BURMAJul 2nd, 2006

http://burmadigest.info/2006/07/02/7th-july-terror-in-burma/

Do you know the Students Union Building in Rangoon University campus was blownup by the regime 44 years ago? Do you know hundreds of students were killed 44years ago? Do you know the Students Union is unlawful organization in Burma?Have a glance at the bloody massacre of innocent students in Burma 44 years agoand you will realize the tragedy of Burmese students and people under the brutal

regime. You will know the students role in politics of Burma since theindependence struggle until the current regime and how much they love theircountry, how much they love freedom and democracy, how much courageous theyare and how they sacrificed their lives for their people and their country.

Everyone around the world knows about the 7th July terrorist attacks in London lastyear, 2005. However, everyone around the world may not know about the terroristattacks against university students in Burma on the same day in 1962.

The 7th July massacre is the most inspired and tragic event that draw my attentionabout the students commitments for democracy and human rights. I still rememberthat day I was messing up with the box full of old journals, magazines and politicalbooks. I was about thirteen years old that time and I found a magazine published bythe Rangoon University Students Union. Some photographs in the magazinecaught my sight and those gave me severe pain in my heart. In one of the pictures,Rangoon University campus was surrounded by the armed soldiers as they weredeployed in military operation. Just imagine that the university campus wherestudents used to study peacefully turned to battlefield and the students became theenemies of the regime. Then, I continued reading about the machine gun firesstripped off the students-martyrs bodies and the dynamite ripped off the UnionBuilding.

Since then, I tried to find out about that tragedy and knew about a student survivedthe bloody oppression, who is a family friend. He had gone mad for some time afterthe massacre as he witnessed the event and luckily escaped because he hid in a
http://burmadigest.info/2006/07/02/7th-july-terror-in-burma/http://burmadigest.info/2006/07/02/7th-july-terror-in-burma/


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toilet while other students were gunned down. However, he got the terrible traumathat led him mentally ill.

I sincerely hope that you will be interesting in this particular event as it was the first

terrorist attack against innocent civilians by the first military regime in Burma. Although, I am a Burmese, I could not collect further information about the studentsin politics, their actions and their lives as everything about the students movementshave been totally black out in Burma. How unlucky we are! Nevertheless, I had thechance to know about these students actions as I was born in a family involved inpolitics. Although, I did have this opportunity to know about the students livesunder the ruthless regimes, what about the young generation whonever know anything about the politics and students participation inBurma s politics.

May be you already known or not. However, I strongly believe that we all Burmesehave the responsibility to sharing the political knowledge and every details of thepro-democracy campaigns from last 44 years ago with the young generation, whocan change the status quo of Burma, who can rebuild the democratic federal Burma.We have the responsibility to tell about this to the world. How military regime took

power in Burma? Why students became the enemy of the regimes and how theeducation in Burma is neglected and collapsed?

The educational institutions, the universities are the venues where the vital humanresources are cultivated for the development of a nation. On the other hand, thestudents pursuing their studies in the universities are efficient, bright andconsciously taking any duties for their country s sake anytime. In the history of Burma, students and Students Unions are the basic foundation for the Independence

Body as Aung San, father of (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi, the architect of theIndependence is a student leader who bring the Freedom to Burma. What about UNu, the first Prime minister of the parliamentary democracy government? He used tobe the Chairman of the Students Union. They can do anything what they want,they have the power to create anything for the country. Then, they became themost dangerous species for the regimes.

Burma experienced the parliamentary democracy era for a short period after she

achieved the Independence. However, she fell under the military regime led byGeneral Ne Win, the predecessor of the SLORC and the SPDC regimes, on 2nd March


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1962. Since the military coup, all the students and people across the country werefrustrated and disgusted the control of military. As under the authoritarian regime,freshly independent Burma suffered the oppression bitterly and severely and theRangoon University students faced the strict hostel rules and regulations whichcaused the 7th July demonstration. Rangoon University students experienced theintroduction of human rights abuse by the regime and called for the rights anddemocracy.

The spirit of the Fighting-Peacock (the symbol of the students) had been awakenand the students strike shocked the dictator, Ne Win as he knew very well thathow much students could do so far and he could be kicked off by the peacocks. He,then, took care of the students demonstrations with bullets and dynamites andclaimed that sword for sword, spear for spear . Just think of his words, we,students never follow violent ways to achieve what we want. We were neverterrorists, we are never terrorists and we will never be terrorists. However, studentswho staged the peaceful protests without any weapons, not even a tiny needle hadlost their lives under the bullet-rains. About 100 students were murdered on thatvery day of 7th July 1962 and the historic Students Union Building was blown upnext day early morning with students hiding inside the building. The dictator might

think that the peacock spirit was killed.Since after that historic bloodshed cleansingof students, all the students unions were abolished and the students union becameunlawful organization in Burma. Nevertheless, the spirits of students full of courageand fond of human rights and democracy could never be killed and students willsurely bring the democracy to Burma as students brought the Independence toBurma once.

NAY YU


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7th July-Never Go ByeSat, 2010-07-03 01:32 editor

By Kanbawza WinWith President Barrack Obama, the first African American at the helm of world affairs, I used to hum an old favourite Negro song:

Gone are the days when my heart is young and gay

Gone are my friends from the Univers ity (substitu ting Cotton fie lds) away

I hear a gentle voice calling Old Ba Win (substituting b lack Joe)

Those were the days of the happiest aspect of my life when I was just afresher at the Rangoon University, which in Burmese we say literallytranslated will be a serine paradise island of learning. But that was in1962 when just barely four months ago when theTatmadaw (a)Burmese military ogre makes it present felt on 2nd March under the first

dictatorship General Ne Win, who took power, killing my childhood friendSao Myi Myi Thaike (son of Saw Shwe Thaike, brother of Eugene andHarn Yawnghwe).

At that time I was a young boy residing in Taungoo Hall and no nothingabout politics but I sense that life is not going to be an easy one. Iclearly recollect of how after a hard study in our hostel, we used got

hungry about midnight or so and often goes to U Chit shop in thecompound to eat. I was rather upset when the law was enforced on thehostel that we could not go out after 9 PM, which later became theembryo of the 7th July incident. At that time I did not know that theorder came from the Revolutionary Council itself to provoke the studentsto confrontation so that they can find a pretext to crack down on thestudents and closed the University which they construe as a hot bed fordissidents.


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Those were the days when only students from the States and Divisionswere eligible for hostels and so it was the hostellers that first take upthe cudgel against these unjust laws. There was a peaceful

demonstration in the University campus on the evening of 5th July, itgathered momentum the next day and suddenly the security personalsshow up and fired the tear gas to the peaceful students. If it is a handthrown tear gas it would have no harm, but it was shot from an ejectorand one of the projectile hit the groin of Sai Yi Leik, one of my bosomfriends from Taunggyi, who has to be hospitalized. This action provokedthe entire student body that now came out en-mass and shoutedslogans in the campus.

The next day 7th July the army commanded by Brigadier Sein Lwinsurrounded the University. They were posted roundWaing Gale and Hle Htan Waing Gyi a Burmese name for round about traffic but did notcome into the campus. Some student from Mandalay Hall facing theUniversity Students Union were teasing the soldiers, while those nearthe students make friends with the soldiers saying that we are making apeaceful protest. But Ne Win and the Junta has already made the fataldecision to wipe out the students dissidents once and for all. Suddenlywithout any warning butcher Sein Lwin gave the signal and the soldersstart shooting at us at the point blank range.

Those in front were cut down while some soldiers took aim at thestudents on Mandalay Hall and shoot them indiscriminately like birds,one after another falling down from the verandas of the hostel. Kyaw Lin,the younger brother of Kyaw Min, was hit and yells for his brother whocame and helps him as another bullet hit him right in the chest and thetwo brothers died instantly in each others arms. I had learnt somethingin the UTC (University Training Corps) and lay flat but my roommateSaw Eh Doh ran and was hit on the head with his brains sprinkling on


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my body. These were some of the horrific scenes still in my eyes andthe next day we woke up to a very big explosion only to discover thatthe Students Union was blown up with the students hardliners who

refused to leave the buildings. The body count by a passerby put thetool as 137 but the Junta say that the causalities were only seven.

Since then, military dictatorship in Burma has closed the universities off and on until 1988 revolution when all the university education wasclosed down for nearly a decade. The prolonged closure of Universitieshas affected the future of almost all the young people of Burma. Now

we clearly know that successive military Juntas deliberately targeted theUniversity education, the future brain of the country as only then theycan control the country. Now it is over half a century that these men inuniform are in power and with the new flawed election with an equallydubious constitution, they will continue to rule the country in differentguise.

The date 10/10/10 has been chosen, to be consistent with the paranoidgenerals' fixation on numerology and superstition, but Nobel LaureateDaw Aung San Suu Kyi will be still imprisoned, and the NLD has beendenied with unjust laws. It is foreseeable that the Junta will "win" theelection and reinforce their power and the tyrant will be even moreremoved from reality and continues to spread the misery as far and wide

as possible. But each act of brutality girds, the people will to resist themwith the 7th July spirit.

What, the people of Burma could not comprehend is why the civilizedworld acquiesce to the crassness of the Generals. Lamentably the worlddid not know that the Jean is out of the bottle on that 7th July and isgoing to threaten the entire world with nuclear weapons. Earlier this

month, U.S. and UN intelligence officials announced that they believedBurma was importing North Korean nuclear weapons technology. This


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clearly indicates that some sort of nuclear weapons is going on as NorthKorea will trade whatever it has be it ballistic missiles, nuclear weaponstech, infantry weapons and such to whoever can pay.

The low level war with ethnic nationalities, and those opposed to themilitary dictatorship, continues rarely appeared in the internationalmedia. Several attacks by the Burmese army on civilian population gounreported. So do the air force bombings of rebel camps or villagessuspected of being bases. Army patrols and abuse of ethnic nationalities,rarely makes the news.

Occasionally, ethnic refugees fleeting to Thailand will report newatrocities. But there's nothing new about the bad behaviour of thetroops rape, robbery and general destruction in the ethnic areas. It'sbeen going on for half a century. The civilized world led by the Westlook on with folded arms because the world's most brutal regimes, isalso amongst the least well understood.

In terms of trade and communications, the country is as closed as NorthKorea and nearly as isolated as Afghanistan under Taliban rule. TheJunta has the worst images in the world and has very few friends, andeven its powerful regional allies of China and India keep a safe publicdistance so as not to catch any of the generals' political cooties. Thecivilized world doesnt care; the rhetoric of R2P has become RIP.However, the 7th July spirits will lives on as generations of braveactivists risk their lives every day to move information in and out of thecountry, hoping to give global audiences a glimpse of the horrifyingtruth behind the veil, which is an indication of asking for help tooverthrow the regime.

No doubt, the opposition have their own failings, mistakes, shortcomings, the trial and error method, in unifying themselves is still quite


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a distance as even the ethnic communities of Northern Alliance (differentsections of Wa, Kachin) still has to be worked out with the Southern Alliance (Karen, Mon, Karenni, and Shan) drawing in the Western groups

(Arakan and Chin) before they were able to find a common ground withthe pro democratic groups of inside the country and in Diaspora. But themost important aspect is the encouragement from the internationalcommunity who will give us marginal material support to overthrow theJunta. Until and unless we manage to find a nixes of these tripod towork together there is little or no hope to overthrow the Burmese Junta.

The Burmese military Jean even though out of the bottle is still not asmighty as it looks, for its nuclear arsenal is still primitive. But theobsession and the intent are clear and there is every possibility that itcan get stronger day by day, if the world cannot nib it in the bud. Willthe international community wake up to this clarion call and supply themuch needed resources to the ethno-democratic forces to fight theJunta and end the scenario?

The people of Burma has realized that cannot look to America or EU, astheir rhetoric and their talk seldom match their walk simply becauseBurma has no major oil resources. The people of Burma may have tolook to our ASEAN neighbors who can implement things, if they want tosee this part of Southeast Asia a more peaceful and nuclear free zone

and take a turn in dealing with the pro democratic ethnic movementrather than the Junta. Will theirConstructive Engagement Policy be sopragmatic to switch toRealistic Engagement Policy and create a betterworld to discover whether Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnics willever let ASEAN down in the international arena? Will the genuinedemocratic countries of Philippines and Thailand together with Indonesiaand Singapore of the core ASEAN take the lead? Up to this day they stilldoes not have not vision that it is far better to deal with the legally and


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democratically elected government that will act responsibly rather thandeal with the dictators for a short term economic gain and be more likean EU.

Once this is scientifically and systematically pursued and armed theethno-democratic forces we are quite confident that every single peopleof Burma will be willing to make a supreme sacrifice for the country andfor their younger generations. The emblem of the fighting peacock stillflies high as it cut across the ethnic nationalities, different strata,spheres, ideologies and classes for the 7th July spirit is thateven thoughour heads are b loody yet w e are unbowed.

Dictators may come and dictators may go but the 7th July will go onforever.

- Asian Tribune -

7 July n~y s ymo y7 p m 2010 BBC

http://www.bbc.co.uk/burmese/news/2010/07/100707_7july_anniversary.shtml

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