79667928 autonomy to independence

8/3/2019 79667928 Autonomy to Independence

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1. Topic: From Autonomy to Independence: The ChallengesofNation-Building in SouthSudan

2. Hypothesis: South Sudan, in itscurrent transitional phasefrom autonomy toindependence is vulnerable to a numberofeconomic,social andpolitical difficulties thatifnot resolved,may impalenot just theeconomic andsocial development ofthecountry

but oftheentireregion itself.

3. Background to the Studyand outline of Research Problem: The RepublicofSouthSudan is a landlockednation in the Sahel regionofAfrica. With Juba being itscapital,South Sudan is bordered by Sudan to thenorth, Central African Republic to the west,Ethiopia to theeast, Uganda to thesouth and Kenya to the Southeast. Afterthefirst brutalcivil war(1955-1972), apeace agreement resulted in Southern Sudangaining autonomyfrom Khartoum which lasted until 1983 when anothercivil warbrokeout andcontinuedup to 2005 when a Comprehensive Peace Agreement was achieved,resulting in therestorationofSouth Sudans autonomy.

On July 9 2011, the South Sudanesecelebrated their independence afterhalfa centuryofstruggle andoppression that claimed almost 2 million lives.But afterthe jubilant parties,celebrations andmilitaryparades, Africasnewest nation isslowlycoming to terms withthegrimrealityofthenew responsibilitiesofnation building.Beingoneofthemostunderdeveloped and impoverishedcountries in the world, South Sudancurrentlyfaces anarrayofpolitical,social andeconomic hardships (Heleta, 2011: 12).

More thansevendifferent militia groups arecurrentlyoperating in Southern Sudan andconsequently, thefearsofrenewedconflicts arerife. According to a recent UN report,ethnicconflicts and violencerangingfrom therebel battles with securityforces to inter-groupcattleraids have alreadyclaimed 2400 lives in 2011 alone,furtherhindering thepeaceful transitionofSouth Sudan. Moreserious is thefact that the troopsfrom the SouthSudan and theirnortherncounterparts arefacingoffin borderconflictsparticularly in thecontestedregionsofAbyei.Fighting has also beenreported inseveral partsofKordofanstate between thenortherners andforces loyal to South Sudan. Anotherpotential sourceofconflict is theoil wells that lienearthe South-North borderalthough the SouthSudanesestill have todependon thenorthernrefineries andpipelines.

Despite theenormousoil wealth, Southern Sudan is impoverished andoneofthe leastdevelopednations in the world. Theyearsofmarginalization have alsoresulted in totallackof infrastructural development in theregion.Forinstance, theentirestateofSouthSudan is almost thesizeofTexas (USA) but it only has 50 kilometres (30miles) ofpavedroad. Waterandelectricity are a problem inseveralpartsofthecountry. Ambler(2011)argues that most South Sudanese liveon less than $1 a day and both health andeducational facilities aresignificantly underdeveloped. With hundredsofthousandsofpeople who weredisplacedduring the longcivil wars between the North and South, aserious humanitariancrisis is loominggiven thecontinued lackofcapacity todeal withtheirbasicneeds. As a result ofpoorhealth facilities, South Sudan has the highest infantmortality andmaternal mortality in the world (Rose, 2004).


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With regard toeducation, a recent survey indicates that South Sudan has illiteracy levelsofup to 85%. Thenew government isfaced with thechallengeofbuildingschoolsacross thecountry whereover50% ofthepopulation are below the ageof18. Theothersignificant challengesfacing theyounggovernment include the taskofreforming itsdisorganized and bloated army,diversificationoftheeconomywhich iscurrently

primarily basedonoil revenues,delivering the basic amenitiessuch as health services,electricity and water, andfinally,makingdifficult decisionsregarding theequitabledistributionofpoweramong themilitaryfactions and the variousethnicgroups withintheregion.

4. Scope of the Study: Thisstudyfocuseson thechallengesofnation building in SouthSudan taking into account its historical, institutional,political,cultural,social andeconomic backdropduring thenearly 50 yearsofstruggle andmarginalization.

5. Specific Objectives of the Study: Following its independence, South Sudan will now befaced with the taskoftackling both old andfresh challenges, includingsome which were

neveranticipated before. Thespecificobjectivesofthisstudy are:1. To investigate the impact ofthesocio-political conflicts between the South Sudan anditsnorthernneighbourtogetherwith thefrozen internal political conflictson thepeaceful transitionofSouth Sudanfrom autonomy to independence.

2. Todetermine theeconomicchallengesofnation building that arecurrentlyfacingAfricasnewest nation.

3. To understand themistakesofpreviouscountries that underwent thesamenationbuildingprocess and independence and applysuch knowledge to thecoreofSouthSudansnation buildingefforts.

6. Research QuestionsThekey Research questions are:

1. What are themainsocio-political challengesfacing South Sudan in its transitionfrom autonomy toself-governance?

2. What are thekeydevelopments andeconomicrequirements inorderforSouthSudan tofeed itspopulation,develop its infrastructure andreduce itsdependenceondonorfunding?

3. What is theroleofthe international community inensuring that perpetualpeaceanddevelopment prevails in the South Sudanregion afterits independence?

4. What were thechallengesfaced byotherneighbouringcountries that underwentthesamefate as South Sudan? What are thesimilarities between thesechallengesand theonesfaced by South Sudan?

5. How can the South Sudanesegovernment learnfrom themistakesofpastgovernments in termsoftheirefforts towards apeaceful nation buildingprocess?

7. Significance of the Study: Following their independence,many Africancountriessuchas Somalia, Congo and Eritrea failed todevelopstrategic approachesofsolving theirchallenges and as a result, theircelebrationsof independence wereshort lived. Severalresearches have been undertaken todetermine thepotential challenges that comes with


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the birth ofa new nation like South Sudan. Thisstudy will thereforeprovide a significantreflectionon thenatureofpotential challenges as well as thepossibleremedies that canbe applied to avoid thesamefate that was witnessed in Somalia, Congo (DRC) andEritrea (Herbst and Jeffrey, 2000). Essentially, thesignificanceofthisparticularresearchlies in itspotential contributionfortransitional countries like South Sudan to avoid the

mistakesofcountries that claimed their independence in thepast andfailed tocope withthechallenges that come as a result ofsuch independence.

A numberofchallenges have been identified in theprocessofbuilding a new nation, asevidenced incountriessuch as the Democratic RepublicofTimor-Leste (East-TimorTetum) and Eritreasseparationfrom Ethiopia. Consequently, thesignificant challengesthat thesecountriesfacedprovokedfurtherresearch on theenormityofpiecing a nationtogetherafterexperiencingseverefallout indecadesofcivil war. Thisstudy will enableresearchers andstakeholders to weigh thenumerousmeasures beingput forth by theSouth Sudanese administration against thosepreviously implemented inothersimilarcircumstances, includingfailedones.

Thechallengesfacing South Sudan will not directly affect thecountry but wouldpotentiallydestabilize theregion. Thisstudymay be able toprovide the internationalcommunity with an important preview ofthechallengesfacing South Sudan, thepotentialoptions available and themeasures undertaken to upset thechallengesofnation buildinginothercountries and becomemoreeffective indealing with similarscenarios. Thisstudy will also besignificant following thefact that it will contribute inenhancing thedebateonsolutions tospecificproblems andemphasizing the importanceofpeace withinandoutside the territorial confinesofSouth Sudan, and unity amongst itsnumerous tribalcleavages in theeconomic,political,social andcultural development ofthenew republic.It will thereforerecommend theprioritizationof internal cohesion within the SouthSudanesesociety aspathway towards the buildingofa vibrant androbust new nation.

8. Preliminary Literature ReviewNationalism in thecontemporarysense transcends thepreviouscontextual foundationsofreligion andracial dominanceofparticularsocial groupings (Frankand Meyer, 2002).While it remains loyal to theconcept ofnational sentiment among thepeople, itsmanifestation inreal lifepervades thepast notionsofwhat nationalismreally is. Inotherwords,nationalism has transformedfrom the highlyconfined abstraction intomanyformsofexpressingnational sentiment.Forinstance, theconcept ofbanal nationalism asprofessed by Michael Billig (1995) is a rathernew formofgeopolitical nation building asopposed topreviousconceptionson the idea.Banal nationalismcontests theformermanifestationsoftheconcept asobsolete and thereforeneeds to adapt to thedemandsofthecurrent worldsystem. It is in thissense that theconcept ofnationalism will beexploreddrawingfrom thefoundationsofnation building andsocial integration theories.

On theotherhand, theconcept ofstatehoodshall also bereviewed within the Weberiancontext as well asfrom the theoretical frameworkofHerbst. Theconcept ofstatehood isan important aspect inresolving issuesofnation buildingsince it functions as the idealgoalsnation building itselfseeks to achieve. According to Max Weber(2010), a state is


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generally anorganization that seeks tomonopolize the applicationofphysical forcewithin its boundaries. Herbst (2003) furthersuggests that states areonlyconsideredviable ifthey are able toeffectivelycontrol the territories within theirborders. Thesedefinitionsserve as themainobjectivesofthenation buildingprocess which, uponachievement ofthe aforementionedconditionscompels the international community to

recognize South Sudan as a nationforall intents andpurposes.

According toFritz and Menocal (2007),nation building as a concept can bedescribed astheprocessofenhancing/strengthening thesocial andpolitical institutions using thepowerofthestate. Enhancingsocial andpolitical institutionscan be achieved throughpropaganda work, instilling a senseofnationalism among thepeople as well asinfrastructural development tostimulateeconomicgrowth. However, thedebateregardingstatehood in Africa remains active. Such debate is largely informedon theonehand by the by the Westphalianconcept ofan ideal,developed andfunctional state thatguaranteespeace andsecurity and thesole authority through the useofforce;on theotherhand, it is basedon the utilizationofprefixes likepariah which failed indescribing the

sameconcept with regard to Africa. Theconstructionofthemoderndaystate thusposesan inevitablechallenge to anyevolving andnewlyformedstatessuch as thecase in SouthSudan. It is therefore a challenge that South Sudan will have toovercome inordertoqualify itselfas a viablepolitical unit with a firm territorial control,capacity tosupport itscitizens and authorityover itspeople (Fritz & Menocal, 2008: 177).

At thispoint, it becomes imperative todifferentiateorat least demarcate between theconcept ofstate-building andnation-building. Alan Whaites (2008) argues that the twoconcepts are twodifferent processes that are usually interchangeable in North Americabut infact containnarrow political contents that are largelydifferent fromeach other.Nation buildingrefers to thecreationofnational identity whereasstate buildingpertainsto theprocessofstrengthening theexisting institutions within thestate (Whaites, 2008:33).

According to Kagame (2010),national identity is themajorfoundationofanyformofsocial cohesion. Additionally, theestablishment ofinstitutions and lawsofgovernancewhich formalize therelationship between thestate andcitizens as well as theirexpectationofservicedelivery is very important in thedevelopment ofnational cohesion.Anotherimportant feature in thisregard is theparticipationofcitizens in thegovernanceprocess bychoosing a system that best serves them,selecting their leaders andplaying anactiverole indecisionmaking. Then, there iseconomic transformation- it isonlyrightforthepeople toexpect a qualitative improvement in their lives. Part ofnation-building,therefore, includesestablishing theclimate andmechanismsforeconomicdevelopmentforthe wholenation. It is worth noting that theprocessofnation-buildingcanonly be ledandgenerated within theconcernedcountry asopposed torelyingon theexternal factors(Kagame, 2010: 12).

Enloe (1990) proposes that fora country that has beenplagued bydecadesof internal andexternal conflicts, andon-going borderdisputes, thefirst majorpriorityshould beoneofstabilisation andsecurity within its borders which consequentlyrequiresstrong internal


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political leadership,systems and institutions. Tosomeextent, this is a preconditionforanysuccessful nation-building. There is a great needforrestorationoforder,peace andstabilityforthenation building tosucceed. Manyconstructivist scholars havesought toemphasizeon the inventedorimaginednatureofnations. A nation is largely acollectionofindividualssharing a common beliefanddestiny which isshaped by their

sharedpast experiences. In thisregard,nationalism is widelyseen as a project ofpromoting the beliefs andpolicies which are aimed at enabling thenation toeffectivelycontrol itsdestiny (Enloe, 1990: 45).

Basedon the worksofBaldaufand Harman (2011), anothermain issueconcerning thedifficulties innation buildingforSouth Sudan isoilproduction. Although oilproductionin Sudanstarted in the 1990s, it hasrapidlygrown to become theeconomicmainstayforboth theeconomiesofNorth and South Sudan. It is worth noting that whereasmost oftheoilfields arefound within the boundariesofSouth Sudan, theoil facilities andexportpipelines are largelyfound in the North. As a result,oneofthecoreobjectivesoftheComprehensive Peace Agreement of2005 was thesharingofthecontrol ofboth theoil

resources and therevenues. Consequently the RepublicofSouth Sudan iscurrentlyfacedwith thechallengeofbuilding itsownoil facilities andfinding an alternativeexportroute,particularlysince it is a landlockedcountry. Someofthesignificant challenges thatwill face thenew administration includeprintingnew currency, buildingroads,schools,and hospitals; andcollecting taxes inoneofthe world's least developed areas. SouthSudanmust alsoprepare todemarcate a disputed,oil-rich borderregion with itsnortherncounterpart toenable it guarantee itssecurity (Baldauf& Harman, 2011: 83).

9. Research Methodologyand MethodsTheresearch methodology will involvegatheringoftherelevant data from a numberofdocumentedsources as books, journals anddocumentaries, as well ascompiling variousdatabases todevelop a comprehensive understandingofthe variouschallengesofnationhoodcurrentlyfacing South Sudan in its transitionfrom autonomy to totalindependence. Consequently, thisresearch will utilize both thequalitative andquantitative toolsofdata collection. Thedata collection in thisresearch study will consistofconducting a literaturereview on therecent books, journals,documentaries as well asresearcheson thechallengesofstatehood andnation-buildingnot only in South Sudanbut also in theothercountries that haveexperienced thesamecircumstances. Surveyswill also becarriedout using well-structuredquestionnaires that will be administered to aspecifiedsampleofgovernment officials,residentsofSouth Sudan and thestakeholdersofthe Sudanpeaceprocess.

During thefirst roundofdata collection, a purposivesurvey instrument will bedesignedandconductedon a sizablenumberofparticipants, ideally 100 individuals, and theseparticipants will bedrawnfrom across thegeneral citizenryofSouth Sudan,forexamplestudents,ordinarypeopleon thestreets, NGO workers and themembersofthe SPLM.Thepurposeofthesurvey will be todetermine thegeneral perceptionofthe South Sudanpublicregarding thesocial,political andeconomicchallenges that arecurrentlyfacingAfricasnewest Nation.


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Approximately 50 participants will be interviewed,mostlyselectedfrom holdersofpositions in thegovernment ofthenew South Sudan,civil rights activists, variousinvestorcompanies in theregion and thekeynegotiatorsofthe North-South Sudanpeaceaccord. The interviewees will beexpected torespond to a self-administeredquestionnairethat will seek todetermine theirexperiences, ideas as well as theirresponsibilities in

tackling thechallengesofnationhood in theircountry. In thisregard, thesurveys will bethemajorsourceofquantitativedata while the interviews willprovide themuch neededqualitativestudyofthemajorchallengesofrebuilding South Sudan afterdecadesofcivilstrife andmarginalization. Additionally, it is alsoplanned that thisresearch will managetoobtain theperspectivesofat least all the leadersofthesevenrebel militia factions thatarecurrentlyoperating in South Sudan through deskresearch ofrecent literature aboutthe aforementionedgroups.

Upongatheringofboth thequantitative andqualitativedata, a comprehensive analysiswill becarriedout both manually and through the useofnormal statistical analysissoftwarespecifically SPSS (Statistical Packageforthe Social Sciences) todetermine the

correlationofthe variables with regard to thepotential challengesfacing the South Sudanregion in theorderoftheirenormity, urgency as well as both the weakness andstrengthsofthepossibleremedies at hand (Rice, 1999: 187).Finally theresearch will usecharts,graphs and tables topresent thedata;comparisons will also bedrawn.

10.Theoretical FrameworkThechallenges that arecurrentlyfaced by South Sudan arenot new to Africa. Severalstates in thecontinent haveexperienced thesamefate involving armedconflicts,economicmarginalization and underdevelopment.Forexample in West Africa, theregionsparticularly affected include Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Guinea andLiberia. Inthe hornofAfrica, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia while in thegreat lakesregionare Uganda, Rwanda, the Democratic Republicofthe Congo,Burundi and Angola. Tofurtherillustrate thesimilarities, thecaseofLiberia eloquentlyexemplifies a similarturnwith South Sudan.Liberian armedconflict isprimarilycaused by the ethnicisationofthecountryspolitics when Samuel Doe tookpowerin 1980 aftera bloodymilitarycoup.Themarginalizedethnicgroups inLiberia spell thesamestruggleexperienced by SouthSudan as armedconflict isprevalent due to thedemands andeffortsof longmarginalizedethnicgroups in thecountry (Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2011). Armedconflict inUganda and Angolaprofesses thesamecauses as in thecaseofLiberia. Inessence, theprimarycauseofarmedconflict inmost Africancountriescan be attributed to themarginalizationofethnicgroups which isexacerbated by thecolonial characterofmostcountries in theregion. A numberoftheories have been used bymanyscholars tounderstand thechallengesofnation-building inmost ofthe Africancountries. Thisstudywill use the two theoriesofnation-building andsocial integration toexplain itschallenges andstateformation that arecurrentlyfacing South Sudan.

Nation-Building Theory

Thenation building theorygainedpopularity in the 1950s and 1960s among theprominent political scientists. Among thenotableproponentsofthis theory includedCharles Tilly, Karl Deutsch and ReinhardBendix. The theorywasprimarily used to


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describe theprocesses andchallengesofnational consolidation and integration thatresulted in themodernnationstateestablishment asopposed to the traditional formsofstatehoodsuch asdynasty,feudalism,church state andempire. In thisregard, the termnation building wascoined by thepolitical scientists torefer to thestrategies that areusually initiated by thestate leaders as well as the unplannedsocial changesexperienced

incountries in theirstruggle todevelop intocohesivesocieties (Gellner, 1983: 25). Theprincipal assumptionsof thenation building theory lies in its beliefthat past societiesfailedprecisely because it lacked theconcept ofnation and nationhood. It alsopresumes thegrave importanceofnational identity innation building andparticularlyavoids themechanical functionsofpast feudal,dynastic andempiresocietiesofthepast.

Manyproponentsofthestate building theoryconcurthat traditional statesofthepre-modernera werecomprisedofan aloofstructureofstatecontrolling isolatedcommunities bonded togetherbyparochial cultures. In thiscontext, theprimaryroleofthepre-modernstatestructures wassimply tocollect taxes andkeeporder. Through thegradual changes, thesubjectsofthesedynastic,feudal,church states andempiresstate

systemseventually becamecitizens and theparochial cultureseither lost theirsignificanceorweresuperseded by the largestate loyalty. When applied within thecontext ofSouth Sudan andotherAfricancountries undergoing transition toindependence, it becomes imperative to take intoconsideration thenotionofnationalsentimentsorthesenseofbelongingnesson thepart ofthecitizens asopposed to theformerfunctionsofprevioussocieties whosemainpurpose is tomaintainorderandcollect taxes. Inotherwords,nation-building theoryprovides us with a uniqueposition toanalyse what went wrong inprevioussocieties that failed.

The theoryofnation-buildingdescribes a numberofphases that are identical to thecurrent sequenceofeventsexperienced by the RepublicofSouth Sudan.Forexample, theinitialphaseofnation-building is widely thought by these theorists toresult inculturalandeconomiccohesion,particularly at theelite level. Additionally, according to thesetheorists, thesecondphase brings the largermassesofthegeneral population into thegeneral system through theirenlistment in the army,enrolment in theschools and byenabling thefreedomofthemedia which eventually allow theelites to interact with theperipherypopulations therebyresulting in thedevelopment ofa cohesivesociety with asenseofstate identity.

The thirdphaserequires theordinarymasses to activelyparticipate in theirterritorialpolitical system while thefinal phase involves theexpansionofthestate apparatus,economicequalization andprovisionofpublic welfareservices. This theorywasapplicable to thesituation witnessed in Europeduring the Middle Ages until theperiodsoftheFrench Revolution and todaymost Africancountries including South Sudan areexperiencing thesamechallengesrelated to building a cohesivenation. There are,however, a few fundamental flaws in this theoryparticularly with regard to theconfusionofthe useofthe term nation which cansometimes bemisleading when used torefer tothecultural groups.


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The Social Integration Theory

In the wakeofthe liberal movements in the 19thcentury, various views have beendevelopedregardingnational integration. Oneschool ofthought argues that historically, amajorchallenge to buildingcohesivestates has been thedissolutionofthe linguistic andcultural minorities and theirconsequent absorption into the largernationculture.Before

the individualsof thesegroups areeffectively amalgamated and assimilated, thenation isbound toexperiencechallengessuch asethnic tensions, tribal conflicts,economic andpolitical marginalizationofparticularcommunities.Basically, thesocial integrationtheorypresupposes that cultural amalgamation is thekey towardspeaceful statetransition. In addition, it alsoposits the impregnabilityofexperiencingethnicconflictsmost especially in thecaseofSouth Sudan whereinethnicminorities arecontinuallymarginalized (Cohen & Syme, 1985: 23; Durkheim, 1997: 377). Theseprincipalassumptions are the verychallenges that the transitionofSouth Sudan iscurrentlyfacingand it isonly afterthecomplete assimilationofthe variousethnicgroups into the largersocietyofSouth Sudan that thechallenges will beeffectively tackled.

An alternative andopposing view in this theory is the argument that cultural diversity is ablessing to thenationson the vergeofnation-building. Proponentsofthis view suggestthat diversity helpssafe-guard against tyranny by balancing the interestsofthe variousgroups.

Both thenation-building andsocial integration theories arerelated inmany ways.Forexample, both are basedon the beliefthat theestablishment ofa cohesivenation that hadequal opportunitiesforall thesocial groups is verypossibleeven insituations as thosecurrentlyfaced by South Sudan. Themajorweaknessofsocial integration theory is that itdoesnot effectivelyexplain theconcept ofnationalism andconsequently an integratedmodel that incorporates both theories is thereforeneeded.

An important question in thiscontext is: are the theoriesofnation-building andsocialintegrationrelevant to thecontemporarynon-westernsocieties? Thisquestion ispartlyanswered by the beliefthat all humansocieties are bound toexperience thesamedevelopmental stages and this has beenevidenced in themodern times by therecent Arabspring wherepeople began todemandmorefreedom andmore voice in how they arebeinggoverned. During the 1960s whenmost ofthe Africancountries weregainingindependence, the assumptionsofthese theories tooka prominent place in thedebatesregarding thechallengesmost ofthesecountriesfaced at the timeoftheir independence.Consequently, the two theories arestill relevant even in themodern times and arenowbeing used toshedmore light on thepotential challenges that South Sudancurrentlyfacein its transitionfrom autonomy to independence.

The Struggle for Oil Resources and Border Disputes in South Sudan

Most ofthecurrent challengesfacing South Sudan arerelated to thestruggleforthescarceeconomicresourcessuch as the vast oil reserve and borderdispute between SouthSudan and theirnortherncounterparts. Therecent clashes between the Sudanese armyand the SPLA aresimplysomemanifestations that thestruggleforresourcesfollowingthe independenceofSouth Sudan brings; thesecaneasilydevelop into largescale


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conflicts therebyfurtherundermining thepeaceful transitionofthestate. This is largelybecause both thenew government ofSouth Sudan and theregime in the North view thebordersolely in theperspectiveofeconomicgains with littleconsideration to thecommunities living in theregion.

According to the International Crisis Group (2011), there is increasingfearofrenewedconflict that caneasilygenerate intogenocide ifthischallenge isnot effectivelyaddressed in time.Beingoneofthemost underdeveloped and impoverishedcountries inthe world, Sudancurrentlyfaces an arrayofpolitical,social andeconomic hardships. Ontheotherhand, the borderdispute is largely a result ofthepetroleumresources that arefound along the borderofthe twocountries and thematteriscomplicated by thefact thatnearly 85% oftheoil fields arefoundon the South Sudanside. Currently, the SouthSudanesegovernment hasdisplayed a high level ofrestraint regarding theextremecasesofaggression that the Khartoumgovernment hascontinued todemonstrate by bombingthe territories within the bordersofSouth Sudan. Most political analysts, however,believe that thesituationcanonly last fora while before it erupts intofull scale violence

and therefore a majorchallenge is tofind a long lastingsolution that will helpprevent theeminent conflict between the twocountries.

Anotherchallenge in thisregard is thefact that South Sudan hasnot diversified itseconomy and iscurrentlyderiving 98% ofitsrevenuefrom thepetroleum industry. Iftheborderconflict continues toescalate, theoilproduction in theregion will be affected asmost oftheforeign investors will bescared away by the violence. Thereducedproductionofoil will inevitable affects theeconomyoftheyoungnation andeventuallyundermines thepeace anddevelopment process in South Sudan. Someofthepotentialsolutionsfortheoil and borderrelatedchallenges includeencouraging andsupporting thegovernment ofSouth Sudan to build itsownoil facilities,refineries andpipelines.

With regard to the borderdisputes there is a general consensus among thestakeholdersofthe Sudanesepeaceprocess that a clearbordershould be amicablydemarcated betweenthe twocountries and the areas around the bordersshould also bedemilitarized. It hasalso beensuggested that South Sudanneeds todiversify itseconomy tootherareassuchas agriculture and livestockproduction.

According to Schomeruset al. (2011), South Sudan isevidentlyfacing a lot ofsignificantchallengesparticularly with regard to itsoverrelianceonoil as the basisofitseconomy.Currently, almost 50 % ofthepopulation in South Sudan is living below thepoverty linewith only 15% able toread and write. Therefore, in the absenceofa viableeconomicbase andnew investments, thecountry is increasinglyfacing a numberofeconomicchallengessuch as uncertaintieson itsnational income and theeffectsofthefluctuationson theglobal oilprices (Schomeruset al., 2011: 156). Certainly thesechallenges are alsomaking themanagement ofmacroeconomics in theyoungnationmoredifficult.

Someofthekeyprioritiescurrentlyconsidered by thegovernment ofSouth Sudaninclude both short-term and long-termstrategies. In theshort-term, thenew governmentintends tomaximize therevenuesfrom theoil industry and theotherexisting industries


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while in the long term, it will considerpartnering with theotherinternational investors toeffectivelydevelop itsoil facilities andreduce itsdependenceon the infrastructureofitsnortherncounterpart.

Additionally, the South Sudanesegovernment intends toclosely workwith thedonors

and the WorldBank inordertoeffectivelycurb the variationsofthegovernment income.Theothersignificant challengesfacing theyounggovernment include the taskofreforming its army,diversifyingof theeconomy which iscurrentlyprimarily basedonoilrevenues,delivering basic amenitiessuch as health services,electricity and waterandfinally,making the tough decisionregarding theequitabledistributionofpoweramongthemilitaryfactions and the variousethnicgroups within theregion (Heleta, 2011: 36).Finally there is an urgent needforthegovernment as well as the international communitytoprovideeffectivesecurityforall the installations and theoil workers in theregion toensure thecontinuityoftheoilproduction.

Thediscussionofthe South Sudanoil struggleprimarilycontextualizes theentire

research within theframeworkofoil interest asidefrom theformerassumptionsonethnicmarginalization as theroot causeofSouth Sudaneseconflicts. Asidefrom this, it alsoexplains theeconomic andsocial difficultiesemergingfrom thecountry as a result oftheheavilydisputedoil reserves. Inessence, a soundgrounded theoryon theconnectionbetween thestruggleforoil resources togetherwith borderdisputes to theconflicts andchallengesfaced by South Sudancan beformulated using the analytical positionofknowing thecontext oftheoil struggle. It situates theresearcheron a validplaneofanalysis tosee thechallenges andconflicts in South Sudan through a unique analyticallens inordertoproduce a grounded theoretical assumption basedon thesocial facts andrealities in South Sudan andsupported by thesocial integration andnation buildingtheories aforementioned in thepreviouspassages.

11.ConclusionThechallengesfacing South Sudan in its transitionfrom autonomy to independence arenot onlyexternal,such as the borderdispute with thenorth, but also internal. Thefinancial constraints,powerstruggles between the variousethnicgroups in theregion,andpoverty are themajor internal challenges. Thenew government thereforeneeds tounify all itscitizens,distributepowerandresourcesequitably and worktowards thedeliveranceof the basicservices to all citizens.

Structure of the Dissertation

Chapter One: Introduction

Thefirst chapterofthedissertation will coverthe backgroundofthestudy,comprehensivelydiscuss theresearch problem,state the aims andobjectivesofthestudy andsituate thestudy within a hypothesis.

Chapter Two:Research Methodology


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Will give a detaileddescriptionofthemethodology used incarryingout thestudyfromdata collection analysis todata presentation.

Chapter Three:Literature Review/Theoretical Framework

Thischapterwill comprehensively look into what theotherscholars have writtenonNation-Building and itschallenges inothersituationsorcountriessimilarto South Sudan. Theliteraturereview will then linkup theseotherscholarly assessment bysituating them to thecaseofSouth Sudan within thecontext ofitschallengessuch as thestruggleforoil resources and theborderdisputes

Chapter Four:Delineation of Research Variables

Thischapterwill examine the various variables which impingeon thestudysuch as thenational,regional,continental and international dimensionsofboth the Sudaneseconflict, itsresolution and thecreationofa new South Sudanstate and itssustainability.

Chapter Five:Research Findings

Thischapterwill compriseofthediscussionoftheresearch findings. Thefindings will bediscussed within theframeworkofthe theoretical frameworkand theresearch questions.

Chapter Six: Summary, Discussion and Conclusion

Thischapterwill deal with theconclusion andrecommendationsofthestudy. Theconclusion will sum up all the issuesdiscussed in thestudy while therecommendations will bebasedon theproblems identified in thecourseoftheresearch.


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RESEARCHSCHEDULE: (Work Plan/ Time-frame):Month / Year

- August 2011-October2011

- November2011-December2011- January 2012-March2012- April 2012-June 2012- June 2012-August 2012- September2012-November2012- December2012-February 2013

Description

First Draft ofthe Research Proposal

Completionofthe Proposal

Writing, Editing and CompletionofLiteratureReviewField Work/Data Collection

Data Processing/AnalysisofFindings

Review and CompletionofFirst Draft ofThesis

Final Revision, Editing, Proofreading,Copying,Binding and SubmissionofThesis

Outcomes

AcceptanceofProposal

Successful CompletionoLiterature Review

Successful CompletionoThesis


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