a chrestomathy l'xe-angkoruan khmer

190
A ChReSTOmathy OF l'xe-Angkoruan KhmeR. I DaTeo InSCRIpTIOnS FRom The SevenTh ana EIghTh CenTuRIes (A.D. 611 - 781 ) By Phzl.lp N. Jennex SouTheasT AsIa Papex No. 20/ PaxT 1 cenTex FOX SoutheasT AsIan snWr.es School OF HawalIan, AsIan, and PaClpc SnWles UnIveRSIty OF HawaII aT Manoa 1980

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A ChReSTOmathy OF l'xe-Angkoruan KhmeR.

I

DaTeo InSCRIpTIOnS FRom The SevenTh ana EIghTh CenTuRIes

(A.D. 611 - 781 )

By Phzl.lp N. Jennex

SouTheasT AsIa Papex No. 20/ PaxT 1

cenTex FOX SoutheasT AsIan snWr.es School OF HawalIan, AsIan, and PaClpc SnWles

UnIveRSIty OF HawaII aT Manoa 1980

34iN "K ~41S

·K 451 .. f( 505

AK753 ·K 688

K 904· .1( 749

"'K 134 • K 447

A, 10( 927 ....

K926

"'K /45 "10( 138

A;.; 140

A K

"'10\ 109111

~, A K 113/114

q

Q K IS"'''' K 910

"'K 748 A K 154

'"'\0( 74

"'i<.582 .t. K 493

"K 765

K 557160 ..

"'K 561

"I( 18 A K 79

APPROXiMATE LOCATION OF INSCRiPTH)NS

Copyright Southeast Asian Studies

Asian Studies Program

University of Hawaii

1980

INTRODUCTION

The thirty-four texts making up the present volume account

for virtually all of the dated Old Khmer epigraphica1 material

recovered from the period before the founding of Angkor in A.D.

802. Not found here are six items cited in the Liste gfmerale

des inscriptions du Cambodge: 1

- K.20 and K.I004, which have not been publishedj

- K.428 and K.506, the Khmer portions of which have not been publishedi and

K.I03 and K.753, the ruinous condition of which precludes their serving the purposes of this volume.

If other dated materials from the period exist, I am not aware

of them.

The texts in this volume have been edited from the monumen­

tal work of Credes. 2 It may be well for me to point out that

there could have been no question of working directly with the

superb plates published by the Academie des Inscriptions et

Belles-Lettres,3 inasmuch as these are woefully incomplete. Any

attempt to do so, moreover, would have been both pointless and

redundant, if not also fatuous to the extent that it would have

ignored the pioneering work of Credes and his predecessors. Just

as Majumdar lt took published transcriptions of the Sanskrit in­

scriptions and cast them into the devanagar!, therefore, so for

this volume I have gone to the transcriptions of the Khmer in­

scriptions and rewritten them in the Khmer character. By taking

Ie VIII: 73-225.

2George Cffides, Inscriptions du eambodge, I-VIII.

3Inscriptions du Cambodge, I-VI.

lt R • C• Majumdar, Inscriptions of Kambuja. The Asiatic Society Monograph Series, Vol. VIII (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1953) .

i

Cades's work as my basis I have, I hope, in some small measure

built upon his achievement. At least I can claim to have pro­

fited immeasurably by his long years of labor and his deep in­

sights. Otherwise my contribution has been confined to laying

out most.of the texts in such a way as to show up their struc­

ture; to introducing a few textual emendations; to identifying

a few lexical items not previously understood; and to providing

such notes as may guide the reader in developing as firm a

grasp as possible of the grammar of pre-Angkorian Khmer.

The Adler Universal 390 manual typewriter has been used in

the production of the Khmer texts. This has necessitated the

following typographical compromises:

Uu for I r" ·

UU for 11 r'!II ·

Dln for 1 '.!D / · n for Dl 111'!II · ~R for tH ~

~ GI' tfl for lH ai

2j01 for 8J oy~, ~-

tm for lq; pau

Ml for n'Jl" tt for rt' s

,.

U. for l:t' s · Ligatures involving the conjunct allographs of !, I,• ~, ~, s and s have had to be made with the full syllabic forms..

28 March 1980 Philip N. Jenner

ii

CONTENTS

I. K.557/600 A.D. 611 1

2. K.748 A.D. 613 10

3. K.138 A.D. 620 15

4. K.926 A.D. 624 21

5. K.54 A.D. 629 26

6. K.9 A.D. 639 31

7. K.79 A.D. 639 37

8. K.505 A.D. 639 42

9. K.910 A.D. 651 46

10. K.I09N A.D. 655 51

II. K.447 A.D. 657 55

12. K.493 A.D. 657 58

13. K.49 A.D. 664 66

14. K.1l5 A.D. 665 71

15. K.3415 A.D. 673 75

16. K.44 A.D. 674 79

17. K.140 A.D. 676 84

18. K.78 A.D. 677 88

19. K.451 A.D. 680 94

20. K.561 A.D. 681 101

2I. K.127 A.D. 683 109

22. K.154 A.D. 684 115

23. K.765 A.D. 687 123

24. K.582 A.D. 693 126

25. K.74 A.D. 697 129

26. K.1l3/114 A.D. 698 (?) 134

27. K.341N A.D. 700 137

28. K.145 A.D. 706 143

29. K.927 A.D. 708 146

30. K.904 A.D. 713 150

3I. K.749 A.D. 717 159

iii

32. K.688 A.D. 719 164

33. K.18 A.D. 726 168

34. K.134 A.D. 781 174

iv

.ABBREVIATIONS

BEFEO Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extr~me-Orient. ~

c Credes, Inscriptions du Cambodge, I-VIII.

GC George Ccedes.

IC Inscriptions du Cambodge, I-VI.

JSS Journal of the Siam Society.

MW Monier-Williams, Sansk~it-English Dictionary.

Skt Sanskrit.

VKA VraQ ka(~)mratan 'an.

v

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Etienne Ayrnonier, Le Cambodge (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1900-1904), in three volumes.

George Credes, Inscriptions du Cambodge. Ecole Fran~aise d'Extr~me­Orient, Collection de Textes et Documents sur l'Indochine, III (Hanoi and Paris: Ecole Francaise d'Extr~e-Orient, 1937-66), in eight volumes. The Liste generale des inscriptions du Cam­bodge is VIII: 73-225.

Inscriptions du Cambodge. publiees sous les auspices de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres ..• (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926-1931; Hanoi: Imprimerie dJExtr~e-Orient, 1937), in six folios. Plates 1-287.

Monier Monier-Williams, A Sansk~it-English Dictionary ... New Edi­tion ... (OXford: at the Clarendon Press, 1899).

William Dwight Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar ... Sixth issue of the Second Edition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1941).

vii

K.557 and K.600

Date: Saka 533 (A.D. 611).

Name: Inscription of Angkor Borey.

Source: C II: 21-2.

Plate: IC I: 13 (K.557 only).

Provenance: Takeo province.

K.557 is a three-line fragment known previously as the In­

scription of Tuol Vat Komnu. As was recognized later, it occu­

pies the south face of a square block of some unidentified stone

80 centimeters high and 120 em wide which has writing on its

north and east faces as well. The north face, comprising three

lines forming the beginning of a text, was registered together

with the ten lines on the east face as K.600. The presumption

is that K.557 and K.600 constitute a single inscription, of

which K.557 represents the middle portion.

The stone in question was found on the right bank of the

riviere d'Angkor Borey abreast of Vat Chroy, some twenty kilo­

meters southeast of Takeo in the vicinity of ancient Vyadhapura.

Undistinguished for its historical content, the inscription

is of special linguistic and paleographic interest as the ear­

liest dated monument of Old Khmer found so far. l

l"An inscription of Ak Yom which seems to be dated 609 shows that a temple was dedicated there to Gambiresvara. It seems to be the oldest inscription in Khmer •.. It is also the first exam­ple of the use of Arabic figures in an inscription in Cambodia ••. " So writes Lawrence Palmer Briggs, The Ancient Khmer Empire, pub­lished as TAPS, N.S., 41.1 (1951): 46a. The reference is to K.749, now assigned to A.D. 717.

2

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6

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The dateline comprises four elements: (1) traitrl~sot­

tarapancasata sakaparigraha, (2) trayodasl ket magha, (3) pu~ya­

nak~atra, and (4) tulalagna.

b. The opening year-number corresponds to classical Skt

trayastri~ottarapancasata 'three-and-thirty over five hundred. '

This is analyzed as trayastri~a- (stem of trayastri~sat 'three

and thirty'), + uttara 'upper, higher (= more than)', + panca­

sata 'five hundred'. On trayas for tri see Whitney 178-9, §476

c, f and h. The text actually has traitrisotO, to which I have

supplied the missing anusvara.

c. For sakaparigraha GC has ~aka parigra[ha] , supplying the

missing last syllable but separating the members of the compound.

Elsewhere he usually has ~akaparigraha.

Throughout the pre-Angkorian period years are expressed

in terms of the Saka era, which begins in A.D. 78. \Vhatever the

origin of this era, there is little doubt that the term saka re­

fers to the Scythian conquerors of Northwest India. The preferred

era in South India, it is known in Skt variously as sakakala,

sakabhupakala, sakendrakala, and as simple saka. In the eighteen

pre-Angkorian inscriptions in which the year is given in Khmer

saka is used in only three (K.341S, K.341N, K.753) while saka­

parigraha is used in the remainder.

The term parigraha (see the Lexicon) seems to have given

GC some trouble, as well it might. Most of the time he does not

translate it, but in K.154 he renders sakaparigraha as '~aka re­volu', meaning 'expired year'. }~ l045c allows that saka can

7

mean "a year (of any era)," but I have no evidence that it ever

did so in Khmer. As an arithmetic term, moreover, parigraha (MW

593a) probably could be used to indicate inclusive reckoning,

but I see no reason for such a nuance in this context. All In­

dian Sanskritists whom I have ever consulted on this question

understand sakaparigraha only in the sense of 'era of the Saka

dominion' •

d. Ket magha 'fortnight of the waxing moon (sukla) of [the

month of] Magha' contrasts with roc magha 'fortnight of the

waning moon (kr~~a) of Magha'. Note that Magha is a masa or

lunar month; at this period the solar months (saura) are not

attested.

Line 3:

a. Pon uy oy knu~ ... 'The pon Uy has given [the following]

slaves ... ' The tense is dictated only by the probable circum­

stances under which the inscription was set up.

b. Note ai ta, a true preposition (dative after oy) fol­

lowed by the optional ligature binding it to its object.

Line 4:

a. The analysis of slave lists can be rewarding if one has

the stomach for it. By considering each name as it occurs the

student can distinguish several classes of Khmer names, Skt names,

and names which appear to be neither Khmer nor Skt. The lay-out

of these lists in the original inscriptions is not as given here

but strictly linear. The most reliable index of proper names is

the va ~ or ku standing immediately before them. Here each

name is also set off from the next by a vertical stroke resemb­

ling the figure 1; a number of other texts do not use this de­

vice.

8

Line 5:

a. Kon ku va 'alan 'Her son the male slave 'Alan'.

Line 12:

a. Note ai 'a0pon, where locative ai is not followed by tao

Line 13:

a. Knum 'a0lloy ja0 'an ... 'Slaves given by the ja~ 'an .•• '

The student must discriminate between what is expressed in Khmer

on the one hand and, on the other, the exigencies of translation.

Here 'a~oy is a verbal resultative derivative of oy attributive

to knu~ and can only be glossed in English as 'to be given' or

some equivalent. On a deeper level, however, 'a0lloy jam 'an is a

nominal resultative qualified by a noun phrase in the genitive:

'the gift of the ja~ 'an'. The construction is resu1tative, but

has to be expressed by the English passive. Cf. Eline 64.

b. Note ai ta vra~, where the dative preposition again takes

the optional ligature.

Line 16:

a. Kon ku 'Her child', i.e., an unnamed son or daughter of

the female slave Jun Pan.

Line 21:

a. Kantai is understood before the ta

E

Line 1:

a. The slaves are assigned to ("of or belonging to") the VKA

9

XXXXX8vara but are allowed by Lord 'Antar to serve VKA Kamratan

Te~ Kro~ as well. Man is the object of oy 'to cause' and the sub­

ject of the following sa~ paribhoga 'to divide [their own] use'.

Ai is dative, its comitative nuance arising from sam.

Line 3:

a. Observe that ramam is re-expressed in line 17 as ge ra~.

Line 4:

a. Here ca~ren, despite its formal correspondence with mod­

ern camriana Icamriia~1 'song', is certainly agentiva1. In line

21, however, it is re-expressed as ge c~ren, which proves the

functional overlap.

Line 64:

a. On 'a~oy see N line 13, note a.

10

K.748

Date: Saka 535 (A.D. 613).

Name: Piedroit of Vat Vihear Tranh.

Source: C V: 17.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kandal province.

The text comprises sixteen lines of which the first four are

in Sanskrit.

The inscription occupies a surface 50 centimeters high and

40 cm wide on an old piedroit or pier from an unidentified sanc­

tuary.

It is in a poor state of preservation, especially along its

right side.

11

K.748

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NOTES

The first four lines form two Skt sloka. The first gives the

date: Saka 535, the thirteenth day of the kr~~apa~a (fortnight

of the waning moon) of the month of Phalguna. The second, barely

decipherable, mentions gifts made to a certain (residence)

of brahmins. The Khmer text furnishes the particulars of these

gifts.

Line 1:

a. Here and in line 9 the simple genitive relationship of

pie sala expresses the dative.

b. GC supplies the la of sala.

Line 10:

a. GC supplies the 1 of pie.

Line 16:

a. I have supplied the rna of manjarl.

Line 25:

a. I have supplied the ta of mratan.

Line 26:

a. Part of the six-place lacuna beginning at the end of the

line probably stands for 30 or some other number, depending on

the inclusion or exclusion of the infants and children. These

male and female slaves are "of (= given by)" (aJ the kl[on] xx

xxrmmadeva, (bJ the klon Lord, and (cJ the sones) and/or daughters

14

of the klon Lord.

Line 27:

a. The last two places in the lacuna at the head of the line

probably stand for tmur.

b. Part of the eight-place lacuna beginning at the end of

the line may stand for damrin ton.

Line 28:

a. Where xxxn stands we should expect da~rin sla, but some

other species is evidently intended.

15

K.138

Date: Saka 542 (A.D. 620).

Name: Piedroit of Prasat Tach.

Source: C V: 18-9.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Chhnang province.

The text, entirely in Khmer, comprises thirty-one lines.

It is engraved on the south piedrait of Prasat Toch, a ruined

sanctuary in northeast Kompong Chhnang province, west of the Ton­

Ie Sap.

The inscription has sustained considerable damage but is

recognizable as consisting entirely of a list of slaves and other

offerings to a deity identified as Sri Prabhasasomesvara.

16

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bUrt ~O 1 G\J

!Jl§l 0 G

tb'1l 15 b'61 ®O 000 00 "'1lrU

18

NOTES

Line 1:

a. GC gives vacattvalimcottara- without remark but inter­... polates the -cata after panca-. Cf. K.34lN and C VI: 24 note 6 . ..

h. The five-place lacuna may represent dvitiya~adha.

Line 2:

a. The nine individuals cited in lines 3 to 5 are the sub­

ject of oy.

h. It cannot be positively asserted that the sentence begin­

ning with oy ends with prabhasasomesvara; it may end somewhere in

the lacuna after panja ta in line 3.

c. Another ai ta may be supplied after the oy at the end of

the line.

Line 3:

a. The first ta binds jon panja to yajaman vra~.

h. Within the first lacuna must begin the enumeration of the

nine individuals making the endowment in question. All nine are

identified not by their personal names but by titles of their of­

fice or rank. Note that all of these except the eighth end in 'an.

After the citation of each individual is given the number of

slaves he contributes to the endowment.

Line 5:

a. The last donor of the nine, the ci 'an tan, appears to

contribute three groups of slaves: (1) ku mon and ku garap, (2)

ku yax, ku ci, ku xnxxxrvva, va gmi t, and va kxxx, and (3) ku

19

xnman and va cau vra~.

Line 7:

a. Dran pa~nass ca~a~, which GC did not fathom, is the

heading for a group of one male and eight female slaves having

a specific assignment.

Line 9:

a. Ran lve~ is another such heading under which come the

names of eighteen female slaves.

Line 12:

a. Clan jen, with or without the four-place lacuna follow­

ing it, appears to be another such heading.

Line 14:

a. 'Amra~ 'nak sre is not a heading parallel with the three

foregoing but the first of fourteen individuals all of whom are

'nak sre.

Line 17:

a. 'Amrah marks the head of another group, this time of fif­

teen.

Line 19:

a. 'A~ra~ now marks the head of a list which continues at

least as far as va vrau kandin in line 28.

Line 28:

a. xxxka vrah may mark the beginning of a new group of thir­

teen slaves.

20

Line 31:

-a. xxxx va xxxxxxXQ satra vra~. While the first and part of

the second lacuna may represent two more slave names, one sus­

pects that the remainder is another function heading, followed

by two more names. At the end of the line koxxxxxxxm vra~ may be

yet another heading, followed again by two names.

Line 32:

a. The jXx • xxxxxxxxxxx probably stands for the total

number of male and female slaves in the endowment.

Line 33:

a. The last two places in the lacuna probably stand for sla.

The numbers of both species of tree are probably incomplete.

21

K.926

Date: Saka 546 (A.D. 624).

Name: Inscription of Thma Kre.

Source: C V: 21.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kratie province.

The text comprises eleven lines of which the first two are

in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on an undescribed stone with a

dressed surface 45 centimeters high and 76 cm wide. It was found

in 1944 at the site of an ancient sanctuary two hundred meters

from the left (east) bank of the Mekong at Thma Kre, about six­

teen kilometers due north of Kratie.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga or image of an aspect of Harihara known by the

name of SrI Sankaranaraya~a and gifts made to the deity.

22

K.926

m ""l'" '" J:tO _J:trttia~m ctu@ (jHi) ttV ttg <;1fS <;1~8' bfH'l t1Wl~ <~ ()

c::. d ~ ;n Wf31Y~Iu:l "1

, '" Uc "'" C>I

0Hb'I!HU b'mbTJ pdl K~ Gl l'lt¥mO tu ~ ICfl tu0

0 ~ .~

~ 61 1~ I M

C:i t til tl Gl ~g

0

mti Hb11 l'S-O a f31 ;n t'.1JI1fl f:1l'l1J "',,9/ ()u

05 l'l Gl crrt;j til f3 Gl 0

t fi1 ffl 1Jmo b'111GIl ~

1:m rn un 15 of §l~ G\J ~

b't:1 l2'J

@0

l'l b''lITl<;l< ~

10 :n J'iI f!l u [8- ~ b tj 1

~1 clJ~;]U i ~ tHin ~-; ,;p

""-­~ l'l t flJll3 ~

&j II ~l5 ~ t1 ~ U 0

r7

~ b'Ul tl l'l~t5 &j

15 t'lf] §lO

Q

u~l'l

~ l'lt ~ tUl :r t1 ffl ~

0

~ 00 :Ii u~l'l

~ mirE 0

20 ~ rttm

23

25

30

6": a bo ~() 4

3 5 <;t~15 o b?1 ~1l o

G\J

'bEU 81 o

ilatii Q.

~ 00 ?1 ~ 1

boo

24

NOTES

Line 1:

a. GC has supplied the qaka of sakaparigraha as well as the

first two digits of the year number on the authority of the two

opening lines in Skt.

b. The uncommon inversion of the era designation occurs

again in K.127 (A.D. 683).

c. Dina dasamI would be disallowed in a Skt text inasmuch

as dina is masculine or neuter. DasamI presupposes tithi.

d. The dateline ends with ket, the following idani corres­

ponding to the nu often encountered in similar contexts.

Line 3:

a. Note how ligature ta, standing alone before vra~, assumes

dative value from 'a~oy.

Line 4:

a. Note again how ta, standing alone before another vra0,

acquires comitative value from sa~.

Line 5:

a. The blending of functions continues: on one level of

analysis yajamana ta vra0 ; 'the one sacrificing to the [two]

shining ones', though it refers to the one or ones who bear the

cost of the rite. Kantai ta yajamana (ta vra~) refers to the two

women (Vrau and Au) made over to the yajamana for service to the

deity.

25

Line 17:

a. Of va vrau raman GC says, "Sans doute un }fon" (C V: 21,

note 1). Translate: "male slave Vrau the Man".

Line 22:

a. 'Anakantai is what the inscription has for 'anak kan­

tai (C V: 21, note 2).

26

K. 54

Date: Saka 551 (A.D. 629).

Name: Inscription of Kdey Ang.

Source: C III: 159 (I).

Plate: IC V: 206.

Provenance: Prey Veng province.

The text comprises nineteen lines of which the first six as

well as the last are in Sanskrit.

This is one of a pair of inscriptions described by Credes as

inseparable; its companion is K.55 t comprising twenty lines in

Sanskrit. Both inscriptions are engraved on flat stones found

at Kdey Ang t Prey Veng province, some twenty kilometers southeast

of Banam. The text of K.54 occupies a dressed surface 157 centi­

meters high and 60 cm wide.

The purpose of the inscription, the author of which does not

identify himself, is to commemorate the restoration of a certain

linga and various gifts made to it.

27

K.54

M00000000000','iJ t ff! 15 ntf'

U '-"4 tun 15 ~flblJl

c;;1 tm \5

0

t I;\' r-il tIT I;\'

"'­~ 1

§l00 d

roI G\J

00000 t tml5'

1

t gJ£], ~~<)lIfil 61

<;"

~ l':n (U t1' HrTl '-"

t~ tcll15

t @j

fdc1J '!J

<;'

~ Him fil 15 g 111Jmn ~5ru:b ""

"'1 Bg 4

0 n '3

<::.I 0>0 ~ tr ~ fila'

61

5 n 1

mtrd5 t:.I1

Cd'

t'J . 5 <::.I U tr..J~

~

~

c7

n ffl ["3q

tr

. ~

§.l§.l5

0

mHtr

lH

. ru: "'1

5 0

ntgJ£], .

G/nt 13m

6'1 'j1H'il15 ..J

tta' ~

0

H b gfJ err I;\' 0 0 nf8m \5

U Hb1l

'!J

1 0 n t~ I '!J

0

n ""' T~ g

§.l~or t <)lIfij

1

n .,., ~ 8"'11 tJ

I

tf'il i n 5 ~b~ I

""J

11 trm5 I GlJ

15 0

11 '3

gfJeIT nd1 rr 1

Ull ;r d

t1' eg

0>m n it5 '11 riJ I

0

Htf31W ~ tB15 GIl

~ 15 g nW rnt5 -)

5 b1:Y "'1

28

0 0Hb'~tIT tWi 0

20 r1 1

b'1"i1 11 d,

"1

0

Ht~r.r"j ut'[7J'dIW)d,

r-J1W tI 11~

1l 1

W

l'fltIT 'i"

m lJHt.Jj' m~1J 1:1

C>I bl'1'l'l'dl~ "1

25 0

Hb'l'fltIT tglf] ""-­

Ii 13 ill 6l

r-Tl tIT 1:1

Ii 1

~

""-"",

t'dl~13

tm d

"1

c:,. _

~~ Q,. -

~r1 mn §)@

nrj1 tm~- r-TlW 1:1 j"-j b1l "!il

30

0 §Ii '3

~1Y\5 ttl'll:)

tmm n

0

WI tg)' G\J

0

@OHl

g)' c:,.

1;;) 1

gi>OO

"1

Til 0 '"',do, t -!

_

29

NOTES

The date of the inscription is given in the second sroka of

the Sanskrit portion.

Line 1:

a. GC (cf. C III: 161, note 3) was rightly perplexed by the

pair of dron, but leaned toward the sense of domaine.

b. 'Ay ta gui: preposition (locative) + ligature + pronoun

referring back to dammrin nirvvana.

Line 2:

a. The lacuna no doubt stands for tem followed by a three­

digit number.

b. The tel after sre is the object of oy. Unlike man as en­

countered thus far (K.557/600E: 1; K.138: 2 and, possibly, 20),

its reference is inanimate. We shall see whether this distinction

holds water.

a. Compare the structure of 'ay ta 'an with 'ay ta gui in

line 1 and 'ay ta vrah in line 3.

d. Ge phon sums up all of the items enumerated previously.

Between it and tel (again the object of oy) the equational copula

is implied.

Line 9:

a. Observe the dative effect of the ta and, in particular,

the vacillation between simple ta in lines 15, 17, 19 and 23 and

30

'ay ta in lines 21, 25, 28 and 34.

Line 17:

a. GC has "Don de Va Jlen au dieu : Vat Et" (C III: 161),

implying that a slave would be in a position of offer another

Slave to a deity. See jlen in the Lexieon.

Line 28:

a. Because of the context spid dik cannot be a Zibation ex­

clusively. It must be a Zustration, that is, a rite (usually for

purification or propitiation) entailing offerings. It is these

that are made 'ay ta 'an for final dedication to the deity.

31

K.9

.. Date: Saka 561 (A.D. 639).

Name: Phu Huu Stele.

Source: C V: 36-7.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Sadec province, South Vietnam.

The text comprises thirty-three lines of which the first

eight are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a stele found within the pre­

cincts of a modern temple in the village of Phu Huu, Sadec.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate of

lands to an aspect of Siva enshrined in a sanctuary which appar­

rently stood in the nearby community of Tamarandarapura.

32

K.9

""l

~ta~;3' bl U'l;3' tHdC'J cJ d' W

5

10 CUb'

~DJ 'R15 f,lC1Jl 'b <J § t[;J CUt~ lc:lo "1 G\J 1

g §)c3

'b[;J rqym 15 r-Hl1 bl b fil f3 t\"Jhll 'b CU'b'fl8 ~O "'!!> & "'!!> ,~

§)c:,;J c;". C>.

l5'lDJ 'bgJ£] H trW f,l ~m 'b1]15 t[;J bUt c30 "1 I

~O ­15 ~DJ in err "'"l;1 tun 15 tM1 §) b'[;J bU'bj13 ~O "1

I '-0 _J

C?

33

b§ll5'lerr 'b fiJ b1i 'bsrru :n'blJ fH (fj

0

t'l'bty §l rlJb~ ~O G\j'-J'.l '-'

Q,.

l5'ltlJ tJ'bl3~ rl1 ~ bb 13- H8 §) tGT rlitEJ §lO ~.:J~mI 1Y~ I

0 bm H'bffloJ till b1i nilIT' fi ffI i 'bl,"jJ if §) 'b rlit §)OO "1

G\J '-J'.I 0, <::?

0 blt h~[-r'b ffI err U~~ ~'bffln ~ 'b bo 0J

I ~blJ fi~

'b~

Q,. ­

20 l5'loJ 'bgl£] <iHj b1 1f1tU 'b rlitl~ QO "1 0'

0 0bCi_0 0

l,"jJ!5" §)Htl'fl tlJ t fiJ b1i ~ .r-rb1i ~w 'bt'l t'l'bt'n tf b1 ~ t fiJ b1i GI! -...s cr '-J'.I t <:t 0' a C'J "'"

fSIW 'b9lf], 'b fiJ b1i UbTI rJ ~ro §l 'b ru 'bTIS lto 0J GI! '!> ""

bQ _0 0 0

H'b fSI tlJ 'bglt], ~"V "'" 'b 1m l:5t'l t'n err ,U 1:1' W fiUtY §l m ~ V1 1 W 1 ~ c7

25 'bt'l0

lto 'bGT FJbl; ®O "1

b~ 0 0 <::..!:TIW f'ifI.Jb\j) HbTI tt'l mt'n W §l tm 'btl tl 1:1' boU ~ro G\J 1-...sI~ let

§)O bIT! 15 bt'l0

"1

30

34

35

NOTES

The text is dated in line 8 of the Sanskrit portion.

Line 1:

a. On kanhen see the &exioon. It may be tempting to see in

this form a precursor of later kamhen /kamh££~/ 'to be terrible

(e.g., in battle)', whence possibly a title which might be ren­

dered 'champion'. But the n of kanhen should arouse our suspicions.

See Pierre Dupont, "Etudes sur l' Indochine ancienne. -II. Les de­

buts de la royaute angkorienne," in BEFEO, XLVI (1952).1: 118-76,

especially 152-7. Dupont's interesting hypothesis, to which GC

subscribed (C V: 37, note 6), accounts for this n provided we in­

terpret the main syllable. -hen, as a loan from Angkorian -hyan

/-hiia~/, itself a loan from Javanese hyan 'superhuman being: god,

spirit' (d. Ngaju Dayak hi 'V ian, Toba Batak 'ian ('v ian, Malay

and Cham yan). Such a theory presupposes that Javanese hyan gave

rise to Angkorian /(h)jaa~ > hiia~/. Presumably only /j would

account for the palatalization of kan-; and. so far as \;,1e now know,

only /hiia~/ could correspond to pre-Angkorian -hen.

Line 2:

a. Ai marks the genitive locative: Sri Bhattara Viresvara of

the Deer Park. The same function is seen in line 3 (hap 'an 'ay

van cak), line 13 (vraQ kamratan 'an ai kon , line 20 (pan

din ai , line 28 (sugandha ai tnan), and line 31 (pu van

panjas ai muxxx).

Line 9:

a. Note the ambiguity of dran, which may fulfill a copular

function. as in K.54: 7, K.127: 11, and K.505: 16-7; or which may

denote 'to support, sustain'. Hence 'a0TIoy tan kanlah dron pan

36

dinna 'gifts of the Commander of the Youth Corps and of Sir Din­

nat or 'gifts of the Commander of the Corps of Youth Auxiliaries

[and] of Sir Dinna l •

b. GC opines that pan dinna (pan dinna in his transcription)

is the same person as the pan din mentioned below in line 20 (C

V: 38, note 2).

Line 13:

a. The original transcription I am working from reads kamra­

6i.1? (C V: 37: 18), which is surely a typographical error.

Line 15:

a. NdQ is a conjectural reading (C V: 37, note 1), for which

the student may substitute nak ~ 'nak 'person, individual'.

b. GC was tempted into taking tanhvay tpal qui here and in

line 24 as a structural unit. On the contrary, naQ tanhvay is

more likely to be 'worshiper' or even 'officiating priest' while

pan tanhvay in line 24 is expressed by GC as "Don du Pan (charge

de) presenter (au dieu) les produits de ces jardins ..• 11 (C V:

38). Tpal qui is 'his (own) grove. Cf. C V: 38, note 4.

Line 26:

a. Sin refers to line 9.

37

K.79

Date: Saka 561 (A.D. 639).

Name: Stele of Bhavavarman II.

Source: C II: 70.

Plate: IC I: 33.

Provenance: Unknown.

The text comprises twenty-four lines of which the first six

are in a substandard Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a schist stele 73 centimeters

high, 41 cm wide and 29 cm thick, and is in a good state of pre­

servation. Though its provenance is not a matter of record, it

may have come from Takeo province.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of an image of DevI Caturbhuja.

38

K.79

"'" ~f8U~1]l t:l b'~f], nnr m15 Hf], ~"1

b'EJ b'tl15

~~ qv 0J ru

0"'"i ~rii r-d t:l tl~ nwm 15 Hb1I 15 ERfi ~ 1:11 t5 fl~mb'rF c;;1 u ~ ru

_ ~ §lO ­ "'" <,JIa '" 5 r-J'if15 ~ m 'btl b <f1'if In ~ b'm 15 §.I 0 ~ t 1Jl b11 1 1 et c7 1 ru 4 I "-$r?u

tr.;tg-j 0J c7

§l§,l ­<,JIf 'bm t5 §,lO <f1f '" ~ 'b 1Jl f], 'b tD' t5 t1Jl b1I 'btl t5ru 4 1 ~

ut tooi §.I tooi §l '11f '" ~ 'bfJ1f] a tJt~/f Wi:H15 4 I fi\ ru 1

§,lb 1'" tooi §l '11f t;1 t lJI b11 t;m tr~i 'b lJI \11 J;l.Jl 1:3 'if "'1 4 ! ' ~ "-$ 1 n

C>. _ §.1m '>"­10 tiJ~ IT ti3g t ~ tl15 fl21b\J m btl b 0JtrF ru

b' rF r-r b' f51 W t fJ1 €] ~0J1 'b ~ ~

15 m r-r~ru: tooi §l 0J

0 e;,.

§l §l ®th riitt)5 HtiJlW tlJlf] ro15 H'fl15 ~ utf8r7 w~m tooi §l 1 ru etc7 I ru 1

m h §l Hil15 m ttl b 0J ru rFu ru

rL '" t fi t mm 81W t lJIf] b\Jg tm 15 b ~m t;1 Wflru ru etc;;1 !

tnj] §l i£1

%.l_ '>" C>.

20 tm b1I tmJ' ~ t81 ~ tT:}J t;m g-j g-j t m b1I '11f "-$ru ~ I <i'J "-$

U i3/f tLfl t5 ~~u~ b'm 13- tm rn r-Hru: tEUl §l § g g-jftclUrun C'l c, ru 4ru ""'

1

39

~ b til t5 m b91f], tJ b(gl <;fli Ubf8f1 ~ll bm1 f)lTv G\l G\l n c::. c::. b§l

0r:r r:r b (gl g t' HWJ 8' t~lt], al1 Jl ~ "l0

I I l~

Q,.

t' (glW b 91f], 1:1 Ug 'bil b ttJril t1 Ub rnill ~ gad I G\J

25 §l "1

0 bm<;" Hb~W r-n rn 1:1 pg b't1 §lbIT

'-..-'ITJ

""" tIT (gltIr t91£] ~ ~J1 ~t1'l a 1:1 bll

bil b "1

b lY lS 1lt51 btillS ~ "1 61 ru

Q,.

~ I

bt}J tm ru

lS ti, til §l "1

40

NOTES

The inscription is dated in the second sZoka of the Sanskrit

portion.

Line 1:

a. The title kpon ka(0)mratan 'an has already been met with

in K.557/600: 1 and will be met with again in K.910: 17 (A.D.

651) as well as in K.107: 4, K.790: 2 and K.940: 3, all of the

period A.D. 578-677. It refers in this case to the female deity

DevI caturbhuja (the "four-armed") also mentioned in the second

sZoka.

b. The immediate donor of the lands enumerated is the Lord

Isanapavitra, who acquires them from their several o\~ers in most

cases in consideration (jnahv) of presumably nominal payments.

Line 2:

a. The first item in the list is the field or fields of Jen

Sruk.

Line 4:

a. The second item comprises various fields acquired through

the good offices of the High Lord of the District from the pon

Sveta, Cpon, Vren, Rtu, Somavin, and Subhankara (lines 6-9).

Line 10:

a. The third item comprises other fields at Jlan Ka'ol from

four sources. The first appears to be an outright gift.

Line 18:

41

a. The fourth item is the field or fields at Stuk Tlos.

Line 20:

a. The fifth item includes at least fields acquired from the

klon jhe vraiy and the pon Mana, who is probably his son or other

kinsman.

h. Oy qui no~ sre 'gives his own field', a field belonging

to himself. This use of qui noh is not uncommOn.

Line 22:

a. It is not certain that tmen qui man qui no~ sre ... is a

third member of the same fifth item. Tmen, which GC (C II: 72,

note 3) marked as "Mot de sens inconnu," may be a legal term

having to do with entailment or some other aspect of feudal

tenure. Provisionally, " Tmen of what [is] his own ricefield ... "

Line 23:

a. Note that the field of the pon Rudrabhava involves nO

payment, like that of Vnak Srahvan (line 11).

Line 24:

a. The next item is the field of the pon 'AP, which is the

last acquisition calling for payment.

42

K.505

Date: Saka 561 (A.D. 639).

Name: Inscription of Khaw Rang.

Source: C V: 23-4.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Prachinburi province, Thailand.

The text comprises thirty-one lines of which the first two

are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a stone 30 centimeters wide,

possibly an ancient piedroit.

Its purpose is to commemorate certain gifts made to a Bud­

dhist vihara.

43

K.50S

m ~"'" 151 tIT ro 151 § iY ~nf fntIT IT 'W till f \;jg tt;l '-'

"'" ­in bUd 1"1 tJ 1 V

<Y ~ <.if

1"1 b!'3 1"1 tan 15 tMii 1"1 t'J d tIT 61 1 1

""­<.if tm13 1"1 bm15 en bm tIT

I

5 in gli ttJ1 0/btl

~ 0/1"1tl:!l in 1"1 trrn bij 1"1 ~bijbTl

61 1 I 'J '3

0/ §lOtMiff 1"1 mnS" tIT t'm 13 1"1 ml15' rIT

I I

~§ <3/d t l::nTI ttJ1 tIT

"'-­0

1"1 tJtIl u~1"1 in tii 1

5!l 10 in t rj) 15' in

KJV din1"1tl3 1"1 tnbU in J1 e:J 61 1

e;". 0§)b<;j!~15 t-n err b m f3 rrn IT /iii ~OO tm 15 tIT

CI" <;'.1 I <:t'

5!lm"" ~

I

"'l§)~15in t tMlf8 1"1 bm , "31 0/ Q,J

15 lltf3 in 1"1 bijg ttri til "'1 61 1

,*'1' 15 r-n tIT rn15 'Wml a , rrn IT ""t;l tIT 0

§lOO bo m tm 15 ~ G\J CI"I

§I~"" tIT

0

§l00 u 0

llY a­ '-' 1

in t MI ri" "'1 ""

§)b1 0 0

tilinm§ '* 1"1 ttm 15 t1J115 u C3~15 bo §lO b "1 @)U d~ '-'

~ 1

§lcJ §ld""'" ­20 ~15 ~tIlr i ru-a 1;'1 ~ . d1 b '[FtllYg bo um _ G\J G\J

44

o ~0l5 ~~ b t1 t l:'n l5 t1tgl ut IHi ~lli'J' ~ nul b'1J I'f:h f ttrrl II 6\ G\.! cP G\.!

b'1J mtHl tt ttrrl ~O b'1J ttrrl ~O ~ . I'f:h f b'trrl ~o .~uG\.!

"'- ~/;;~m~~ "'­lYl5" uY ttl "" tt 0000 ;r-nm ud" IT tlT b'~ §) IT 13 ~ tt 000

~ I G\.!

"'­000 fl:tt tqJ£], ~oooooooo '"1

L) 1

b~ "'- b6'11­25 151m mi51m iHl1 b1 t1 lOll a

<:J <:f'"'" 0 000000 tmi 0 cm\5m

G/Fitf3 :h Fi tl'f8 ttrl

6\ I

0 mo 0 C>.rn 0000000000 'J'''15 §) tt1 000000 00 tl."f l:1 <:l" <:l" I

C>. ffi§)9D0 Fi m " 00000000 meiJ lmi f a'\5 '"1

1 1

45

NOTES

Line 12:

a. The quantifier t(n)e~ is missing after sla ta qui. With

sla ta qui compare cmam qui in line 13. Note also the usage in

lines 16 and 17.

Line 20:

a. Most of the items in the inventory of vihara valuables

are unidentified or at least uncertain.

Line 23:

Q. Tridha vartma may be adverbial: 'in three ways', refer­

ring to a division of revenues with two other beneficiaries, in

which case a colon may be supplied after vartma.

b. Despite its four places, the first lacuna probably rep­

resents sre. The second probably represents a cardinal point.

Line 28:

Q. Part of the second lacuna presumably stands for ton.

46

K.910

Date: Saka 573 (A.D. 651).

Name: Inscription of Tuol Ang Srah That.

Source: C V: 39-40.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kandal province.

The text comprises nineteen lines of which the first two are

in Sanskrit.

It is engraved on the dressed surface. 95 centimeters high

by 76 cm wide, of an otherwise undescribed stone.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga named SrI Kedaresvara and the made to it.

47

K.910

o fi

;h b'roI U

"" I b1

fi I

tl~rS

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fi 1

fib 6'f

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ru MJ1 u

;h ~13 ~ NW fi 1

l3 "'" I1J

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I 'btyN

;h

;h

tUU i I

H'tfDl

nil15

l"-r 'bm15

1"1 ;h f3;hm

d <i!J 1

fi mm Hb11 1 ~

otl

10 ;h fl r-r l3 6f c1 JI

;h fl t ;h FlY

fi I

fl

C>l

fl t6iJ '-' '-'

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I 61

;h trI fi ""'11'Jlts:. 1 0

;h """" 6iJ'tft'1'l'l fi d" 1

;h ';Ji fi 1

IS ;h Ct5ltl fi I

;h l"JdrIJ fi I

®;h Wb~ fi fi uf3­

1

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;h "" ~'?mfid d" tl

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;h ;h Hm b'l'J'tf IT b <i!J "" 1

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£3 I

48

§,/§,/ bi fit5 g tl'H\J l£'l bi t~w :hbiJ 8H\J l£'l "j d' G\I d'

"'­

25 t1')1 ~ t Ql b1J l f,HUrI ~ bi t6'1 0

U t ffI is" Wmfj, ~dl 8Ud '.s> Iil d' G\I I

gvbf) l£'l bi rHn tlJtl]5 0 rnJ t~

0

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~OO @1 d' G\I GV

nt d'l if tQlb1J ltrw trnJ l5" nn t m n rnJ t1 ~ '-6''''' 61 GV I

gvL\ - _ tQlf] trm tJ lPu tJl b1 U b 13 if DJIlWJ tcrrl gil 0

ev I

run t1"i1 ~ n?1 l£'l gil~uiS" 1Yf!lW fi~ 0 81tlJ ~ ru-l5" 00000Li Iil <:t d - gil® ~_

30 o tJ") m jUR 0001'1 00 tlJ;r~ G1Jt~ 000 tmt:1l ~oooboooo b~ ,j '"

tj;j tJl C§l "1

gilb1 t~f] rfTYm l5"

gilQrr Ottn OOOtU rr Ub11 gf

I I ur 0

fi mng 1'1 noo I n I

G\I

35 rr 00000 t~ 1'1 oo~oom I I

"'­n ~O in 0000 I

0000 000000

9)~ t tt11 m f3 OITH bi b 000 "1

d I d'

49

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The gifts ('a~oy) probably comprise seven major items.

See below.

Line 2:

a. The forty slaves listed from line 2 to line 22 constitute

the first item of the gifts. Their source is unspecified.

a. The second item consists of two ricefields exchanged for

one or more conch chells.

b. Moy pada at the end of the line no doubt qualifies sre at

the head of the line.

Line 25:

a. The third item of the gifts includes two ricefields re­

ceived from the pon Vinayaklrti, who presumably (since jauhv is

not used) conveyed them to 'Anantasvami as an act of

Line 26:

a. It is not a foregone conclusion that the areca and coco­

nut palms also come from Vinayaklrti. They may constitute a sep­

arate item, though it is no less likely that they stand along the

edges of the two ricefields just mentioned.

Line 27:

a. For karomm see the Lexicon. It is not certain how much

this fourth item includes. 'Anantasvami has received from the pon

50

Vimala, in repayment of a debt, at least the karomm and the two

species of palms thereon. The interpretation of what follows,

down to line 31, depends on the meaning of ti tel pon son, which

appears to introduce a list of nonreal property also paid by Vi­

mala to settle his debt.

Line 28:

a. If the above interpretation is correct, ton cannot be

'coconut palm'.

Line 29:

a. Observe the word-order of kosa kattI 2, which is to

be distinguished from that of kosa prak kattI 2.

Line 32:

a. The uncommon title kpon ka(~)ratan has previously been

encountered in K.557/600: land K.79: 7. Here it refers to Sr1

Kedaresvara.

b. The nine or ten slaves in this list almost certainly

constitute the next item of the gifts, even though their source

is unspecified and they stand apart from the forty in lines 2

to 22.

Line 38:

a. Despite the two lacu~. we know by jauhv nu that this

is a separate item. The original owner is not named.

51

K.I09N

Date: Saka 577 (A.D. 655).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Prah That.

Source: C V: 43.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Cham province.

The text comprises twenty-five lines of which the first ten

are in Sanskrit.

It is engraved on the north piedroit of the portal of one

of three ruined sanctuaries which make up the Prasat Prah That

group.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga named Rudramahalaya and the made to it.

52

K.I09N

t:runmw

in 1: tll 5 in i'tl'S'1G 11 g

§.la in

in rn '-4

in

~t5" in

10 IY m15 §.lm _

IY tlT£],

in

in

in

in

in

15 in 11b1li in ".

in 'iHtB in

in rfmi n in

in in

~ b rit in ($'

20

in rn t5"

in 11 t5" fr G\J

in 06f in 6115 11

I

53

0 G/ 25 Ii IT liblS

""> 61 I

G/ b§linII 'hli IT!5"l13 1 OJ (.0

b'rnf3 Ii in llfE0

Ii IT!5"l d,I OJ I "-' ~GJ

Ii 0 'hd'1i Ii rfb't 1 1

'" Ii [!}J Ii H b!'31i I 1

30 Ii I

[!}JU fj~ Ii!

Ii~d'

b'rn f3 Ii ih :n nUi 1

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1 Ii f-rt~ If Ii Oli 'h L&11 I

35 Ii tIT Ii ITJ t f3I IT 1 n I

0

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Ii ""tUg) Ii r-rlm I !

o 0 G/Ii ITlS fJHl- Ii tli

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<;"­

40 f1 Ii 15 :n f1@j d :n Ht~ Ii fPl15I I-'f

bm n Ii 00 IT f3I 13­1 I Ci'

Ii ~m Ii b'tliI 1

f1 f1 0lit3Jf1 I

f1 tt\J15 in 0 :n 00

I ~ 45 Ii TIt ih a b'l::n n lor r-l1 rij

1 n I 0 0:n litrl M1 Ii lia

'" 1 1

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f1 1:51 1 "-'

0

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b~ ""- bc1 50 0 tiH11 w~rni UaW trl 1,4' f1 d1 If ~j! ~q 000 t~ 15 1,4'

1 I u~~ "'" ..1 ""l t:J Hb'Tl ~ IT StrllillW "':J

~ TIt

54

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The third atoka of the Sanskrit portion gives the per­

sonal name of the kurak klan of Vyadhapura as Vibhu and identi­

fies him as the younger brother of the lord of Dhruvapura.

b. The gifts ('a~ay) conveyed to SrI Rudramahalaya fall

into three distinct groups of slaves.

Line 50:

a. Tan suvarnna 'Mistress Suvar94 , is almost certainly the

kurak's wife, who has received the slaves from him.

b. The lacuna probably stands for 'to offer up'. The

understood subject is most likely and I.

55

K.447

Date: Saka 57x (A.D. 648-657).

Name: Baset Stele.

Source: C II: 194.

Plate: IC II: 88.

Provenance: Battambang province.

The text comprises twenty-seven lines of which the first

twenty-two are in Sanskrit. Of the five lines in Khmer the last

two (26 and 27) are some distance below the first three and ap­

pear to have been added later.

The inscription is engraved on a sandstone stele 152 centi­

meters high, 49 cm wide and 10 cm thick, said to have been dis­

covered in the ruins of Baset.

The stele appears to have been erected by one Dharmapala of

the Vaisnava sect known as the Pancaratra to commemorate one or.. more images and gifts made to them.

56

K.447

1h

1h

in

t 'if! ID

m CV

@"bb1]

Hb1l "-'il

<:of

t'dl bet 0

rr \(J;J\'J 1 'i"­

1"1 1:'1~13 1

n HQi I I

5

57

NOTES

The text is included here, despite its brevity and poor con­

dition, because of its early date. The latter is given in the ut­

most detail in the last three sZoka of the Sanskrit part.

Line 1:

a. The lacuna probably stands for 'acyuta, an epithet of

Vi~~u used in the tenth sloka.

Line 5:

a. The first lacuna represents a village name, for example

[dha]ra~I[grama].

b. The second lacuna is almost certainly [ta vi]citravIra.

58

K.493

Date: Saka 579 (A.D. 657).

Name: Inscription of Tuol Kok Prah.

Source: C II: 150.

Plate: IC II: 71.

Provenance: Prey Veng province.

The text comprises thirty-one lines of which the first

eighteen and a half are in Sanskrit. The incomplete Khmer text

may have been continued on a separate stone.

The inscription is engraved on a schist piedroit or stele

measuring 140 centimeters by 58 ern. It is in a fairly good state

of preservation but , as can be seen in the plate. has one large

flaked patch along its left side.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of an image of Amratakesvara. the joint assignment to it of

revenues accruing to two other deities, and various gifts of

riceland.

59

1

10

K.493

§.l§ c,. "'­§.l " tglrn til ~f3e:r.r n15 lJiHl "'1 tGJ Htmro tglf] tt f;J

~ 61 trU '--'

~omm 0 tEJ clbIJ<;J? B~ rlltfi t'i fi <f1 II tj;j15 t'tfl15 tglf], ~~ f;l~ mta CI I '--'

<:>. <V ~§.l " lliS ~ ~tfi f;J ll'l:f3 ~ u'1Jlll §.l utlBfi tJJf;JbIJ b'en1 m ru tt CI 1 61 G\J 1 ""

~~ 1'3 " b'1Jl rn ~rn n15 b'glQ4 nmJ tglf], 6'1 Uta

I '.!l ~ 51@} b'GJ

5 "t6'1 <:>. ~

1 lul:':lm bl

d' fim U

..JIA r-HJ '--'

'tfli ~m

ut ru~bIJ tt ""­~

I I

tGJ ~H) til t6'1j;j Bf3 ~tfi t'i b'glQ lY'llfS tgl rn (;1 b'GJ -..,g

_ ""~U \!lll ~m 6'1 t mI:il rnrn 6'1 b'glQ til t~u. Bf3 mlb is m;n 6'1

n <:' G\J ~ ~ G\f-I, Q" n

"'""".­frJ3 °0 "LT·"

o o

uaf3aUa utTI15 "15 a "" ~ tf;J Hn g ntiS15U1 ~ 1 61 I a '--'

@/f "'" 1 ten1 lJ. is B18 r:l fia 6'1 tr:l

n 1 I ""

~lJ.

60

15

rna _ ~Hll

"9

m

61

NOTES

GC described the Khmer portion of this inscription as "parti­

culierement obscur" inasmuch as it is concerned with land con­

veyances "fort difficiles a suivre, et dont je ne peux donner

qu'une traduction conjecturale" (C II: 149). Rigorous grammat­

ical analysis improves somewhat upon his version.

Line 1:

a. The Khmer text opens with the second item in a list of

donations. The first item of this list comprises two ricefields

mentioned in lines 15-19 of the Sanskrit text. The primary re­

cipient is Srlmad Amratakesvara, named in the fourth sloka (line

7) and again in line 16 of the sanskrit portion, and referred to

here only as vra~ 'the shining one' (line 31 = line 18 below).

Also cited as recipients of gifts are a vra~ kanmen (line 5); a

vra~ (kamraten) cas (lines 9 and 13); a srI Rudramahalaya (line

9); and a vra~ maqi (lines 12 and 19). The immediate donor of

all these gifts is one Jnanacandra, king's counsellor, named in

the third sloka. Various others are associated with him.

b. For bha. seen again in lines 7, 8 and 12, see the Lexicon.

c. This use of ktin 'to surrender (in payment of a debt) ,

is at once metaphorical and elliptical: the context implies that

Vinaya had been indebted to Jnanacandra for one carabao, that he

paid it back, and that Jnanacandra now conveys the animal to the

service of the deity. . lines 4 and 10. In all three cases the

indirect object (to) me is probably implied.

d. Sre 'a~oy pon ... 'Ricefields given by him ... ', the pon

bha Vinaya.

62

e. Ligature ta marks the subordination of gui mas x to sre

'a~oy pon. Gui here has its full verbal value of 'to be equi­

valent to'.

Line 2:

a. As far as the Klwer text is concerned, the first item in

the list is the carabao given by Vinaya while the second item is

the field or fields which he has also given. Whether sre phalada

is part of the second item (given by Vinaya) or constitutes the

third item (given by Jnanacandra) is open to question: who is the

subject of jnahv?

Line 3:

a. Observe the algebraic function of gui. The pattern is:

jnahv = A + B + C.

Line 4:

a. This item is not sO much turbid as complicated by Jnana­

candra's wish to clarify the title to the land in question. The

field being conveyed by him to the deity was made over to him by

Chan to settle a debt outstanding between the two of them. Chan

had held the field from Matisakti, who had conveyed it to Chan to

settle another debt. part of Jnanacandra's clarification is men­

tion of the agents of the vra~ kanmen (line 5), who had levied a

tax on Chan for the most recent transfer.

b. It is tempting to take nu man 'with which' as a conjunc­

tive phrase comparable to English whereas, but doing so would

give undue prominence to the ge 'nak vrah kanmen clause, which is

actually of secondary importance. It must consequently function

as an adverbial phrase: 'next = as the next item, in addition'.

Compare nu man in line 6.

63

c. Sre pon 'a ricefield of his, belonging to himself'.

d. Observe that, as in the first item above, it is only im­

plied by the context that Jfianacandra is here transferring the

field to the deity.

e. The ligature introduces the appositional phrase pa~re tern

gui embedded in the tel pon matisakti lanas clause.

5:

a. Son ktin ra gui 'to settle a debt with him', Chan.

b. In effect, a new sentence begins with ge 'nak.

Line 6:

a. Dar... ta 'exacted ... of him', Chan again.

b. San .. . ta ge 'pay back .•. to them!, the represen­

tatives of the vra~ kanmen.

Line 7:

a. Unless pon is understood before bha teja, the following

man jahv ta pon lwhich [ bought from him' makes no sense. The

relative clause also precludes taking sre travan bha teja as a

toponym.

b. The text actually reads [sre ?] dharmma, with sre sup­

plied by GC to fill a lacuna. In any case two ricefields are in­

volved: the field by the Bha IS reservoir, which Jnanacandra

purchased from him, and the field named Dharma, which Jnanacandra

received from him as a gift.

Line 8:

64

a. Since confirmation of titles is one of Jnanacandra's

purposes, it might be supposed that the antecedent of man jahv

'which [he] bought' would be plural. This interpretation is dis­

allowed by the following man oy snan ni~kraya clause, which can

refer only to the Dharma field.

b. Ta klon tan ta pon bha sle~ma. The first ligature is de­

pendent on jahv, while the second marks pon bha slesma as attrib­

utive to klon tan.

a. Man oy snan ni~kraya 'which [he] has given [as] a way of

making repayment'. The precise meaning of ni~kraya cannot be de­

termined from the context.

Line 9:

a. There seems to be no reason to doubt that vra~ kamratan

cas is the same deity as the vra~ cas in line 13. As GC notes,

the name (Ie "dieu ancien") corresponds to bhagavan purva in the

fifth sZoka (line 9) of the sanskrit portion (C II: 152, note 2).

b. Gui tel pok don . .• 'this same one [sharing it] with

The form pok is described as "d June lecture extremement

douteuse" (C II: 152, note 3).

Line 10:

a. Sre te~ 'apvil is the item, the remainder of the line be­

ing predicated of it. It can only be presumed that candravindu

acquired it from Jnanacandra in exchange for a slave, and now

conveys it to the deity.

Line 12:

a. Note the genitive locative function of ai.

65

Line 13:

a. Tel oy knip . . . ukk 'which [I] also give as a means of

With knip (see the Lexicon) compare snan in line 8.

Line 16:

a. To paraphrase: the Lvan sanke field is conveyed to the

deity by the pon Matiprasanti. This field used to belong to the

pon Chan (no doubt the same individual as is mentioned in line

4), but the pon Ci apparently acquired it from him, developed it,

and eventually g<,lve or sold it to the Lord Medhi3:vindu. who ended

by giving it to a deity. HOw it came intO the possession of Mati­

prasanti is not made clear.

Line 19:

a. Jen sruk tmI 'on the outskirts (edge) of the new communi­

ty' is simply attributive to sre mratan xmaxvindu and needs no

locative marker.

b. Oy is attributive to all that precedes it; hence, 'which

[he] gives • . .'. he being the Lord xmaxvindu.

66

K.49

Date: ~aka 586 (A.D. 664).

Name: Vat Prey Veal Stele.

Source: C VI: 7-8.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Prey Veng province.

The text comprises seventeen lines of which the first ten

are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a stele, since lost, found by

Aymonier 1 on the grounds of a modern temple in southern Prey

Veng in the vicinity of the ancient Ba Phnom. Carefully engraved,

it is in a good state of preservation except along the sides.

The inscription is of special historical interest as being

one of the earliest evidences of Buddhism in post-Funan Cambodia.

Its purpose is to promulgate a royal order transferring authority

over a Buddhist sanctuary to one Subhakirti.

IVid. Le cambodge, I: 248-9.

67

K.49

('D

U "- "­ttl g fltyt'i1 n- HbTi 13 f,\ t{llJlJ U tn Hrn n1.fi'l E!l U u~

1 1 ~ d' 1"" "" 1

('DlzJ C>. 0

J{ d~ml:J ~ b1 t~ tm "1 cr til d' rJ

0 0 C>. ;'3lm~"'" ugHUw 11 ~d tNT ~1Yl::J f4 ~ HI:J Hi' U Hrn ~ '!ll ....... I 1 1]

I I "" ;'3l(J:

0 tWi n- fl tyWif3 r-rfl ~ ~ "'"j;l 1$ tmu HUw tlY o 0 C>. 0

0

'!> d' tIT I ~trn 1 I

C>. C>. C>. C>."- ""'I" 01c1

5 j;l biN \l ~ f3 tl:j1f:] I:S:J'lfltr nil tfHil n- HI' U ug Hrn tl1 00 I d' d' I 6'1 I "'-!!> 1

o 0 _ 0

fl Uu gf3 ttl "1

"" 0 C>."-~ tM' tl ~U M' tM' ~ tufl "'"f4 tM' tl tm! M' tM' tl iliO,1 I t

01i0 Hnu 1Y

ti8g Ub11 tiJ IT f3 U rn:n ;j' 1:'1 "'"I;)I

tM' 1:'1 t m'l UN t rn N tr WI'

"" <;,.

M' tM' tr tlY bd'1~ M' t bl'il if t~ tud' rnttl r~ g fltym151 1 "" u

10 Hb11 tl;) <J1rul "1 "" ""

68

NOTES

The date of this inscription is given in the eighth stanza,

in the maZinf, of the Sanskrit portion.

The difficulties of the text are for the most part lexical

rather than grammatical.

Line 1:

a. Compare this transparent use of ni with its occurrence

in line 5.

b. The pu of pu ca~ 'an, which occurs again in lines 3 and

5, is Austronesian -- Old Javanese as well as Cham. GC observes,

on the authority of Au Chhieng, that this title corresponds

"exactly" to Skt sthavira (pali thera) I elder I and may be taken

as "un semoignage lexicologique de l'existence du Theravada au

Cambodge au viie siecle" (C VI: 9, note 1). That an Austronesian

loan is found in a Khmer calque of a Sanskrit title seems to tie

in with GC I s view that Siiryavarman I was of Malay origin (vid.

C VI: 9, note 3).

Line 2:

a. Observe the genitive locative use of ai.

Line 3:

a. Gui summarizes knum tmur krapi sre damrin and is linked

by ta to the following man.

Line 4:

69

a. 'Nak ta psal!! ta qui ukkra 'individuals who have also

participated therein', viz. in the pu~ya of Ratnabhanu and Rat­

nasinha.

b. Gui tel 'these same things', the object of the follow­

ing pre.

c. Prasiddha 'al!!pal 'the full (exclusive) right'.

Line 5:

a. Gui summarizes qui tel prasiddha 'al!!pal pre.

b. Compare this use of ni with its occurrence in line 1.

c. Observe the nonoccurrence of ta after subhaklrtti.

d. The lacuna almost certainly represents tel -- qui tel re­

ferring back to Subhakirti.

Line 7:

a. Note the linear patterning of the closing admonition.

b. Because of its occurrence at the head of the string of

relative clauses, the action expressed by dap is no doubt of an

even more serious kind than thievery and begging. Moreover, the

simple obstructing of access to the buildings is mentioned in

line 8 (dranap 'agara).

c. The sax at the end of the line together with the follow­

ing kop crane~ panjas is conjectural. GC suggests that the lacuna

plus kop should possibly be restored as ca~kop (C VI: 9, note

5), which, however, he glosses as Zien 'tie, bond'. Ckop Ick~~pl

'to levy (taxes)' occurs in K.44B: 4 below, while GC himself has

identified ca~op elsewhere (JSS, XVII (1923).2: 114) with Thai

70

17th-century ~1nvu (now ~~nou) /caQk~~p/ 'tax, duty'. The suitabili­

ty of this restoration depends on the preceding sa and the follow­

ing crane~. I propose adjusting the former to si, with the sense of

'to extort'. For the latter see the Lexicon.

Line 8:

a. Panjas dranap , grammatically, dranap is verbalized

('to obstruct, block access to') and coordinate with panjas.

b. Pak tok ta gui: both verbs are transitive, and an indefinite

object must be supplied.

Line 9:

a. GC with good reason interpolates ge ta to fill a lacuna at

the end of the line.

b. Pre TO~ 'to order thus', i.e. instigate others to do these

same things. Cf. K.44B: 12.

c. Ge .... sot 'they also .... , even they ...• '

71

K.115

Date: Saka 587 (A.D. 665).

Name: Sopheas Stele.

Source: C VI: 11.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Cham province.

The text comprises eighteen lines of which the first four

are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is poorly engraved on a stele 100 centimeters

high, 33 cm wide and 11 cm thick of some coarse stone. It appears

to have formed a portal wall in one of the four brick towers on

the grounds of the modern temple in the village of Sopheas, about

thirty kilometers due north of Kompong Cham. 1

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga named Srimad Amrata as well as gifts of slaves and

lands made to it.

lef. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 343-4 and map facing 336.

72

K.IIS

1 SItU tl:Y b l'il rn G\J "-ll>

b~ Hb'tr b'rprTl'-!'>

"'" '[ftr<;jl i-1'I nn t"i -'

eo. ~

.,., ~

r1J ~ brpt11

~ u~li3

OJ OJ 1

" 1l "".S>

I

in 000000 in tnl1i u

5 in f~ in nHS

in " cJ;)'00 tt in

'-Ii

blJim "'"

in rru g in §JO

0000 00

in Hb'iJ in r-r~ ul a' d

in cuo i3 in Ott 1 g

10 in f~ in Otf

in Urioolj uti Off) q

b ':i'>0 §l

§.l§.l - _ oB'1 ill ~ t1l fS

tl'ilfS 1l tltl I 1

o 1l Wi 1l

I

15

1l nnfll:Y 1 1

1l 1

<V ~b'h

0

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25

73

b'm 13- 11 mmt§Cl:I

ff 0 b'11Q3 °1 I

ff t1i~ Wffi I

74

NOTES

The date of the inscription occupies the whole of the open­

ing Sanskrit stanza.

Line 1:

a. 'AIpnoy ge klon: GC inadvertently renders this "Don

gens de 1a ge kZon ... ," as if trying to capture two mutually ex­

clusive possibilities of interpretation. On the one hand, he

feels that ge is a feminine-marker; on the other, he feels it is

not. See his discussion of ge klon at C IV; 57.

Line 2:

a. The seeming contradiction between the opening 'a~oy ta

vraQ and ti oy ta pon is due to the imprecision of oy, which here

has the value of Ito give over to the safekeeping of, place in

the custody of I. See Gels comment at C VI: 10, introduction.

75

K.341S

Date: Saka 596 (A.D. 673).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Neak Buos.

Source: C VI: 24.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Preah Vihear province.

The text comprises thirteen lines of which the first three

and the last are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on the south piedroit of tower

L of the ruins of Prasat Neak Buos, a sanctuary some twelve kilo­

meters due east of Cheom Ksan near the Thai frontier. l

The purpose of the inscription is to promulgate orders by

an unnamed king relating to the worship of Siva and to commemo­

rate gifts of lands to the sanctuary.

lCf. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, II: 237 and map facing 224.

76

K.341S

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77

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The first digit of the year number is in doubt, and could

be a 5 or a? GC follows the conclusions of A. Barth, who worked

out a correspondence with 31 March A.D. 673 (C VI: 23).

Line 2:

a. Note the Angkorian orthography of pa~vas for pa~os(s)

as well as thve for tve. Other cases are chvatt in line 4 and thve

again in lines 5 and 8. The discrepancy would remain even if Barth

had attributed the text to Saka 796, since pre-Angkorian ka~atan

is used throughout. We probably have here evidence of dialect mix­

ture.

b. The royal order directs the pa~vas kulapati to do five

things, expressed as a string of verb phrases. The pre in this

line may be rendered 'instructing him to •.. '. The verb phrases

begin with (1) thve, (2) sthapana, (3) sthapana, (4) oy, and (5)

pre.

Line 3:

a. Lingapurvva here and in line 6 is an engraver's error for

lingapura, spelled correctly in line 4. The mistake may be taken

as indicative of the pronunciation of -pura and purvva when this

text was written.

Line 4:

a. Oy chvatt bhumi oy ... : the first oy is causative while

the second is an attenuated causative marking manner or desired

result and introducing four parallel subordinate clauses.

78

Line 5:

a. The implied subject of pre is not the royal order but

the pa~vas kulapati. Its personal object) the subject of con,

is too lowly to merit mention.

b. Con it thve kalpana phon ta vraJ: 'to raise brick monu­

ments to the shining one ... ') less freely 'to build monuments

by laying bricks'. This conforms to a familiar pattern.

Line 6:

a. Pre ru lingapur(vv)a ukk is coordinate with pre con it

thve kalpana phon above. The unexpressed object of this pre is

kalpana phon.

b. Lines 5 and 6 are expressed by GC with less than his

usual grace and accuracy: " ... d'assembler des briques; de fixer

toutes les prestations en faveur du dieu COmme a Lingapura,

aussi" (C VI: 25).

Line 7:

a. The condition of the last two lines precludes understand­

ing. Ne~ gi rohh dharmmadharmma 'This is what is good and not

good' appears to be followed by three short strings each begin­

ning with tao

79

K.44

Date: ~

(A.D.Saka 596 674).

Name: Preah Kuhea Luong Stele.

Source: C II: 11.

Plate: IC I: 4.

Provenance: Kampot province.

The text comprises fourteen lines on face A, of which the

first five are in Sanskrit, and thirteen lines on face B.

The inscription is engraved on a sandstone stele 87 centi­

meters high, 46 cm wide and 9 cm thick which stands at the mouth

of a cave not far from the port of Kampot known as Preah Kuhea

Luong or Kuhea Kbal Botum.

The continuity of the text is broken by the last two lines

(13 and 14) of face A, which were added later and identify the

official who set up the stele.

The purpose of the inscription is to promulgate an order by

Jayavarman I confirming the authority of certain ascetics over

chattels given to a deity named Utpannesvara and defining the

limits of the sanctuary.

80

K.44

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81

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82

NOTES

Line 1:

a. Ai mandira purandarapura: this inclusion of a locative

phrase in a dateline is unusual, but cf. K.904: 2.

Line 4:

a. Punya = 'ajna in line 3. The sovereign in question is

Jayavarman 1.

Line 5:

a. The specification of the donor(s) is ambiguous owing to

our imperfect understanding of the pre-Angkorian titular system.

The milord Commissary of Husked Rice may well be the same person

as the baronet Varahasena.

Line 6:

a. 'A1[Ivi kala in the (life)time of, during the reign of.

Line 13:

a. As has been said, these last two lines of face A were

added later. Hence they interrupt the continuity of the text.

b. Pon totil gui ... 'Sir Totil is the one who ... '

c. Oy gui sruk ... 'who has given the community .•• ', attrib­

utive to vrah kamratan 'an, or 'which gives [to] the community

attributive to 'iijna.

d. Ple dran vnas: almost certainly ple = the dasadasI go­

mahi~a in lines 6 and 7 while vnas the ksetrarama in line 7.

See the Lexicon.

83

Line 14:

a. The precise sense of nu is uncertain. GC takes it as a sim­

ple conjunction (" •.• et Ie Pon fait remise des biens au gre~rha~ra­

ma"), but this is the most unlikely alternative of all.

Line 18:

a. Gi tel 'these same [things]', object of prasiddha.

Line 20:

a. Smam and jmon show verbal development of their nominal sen­

ses of 'one who assigns jointly' and 'one who bestows'. Their ante­

cedent is the vra~ kamratan 'an in front of prasiddha, or possibly

, ajIia.

Line 22:

a. With ckop compare the ca~op at K.49: 15-6.

b. I have amended the text's ucita, on which GC makes no com­

ment, to uccita.

Line 26:

a. Dar is followed by two disparate objects, a circumstance

which makes translation awkward: dranap 'to call for obstruc­

tions (through magic power), work spells', dar gho~a~a 'to cry pub­

lic announcements'.

Line 28:

a. Ge ta cracur 'they who pilfer (from)' is followed by six

objects: vranen, snan, pa~os, pa~os, satva and voja.

Line 35:

a. Cf. K.49: 16-7.

84

K.140

Date: Saka 598 (A.D. 676).

Name: Vat Baray Stele.

Source: C VI: 14-5.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Thom province.

The text comprises sixteen lines of which the first two are

in Sanskrit. Two or three additional lines may have followed

those which survive.

The inscription is engraved on an ancient stone piedrait re­

used and recut as a lintel, and is preserved in the modern tem­

ple of Vat Baray in the village of Baray, about forty-four kilo­

meters due southeast of Kompong Thom.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of an image of Siva and the slaves given to his service.

85

K.140

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87

NOTES

The date of this inscription is given in the first two lines,

which refer to SrI Sankaraxxx as SrI Sambhu ("the beneficent"),

yet another epithet for Siva and Visnu alike.

Line 1:

a. It is curious that GC takes samantagajapati as samantagaja

+ pati 'chefs des elephants royaux' (C IV: 14) rather than the ex­

pected samanta + gajapati 'neighboring princes, vassals'. I see no

justification for the former interpretation.

88

K.78

Date: Saka 59x (A.D. 668-677).

Name: Inscription of Phnom Baset.

Source: C VI: 12-3.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kandal province.

The text comprises twenty-three lines.

The inscription is engraved on a slab of black schist 78 cen­

timeters high, 54 cm wide, and 9 cm thick. Its dressed surface

is badly flaked in places and hence contains many lacu~.

It was discovered in the ruins of a sanctuary atop Phnom Ba­

set, a 138-meter hill about twenty-two kilometers due NNW of

Phnom-Penh. l As far as can be ascertained, its purpose is to

commemorate gifts of slaves, lands and plantations to a deity

whose name is illegible.

lef. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 218-9 and map facing 224.

89

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92

NOTES

Line 1:

a. In the original inscription the initial lacuna comprises

five places. For the last of these GC has supplied the na of navati

'ninety'. If the first place does not stand for a punctuation mark

corresponding to the modern kakkuranetpa, the only number which

could fill the remaining four places is traya-, the combining form

of tri 'three' (vid. ~~1tney, 178, §476c). If the first place of

the lacuna does stand for a punctuation mark, the three remaining

places could only be filled by catur 'four'. Thus Saka 593 (A.D.

671) or Saka 594 (A.D. 672) can be inferred.

b. GC has also supplied the ttarapa of uttarapancasata.

Line 2:

a. The first lacuna almost certainly stands for klan. This

clarifies the klan 3 in line 62 below.

Line 4:

a. Read klan gayatrIya [nul kan [klan] gayatrIya ... , supply­

ing a second klan on the pattern of line 6.

b. I interpolate the kla of klan 'aras, where GC gives a

one-place lacuna.

Line 6:

a. The Lord klan Dhautamaxxxxy (line 2), the klan of Hymn­

Singers (line 4), and the klan of Malen, with their children,

are coparticipants in the endowment.

Line 29:

93

a. As can be inferred from the next item, the kon in front

of ku dek is probably an error on the engraver's part.

Line 53:

a. The total number of slaves given, which may include the

four-place lacuna, is unintelligible (cf. C VI: 13, note 1). The

lists include a maximum of 101 individuals; as many as 33 of this

number may be children and not counted.

Line 54:

a. I give sanre for Ge's sare, regarding which see my com­

ment in the Lexicon.

Line 58:

a. Ne~ gi roh ... 'This is the form of ... ', i.e. 'Such are ... '

b. It is uncertain whether mratan yajamana is singular, re­

ferring to DhautamaxxxXy, or plural, referring to all three klon

(line 62).

Line 59:

a. The lacuna presumably stands for the name of a male slave.

Line 62:

a. It is not possible to specify the kind of transaction to

which tnor refers. The last three slaves may represent a fee paid

to the officiating priest or priests.

94

K.451

Date: Saka 602 (A.D. 680).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Prey Thnal (South).

Source: C V: 50.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Siem Reap province.

The text comprises sixteen plus thirteen lines.

The inscription is deeply engraved in large characters on

the south and north piedroits of Prasat Prey Thnal (South), a

brick tower located some 40 kilometers due northwest of Siem

Reap.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts to

an aspect of Siva made by a prince of Malen l and to announce the

provisions periodically due to the sanctuary. The south piedroit

lists slaves, lands and cattle; the north piedroit> following a

lengthy warning against desecrating the precincts, mentions the

provisions.

IMalen is probably to be identified with the Malyan of the Angkorian period, a fief west of the TonIe Sap (C V: 49).

95

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97

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98

NOTES

Line 2:

a. GC asserts (C V: 51, note 1) that the form tna~ here and

in line 19 is transcribed as it appears in the original.

Line 23:

a. Vrah kamratan 'an ta dau sivapura 'the shining one Our

High Lord who has gone to Sivapura', i.e. the abode of Siva. This

is the standard way of referring to a deceased sovereign.

b. '~oy ... oy ta 'given by ..• to'. The oy is the

dative marker followed by the common ligature.

Line 27:

a. GC has "une autre riziere pnak de KurU11 Maleri" (C V: 51),

and the comment (loc.cit., note 4) "Pnak est peut-etre un topo­

nyme." On the contrary, it is quite clearly 'to be fragmented'.

b. The sense of dai is 'various, sundry'.

Line 28:

a. The first gi ne~ is 'it is these •.. " while the second gi

ne~, comparable to English 'this here', is attributive to roh.

b. Because of its position before it, neQ cannot modify sre.

This means that sre ta roh gi nehh phon must be in apposition to. . it.

Line 30:

a. The inscription on the north piedroit opens with an im­

99

precation running nearly to the end of line 4 (line 37 in our

text). GC was unable to place vra~ kamratan 'an sri kedaresvara

in any grammatical context. Leaving it dangling clearly disturbed

him, and he ventured to suggest, "Le rappel de ce nom sert peut­

etre a enchainer cette inscription avec celIe du pii:~droit sud"

(C V: 51, note 5). In reality it is a transposed genitive string

which anticipates the simple vrah in line 31.

Line 34:

a. The dan after sam may be en engraver's error for don. In

any case it is not the same word as the dan before sam.

Line 36:

a. In the original this line begins with a one-place lacuna,

which I have filled with ge.

b. The ge just mentioned refers to the various miscreants

previously listed. After nirayasthana the student must understand

a conjunction on the order of "along with ll or lias well as".

c. Read the remainder as 'ji ge ta si I ge ta kantai I 'me

ge I 'ta ge ,kon cau.

Line 38:

a. The impreciation done With, we now have an exhortation to

doers of good. GC not without reason misconstrued this passage

down to the ka ti pre in line 40, rendering the first part "Ceux

qui font du mal au dieu..• " (C V: 51). It is almost certain that

the one-place lacuna stands for ge again. After pan, moreover,

the student may understand vrah and take par ge mut vrah as an

instrumental phrase.

Line 40:

100

a. Ka marks this line as the apododis of a complex sentence.

However, the "protasis" (the whole of lines 38 and 39) is by no

means a concessive or hypothetical clause at least on the gram­

matical level. These two lines are the transposed full form of the

ge after ti pre 'it [shall] be ordered that •.. '

b. GC renders this as " ... ordonner aux gens de monter de ....

grand enfer" (C V: 51), on which he comments (loc. ci t., note 10),

"On voit mal comment rattacher ce membre de phrase au contexte."

c. The two-place lacuna cannot be fathomed.

Line 43:

a. I have arbitrarily divided the four-place lacuna before

tnai lut 2, which GC does not attempt to translate.

Line 47:

a. On 'nac and kanjrap see the Lexicon. The lacuna precludes

any trustworthy interpretation.

Line 53:

a. GC has "Oblation propitiatoire : a chaque jour ferie, un

demi je de riz decortique pour Ie service de V.K.A. grI Kedare9­

vara. 1I (C V: 52), running into Ge ta cam... (line 54). Sattra

camren is 'oblation [to be] made ... '

Line 54:

a. Ge ta cam•.. is paralleled by ge ta cam in this and

the next line, two different deities being in question. The exact

nuance of the ja in ge ta cam is uncertain.

b. The two-place lacu~ here and in line 55 are probably to

be filled by a verb such as duk or jvan.

101

K.561

Date: Saka 603 (A.D. 681).

Name: Inscription of Tuol Ang Tnot.

Source: C II: 40-1.

Plate: IC I: 23.

Provenance: Takeo province.

The text comprises forty-two lines of which the first six

are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a stele or piedroit having a

dressed surface 165 centimeters high and 79 cm wide. The stone

is badly flaked over the bottom five lines. It is preserved in

the temple known as Vat Tuol Ang Tnot, about thirty-five kilo­

meters due NNE of Takeo.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts to

an aspect of Siva known as Sri Kha~galinga.

102

K.S61

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(lb 00

106

NOTES

Most of the difficulties of this text are of a nongrammatica1

order and call for constant reference to the Lexicon.

The date of the inscription is supplied in the second sZoka

(line 2) of the Sanskrit portion.

Line 1:

a. Observe the use of 'ay without even a nomina1ized verb of

giving before it; oy occurs only in the following relative clause.

Line 2:

a. The form 'apvla~ is an engraver's error for 'apval vlah.

Line 29:

a. Distinguish ta 'ay from the more usual 'ay tao Here 'ay

vrai tlann is made attributive to sre.

Line 30:

a. Gi 'amrun sre vrah ..• ~Such are the metes and bounds

of the rice1ands of the shining one .•• '

Line 35:

a. GC marks dapgop as unknown (C II: 43, note 6) and takes

kap as modern ka'pa Ikapl 'to hide in the ground, bury, cache',

with reference to "Probab1ement des re1iques, ou un depot sacre."

(C II: 43, note 7). It seems far more likely that kap is modern

kapa Ikaapl 'to possess, be in possession of' and that kap patra

107

'to be in possession of the a1msbow1' is a way of designating

persons in holy orders. Before ge kule pon bhavacandra interpolate

"from among" rather than simple "of".

Line 36:

a. After sanme ni daun ponn supply a colon.

Line 47:

a. Observe how the relative man is bound to its antecedent by

ta here and in lines 55, 57, 61 and 63, but is not so bound in

lines 51 and 53. Cf. line 70.

Line 65:

a. This line paraphrases the seven lines referred to above.

Line 69:

a. Ge tel 'these same [slaves]', the object of pre but brought

to the head of the sentence for the sake of emphasis.

Line 70:

a. Dih (see the Lexicon) is marked by GC as "mot de sens in­

connu" (C II: 43, note 10). Indeed, this appears to be its sale

occurrence in this corpus of inscriptions.

b. Sin may connote "at the moment, for the time being ll •

c. Note the sequence ta man again.

Line 71:

a. Na connotes "at [the sanctuary Of]lI.

Line 73:

108

a. I have supplied the full stop after 'Amrun sre ta dai in

lieu of a colon.

b. The following gui (despite the known primary meanings of

'azprun) must connote "This is [in the form of] ..• "

a. After t10n and knu~ GCls text has the figure 1, which

often serves to separate items in a list and which I delete. In

this way kanjrap. tlon and knum foreshadow those mentioned here­

after (lines 74-5).

GC supplies a full stop after knum and begins a new sen­

tence with jazpnon (C II: 43).

Line 76:

a. Note the absence of ta before man. The pattern is the

same as in lines 51 and 53.

109

K.127

Date: Saka 605 1 (A.D. 683).

Name: Sambor Piedroit.

Source: C II: 89-90.

Plate: IC II: 47.

Provenance: Kratie province.

The text comprises twenty-one lines.

The inscription is engraved on a sandstone piedroit from

which the upper part has been broken off. It was found in 1891

among the ruins of Sambor, the site of ancient §a~bhupura, on

the left (east) bank of the Mekong some thirty kilometers NNW of

Kratie. The portion surviving is 136 centimeters high, 66 cm

wide, and 19 cm thick. The first eight lines are incomplete. In

other respects the stone is in a good state of preservation.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts made

to several aspects of Siva.

As Credes mentions, I this is the earliest known inscription

from Cambodia in which figured numbers follow Arabic placement.

lOr Saka 604. Vid. C II: 90, note 4.

110

K.127

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112

NOTES

As has been said, the top portion of the inscription has been

broken off and lost; we open with a slave list out of context. The

lacun~ in the first eight or nine lines preclude any exact render­

ing. Several unfortunate Sanskritisms toward the end of the text

detract from its style though not from its clarity.

Line 4:

a. For the inversion of sakaparigraha cf. K.926; 3 (A.D. 624).

b. As has been noted, the year is possibly 604 (C II; 89,

note 4).

Line 5:

a. The lacuna probably stands for dasadasI.

b. GC has supplied eta vrah kamratan an ~rI ama].

Line 8:

a. Note the function of ta in ta 'nak kantai, the only ante­

cedent of which is the forementioned dasadasI.

Line 16:

a. Padamula ta 'anau I [From among] the worthies in residence',

followed by a colon.

Line 17:

a. Ranko so ca~a~ ge 'ay ta vra~ ••. 'White (husked) rice

for their support [while] at [the sanctuary of] the shining one'.

113

Cf. lines 19-20.

Line 18:

a. The engraver and GC omit the virama over hvera.

h. I have supplied the full stop after kamratan 'an.

c. The gi at the head of the new sentence is ge. The sequence

gi ta gi is either en engraver's error for ta gi alone or is com­

parable to 'here in this place'.

Line 19:

a. I have supplied the full stop after sthita nau.

h. Note the place of ne~ before knu~ pradana and ranko, which

may be interpreted either as attributive to it or in apposition to

it.

Line 20:

a. I follow GC in deleting the punctuation between sri ama­

resvara and 'a~pall

Line 21:

a. For suryyacandrasya read suryyacandra man ley. The genitive

singular inflection is inadmissible even in Sanskrit.

Line 23:

a. Psa~ upabhoga ta: the ta marks the object of the causation,

the subject being Isvaravindu. Upabhoga may be read as upabhoga knum

neh. Cf. lines 41-2.

Line 42:

114

a. After srI 'amarl~s,ral:a a full stop, omitted by the text

and GC, must be supplied.

b. For viptya read vipatti (C II: 91, note 1). Tve vipatti

has already occurred in K.451N: 3 (A.D. 680).

115

K.154

Date: Saka 606 (A.D. 684).

Name: Phum Komrieng Stele.

Source: C II: 123-4.

Plates: IC II: 58 and 58bis

Provenance: Kandal province.

The text comprises eighteen plus fourteen lines.

The inscription is engraved on the two faces of a stele 90

centimeters high, 43 cm wide and 10 cm thick. It is in a good

state of preservation but clearly the work of an inexperienced

engraver.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts made

to an aspect of Siva on the occasion of a dirghasattra or "long

Soma sacrifice" by the Lord Devasvami.

116

K.154

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119

NOTES

The difficulties of this text are not so much grammatical as

lexical and orthographic. I have sought to override the meager

punctuation either through the new lay-out or by supplying the

full stop wherever it can safely be assumed.

Note the considerable duplication of A by B and the cavalier

representation of many of the personal names.

Line 3:

a. The main verb is dlrgghasatra 'has celebrated a long Soma

sacrifice tal, as is dirgghasatra [sic] in line 26.

Line 4:

a. Note the virtually pronomial status of mratan, as in line

27.

Line 7:

a. I have supplied the numeral in view of line 29.

Line 9:

a. In view of its repetition in lines 11 and 36, the form piti

is suspect.

Line 15:

a. Compare lines 37-8 and note the variations.

Line 17:

a. Ta mar ta tan, like ta mar ta ten in line 40, must be ac­

120

cepted as unanalyzed at present. Tan (ten) appearing to refer to

the officials holding this title (not mentioned in lines 18-20 but

named in lines 44 and 45), it is conceivable that maT is an en­

graver's error for or a garbled abbreviation of mratan. GC (C II:

125, note 1) labels the forms "enigmatique".

Line 21:

a. For pa~ju~, which GC (C II: 125, note 2) calls 'mot de

sens inconnu", see the Lexicon. It is attributive to the three

mratan just mentioned.

Line 22:

a. "Ada~ tel[1 est une autre expression enigmatique" (C II:

125, note 3). One suspects that 'dah = modern tu~ /doh/ 'to grow',

but this cannot yet be demonstrated.

b. GC has "Tan Cnot, Vrac Run, Pan ~ruta," etc., making tan cnot out to be a personal name.

Line 23:

a. The interpretation of padamula va vidagdha va daTuna nau,

after which I supply the full stop, is open to question. On the

one hand, it is possible that these two worthies are to reside

at the sanctuary. It is more likely, on the other hand, that

their names end the enumeration begun with Sir Sankaraga~a (line

21) while nau completes pa~juJ:!., with the connotation of "from this

time on."

Line 24:

a. Oy in this context is probably 'to distribute alms.1!

b. This whole imprecation is duplicated in lines 52-4.

121

e. Saptamata saptapita is the subject of the main clause, re­

asserted as ge in line 25.

Line 25:

a. Niraya 'atiraura[va) maharaurava is the goal or indirect

object of dau and is reasserted in the form of ta gi after dau.

Such a displacement of the indirect object to a position between

the subject and verb is decidedly uncommon.

b. The original has vrahmatya, with no comment by GC (C II:

124). The corresponding passage in B (line 53) gives the correct

vrahmahatya, for which GC gives a needlessly close translation:

" ...meutre d'un bdihmane" (C II: 125). In note 6 (loc.cit.), more­

over, he styles his rendering of lines 24-5 as a "Traduction 1ibre

d'un texte mi-sanskrit mi-khmer dont 1a traduction 1ittera1e est

impossible."

e. Vrahma[ha]tya ge man gi is ambiguous to the extent that the

first term may be either the subject or the object of man. Compare

vrahmahatyaphala ge man gi in lines 53-4, which suggests the mean­

ing intended.

Line 27:

a. The dai of pu~ya mratan dai clearly indicates that B is

concerned with a dIrghasattra distinct from that detailed under A,

despite the general correspondence of details.

Line 32:

a. For sre pear GC has "rizieres, jardins" (C II: 125), taking

the second term as a blunder "il carriger sans doute en cp'Q::r>" (C

II: 124, note 4). Though this is the only occurrence of pear in the

corpus of inscriptions, it seems preferable to let it stand. Other­

wise line 33 gives the impression of being out of place.

122

Line 39:

a. The ta links paju~ to the following gi noh.

b. a mratan bhavaditya is somewhat ambiguous, because of

the (future) tense of paju~, and may refer either to the lord's

lifetime or to his tenure. The spareness of the context would ap­

pear to preclude any choice in the matter.

Line 46:

a. Note utdyama, reflecting the local pronunciation of Skt

udyama. The gratuitous t suggests that the modern habit of closing

a short presyllable was already established at this period.

Line 51:

a. For 'vai si, which GC (C II: 125) groups with sabha and

interprets as a personal name, see the Lexicon.

b. The line is decidedly ambiguous because of the unmarked

relationship between 'vai si and sabha, because either of these

could be the head of 'val, and because the precise value of sin

is uncertain. A likely paraphrase would be: Watchmen and the

whole council [shall] continue to dwell [here].

123

K.765

Date: Saka 60x (A.D. 678-687).

Name: Prasat Neang Khmau Pi€droit.

Source: C V: 53-4.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Takeo province.

The text comprises thirteen lines of which the first six are

in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a schist piedroit and occupies

a dressed surface 75 centimeters high and 48 cm wide. It was dis­

covered on the south side of the ruins of Prasat Neang Khmau.

some thirteen kilometers due north of Takeo.!

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga and the gifts made to it by one Mahanuk~tavikhyata.

ICf. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 183-4 and map facing 192.

124

K.765

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125

NOTES

The date is given in the first strophe of the Skt portion.

Line 2:

a. Note the contrast between knum ta si, with the ligature,

and knum kantai in line 6.

Line 20:

a. The one-place lacuna probably stands for ai.

126

K.582

Date: Saka 615 (A.D. 693).

Name: Inscription of Tuol Tramung.

Source: C II: 200.

Plate: IC II: 91.

Provenance: Kompong Speu province.

The text comprises eight lines of which the first two are in

Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a schistose stone 40 centi­

meters high, 63 cm wide, and 8 cm thick. It was found in 1924 in

the village of Trai Trak in southwestern Kompong Speu. It is in

a good state of preservation, and its engraving is well done.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of a linga of Siva and gifts made to it by one Bhavasakti.

127

K.582

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128

NOTES

The date is given in great detail in the opening Skt strophe.

Line 1:

a. Makkan ta 'arne ka~yek ponn: observe how ta introduces an

appositional phrase and how ponn has virtually pronomial force.

Line 17:

a. For sre sanre kanlahh GC gives "~ Sarlre de riziere" (C II:

201). The interpretation remains open to question.

Lines 20-21:

a. GC's interpretation throws little light on the grammar of

this sentence: "Les habitations de ces serfs et ces rizieres re­

unissent les revenus affectes a la divinite avec ceux de la divi­

nite et des habitations dependant de Bhagavat ~ankarakirti" (C II:

201).

b. The first gui appears to nominalize the rest of the sen­

tence (lilt is [a fact] that ... ") ~ though probably not to achieve

the heavy emphasis which the English would suggest. The next two

gui are weak demonstratives, while the fourth is probably attribu­

tive to vrahh as well as the second 'avasa, distinguishing them

from the 'avasa and vra~ previously mentioned.

129

K. 74

Date: Saka 619 (A.D. 697) •

Name: Inscription of Vat Preah Nirpean.

Source: C VI: 18-9.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Speu province.

The text comprises nine lines.

The inscription is engraved on a blackish basalt stele or

piedroit found in the modern temple of Vat Preah Nirpean~ about

sixteen kilometers due east of Kompong Speu, which stands near

the ruins of an old brick tower sanctuary.l It is in a poor

state of preservation, and the last three lines are obscure.

The apparent purpose of the inscription is to commemorate

gifts of slaves made to an aspect of Siva.

lef. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 209 and map facing 192.

130

K. 74

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132

NOTES

Line 3:

a. Pon vastrapala is to be construed as the peerage title

followed by the designation of a royal or ecclesiastical office.

See the Lexicon under vastrapala and its synonym vasanapala, oc­

curring in line 15. Cf. also C VI: 19, note 1.

b. GC (C VI: 18) has supplied all but the n of knum ta vra~

kamratan.

c. He also (ibid.) has supplied the ka of kanakalesvara, on

the basis of the form in line 17 which he reconstructs ka[nakale­

svara]. This reconstruction cannot be confirmed, and is very much

in doubt.

Line 6:

a. GC (C VI: 18) comments on the peculiarity of three of the

names in this list. Ja pi sralan, which occurs again in line lIb,

he glosses as 'nee pour aimer"; the meaning intended is probably

closer to "lovable (fit for or worth loving)".

Line 8:

a. Sa'ap 'angaga "detestant l'injustice' (ibid.).

Line 12:

a. Katha vol"!! is "qui ne raconte pas tout' (ibid.); the mean­

ing intended is probably closer to "the chatterbox (he/she who is

never done talking)".

Line 14:

a. The total is correct if the child in line 8a is discounted

133

and if it is assumed that one of the two lacun~ is also a child.

Line 15:

a. Because of the ten-place lacuna with which this line be­

gins, any interpretation must be conjectural. I have supplied the

full stop after p~re ta gi.

b. The following sentence probably stipulates that the vasa­

napala shall be the one to have charge of the forementioned slaves.

Again I have supplied the full stop.

Line 17:

a. The division of the eleven-place lacuna so as to reserve

six places for this line is guesswork on my part. The space may

be filled by knum ta dai man or words to the same effect.

Line 18:

a. GC (C VI: 19 and note 2) interprets xxxbhadra as a three­

place lacuna + the verbalization of Skt bhadra 'blessed' and pro­

poses restoring some such meaning as "Que ceux qui protegeront

les (ou : augmenteront Ie nornbre des) esclaves que j'offre ici,

etc ... acquierent du merite." This seems needlessly forced. in­

asmuch as line 17. with the adjustment suggested, forms a complete

sentence and bhadra is a common element of personal names.

134

K.113/114 1

Date: Saka 620? (A.D. 698?).

Name: Svay Sat Phnom Stele.

Source: C VI: 2l.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Cham province.

The text comprises twenty-eight lines of whieh only the first

six have been published, the remainder being a virtually

ble list of 123 slaves.

The inscription is engraved on a standstone stele 1.70 meters

high by 55 em wide, in a poor state of preservation. It was dis

covered at Vat Rossey Srok, a modern temple on the left (east)

bank of the Mekong near Prek Par, some thirty-six kilometers due

northeast of Phnom-Penh in southwesternmost Kompong Cham. 2

The ostensible purpose of the inscription is to record the

conveyance, by a Lord Upatyasvami to his son Sarvadatta, of an

image of Siva, or more probably the sanctuary housing it, and the

force of slaves attached to it.

lK.113 is the inventory number as given at C VI: 20. However, in the IJiste gE'Derale (C VIII: 94) this number is marked "Vacant (fait double emploi avec K.114)," and the inscription is described under the latter.

2 Cf . Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 260 and map facing 264.

135

K.113/114

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136

NOTES

Because of its fragmentary nature and several lacun~, it is

unlikely that this text can be interpreted with any relia­

bility. It is nevertheless worth examination on several counts.

Line l:

Q. The first two characters of vinsoo are "tr<2S douteux" (C

VI: 21, note 1).

b. GC (C VI: 21), contrary to his usual practice, chooses

to write vihsottara~a~sata together with sakaparigraha as one

compound word. This violates Khmer syntax as well as the canons

of Skt compounding.

c. GC has supplied the ha of hastanaksatra.

Line 2:

-Q. I supply the vara of vrahaspativara.

Line 3:

Q. I supply gi nu on the assumption that the above °vara

corresponds to only two places of the four-place lacuna.

b. The first two characters of upatyasvami "ne sont pas ab­

solument certains" (C VI: 21, note 2).

c. In the same way, vacasvIsvara could be tapasvlsvara (C

VI: 21, note 3).

Line 4:

Q. I supply the full stop after mratan.

137

K.341N

Date: Saka 622 (A.D. 700).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Neak Buos.

Source: C VI: 24-5.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Preah Vihear province.

The text comprises twelve lines.

The inscription is engraved on the north piedroit of tower L

of the ruins of Prasat Neak Buos~ a sanctuary some twelve kilo­

meters due east of Cheom Ksan near the Thai frontier. I

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts of

land made to an aspect of Siva by an unnamed king.

lef. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, II: 237 and map facing 224.

138

K.341N

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140

NOTES

This inscription is characterized by a high incidence of ortho­

graphical forms characteristic of the later Angkorian period. Most

of these are mentioned below.

Line 1:

a. For the va- of vavinsottarasastisata cf. K.138: 1 . .. Line 2:

a. GC (C VI: 26) takes parigraha in its etymological sense of

'to enclose, close in', which may well be correct, but this obliges

him to render the following ta V.K.A. sri sivapada as 'pour V.K.A.

Cri Civapada'. Its is more probable that any beneficiary would be ~ ~

marked by oy. Under the circumstances it seems preferable to take

parigraha ...• ta as a legal term meaning 'to convey (land) to'.

b. Note pre-Angkorian kamratan (which occurs again in line 11)

followed by Angkorian kammraten (which occurs again in lines 8, 10,

14, and 17).

Line 8:

a. Da~epra 'the most notable ones' is subordinated by ta to

the preceding gi ta tel prativaddha ai vrah ka~raten 'an.

b. For ge dharmmika 'the pious ones' GC (C VI: 26) has 'les

gens pieux (tels que)', which seems superfluous.

Line 10:

a. As given here, the layout of the text from line 8 down to

line 13 is intended to reveal the structural parallelism, and de­

141

parts markedly from GC's interpretation.

Line 10:

a. Sanme nnl is problematic. Cf. K.561: 23 and the Lexicon.

Line 12:

a. Note the Angkorian form of lvah [sic] for loh and of pvas

for pos.

Lines 12-3:

a. As given here, these two lines may be understood as com­

prising two coordinate clauses. It cannot however be positively as­

serted that the ge ta pvas clause is intended to be a continuation

of the first.

Line 15:

a. Note the Angkorian form of thmur (for tmur) immediately fol­

lowing the pre-Angkorian form of knu~

b. Rddo~ is a misspelling of rdde~ (cf. C VI: 25 and note 1).

c. Dvak is the Angkorian form of pre-Angkorian dok; chdin and

canhvar are the Angkorian forms of cdin and canhor.

Line 16:

a. Note the Angkorian forms of thmur, pa~vas and thve.

Line 17:

a. GC (C VI: 26 and note 4) glosses tel ' ... ont coutume de

(ce1€brer 1e cu1te du dieu) , and correctly equates it with tel 'de-

Ja.- , •

Line 19:

142

a. Lvac is the Angkorian form of loco

Line 21:

a. Yavat suryyascandrasya tavat narakadukhitah is badly gar­

bled. Cf. K.127: 12-3.

b. Lanlyan is the Angkorian form of lanlen.

143

K.145

Date: Saka 628 (A.D. 706).

Name: Prasat Phum Prasat Piedroit.

Source: C VI: 72.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kompong Thorn province.

The text comprises five lines of which the last one and a

half are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on the south piedroit of the por­

tal of Prasat Phum Prasat, a brick tower sanctuary on the left

(south) bank of the Stung Chinit about twenty-eight kilometers

due southeast of Kompong Thorn. 1 It is in a poor state of pre­

servation and contains many lacu~.

The apparent purpose of the inscription is to commemorate

gifts of lands, slaves and victuals made to an aspect of Harihara

known by the name of Sri Sankaranaraya~a.

ICf. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 369-70 and map facing 376.

144

K.145

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145

NOTES

Line 1:

a. As in the Angkorian inscriptions, ta gi is probably to be

construed as 'it being'. Cf. ta gi rajya vra~ pada vi~~uloka....

(K.235: 82), 'During the reign of H.M. Vi~vuloka ••. '

Line 9:

a. The last line and a half are in Sanskrit, and make no sense

as they stand.

146

K.927

Date: Saka 630 (A.D. 708).1

Name: Inscription of Thma Kre.

Source: C V: 22.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Kratie province.

The text comprises six lines.

The inscription is engraved on an undescribed stone 27 centi­

meters high and 70 cm wide. It was found in 1944 at the site of an

ancient sanctuary two hundred meters from the left (east) bank of

the Mekong at Thma Kre, about sixteen kilometers due north of Kra­

tiEL 2

The purpose of the inscription is to record the gift of certain

rice1ands to Harihara.

IBut see my note a to line 1 hereafter.

2Cf . Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 298 and map facing 296.

147

K.927

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148

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The Liste generaZe (C VIII: 216-7) assigns this short text

to "6xx", which would have to be interpreted as 7th century saka

and would allow a terminus ad quem as late as A.D. 777. Provided

that the opening three-place lacuna conforms to classical Sanskrit,

the d before uttarasacchata presupposes trimsad- 'thirty', catvarim­. . . sad- 'forty' or pancasad- (cf. Whitney, §475; C V: 22 note 2). Of

these only the first fits into the space. On this basis it may be

inferred with considerable assurance that the number is tri~sadut­

tara~acchata, that is to say saka 630.

Line 2:

a. I supply 'aditya to fill a three-place lacuna in the text

(C V: 22). This space could plausibly be occupied only by 'aditya

or 'angara. Although we have previously encountered 'angaradinavara

(K.44A: 7) and have not hitherto encountered 'Sunday', I choose

'aditya on the grounds that the later inscriptions show a certain

partiality for the first day of the week, a partiality referable

to old values according to which the sun was associated with such

matters as ritual orientation and general auspiciousness.

Line 3:

a. GC (C V: 22) supplies 'amvi as the antecedent of the loh

in the next line.

Line 4:

a. Of the six-place lacuna the first space may stand for bha,

as before the name Prasanna, but the rest is unfathomable.

Line 6:

149

a. At the head of this line the text (C V: 22) has an eight-

place lacuna, which I have filled with gi neJ: sre phon. In line 3

the reference to the kurak guragrama's tilling certain fields sim­

ply identifies those fields. In line 5 the reference of the pan bha

Visarada's acqulrlng certain fields from the klan Tep again merely

identifies those fields. Neither Suragrama nor Visarada is repre­

sented as donor of his fields. The pan Vrau Kros is the sole donor

mentioned, and it must be supposed that his gift consists of the

fields expressly identified as worked by Suragrama and as acquired

by Visarada. How they were conveyed to the pan Vrau Kros is not

stated.

150

K.904

Date: Saka 635 (A.D. 713).

Name: Baray Occidental Stele.

Source: C IV: 58-60.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Siem Reap province.

The text comprises fifty-seven lines of which the equivalent

of nine lines in face A are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on both sides of a stone stele

70 centimeters high and 47 cm wide, broken into two pieces, dis­

covered in 1939 in the waters of the Baray Occidental. Its legi­

bility is good.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate the setting

up of an image of an aspect of Siva known as SrI Tripurantakes­

vara by a brahmin from India, Sakrasvamin by name, who espoused

a Khmer princess named Sobhajaya. The Khmer text gives the parti­

culars of gifts made to the deity. The various historical prob­

lems raised by this inscription are discussed by Credes at C IV:

55-7.

151

K.904

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156

NOTES

Line 2:

a. On the problem posed by kanlon, which occurs again in line 8,

see the Lexicon. For the locative phrase cf. K.44: 1.

Line 3:

a. It may be supposed that the land defined in lines 4-7, like that

described below in lines 10-5 as well as in lines 35-7, was conferred on

the Lord Sakrasvamin by the queen, SrT JayadevT. It is probably the grant

mentioned in the sixth sZoka (lines 7-8) of the Sanskrit text.

Line 4:

a. The two-place lacuna may represent (tnai) luc or (tnai) ket, while

the three-place lacuna after it is probably the first part of a toponym.

Line 18:

a. Subject of the proposition is vra~ ka~ratan 'an sri tripuranta­

kesvara. Inversion of the predicate is necessitated both by the man clause

and by the contrast between pre .... siddhi (line 18) and sam paribhoga

(line 19).

Line 19:

a. There is a syntactical break before sa~ paribhoga. To maintain the

parallelism, sam may be rendered n ••• for him (SrT Tripurantakesvara) to

share ... n

Line 20:

a. SrI Senamukhavijaya would appear to be the consort of SrT Tripu­

rantakeSvara.

157

b. The subject of oy is 'he', namely the Lord §akrasvamin.

Line 35:

a. GC (C IV: 55) notes that lines 35-7 are in a style of en­

graving slightly different from that of the rest of the inscription.

b. Sre pran is expressed by GC (C IV: 62) as "Les rizieres et

les champs", as if pran corresponded to Skt pranga~a 'forecourt,

court, yard, open space'. On this matter see the Lexicon and cf.

sre pran kantal (K.79: 24) 'the ricefield(s) of Pran Kantal', or

even 'the ricefield(s) of the central tower'.

c. The proposition entails a double inversion: first, of the

main verb oy (line 36) with its object ; second, of pie with its

genitive complement. The subject of oy is again 'he', the Lord Sak­

rasvamin.

Line 37:

a. The thought is obscured by the two-place lacuna and the un­

identified form kandann.

Line 65:

a. Vnok refers to the force of slaves just enumerated. The

following nai marks them as belonging originally to the princess

Sundaryayuvati, who has given them to the princess Sobhajaya 'An, wife of the Lord Sakrasvamin.

b. Almost certainly the form gel is the engraver's error for

tel; cf. C IV: 60 note 1.

Line 68:

a. Gi ne~ vnok phon is the head of the proposition, all that

precedes depending on the ni in line 65.

Line 69:

158

a. The two-place lacuna may be filled by oy.

Line 70:

a. Tamna is another problem form (see the Lexicon) and because

of it the purport of lines 71-83 is unclear. It would nevertheless

appear from line 84 that all of the sruk tamna listed contribute to

the support of Sri Tripurantakesvara.

Line 85:

a. Between knu~ and tan the student may interpolate a nai to

bring out the parallelism with lines 65 and 84.

Line 101:

a. The reference of ne~ ta ro~ ne~ phon is to all of the lands,

slaves and animals previously mentioned.

Line 107:

a. Note the effect of ta, which precludes the expected interpre­

tation by marking apposition between vrah k~mratan 'an and vrahmana.

159

K.749

Date: Saka 639 (A.D. 717).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Ak Yom.

Source: C V: 57-8.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Siem Reap province.

The text comprises fifteen lines.

This is one of two pre-Angkorian inscriptions the other

being K.753 -- found on stone re-used in the construction of

Prasat Ak Yom, a 9th-century tower sanctuary at old Angkor. It

occupies a dressed surface 65 centimeters high and 45 cm wide

on the south piedroit of the east portal of the central tower,

and is in a fairly good state of preservation.

The text opens with a three-digit year number of which the

first digit is either 5 or 6. It is assigned to Saka 639 on pale­

ographic grounds.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts of

slaves, cattle, rice and cloth to a deity known by the name of

SrI GambhIresvara.

160

K.749

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162

NOTES

Line 1:

a. The first digit of the year number is actually a lacuna (C

V: 57). GC states on the basis of unspecified paleographic or other

evidence that the date "doit etre 539 ou 639 C;." (ibid.)t but in the

Liste generate (C VIII: 192-3) he assigns the text to 639 without

comment. The three numbers are to be read navatri~satyuttara~a~sata.

Line 13:

a. It is only my conjecture that the ten-place lacuna goes with

the two personal names that follow. I have supplied the full stop af­

ter the second.

b. Because of the 1acun~ in lines 5-13 the thought is decidedly

unclear. We can only surmise that the slaves, rice, cattle and gar­

ments are all part of the sattra and are hence given to SrI Gambhlres­

vara by the Lord Kirtiga~a and his wife.

Line 14:

a. The jma~ before the two garbled names is almost certainly

'the one named' X and Yt who are the subjects of gi ta raksa.

Line 16:

a. Note the Angkorian form of kvan (recurring in line 29) cor­

responding to pre-Angkorian kon.

b. In view of lines 29-30, it is probable that ge kvan and ge

pa~re are the same individuals.

Line 18:

a. Hariga~a would be a son of the Lord KIrtiga~a.

163

Line 23:

a. Harivahana would be another son of the Lord KIrtiga~a.

Line 26:

a. The tan Gay appears to be a daughter of the Lord Klrtiga~a.

Her name is uncertain, and may be 'Ay (C V: 58 note 1).

164

K.688

Date: Saka 641 (A.D. 719).

Name: Inscription of Prasat Prey Prasat.

Source: C IV: 36.

Plate: None.

Provenance: Siem Reap province.

The text comprises nine lines.

The inscription is engraved on the north piedroit of the

north tower of Prasat Prey Prasat, a pair of tower sanctuaries

in the Ro1uos group some sixteen kilometers east of Siem Reap.

Six 1acun~ make the text less comprehensible than it might be.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate gifts to

a deity known by the name of Sri Kadambakesvara.

165

K.688

5 '" tr ClJu t til 15 0 1 1'H~ G\J

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166

NOTES

Line 1:

a. In the year number GC (C IV: 36) supplies the tsa of sat­

sata.

b. The seven-place lacuna stands for a day number and the

fortnight of the following month.

c. GC (ibid.) supplies the ka of karttika.

Line 3:

a. I have supplied mratan to fill a four-place lacuna. Cf.

line 9, where the lacuna before Dadhiku9~asagara has six places.

b. GC (ibid.) supplies the dadhiku of dadhiku~qasagara on the

basis of line 9.

Line 4:

a. The ta following the seven-place lacuna cannot be ligature

ta but must be the final of a form which cannot be determined.

Line 5:

a. Of the fourteen-place lacuna indicated by GC (ibid.), I

have assigned one place to line 5 and the remainder to line 6.

Line 6:

a. The student may supply ti thai ket sruk tlon x.

Line 8:

a. Note the Angkorian form of thpvan (of which GC, ibid., sup­

plies the th) for pre-Angkorian *tpon, attested only in ton.

167

Line 9:

a. Between ;a~pa11 (of which GC; ibid.; supplies the 11) and

dadhiku~qasagara the text has a six-place lacuna which may be com­

pared with the four-place lacuna in line 3. I supply neQ mratan.

b. Immediately following dadhiku~~asagara the text has the

meaningless syllable gat on which GC (C IV: 36 note 4) comments:

"Sic; pour ge ou gi?" I have replaced it with ti.

168

K.18

Date: Saka 648 (A.D. 726).

Name: Prey Mien Stele.

Source: C II: 146-7.

Plate: IC II: 70.

Provenance: Takeo province.

The text comprises thirty-one lines.

The inscription is engraved on a schist or basalt stele 150

centimeters high and 40 cm wide, found within the precints of a

modern temple in the hamlet of Prey Mien, about ten kilometers

due southwest of Takeo in west-central Takeo province. I

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate slaves and

rice1ands assigned to the service of Harihara by one lord Bhaska­

rapa1a and his associates.

lef. Aymonier, Le Cambodge, I: 170 and map facing 160.

169

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172

NOTES

Line 1:

a. With the -cattalisa- of the year number cf. -cattvali~sa­

in K.138: 1 and -catvarinsa- in K.688: 1.

Line 10:

a. The sxx at the end of the line is probably sare and a num­

ber.

Line 15:

a. Canka is most likely the heading for the six names that fol­

low. Cf. line 44.

Line 28:

a. Several individuals participate in or contribute to the

event which the text is meant to record. One is the Lord Bhaskara­

pa1a in line 2. Another is the Lord Siddhiga~a mentioned here. Others

are the klan 'me candrasena (presumably Candrasena's mother, a klan)

in line 49, the Lord Candrasena (the mratan) in line 50, and the un­

identifiable xxxxp and klan Prak in line 60.

Line 50;

a. The mratan must be Candrasena himself, on whose behalf his

mother makes her endowment.

b. I have supplied klan 'me for the three-place lacuna which

the text (C II: 147) has before the full stop.

Line 53:

a. GC (C II: 148) notes that the last six lines of the inscrip­

173

tion are mutilated. Instead of translating them, he summarizes their

general purport.

Line 61:

a. I have supplied ~a~run to fill a three-place lacuna.

b. The nine-place lacuna may stand for sre 'a~noy klo(n).

174

K.134

Date: Saka 703 (A.D. 781).

Name: Lobaek Srot Piedroit.

Source: C II: 93.

Plate: IC II: 48.

Provenance: Kratie province.

The text comprises twenty-nine lines of which the first nine

are in Sanskrit.

The inscription is engraved on a sandstone piedroit, 146

centimeters high, found in 1905 in the ruins of Lobaek Srot, a

sanctuary about forty kilometers northeast of Kratie.

The purpose of the inscription is to commemorate slaves,

lands and cattle assigned to the service of a deity known by the

name of SrI Siddhesvara.

175

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178

NOTES

The text is dated in the fourth strophe (lines 8 and 9) of the

Sanskrit portion.

Line 1:

a. With 'nakk p~re kamlun vrah compare lines 7 and 18.

Line 7:

a. I have supplied tai to fill two spaces of a six-place lacuna

between vra~ and -mahasa in the next line.

Line 12:

a. GC (C II: 93) supplies the 'me before tkep.

Line 18:

a. I have supplied the 2-20.

Line 54:

a. I have supplied the 9.

Line 55:

a. I have supplied the tai.

Line 61:

a. For a four-place lacuna following savala I have supplied

3-20-10-4. This figure comprises the 32 at Tmo Yol, the 9 at Jvor,

the 6 at Vra~ Hin D~, the 6 at Cdin Kryel, and the 21 at 'Allj~.