a king's ransom: the life of charles thèveneau de morande, blackmailer, scandalmonger &...

A KING’S RANSOM

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A King’s RansomTh e Life of Charles Th éveneau de Morande, Blackmailer, Scandalmonger & Master-Spy

Simon Burrows

Continuum UK, Th e Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NXContinuum US, 80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038

www.continuumbooks.com

Copyright © Simon Burrows 2010

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,

recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission from the publishers.

First published 2010

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication DataA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN 978-0826-41989-7

Typeset by Pindar NZ, Auckland, New ZealandPrinted and bound by MPG Books Ltd, Cornwall, Great Britain

www.continuumbooks.com

Contents

Illustrations viiPrefatory note xiPrologue: Auto da fé xiii

1 Th e Sins of his Youth 1

2 Th e Armour-Plated Gazetteer 23

3 A King’s Ransom 45

4 Figaro’s Nemesis 73

5 On His Majesty’s Secret Service 103

6 Poacher Turned Gamekeeper: Morande, Police Spy 131

7 Th e Magician, the Necklace and the Poisonous Pig 155

8 Th e First Revolutionary Journalist 179

9 Aft erlife: Morande in Fiction, Myth and History 207

Glossary 215Abbreviations 217Notes 219Sources 257Acknowledgements 265Index 267

Illustrations

1 Contemporary British map of the Battle of Vellinghausen 8

2 Chancellor Maupeou 34

3 Frontispiece from the Gazetier cuirassé 41

4 Th e Introduction of the Countess Du Barre [sic] to Louis XV 60

5 Th e French Lawyer in London 71

6 Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais 74

7 Th e Female Minister Plenipotentiary 95

8 Charles-Claude Th éveneau de Morande 107

9 Frontispiece from Le Diable dans un bénitier 139

10 Madame de La Motte 169

In memory ofDanalee Burrows

La calomnie, Monsieur, vous ne savez guère ce que vous dédaignez, j’ai vu les plus honnêtes gens prêts d’en être accablés.

Calumny, Sir, you hardly know what you are disdaining: I have seen the best of men laid low by it.

BEAUMARCHAIS, THE BARBER OF SEVILLE

Prefatory note

For readability, I have used English versions of French book and manuscript titles and editions wherever a suitable equivalent exists. Where feasible I have consulted English language editions and used their translations. Other transla-tions, save where indicated, are my own.

Where no translation is given for a French phrase or title, it is because the wording is too close to the English equivalent to require one. In a few cases, it has been necessary to use French or eighteenth-century English terms that are unfamiliar and lack precise modern English equivalents. Most are explained at fi rst use. A short glossary is also provided.

Noble titles have been anglicized. However, in order to distinguish between the two titles, vicomtesse and marquise have been rendered as viscountess and marquise respectively rather than as marchioness.

Th ere were approximately 24 French livres to the pound sterling; 20 livres made a Louis. British money equivalents for French fi gures are usually given in the text.

Prologue: Auto da fé

On a late April evening in 1774, a cart stacked high with freshly printed books turned out of Duke Street. It wound a few hundred yards through the streets of London and took the road to Mary-le-Bone, then still a village on the city’s outskirts. Th ere, in the kiln of a glasshouse hired for the occasion, the volumes were burned. Th at very night in Versailles King Louis XV of France fell terminally ill. Within a fortnight he was dead: poisoned, according to one satirical report, by toxic fumes waft ed across the English Channel from the bonfi re of malodorous books. Just one copy of the fatal text was saved from the fl ames, to be ritually dismembered and distributed among the six men who witnessed or recorded this strange auto da fé.1

This select crowd contained some of the most extraordinary, celebrated and notorious Frenchmen of their era. It included the renegade diplomat, the Chevalier d’Eon, a French agent who had helped to negotiate for the sup-pression of the books.2 In the mid 1760s, d’Eon had stunned Europe with his unprecedented exposés of French diplomatic life and startling allegations that the ambassador to London had conspired with the foreign minister to kill him. Subsequently, even more extraordinary rumours had begun to circulate about him: it was said that he was a woman.

Th e second witness was Marie-Félix Guerrier de Lormoy, a one-time cavalry offi cer and Captain of Hunts to Louis XV’s grandson, the Count de Provence. Lormoy was famous for his large horse-breeding establishment, which had been founded with government encouragement. Unfortunately, Lormoy’s business acumen was no match for his horsemanship; his enterprise collapsed, and he fl ed to London. Th ere, he too attempted to negotiate the book’s suppression.

Th e third witness was the dramatist Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais, the rising star of French theatre. His comic creation and alter ego, the wily intriguer Figaro, would soon establish him as the acknowledged successor to Voltaire. Beaumarchais had been sent to London by Louis XV himself to sup-press the book and hoped his mission would restore him to favour aft er suff ering two disastrous legal judgments. As cunning as his alter ego, Beaumarchais had succeeded where other negotiators had failed. Th e books were burned as part of a deal he had brokered.

Accompanying Beaumarchais was his secretary, Paul-Philippe Gudin de la

P R O L O G U Exiv

Brenellerie. As Beaumarchais’ fi rst biographer, Gudin would one day chronicle these events.

Th en there was the aristocratic Count de Lauraguais, a playboy pamphleteer, who had introduced the sport of horse-racing to France. Lauraguais’ family was among the most prominent in France: it supplied the court with both royal mistresses and government ministers, including the Duke de Choiseul, France’s leading minister in the 1750s and 1760s. However, to his contemporaries Lauraguais was best known for his stormy on-off love aff air with the actress Sophie Arnould, a celebrated wit and courtesan who was perhaps the most talked-about French woman of her age. Th eir antics provided endless copy for gossipy newsheets such as the Mémoires secrets for more than a dozen years.3 However, Lauraguais was also a bosom companion of Louis XV, who had scan-dalized Europe by taking to his bed in close succession four of Lauraguais’ aunts, the aristocratic Nesle sisters. Th e scandal was not just about morality: it had serious political and religious repercussions. As the Church considered sexual relations with sisters to be incest, many of Louis’ subjects believed subsequent political and military disasters were divine punishment for the king’s sin.

Th e concern of Louis’ subjects only worsened when the king abandoned tradi-tion by taking his last two long-term mistresses from beyond the charmed circle of the aristocracy. It was bad enough that one, Madame de Pompadour, was the wife of a wealthy fi nancier. But most of the royal court found his last mistress, the young, stunningly beautiful but decidedly plebian Jeanne Bécu, known to history as Madame du Barry, completely beyond the pale. For if she had not exactly been a streetwalker, she had certainly been a courtesan, working her way up through noble lovers with the assistance of her ambitious pander, the Count du Barry. Eventually she caught the eye of ambitious courtiers, who slipped her into the royal bed and married her to du Barry’s destitute good-for-nothing brother, the Viscount du Barry, in order that she could be named offi cial mistress, an honour reserved for the nobility. In a society where power was determined by proximity to the king’s body, her elevation infuriated the powerful Choiseul clan, the aristocracy and most of the royal family, many of whom snubbed her publicly or spread malicious rumours about her. Th us the royal sex life fuelled widespread discontent at all levels of society. By 1774, Louis XV was probably the most unpopular king in French history.

Lauraguais was among those who risked the king’s wrath over du Barry, particularly when he audaciously nicknamed Laurence Lefebvre, the serving-girl he had just taken as his mistress, la comtesse du Tonneau [the Countess of the Tun]. Th is sarcastic word play on the wits’ punning nickname for du Barry, la comtesse du Baril [the Countess of the Barrel], did not amuse the king.4 As Lauraguais’ opposition extended beyond such drollery to writing pamphlets against du Barry’s ministerial allies, he found it prudent to remove himself from

P R O L O G U E xv

court. So it was that he found himself in self-imposed exile in London and able to play a part in suppressing the malodorous book. Th is might help to win back the favour of the king and Madame du Barry, for the book concerned them.

Th e fi nal witness was the author of the books. His name was Charles-Claude Th éveneau de Morande and he is the subject of this biography.5 Aft er his dissolute youth and a life of crime and debauchery, Morande came to the attention of the French government and public in 1771 as the author of Le Gazetier cuirassé ou anecdotes scandaleuses de la cour de France [Th e Armour-Plated Gazetteer or Scandalous Anecdotes of the French Court]. Th is satirical and sexually salacious pamphlet attack on the French government brimmed over with anecdotes attack-ing government ministers, courtiers and high society. Chief among its targets were Louis XV and Madame du Barry. Th e work enjoyed a succès de scandale, selling like hot cakes to English aristocrats and underground bookdealers in France. Th e French secret police considered it one of the most toxic libels they had ever encountered.

Flush with success, Morande turned to blackmail, threatening to publish revelations concerning some of the most distinguished people in France. And because he wrote from the haven of London there was little that they could do to stop him. In 1772, Morande turned his attentions to Madame du Barry, who had every reason to fear his pen, particularly since his insinuations that she had jumped straight from brothel to royal boudoir by reinvigorating the jaded sexual appetite of the libertine monarch were not so far from the truth.

Morande’s writings had already shown that he was familiar with the demi-monde of Parisian courtesans in which she began her career, even if rumours that he was once her lover are probably a later invention.6 Indeed, the very title of Morande’s new work – Secret Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure, or Historical Researches on the Adventures of Madame la Countess du Barry from her Cradle until the Bed of Honour – threatened more intimate revelations than any previous biographer had dared. Already in the Gazetier cuirassé Morande had ‘revealed’ that she had turned tricks in the celebrated brothel of Madame Gourdan and perfumed her genitals with an amber douche to keep herself fresh for her royal lover. No wonder then that du Barry was worried about further ‘revelations’ and persuaded the king and his foreign minister, the Duke d’Aiguillon, to try to stop Morande’s work seeing the light of day.

At fi rst the negotiation went slowly. Th e blackmailer demanded more than the French government had expected, and so a plot was hatched to kidnap him instead. Th is was a time-honoured way for the French to deal with scandalmon-gering authors, but this time it went spectacularly wrong. Th e kidnappers were thwarted and had to fl ee England and, in the aft ermath, Morande was paid off by the royal treasury. In April 1774, he agreed to destroy every copy of his work and associated manuscripts and never again to publish or contribute to printed

P R O L O G U Exvi

attacks on the royal family, ministers or servants of the French Crown. In return the monarchy paid him a large lump sum and a life annuity. For the French gov-ernment this was a shameful transaction, and it soon became notorious. A traitor who had tarnished the reputation of the French crown and its ministers had extorted riches beyond the dreams of most of Louis XV’s subjects. For Morande it was a spectacular coup. As he watched the last books being thrown into the kiln, he was entitled to feel a mixture of satisfaction and trepidation. He had blackmailed a monarch. But how much longer would he live to tell the tale?

Th is was the defi ning moment of Morande’s life and reputation. For con-temporaries and historians it established him as the most notorious and successful blackmailer and scandalous pamphleteer of his age. Th e Chevalier d’Eon denounced him as ‘nothing but a vile libeller, an infamous Aretin,7 and the basest coward that ever existed in the kingdom of scoundrels’. To Beaumarchais he was ‘a monster who has never known any sense of gratitude but to knife me if he were able to’. And in the words of the prominent revolutionary Girondin, Pierre-Louis Manuel, ‘he was a thief even before he became a libertine, and fi rst visited a brothel in order to steal a gold box’.8

Historians have treated Morande in much the same way. He has been vari-ously described as ‘the incarnation of an eighteenth-century rogue’, ‘a minor king among blackmailers’, and ‘a fl esh and blood Figaro, so devious that he exploited Beaumarchais himself ’.9 Th is is not to say that he has been universally dismissed as a mere criminal. Th e infl uential American historian Robert Darnton reserves a more important role for him. He thinks Morande’s Gazetier cuirassé served as the prototype for the scurrilous works of a generation of hack pamphleteers who dragged the reputation of the French monarchy through the gutter, stripping it of political legitimacy. He thus supplied one of the sparks from which the French Revolution exploded.10 According to Darnton’s fi gures, Morande was also one of the fi ve best-selling authors supplying France’s extensive clandestine book trade. In the 1770s and 1780s, his works supposedly outsold those of every philosophe except Voltaire and the Baron d’Holbach.11

Yet Morande was much more than a petty criminal and pedlar of popular infamies. In his eff orts to make a pretty penny and rehabilitate himself with the monarchy he had besmirched, he was to turn his hand to many other activities. He was by turns a secret police agent, spy, journalist, political theorist, practi-cal reformer, and apologist for constitutional monarchy. Such activities had a considerable, though oft en concealed, infl uence, particularly as he was associated with many of the most colourful and infl uential literary, political and criminal fi gures of his day. Th us Morande’s life-story serves as a means both to discover the seamier side of life and letters in the eighteenth century and to follow the tumultuous political developments on both sides of the English Channel in the Age of the Revolutions.

1

Th e Sins of his Youth

On 10 November 1741, Louis Th éveneau and his wife Philiberte Belin bap-tized their fi rst-born child in the parish church of Saint-Laurent in the small Burgundian town of Arnay-le-Duc. Th ey named him Charles-Claude in honour of his uncle, Claude Th éveneau, and his godfather and paternal grandfather Charles.1 As was customary, a crowd of friends and relatives gathered to welcome the day-old infant into the family of Christ and worldwide Roman Catholic communion. Among them were Philiberte’s cousin, Claude Bauzon, a lawyer and local attorney, and his wife Claudine Ravier, who was the child’s godmother. Had they the gift of prophecy, the godparents might have renounced responsibility for bringing up the little devil by the font. For in later life this same Charles-Claude Th éveneau would be described as ‘the greatest scoundrel in three kingdoms’. His name, in a century notorious for dissolute morals, would become a byword for immorality.2 But for now, all that lies in the future.

Th ere is nothing in the child’s background to hint at such a destiny. His family are solidly bourgeois and impeccably respectable members of Arnay’s tightly knit, small-town élite. Louis Th éveneau is a notary [procureur du roi], and Charles Th éveneau senior a master surgeon. Claude Th éveneau, also a surgeon, holds an MA in medicine. Th e baby’s maternal grandfather is a merchant, as are the child’s great uncle Guy Th éveneau and several of his cousins. Other relatives are successful tanners, while his uncle Claude Riambourg is another lawyer. In short, Charles Th éveneau’s relatives are big fi sh in a small pond; they are also pillars of their little community.3

Although upwardly mobile for several generations, no one in this extended family enjoys noble status and the taxation and legal privileges that go with it. Doubtless it is something they dream of, but for now it remains a distant aspira-tion. Nevertheless, by 1765, Charles-Claude Th éveneau will have awarded himself the noble title Chevalier de Morande. As a lie is always most eff ective when it contains a grain of truth, he takes his ‘title’ from a small parcel of family land, one of several the Th éveneaus rent to peasant farmers. Such fraudulent titles were a common conceit among those who aspired to move up in the world. Before the revolution of 1789 did away with nobility, even prominent future Jacobins, including ‘Georges d’Anton’, ‘Maximilien de Robespierre’ and ‘Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville’, gave themselves airs in this manner. In Morande’s case,

A K I N G ’ S R A N S O M2

however, the title is taken as a criminal alias and a means of rubbing shoulders with the nobility in search of a better class of dupe. Only aft er his identity is rumbled by the police will he start calling himself Th éveneau de Morande.4 But as Morande is the name we fi nd most oft en in contemporary sources, it is also the name we shall use.

In 1741, Arnay-le-Duc was a small provincial town of a little over 2,000 inhab-itants, strategically placed on the river Arroux on the road between Autun and Dijon. As the largest community between these two regional centres, it served as a commercial and social centre for the surrounding farms and villages. It hosted the local market every Th ursday, and a fair six times a year. Due to its strategic position, it had also been heavily fortifi ed. By the time Morande was growing up, its ancient walls were falling into disrepair, but during the wars of religion in the sixteenth century, the protestant champion Henri IV won his fi rst battle under the town’s ramparts.

In its small way, the Arnay of Morande’s youth was a vibrant community, home to small-scale manufacturing and several important local institutions. Situated away from the main wine-growing regions of Burgundy, it depended on other industries, particularly the cloth trade, which employed Morande’s merchant relatives. Arnay was also a religious centre, the site of an Ursuline convent where Morande’s cousin Rose-Nicolle Th éveneau would take the habit in August 1767. It was also home to a Capuchin monastery; the eleventh-century priory of Saint-Jacques; a sixteenth-century hospital; and a collège [high school]. Th e town was also the seat of a royal baillage [local court], where Morande’s father practised law. Th ese institutions all attracted people and business to the town, bringing the townsfolk into contact with the wider world and oiling the wheels of commerce. During Morande’s youth the townsfolk were prosperous enough to rebuild their ancient parish church.5

Arnay’s social elite tended to mix and marry among themselves. Th e tight, family-orientated focus of their social world is clearly evident in the records of the town’s baptisms, marriages and deaths. Th e Th éveneau clan appear regularly as the witnesses at one another’s weddings, as godparents to one another’s children, and mourners at family funerals. Marriages between cousins or those already related by marriage are not uncommon. Th e complex web of their family connec-tions can be revealed by considering some of the guests who sign the marriage register at the wedding of Louis Th éveneau and Philiberte Belin on 10 January 1741. Among the bride’s relatives is Jeanne Ravier, who in 1745 will marry the groom’s brother, Claude. On the groom’s side, Louis Th éveneau’s cousins Dominique Noirot and Louise Th éveneau are already married to each other. Th e next two generations of the family will also witness marriages between fi rst cousins.6 Th is is doubtless partly a strategy to keep property within the family, but it also indicates a lack of suitable marriage partners in the neighbourhood.

T H E S I N S O F H I S Y O U T H 3

Louis Th éveneau was a widely respected man of integrity, who dreamed his son would follow him into the legal profession. Th e Chevalier d’Eon, who knew the family, describes him as ‘honest’, as do several other literary and police sources. Morande’s own memoirs depict a stern but loving father, driven to his wit’s end by a dissolute and uncontrollable son. Morande’s mother, Philiberte, was devoted to her brood and warmly welcomed Morande’s wife and children when they visited her in the 1780s, but for many years she disowned him and resisted his increasingly desperate appeals for money. Philiberte was in later life deeply religious and strongly infl uenced by her spiritual advisors. Shortly before she died, she was reconciled with Morande, and there was enough evidence of her change of heart for her will to be quashed in his favour.7

Louis Th éveneau and Philiberte Belin had a large family. Th e mid eighteenth century was a period of economic growth and good harvests, and they and their affl uent relatives were spared the worst of the devastating visitations of infant mortality that plagued the poorer sections of the community and earlier genera-tions of their own families.8 By 1754, Philiberte had given birth to Morande; Rose-Antoinette (born in July 1743); Jean-Claude (February 1745); Antoine-Claude (July 1746); Françoise (November 1748); Louis-Claude-Henri-Alexandre (February 1751) and Lazare-Jean (September 1754). Of these, only Jean-Claude and Antoine died in childhood.

Morande’s two surviving brothers had distinguished careers. Louis entered the legal profession, remained in Arnay and rose to local prominence. Morande considered him a feeble, well-meaning ‘sot’. Lazare-Jean by contrast travelled widely and was a young man of considerable talents. Th rough Morande’s recom-mendation, he was employed as a secretary by Beaumarchais and visited London and the nascent United States, where he channelled money and weapons to the American revolutionaries. Th ereaft er he was appointed conseiller-secretaire du roi and contrôleur de la chancellerie. Of all his siblings, Morande seems to have been closest to Lazare-Jean, in spite, or perhaps because of, the 13-year age gap. Lazare-Jean was only about 10 when Morande fl ed the family home, and perhaps this made it easier for him to forgive or romanticize his wayward brother. In any case, Lazare-Jean, who styled himself Th éveneau de Francy, seems to have been Morande’s temperamental opposite. He was admired for probity and honesty as well as for his application and administrative talents.

Morande’s sisters seem to have been two very diff erent characters. Morande describes Françoise as ‘honest’, ‘religious’, ‘tender’ and generally well-disposed towards him, though lacking strength of character. However, her piety was a stumbling block: Morande believed that she was prejudiced against his children merely because his wife was not a Catholic. His other sister, Rose-Antoinette, who was of a diff erent mettle, married Jean-Bernard Villedey, a lawyer from Autun. Morande claimed to hate them both, and in his correspondence regularly


disparaged them. He described Rose-Antoinette as devious, malevolent and grasping, ‘the worst shrew that ever lived’.9

Morande developed a malicious, spiteful and imaginative sense of humour at a young age, as is clear from his youthful pranks. One day, while still a schoolboy, he visits the marketplace and fi nds a peasant selling a basket of eggs and butter from a large pot. As if to check that the eggs are fresh, he takes the basket from the unsuspecting yokel, makes him fold his arms across his chest and, having carefully examined each egg in turn, places them on the man’s arms. Once the peasant is laden with eggs and dares not move, Morande nimbly undoes the buttons on the man’s breeches, pulls them down to his knees, and retreats into the crowd with the pot of butter. Th e peasant attempts to give chase, but falls. Th e eggs tumble everywhere and break, and there is much merriment at his expense. Meanwhile, Morande spreads the butter on his bread, all the while laughing at his victim.

On another occasion he is crossing the market carrying half a hollowed-out baguette when he spies a peasant woman selling pots of cream. He asks the price, takes some cream and pours it into the hole in his bread, then hands the woman half the agreed sum and walks off . When she shouts aft er him demanding the rest of her payment, he turns with a grin and announces ‘since you are not content, give me my money back and take back your cream’. With that, he snatches back his coins, pours the cream back into her pot, and saunters off with his bread nicely soaked in cream and the laughter of the market traders ringing in his ears.

However, Morande’s favourite targets were not hapless peasants but the local Capuchin monks. According to local legend, he would sneak into the monastic kitchen whenever it was unguarded. Once there, he would slip the lid off the large stockpot of bubbling soup and add whatever new ingredient took his fancy, whether the cat snoozing by the fi re or an old wig. Such pranks rapidly became public knowledge and survived in Arnay’s folk memory for decades aft erwards. However, as he grew older, they might also get him into serious trouble. Th is is precisely what happened when he decided to pick on the monks’ Father Superior.

Th e rules of their order required Capuchins to grow their beards only from the point of their chin and to leave only a narrow ring of hair below their tonsure. In consequence, they had to have both their face and the top of their heads shaved regularly. Morande learns that the monks are shaved by their barber in a special cell containing a heavy wooden armchair. Th e Father Superior always goes fi rst. One day, he is already seated in the cell waiting to be shaved, with a heavy cloth napkin wrapped round his neck and the chair, when he hears a commotion. It is Morande, who has been lying in wait, shouting and knocking over furnish-ings in the great cloister. Th e Father Superior, alarmed, sends the barber out to discover the cause of the disturbance. As he awaits the barber’s return, Morande


creeps into the cell behind him, grabs the corners of the napkin, twists them tightly and fastens them securely to the back of the chair with a gimlet. Before the Superior has realized what is happening, Morande has left the cell, locked the door, and slipped the key into his pocket. He steals out of the monastery while the Capuchin, fi rmly pinned to his chair, desperately spins around and crashes about in a bid to free himself. Meanwhile, outside his cell, the hapless barber cries at the door, unable to free the prisoner inside.10

Th is escapade soon became the talk of the town, but Morande was no longer a schoolboy and his father feared serious repercussions. He therefore decided to send the boy to Dijon to continue his education, reckoning emotions would soon simmer down. He still hoped that his son would pursue a legal career and eventually succeed him as procureur at Arnay. Morande was almost certainly a pupil at the prestigious Collège Godrun, where he was, if we can believe his memoirs, something of a prodigy, excelling particularly in logic. Both of Dijon’s collèges were run by Jesuits, a dedicated teaching order, and the Collège Godrun was perhaps the fi nest school in Burgundy. It was there, doubtless, that Morande acquired his erudition, making good use of the magnifi cent library – now Dijon’s university library – which had been bequeathed to the school in 1708. Th ereaft er, he probably continued his studies in the University of Dijon’s law faculty.11

Exposure to Jesuit teachers probably helped to nurture the rebellious teenager’s innate anti-clericalism and religious irreverence. Both are features of his later work, and the Jesuits come in for particularly heavy criticism. Morande was not alone in his antipathy to the Jesuits, which had political ramifi cations. Founded at the height of the Counter-Reformation to reclaim souls for Catholicism, the Jesuits were by the eighteenth century a force to be reckoned with. Many Catholic rulers had Jesuit confessors and their order was extremely rich. But it also had many enemies. Th ese included the parlements, sovereign law courts who claimed to represent the people against the Crown, and the Jansenists, advocates of an austere, simplifi ed form of Catholicism, whom the Jesuits and the Crown were determined to stamp out. During Morande’s youth, the political struggle between the Jesuits and their enemies was reaching a climax. Th e result was a total victory for the Jansenist-parlement faction. In 1764, the Jesuits suff ered a disastrous legal judgment and Louis XV reluctantly permitted their dissolution.

Louis Théveneau lived to regret sending his son to Dijon. Compared to Arnay, the Burgundian capital was a veritable metropolis. With a population approaching 20,000, it off ered undreamed of distractions and illicit pleasures for Morande, as well as a protective anonymity. Morande quickly ran up large debts, doubtless from his fi rst encounters with the delights of gambling, fast women, and debauchery. Soon Louis Th éveneau was receiving reports of his son’s misbehaviour. At his wit’s end, he refused to pay off Morande’s debts and decided on drastic action. He could have applied to have his son locked up indefi nitely


by a lettre de cachet. Th is was an order bearing the royal seal and the standard way for dealing with wayward wives and children in eighteenth-century France. Instead, according to Morande, his father summoned a friend who was a captain in the dragoons and asked him to enlist the boy in the French army. On 15 April 1760, Morande enlisted for six years service as a common dragoon in the Prince de Bauff remont’s regiment. Th e regiment had a long and proud history and was at that time campaigning in Germany. Th us, at the age of 18, Morande found himself heading off to war.

Regimental records describe Morande as fi ve foot three inches, a respectable height for the period, with chestnut hair, blue eyes and a large nose. Th ey also reveal that he enlisted with two other lads from Arnay-le-Duc, one of whom, Claude-François Bouillotte, would later desert. Morande’s company commander was Laurent le Bas de Claireau d’Egremont, a career soldier from an aristocratic background, who was described by his superiors as ‘a very good offi cer with a fi ne unit. Full of valour . . . an excellent subject, [who] has kindliness and lots of willpower’ and ‘in every respect made to be at the head of a corps’. Both company and regiment seem to have been well-led and they suff ered surprisingly light losses in the campaigns in which Morande participated in 1760 and 1761.12

Despite his rebellious nature, Morande found himself well suited to the rigours of military life. He was physically large, powerfully built and well aware how to use his bulk to intimidate and bully. In terms of sheer strength, few soldiers could match him. It is generally supposed that the rank and fi le of old regime – that is to say, pre-French Revolutionary – armies was composed of desperate men: crimi-nals who joined up to avoid punishment, knaves with no prospects, vagabonds, and the destitute. However, the French army, comprising over 200,000 men in wartime, was too large to conform to this image. Th is was particularly true of dragoon regiments, which travelled by horse, though they sometimes fought on foot. Dragoons needed to be competent horsemen, and a high proportion of the Bauff remont regiment were also literate. Even so, few of Morande’s comrades were bourgeois. Th is probably mattered little to Morande, who clearly enjoyed their camaraderie.13 Th eir coarse language, manners and entertainments were also to his taste.

Morande was less impressed by the majority of the army’s exclusively noble offi cer corps and wrote with disdain of their incompetence. He once asserted that not four in two hundred knew even the basic rudiments of their trade. Th ese allegations had serious implications because the French nobility claimed to be a military caste. Th ey justifi ed their privileged place in society through their leadership on the battlefi eld. Th e suggestion that they were unfi t for this role undermined their entire raison d’être and with it their position at the top of the social pyramid. Morande had looked at the army and found it wanting. Th e army had begun to shape him into a patriote reformer.14


Morande was not alone in criticizing the army’s performance, for the war in which he was fi ghting ended in the most disastrous military defeat the Bourbon monarchy ever suff ered. For a country that had aspired to be the dominant European and world power for over a century, this was a terrible shock, especially as defeat stripped France of colonial possessions in Canada and India. Moreover, many Frenchmen believed the war was fought on behalf of an unworthy ally, the Austrian Empire. Austria and France were traditional enemies, so when the two powers signed an alliance in 1756, it sent shock waves through Europe. Nor did it seem a short-term shift in alliances, since the treaty was sealed by the promise that an infant daughter of the Austrian Empress would marry the future Louis XVI of France, who was then a small child. Th e ruler who had most cause to be alarmed by these developments was Frederick the Great of Prussia. In 1740, Frederick had seized the Austrian province of Silesia, unleashing the Wars of the Austrian Succession. Despite their best eff orts, the Austrians had been unable to win Silesia back, and in 1748 an uneasy peace had been agreed. Now Frederick feared that the Austrians and their French and Russian allies were encircling him. He therefore launched a pre-emptive attack, precipitating the Seven Years’ War. Th ree years later, aft er a brief period of basic training in drill and the mass manoeuvres required by the tactics of the day, Morande and his comrades were sent to fi ght in Germany.

If we may believe his memoirs, young Charles Th éveneau was excited by the prospect of action, and dreamed of nothing but glory. However, his ardour was quickly cooled by a bullet in the leg and the sight of friends lying dead beside him. He was found in agony several hours later and stretchered to a nearby farmhouse. Th ere he found ‘kindness, virtue, fresh straw and soup’. A barber-surgeon from the nearest village applied a dressing to his wounds. Having survived the night, he was taken to a military hospital in the French base at nearby Lippstadt. Six months later he hobbled back to his regiment before limping home to Arnay-le-Duc. In January 1763, before he could return to active service, the war ended and Morande was decommissioned. His brief and inglorious military career was over.15

Th at, at least, is Morande’s account. Assuming it is true, Morande must have received his wound during the summer of 1761, while his regiment was cam-paigning with the Army of the Upper Rhine on the river Lippe. It was probably infl icted during July 1761, aft er the French advanced out of Lippstadt during the Vellinghausen campaign. Most likely, it was at the battle of Vellinghausen itself, a bloody defeat for the French fought on the river Lippe close to Paderborn on 15 July 1761. In all, the French suff ered some 5,000 casualties and were forced to beat a hasty retreat, while the allies’ offi cial death toll was 434. Fortunately for the Marshal de Broglie and his forces, and particularly for Morande, the allies were slow to follow up their victory. Th is renders the tale of Morande’s rescue from the battlefi eld a little more credible.16


Morande’s enemies, above all the Chevalier d’Eon, tell a more picturesque tale. Th ey say Morande deserted from the French army and served under the banners of both Russia and Prussia’s Black Hussars.17 Th ese allegations emerged at a time when d’Eon and his friends were trying to provoke Morande into fi ghting a duel and are probably false. Th ey are not mentioned in police dossiers, which record that he served with the Bauff remont regiment, nor by his enemies during the revolution. A regimental register of troops, which was maintained thoroughly until at least June 1762, makes no mention of his leaving the regiment, whether through desertion or discharge. His name does not appear in the next register, which only starts in March 1763. As the regiment retreated into France in late 1761 and played no part in the 1762 campaign, Morande’s version of events, though impossible to confi rm, is consistent with surviving registers. Equally, the charge that he fought for the Russians, who withdrew from the war early in 1762, appears chronologically incompatible with the documentary record.18

Morande’s counter-claims that he transferred into an elite cavalry regiment, the Carabiniers, and was promoted to the rank of sub-lieutenant, through the

Plate 1. Contemporary British Map of the Battle of Vellinghausen. Courtesy of the Brotherton Collection, Brotherton Library, University of Leeds.


patronage of its commander, Monsieur de Poyane, also appear to be false. Th e surviving records of the Bauff remont and Carabiniers regiments contain no evi-dence that he was ever promoted. Th e French police doubted the story and a letter from Poyane to the Morning Chronicle denied it outright.19 Th ere is, however, evidence that he suff ered a serious wound, as later physical descriptions suggest that he walked with a pronounced limp. It is quite possible, of course, that his long absence from his regiment gave rise to rumours of desertion. If this is the case, d’Eon, who came from the Burgundian town of Tonnerre, could well have got to hear them. However, d’Eon frequently spread lies and distortions about his enemies. His colourful version of Morande’s military career is probably just one more example.

If Morande’s family hoped that the rigours of a military career would reform his morals, they were sadly deluded. No sooner had he returned to Arnay than he resumed his gambling and womanizing. In an age when a young woman’s reputa-tion was oft en her only asset, he was every mother’s worst nightmare. A wounded war hero, he was worldly, handsome, strong, witty, well-educated and came from a good family. No wonder the local girls fell at his feet. Soon, he was writing poems in praise of those who encouraged his advances and maligning those who scorned him.20 Such tactics were intended to infl ame the social aspirations of his conquests as well as their vanity and passion, for poetry writing was a mark of gentility. Not surprisingly, Morande’s memoirs hint that he debauched several girls at this period; local folklore insists he also got away with murder.

Among Morande’s most devoted conquests, according to local legend, is the pretty young daughter of Madame Finel, who runs the local coaching inn. Morande seduces her, abandons her, then cruelly mocks her foolishness. Mortifi ed and crushed, the girl fades away and dies of a broken heart. Unfortunately, she has a brother in the army. He learns what has happened, comes home on leave, confronts Morande, and forces him into a duel.

Th ey meet alone, swords in hand, at La Flenne, a secluded hillside fi eld above Arnay’s Faubourg Saint-Jacques. Th ey fi ght for several moments, then Morande’s sword snaps. Finel agrees to abandon the combat until Morande can get a new sword. Th ey descend the narrow track from La Flenne in single fi le, Morande still carrying his broken sword-hilt. Suddenly, Finel loses his footing and stum-bles. Morande seizes his opportunity. He thrusts the stub of his sword into his rival with all his might, wounding his own palm as he does so. Finel staggers a few steps and dies, gurgling incoherent accusations. Morande, too, cries out, bewailing his wounds and the death of his adversary. But when the townsfolk arrive, the evidence speaks against him. It is clear that Finel was stabbed in the back; Morande’s own wound is further evidence. Powerful voices speak out in Morande’s favour, but the authorities are informed. Morande fl ees to Paris, where he is unknown and anonymous. Meanwhile, his father intrigues to protect


him and calm things down. But the judgement of the townsfolk is infl exible: he cannot return.21

Th is, at least, is the version of events given by César Lavirotte in a short unpublished biography of Morande. A nineteenth-century mayor and historian of Arnay-le-Duc, Lavirotte in his youth had long conversations with Morande. Th us, parts of his manuscript appear to draw on Morande’s recollections, while others draw on Lavirotte’s memories, published sources or local tradition. His account of the duel was clearly part of Arnay’s folklore and, in the absence of other evidence, unreliable. Indeed, the records of baptisms, marriages and burials for Arnay-le-Duc appear to contradict the tale conclusively.22 However, several of Lavirotte’s details chime with Morande’s own version of the 16 months he spent in Arnay between January 1763 and May 1764. Morande, too, speaks of a duel over a girl; a broken sword; wounding a rival; legal proceedings; and fl eeing to Paris to escape the consequences. If Lavirotte’s version is false, it apparently off ers a distorted refl ection of real events, which were no less interesting.

Th e heroine of Morande’s version is the lovely Hélène. She is beautiful, charm-ing and virtuous, but vain and coquettish. She encourages Morande to pen verses in her honour and he concludes that he has won both her heart and the right to her favours. He is doubly mistaken. Hélène has another swain, a muscular youth who courts her assiduously. Morande grows insanely jealous. One day, he meets the couple arm-in-arm. Th ough armed with just a riding crop, he insults his rival, who unsheathes his sword. Luck is with Morande. He disarms his opponent. Th e sword snaps and cuts a serious gash in his adversary’s head.

Morande’s wooing of Hélène ends in a lawsuit for damages. Louis Th éveneau decides his son is not to blame. He acquitted himself with honour, having been attacked. He allows Morande to defend the case. Th e court fi nds in his favour. And there things should have ended.

Unfortunately, Morande’s rival is a soldier. His comrades insist he should avenge the aff ront to his honour. He acquiesces and returns to Arnay-le-Duc. He seeks out Morande and challenges him. Morande accepts. A time and place is agreed. Before the combat, Louis Th éveneau is informed. Distraught, he storms into his son’s room, seizes his pistols, his sword and his clothes and locks them up. He leaves Morande only his dressing gown and slippers, assuming this will prevent him from leaving the house.

A few days later, Louis Th éveneau learns that his son has been climbing out of a window at night and appearing around town dressed in a lady’s riding coat. He does not know what to do. Determined to prevent a duel, he redoubles his vigilance and applies for a lettre de cachet, just in case. But he hesitates to use such severity. Instead, he pleads with Morande. Morande listens in silence. He does not wish to appear to be avoiding his opponent.

In late 1763, Louis Th éveneau allows Morande to accompany him to Autun.


Th e ancient representative body of the province, the Estates of Burgundy, is meeting there and he has much business to attend to. But before long Louis learns that Morande is frequenting gambling dens and that his rival is in town. Still he does not enforce the lettre de cachet.

Morande loses money at the gaming tables night aft er night. He grows desper-ate. One day, he calls on a business contact to try to arrange a loan. To his horror his father walks in from a neighbouring room. He has heard everything. It is the fi nal straw. Morande is arrested that very night and taken into the custody of the local Franciscan monks. He is placed in a cell on the ground fl oor in solitary confi nement.

Immediately, Morande starts trying to dig through the thick walls. He suc-ceeds within eight days and hurries to a house of ill repute to celebrate and boast of his escape. His secret soon reaches the monks. Th eir Master, a giant of a man, comes aft er him, accompanied by his deputy and six other brothers. Th e posse bursts in while Morande is eating and drags him back to prison. He is placed in a more secure cell, whose barred windows are surrounded by wooden joists. Th e walls are 18 inches thick. Morande rises to the challenge. He loosens one of the beams and soft ens the stone around the bars with water. He removes two of the bars and, aft er just 12 days, escapes for a second time.

Th is time, Morande is more cautious with his liberty. He is convinced that his second escape will soft en his parents’ hearts, by proving his character and determination. Instead, an unexpected revelation overturns his hopes: he has a child. Th e unfortunate mother, whom Morande never names, had concealed the identity of her baby’s father throughout her pregnancy, but on learning of Morande’s arrest she became inconsolable and let her secret slip. Th e news shocks Morande’s parents and particularly strains his relationship with Philiberte. His escape only makes matters worse.

Morande takes refuge with a female relative who attempts to broker a recon-ciliation with his father. Th ey meet. Louis receives him warmly, but the meeting is not a success. At 11 in the evening, Louis leaves the house unplacated and tearful. Morande, too, is disappointed. He refl ects on how he handled their meeting. Had he not shown enough remorse? Had he not seemed submissive enough? Th ere is only one thing for it. He will write his father a letter. He scribbles until two o’clock the next morning then tumbles into bed.

Morande is still not asleep when he hears the door open gently. In the shadows he can make out four armed men creeping up on him. Suddenly he surges for the door. He makes it in a single bound. Surprise is on his side. Two swords are raised against him. Th ey do not stop him. Th e man closest to him attempts to seize him mid stride, tearing at his shirt. Morande fells him with a single punch. He takes Morande’s shirt with him. Morande lunges for the open door. He slams it behind him and locks it on those charged with arresting him.


He is naked but for a shirt sleeve. It is early January. Th e ground is frozen solid. Somehow adrenalin carries him. He scales a ten-foot wall; he crosses the little river Arroux, breaking the ice as he goes. Aft er covering a mile and an half, he fi nds himself at the house of a friend of his father. He wakes the household and is lent some clothes. His host agrees to help broker a truce. Th e mayor of Arnay and Monsieur Godard, father of one of Morande’s college friends, negotiate on his behalf. Louis Th éveneau capitulates and accepts Morande’s submission. Th e lettre de cachet is annulled. He is welcomed back into the parental home. For four months Morande lives there, tormented by the idea of following a legal career and in perpetual fear of new attempts on his liberty or his person. At last, in May 1764, he slips away from home and takes the road to Paris.23

We will probably never know how much of Morande’s tale of thwarted love, libertinage, family rows, imprisonment and miraculous escapes is true as, apart from Lavirotte’s brief rival version, we lack accounts of his youth. However, a relative, Juliot, a lawyer in the Paris Parlement who served as Louis Th éveneau’s legal representative, has left a summary of events. It is contained in a letter written in about May 1768 to the chief of the Paris Police, Antoine-Gabriel de Sartine, to ask for a new lettre de cachet and confi rms that much of Morande’s testimony is at least loosely based on fact. Juliot discloses that Morande had caused Louis Th éveneau ‘all kinds of grief ’. He continues:

He [Louis Th éveneau] did all he could to correct him; he had him locked up in several prisons [maisons de force] . . . But as soon as Charles Th éveneau was released . . . he gave his father new, ever more serious, causes for disappointment. Th e diff erent means . . . used to bring his son back to his senses have never had any eff ect. Charles Th éveneau found ways to escape . . . and he always announced his liberation with excesses that made his family tremble. He disappeared several years ago and came to Paris. Th e supplicant [Louis Th éveneau] has learned recently that his behaviour has been no better than it was in Burgundy and that he survives . . . only by his intrigues, having neither employment nor revenues. Charles Th éveneau is routinely found with prostitutes; police Inspector Marais is fully informed about this.24

Th ere is no reason to doubt Juliot’s testimony that Morande had been arrested more oft en than he admits, especially as Morande himself seldom lied outright. He preferred to play the arch-hypocrite, masking the extent of his wrongdoing behind partial revelations, or making candid confessions while feigning contri-tion. Th ese stratagems oft en allowed him to name respectable witnesses who could vouch for what he had said.25 Fortunately, aft er his arrival in Paris we have more solid evidence about Morande’s activities.

Paris in the 1760s was a genuine metropolis, the second largest city in Europe and home to over 500,000 people. In the late seventeenth century Louis XIV


had moved his court to Versailles, some 13 miles away, to place himself at a safe distance from the tumult of the capital, but most leading noblemen kept palatial townshouses in Paris, as well as residences at Versailles. As a result, Paris gradu-ally replaced Versailles as the country’s cultural and social centre. Increasingly Paris was a centre for fashion, artists, literature and recreation. It was Europe’s capital of pleasure, replete with theatres, the Opéra, fashionable boutiques and coff ee houses to suit every pocket. It also boasted pleasure gardens, libraries and reading rooms, gambling dens and some of Europe’s most celebrated brothels. Th e notorious police of Paris watched over all this with a jaundiced eye, oft en tolerating cafés, bars, brothels and gambling dens to remain open only in return for information on the opinions and activities of their clientele. Much of what they learned was written up into weekly reports by Inspector Marais, who was charged with overseeing public morals, and sent to the king for his information and amusement.26

In many ways Paris was a medieval town. Running alongside the gated palaces of the aristocracy – built defensively around courtyards with their windows fac-ing inwards – were cramped winding streets and tall apartment buildings where the poor and middle classes daily rubbed shoulders. Th e most affl uent apartment dwellers lived in spacious lodgings on the fi rst fl oor, above the hubbub of the street. Th e poorest faced the daily drudgery of carrying water, fi rewood and food up the worn wooden stairs to tiny garret rooms nestled on the fourth, fi ft h or sixth fl oors where entire families shared a bed. Many lived from hand to mouth, going without food and fi rewood in hard times, keeping one step ahead of the rent collector and changing address frequently. Gambling and prostitution – usu-ally a temporary measure rather than a lifestyle choice – were rife. Some estimates suggest that Paris had as many as 10,000 prostitutes, though this total includes a small army of courtesans and kept mistresses, as well as those who occasionally supplemented their meagre income by selling sex. At the top end of the scale of vice were the girls of the Opéra and actresses at the Comédie française, whose celebrated talents and beauty attracted wealthy admirers and protectors. Th e most legendary of them consumed the fortunes of a parade of wealthy lovers.

Morande arrived in Paris with about 4,500 livres (£185) in borrowed or stolen cash.27 In the mid eighteenth century this might just support a modest gentleman’s lifestyle for a year, including the rent on a town house, small coach, and a handful of servants. It would not long support a life of luxury, libertinism and debauchery. Morande thus needed to fi nd ways to support his lifestyle. Th is meant fi nding patrons and protectors. Th ey alone might supply him with a posi-tion and honest income, the appearance of respectability, and rich contacts to be pumped, fl eeced or robbed.

According to his own account, Morande soon gained admission into the best homes in Paris. But in the process he needed to spend money, to maintain


appearances and keep up with his associates. As his money ran out, he resorted to gambling, getting ever deeper into debt. Once again, this is not the whole story. By January 1765 he was well known to the police and had teamed up with a certain Sieur Daubigny. Together they preyed on young gentlemen fresh from the provinces, luring them to gamble in Daubigny’s house, where they would fl eece them or steal their money and watches. In some cases they imprisoned them, too.28 Th ose who protested were threatened with violence. Perhaps there is more to it than that: Inspector Marais suspected that Morande was also an enthusiastic sodomite [‘entiché du pêche antiphysique’].29 Th is was a very serious allegation. In theory men found guilty of sodomy might be strangled by the public hang-man and then burned. However, this punishment was only meted out nine times by the Parisian executioners across the entire century, and in seven such cases the victims were guilty of other capital off ences. By the 1760s the police almost winked at the off ence, imprisoning commoners for a couple of weeks and letting nobles off with a warning.30

Marais does not give reasons for his suspicions. However, much circumstantial evidence lends weight to the charge. Morande’s writings show that he was well acquainted with the homosexual underworld and several of its most celebrated denizens. Moreover, some of his favourite haunts were popular with antiphy-siques, particularly the brothel and gambling den of Madame Hecquet in the rue Feydeau, at the heart of a district notorious for its male prostitutes. Although Hecquet’s establishment was a favourite resort for many heterosexual libertines and had a large stable of girls, it also employed more pretty young boys than most Parisian brothels. Yet even if he did have sex with other men, we should be cautious about labelling Morande a bisexual or homosexual: sodomy was oft en part and parcel of an eighteenth-century libertine lifestyle. It could even be seen as masculine behaviour, so long as one played the active, penetrative role, rather than that of the passive bardache. Th ere is no proof that Morande visited la Hecquet’s bordello to have sex with men. However, one evening in early February 1765, he and Daubigny call in to play cards. Morande loses heavily. At the evening’s end he owes Daubigny 280 livres. It is a debt of honour, but that means little to Morande. Later that night, he goes to Daubigny’s house armed, drags him out of bed, and threatens to kill him if he ever mentions the debt or tells the police.31

By this time Morande is suff ering from syphilis, the scourge of eighteenth-century libertines. Th e disease can be slow torture over many years. At the outset, it has few visible signs, but eventually it disfi gures its victims, drives them insane, and oft en kills. Th e only hope lies in a treatment almost as bad as the illness itself: a course of mercury is applied to the body across several days. Not for nothing is the process of applying it called ‘frictions’. Morande submits to a course of fric-tions in the days following his attack on Daubigny. Eight days into his treatment


he visits widow Longpré’s brothel. While he is there police Inspector de La Janière arrives with orders to arrest a scoundrel called Charles-François Lebeau. Dame Longpré, who has heard whispers of Morande’s treatment of Daubigny, denounces him, too. Both men are dragged off to Fort l’Évêque prison. La Janière boasts to Sartine with some satisfaction that Morande is well known to him as Daubigny’s accomplice, a ‘crapulous libertine’ and ‘brute’ who falsely claims to be employed by the Prince de Limbourg.32

Fortunately, Morande has a real protector, a wealthy Burgundian gentleman named La Saule. La Saule probably fi rst met Morande in 1763 in Autun while a member of the Estates of Burgundy. At the time of his arrest, Morande is living under La Saule’s roof in the rue du Batoir in the Faubourg Saint-Germain. On learning of Morande’s arrest, La Saule pleads with Sartine for his release, asking him to excuse the follies of youth. He adds that Morande’s condition is visibly deteriorating due to the interruption to his treatment and will soon be without remedy as ‘the mercury works so horribly on him that a longer stay in Fort l’Évêque will inevitably prove fatal’.33 Sartine proposes that Morande be sent to the prison infi rmary, but La Saule begs that he be spared from the ‘horror that reigns in that place, which is only inhabited by the dregs of humanity’. He adds that if Morande’s imprisonment continues, it will inevitably become known in Burgundy, where his father fears dishonour more than death. La Saule fi nishes by contradicting allegations made against Morande. Morande is not without resources. His family regularly send him money and he is also supported by the Prince de Limbourg who has promised him a position. He even suggests that his quarrel with Daubigny was not occasioned by his debt, but by Daubigny’s cheating. If only Sartine will release him, La Saule promises to support Morande through his convalescence then send him away from Paris.

Struck by La Saule’s assurances, Sartine intercedes with the Count de Saint-Florentin, the Keeper of the Seals, to secure Morande’s early release. He tells Saint-Florentin that Morande ‘is ill and requires care promptly. His liberty is requested by people of consideration. He promises to cease visiting gambling dens and appears to have been suffi ciently punished’. On 14 March 1765, Saint-Florentin gives the order to set him free.34

Why did La Saule go to such lengths to secure Morande’s release? At fi rst glance, it seems that he was blinded by aff ection for the young reprobate and completely taken in by Morande. Morande claims that La Saule and his wife always treated him like a son because they were childless. Was La Saule, who knew much of Morande’s history, really taken in? It seems more likely he endorsed Morande’s untruths because they were lovers. If so, the relationship was largely commercial: Morande provided sex in return for large sums of cash, the price of his silence and acquiescence. Needless to say, Morande never took a job with the Prince de Limbourg; his family were not supporting him; and no


other source mentions Daubigny’s cheating. Nor does La Saule send Morande away from Paris when he is recovered. Instead, over the next four years, he does all he can to keep him there.35

If Morande does not now mend his ways, he at least changes his operating methods and stays out of gaol. He continues to insinuate himself with the wealthiest aristocrats: one hapless creditor reports that both the Duke de Bethune and Duchess de Châtillon vouched for his bona fi des.36 Judged creditworthy, he continues to borrow large sums. By mid 1768 he has amassed a staggering 52,000 livres (about £2,150) of debt with Parisian merchants, as well as allegedly squandering 30,000 livres of his father’s money and large sums advanced by the ever-indulgent La Saule.37 More astonishing still, until late 1767 he even pays many of his bills.38 With this much money, Morande cuts a fi ne fi gure in society. He has a coach and a light cabriolet and keeps fi ve horses.39 He runs up bills of 1,784 livres on fancy lace cuff s and fi ne Pekin cloth embroidered with fl owers; 2,069 livres on jewellery; and over 700 livres on four coats for himself and his manservants.40

He funds his lifestyle and services his debts largely by vice.41 Where once he spent his money in brothels, he now lives from the earnings of high class courtesans and kept women. He insinuates himself into their lives by feigning passion, then exploits and bullies them without scruple. He so terrifi es one of his early conquests, la petite Desmares, the one-time mistress of Prince Camille de Rohan, that she fl ees home to Bordeaux to escape his rage. And this was a girl so compliant, energetic and vigorous in her love-making that more than one customer was said to have been unable to remount his horse aft er having ‘ridden her too much’. Another of his conquests was la Beauchamp, a former lover and travelling companion of Casanova. Beauchamp’s brothel in the rue des deux portes was a magnet for aristocratic libertines: on one occasion Paulmy d’Argenson, the son of the foreign minister, was serviced there by no less than fi ve girls. In la Beauchamp, Morande meets his match. When his depradations become too much, she escapes his clutches by telling the police that he stole her watch during a trip to the royal palace at Fontainebleau. Morande is arrested and briefl y imprisoned, probably in Bicêtre, a gaol for common prostitutes and criminals, but manages to secure his release.42 He then sells his services to visitors to Paris, off ering to show them around Paris and sneak them into the homes of the leading courtesans and mistresses of aristocrats, who, he claims, are under his ‘protection’.

By 1767, Morande is attempting to worm his way into the aff ections of the mistresses of some of the richest men in France. Among them was Mademoiselle Souville, the mistress of Monsieur de Bourgogne, who the police said ‘was known to all the world’. Souville had worked her way round most of the most notorious brothels of Paris. She began her career chez la Montigny before plying her trade


in Brissault and Hecquet’s establishments, even while she was being ‘kept’ by Monsieur de Vauvray, a one-time Master of Requests at Versailles. By 1767, she was keen to abandon a life of ‘guerluchonnage’43 to devote herself entirely to Bourgogne, with whom she was besotted. Indeed, when Bourgogne took back a promissory note for 20,000 livres, Souville’s response was to redouble her caresses. Morande apparently got nowhere with her.

Morande apparently had more luck with Mademoiselle La Cour, a fl ame-haired beauty celebrated for her libertinism. La Cour, mistress to the Prince de Lamballe, was known as palais d’or [gold palate] because her palate was reputedly so ravaged by the eff ects of Dr Keyser’s pills, a celebrated treatment for venereal disease, that she replaced it with a new one constructed of precious metal.44 Th is little dampened the ardour of Lamballe and Morande, both of whom were already infected. Morande may briefl y have wooed La Cour away from Lamballe, but soon aft erwards he was forcing his way into the houses of both Souville and La Cour by violence.45 When they attempt to bar their doors, he threatens to have them imprisoned in Bicêtre. Th warted in his designs, he revenges himself in anonymous letters to Lamballe, which are passed to the police. Several years later, he publishes anecdotes about La Cour in his Gazetier cuirassé, including a cruel epigram, which plays on the ambiguity of the French word ‘palais’, which means both palate and palace:

Let’s fear Dr Keyser’s secretsAnd their deplorable eff ectsLa Cour, alas, is an example;Wishing to purify her temple [of Venus, i.e. vagina],She demolished her palace/palate.46

However, upsetting women with powerful protectors is dangerous: Morande is making powerful enemies.

La Cour is not the only female acquaintance Morande denounces: he also tells Inspector Marais ‘horror stories’ about a certain demoiselle d’Oppy, with whom he had ‘close relations’. Just how close is a moot point, for d’Oppy, a well-born married lady and mother, was accused of adultery by her husband, who embroiled her in a notorious divorce case. d’Oppy’s troubles began on 15 April 1768, when she was arrested at Madame Gourdan’s bordello in the rue des deux ponts. While this might appear damning evidence against her, d’Oppy claimed that she had been tricked into going to the brothel by a friend of her husband’s family. He had introduced her to Madame Gourdan, assuring her that Gourdan was a lady of quality, and across the next two years d’Oppy visited her three times. d’Oppy insisted that she had never suspected that she was frequenting a place of prostitution, but Gourdan accused her of ‘debauches worthy of the most


degraded of her own infamous pupils’. Denying all such accusations – which were presumably corroborated by Morande’s testimony – d’Oppy asserted that she was the victim of a conspiracy whereby her in-laws hoped to have her locked away permanently in order to gain control over her property.

Amazingly, aft er many legal twists and turns, the divorce petition was quashed and, in June 1776, d’Oppy was acquitted through lack of evidence. For her part in the mysterious aff air, Gourdan, who had fl ed Paris, was sentenced in absentia to be led through the streets riding backwards on an ass. Two of her accomplices were gaoled. What we make of Morande’s involvement depends on whether we accept d’Oppy’s defence. If she was innocent, Morande was part of a conspiracy to ruin her reputation, strip her of her property, and have her falsely imprisoned for life. However, we must draw a diff erent conclusion if, like some contemporary commentators, we refuse to accept that d’Oppy could live for two years in blissful ignorance of Gourdan’s profession and dine innocently in a brothel with a crowd of male strangers. In that case, Morande is guilty only of debauching and perhaps corrupting an adulterous lady of quality who was willingly led astray.47

By this time rumours of Morande’s behaviour are trickling back to Burgundy. Morande concludes that one of his servants has been bribed to pass reports to Louis Th éveneau, who comes under intense pressure from his family to have Morande locked up for good. At the end of January 1768, Louis yields and sends a power of attorney to Juliot, instructing him to apply for a new lettre de cachet. Th is time, Louis Th éveneau suggests that Morande should be imprisoned at Charenton, a prison for the insane, then sent into penal servitude aux îles [i.e. the West Indies].48 However, nothing is done to execute the lettre de cachet for several months. Perhaps Louis is still reticent? Perhaps Juliot is waiting for an opportunity to ensure that it will be granted? Maybe it is shown to Morande and held over him as a threat? Or maybe the old regime bureaucracy just acted with characteristic slowness? Indeed, it might never have been enforced but for an Opéra girl known as Mademoiselle Danezy.

Like most Opéra girls, Danezy is a lady of easy virtue and extremely pretty. Originally from Lyon, she had married a certain Derigny, who was transported to the West Indies shortly thereaft er. Forced back on her own resources, Danezy went to Paris where for two or three years she survived from her ‘galanteries’. She became the mistress of Monsieur Rollin, a wealthy tax farmer, whose fortune she consumed with her lover and pimp, the Chevalier Delamotte. Unfortunately, Delamotte was arrested, and Rollin, on learning of her inconstancy, abandoned her. Subsequently, she had a number of amorous adventures, and between lovers occasionally serviced clients chez La Brissault.49

Danezy fi rst encounters Morande at a ball at the Opéra in about January 1768. Th ey speak and she gives him her address. Soon, he is both her favoured lover and her pimp. She uses diff erent names and has a succession of paying lovers,


yet struggles fi nancially. She sells off her furniture a piece at a time. When her dressmaker hires a bailiff to pursue her for a 55 livre debt, Morande promises to pay it, fearful that he will lose her. On 1 March he signs a paper to that eff ect. Th e bailiff , Desmoulins, calls frequently at Morande’s house over the following weeks, but Morande always fobs him off with empty promises. Early in the morning on 8 April, Desmoulins calls once more, determined to collect the debt, but the servant tells him that Morande is not at home. He asks to leave a message. He is shown to the study. As he enters, he is ambushed. A frenzied Morande sets about him with a pair of heavy metal tongs. A visitor intervenes to protect his head, but Morande continues to beat Desmoulins across both legs. Desmoulins escapes and immediately writes to ask Sartine’s assistance.50

Soon aft erwards Danezy fl ees her appartment in the rue Saint-Florentin and takes up lodgings near the Palais Royal. Morande accuses an older woman, Madame de Clermont-Arnoul, an architect’s wife, of turning Danezy against him. He becomes aggressive. Madame de Clermont-Arnoul says she will report him to the police and warns him never to approach Danezy again. Morande writes to the police himself, denouncing Madame de Clermont-Arnoul as a malicious and dishonest old procuress who arranges ‘intrigues’ for ‘women who do not give their names’.51 He threatens to denounce her to her husband and the wider world unless she stops bad-mouthing him. He turns up at her house and creates a disturbance.52 Is this just a dispute between pimps for control of la Danezy? Not according to the lady herself, who complains of his obsessive behaviour.

Danezy grows more and more alarmed. She recruits friends and relatives to solicit protection from the most powerful offi cial in her home province, Jacques de Flesselles, the Intendant of Lyon, who is in Paris. He responds positively, per-haps motivated initially by revenge: Morande is said to have seduced Flesselles’ mistress Mademoiselle Cressy.53 On 12 May, Flesselles writes to Sartine asking for Morande to be banned from Danezy’s house. Inspector Marais speculates that Flesselles fancies her for himself. It is certainly strange that he should trouble himself for a woman of her reputation. Flesselles provides Danezy with a little house and garden near the barrière de Mousseau. It appears that she has become his mistress.54

Somehow, Morande discovers Danezy’s refuge. On 22 May he scales her garden wall and begins shouting for her. Perhaps he hopes to win her back: his memoirs claim he wished to rescue her from Flesselles’ custody. Danezy shuts herself up in the house. Morande gives up and departs. Two days later, early in the morning, he returns and forces his way past her doorman. He storms up the stairs to her bedroom ‘like a madman’ but she barricades herself inside. She is terrifi ed that he will break down her door. In desperation Danezy threatens to go to the Lieutenant of Police. Morande replies that he has already written to Sartine himself. His bluff frightens Danezy, but her threats calm him and he


leaves. At once, Danezy scribbles a semi-literate account of events and sends it to the police chief. Th e following day, Sartine commands that provisional orders be drawn up for Morande’s arrest.55

Although Saint-Florentin signs the order to arrest Morande on 27 May, he is not picked up for nearly a month. Th e delay apparently stemmed from a technicality: before they can act the police want the original of Louis Th éveneau’s request for a lettre de cachet and to know where he wishes Morande to be gaoled. Th e last consideration is a serious one: as the family has solicited his imprison-ment, they will bear the costs. In the interim, Morande realizes something is afoot and desperately attempts to forestall punishment by intimidation. He calls on Juliot, whom he suspects is his father’s informant, and threatens to ‘wash his hands in his blood’. Inspector Marais learns of the incident and takes pre-emptive action, even though Louis Th éveneau’s wishes are not yet known. On 25 June, he arrests Morande and takes him to Fort l’Évêque, where he is held ‘in secret’, in a fourth-fl oor cell with just a bed and a window smaller than a fi st.56 As far as his associates and creditors are aware, Morande has simply disappeared. But he is not prepared to vanish quietly.

By 6 July, the prison concierge, Duvergé, has had enough. He is weary of Morande’s incessant shouting and alarmed by the crowds that gather daily outside the prison, drawn by the commotion. He decides he must speak to the prisoner to discover what is going on. Accompanied by a turnkey, he climbs the long wind-ing staircase to the fourth fl oor and unlocks the door. As they enter they spot a suspicious bulge beneath the prisoner’s trousers. Morande refuses to explain what he is concealing, but aft er a brief struggle several fragments of paper covered in writing tumble from his breeches. Mystifi ed, his gaolers search his room. In his bed they discover a rope made of shreds of blanket two inches wide and long enough to reach the ground. Morande has been using it to smuggle messages in and out of the prison via his window.57 Th e Duke de Bethune probably learned of his imprisonment by this means, for he has already written to Sartine petitioning for Morande’s release.58

Morande is now transferred to an isolation cell, where he can cause no further problems. However, several days later Louis Th éveneau requests that he be held in the monastery of Armentières, or any other similarly priced prison where he can be prevented from communicating with other prisoners. Morande is duly transferred to Armentières on 22 July, together with instructions that he be closely watched.59

Such surveillance proves unnecessary. Morande has realized that his liberty depends on his ability to convince the Superior, his family and the Lieutenant of Police that he is a reformed character. He writes to Sartine protesting that his crimes have been magnifi ed by his enemies. He also asks permission to write – without giving his whereabouts – to reassure his creditors and to appoint


someone to look aft er his fi nancial aff airs. Sartine, who has been receiving letters from Morande’s creditors almost daily, readily agrees.60 Inside the monastery, Morande’s behaviour remains exemplary over many months. His family are informed and Louis Théveneau, always indulgently optimistic, relents and requests his son’s release. However, the fi nal decision rests with Sartine.

On 4 May 1769, Bernard Croquison, the Superior at Armentières, writes to Sartine to inform him of Morande’s reformation, enclosing a letter from Morande. It expresses sincere repentance and promises he will mend his ways. Sartine, who sees many petty crooks, needs to be reminded of the details of Morande’s case.61 However, he soon learns of more pressing reasons to release him: Morande’s health is deteriorating rapidly. He is unlikely to survive if he is confi ned much longer and needs to convalesce in the open air. Sartine responds quickly: on 7 June he asks Saint-Florentin to order Morande’s release. Five weeks later Morande is free.62

When he feels well enough, Morande writes to thank Sartine and repeats his promises of good behaviour. Nevertheless, on 3 August Sartine orders that Morande should leave Paris. Morande responds with a request to stay, arguing that he must remain to clear his remaining debts, which total 22,000 livres. His presence is essential because La Saule, who has already paid off 30,000 livres for him, has given him a stake in several enterprises and agreed to act as his guaran-tor. In return, he wants Morande to manage several of his business interests. By these means Morande expects to clear his debts within three years. Morande’s letter supplies names and details so that Sartine can verify his story. Aft er quiz-zing Morande and conferring with Marais, who presumably confi rmed some of Morande’s claims, Sartine grants his wish.63 Morande’s relationship with La Saule cools rapidly thereaft er. Th ere is no evidence that he took up La Saule’s off er, which was doubtless just a ruse to keep Morande near to him, and La Saule’s name disappears from Morande’s correspondence.

Within three months, Morande is up to his old tricks. He slips into the home of a rich lawyer, Monsieur de Bignicourt, and extorts a loan of 60 livres from the terrifi ed magistrate. He gives a false address and, when Bignicourt starts making enquiries, sends him threatening letters. Th e police are informed and Sartine approaches Saint-Florentin again, but somehow Morande is not arrested.64 He is not so lucky the following May, when the Count de Narbens approaches Sartine for help retrieving money he has lent Morande. Narbens gives Sartine worrying intelligence: Morande is gambling in the Venetian and Danish embassies every evening. Th is raises questions about what else he is up to and Sartine immediately orders his arrest as a ‘bad subject’.65 Inspector Marais fi nds Morande at Versailles in the Grand Common, a barracks for palace servants. Morande, forewarned, warns Marais that he is armed and will not be taken. He runs off and Marais gives chase. Marais is short of breath and heavy. Morande, fl eet of foot, soon outpaces him.66


Morande suspects the game is up. Th e next day he sets out through Champagne for Liège, then an independent archbishopric. From there he travels to Brussels and Ostend, where he embarks on a ship for England. He will not set foot in France again for 21 years.67

Notes

Notes to prologue: Auto da fé

1 On the auto da fé and manoeuvres that preceded it, see above, pp. 57–70. 2 It is not certain that d’Eon was personally present at the burning, though he suggested the

venue. Both Beaumarchais and d’Eon claim that they fi rst met the following year, though they off er contradictory accounts of their meeting. See Donald Spinelli, ‘Beaumarchais and d’Eon: what an aff air’ in Simon Burrows, Jonathan Conlin, Russell Goulbourne and Valerie Mainz, eds, Th e Chevalier d’Eon and His Worlds: Gender, Espionage and Politics in the Eighteenth Century (London: Continuum, 2010), pp. 57–71, at pp. 60–1.

3 See, for example, MSB, I, 1 January 1762; VII, 13 February 1774. 4 MSB, VII, entry for 7 June 1773. 5 Th e only previous biography of Morande is Paul Robiquet, Th éveneau de Morande: étude sur le

XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Quantin, 1882). Th is can be supplemented by BCE, which contains over 600 documents, many of which relate to Morande, and my own works, notably, ‘A literary low-life reassessed: Charles Th éveneau de Morande in London, 1769–1791’, Eighteenth-Century Life 22:1 (1998), 76–94, and Blackmail, Scandal, and Revolution: London’s French Libellistes, 1758–1791 (Manchester University Press, 2006).

6 Th ese rumours – repeated in several nineteenth-century sources – are probably a case of mistaken identity, as one of Louis XV’s servants and procurers was named Morand.

7 Th e satirist Pietro Aretino [Aretin] (1492–1556), the inventor of modern literary pornography, famed for the depictions of sexual positions that accompanied his works.

8 Beaumarchais to unknown correspondent, Paris, 24 January 1781, in BCE, I, 112–15, at p. 113; CPA 517 fo 242, d’Eon’s second ‘billet’ to Morande, 8 August 1776 (the original French text appears in CPA 517 fos 239–40 and CPA supplément 17 fos 11–12); Pierre-Louis Manuel, La Police de Paris dévoilée, 2 vols (Paris: Garnery, l’an II de la liberté [1791]), II, 265. Manuel’s statement was republished by Jacques-Pierre Brissot in Patriote françois no. 740, 19 August 1791, p. 212, in an article entitled Réponse de Jacques-Pierre Brissot à tous les libellistes qui ont attaqué et attaquent sa vie passée, which had appeared as a pamphlet several days earlier.

9 Gary Kates, Monsieur d’Eon is a Woman: A Tale of Political Intrigue and Sexual Masquerade (New York: Basic Books, 1995), p. 214; Peter Wagner, Eros Revived: Erotica of the Enlightenment in England and America (London: Paladin, 1988), p. 91; Robiquet, Th éveneau de Morande, p. 307.

10 Robert Darnton, ‘Th e high enlightenment and the low-life of literature in prerevolutionary France’, Past and Present no. 51 (1971), 81–115.

11 Robert Darnton, Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (London: Harper Collins, 1996), p. 65. Unfortunately Darnton’s fi gures, which come from orders to a single publishing house, attribute to Morande several works that were almost certainly produced by other writers.

Notes to Chapter 1: Th e Sins of his Youth

1 Morande’s uncle’s full name was also Charles-Claude but he was apparently known as Claude. 2 Andrea de Nerciat, André-Robert (attrib.), Julie philosophe, ou le bon patriote, 2 vols (Paris: Le

Coff ret des Bibliophiles, 1910 [original edition, 1791]), II, 10.

220 N O T E S T O PA G E S 1 – 7

3 Genealogical and professional information on the Th éveneau family is taken from the État Civil d’Arnay-le-Duc in the Mairie of Arnay-le-Duc (which is indexed) and the unindexed copies in ADCO, 2E26/4–24. I have also consulted miscellaneous articles from the Pays d’Arnay (the bulletin of the Association des Amis du Pays d’Arnay) supplied by its editor, Bernard Leblanc. See also the brief article by A. Albrier, ‘Charles Th éveneau de Morande’, Bulletin du Bouquiniste, 15 December 1875, 1–4.

4 His fi rst documented use of the name ‘Th éveneau de Morande’ is in Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 198–9, Morande to Sartine, 4 August 1769. For rental contracts on his family’s small holdings see ADCO, 4E64/261.

5 The information in this and the preceding paragraph is from E. Badin and M. Quantin, Géographie départementale, classique et administrative de la France. Département de La Côte d’Or (Paris: J. Debochet, Le Chevalier et cie, 1847) and the 1793 census of the district of Arnay-sur-Arroux (the revolutionary name for Arnay-le-Duc): ADCO, L 1274. In 1793, the canton of Arnay had a population of 2,550. No other settlement in the district (total population 6,804) had a fair.

6 Both Morande’s son and his brother Lazare would marry fi rst cousins. Others who signed Morande’s parents’ wedding register included Philiberte’s parents, Antoine Belin and Marie Hoüard; her brother Gabriel Belin; her maternal cousin Claude Bauzon; the groom’s parents Charles Th éveneau and Rose Despres; his uncle Guy Th éveneau; and his fi rst cousin Pierre Guichot.

7 See p. 192. 8 Morande’s grandparents, Charles Th éveneau and Rose Despres, lost 10 children in early infancy. 9 Th e best source of information on Philiberte Belin and Morande’s siblings is the Morande-

Beaumarchais correspondence in the Archives de la Famille Beaumarchais [AFB], which remain in private hands. A signifi cant portion of this correspondence is published in BCE, but letters concerning Morande’s family are mostly omitted or abridged. For example, the quotes in this and the previous paragraph are from AFB fos 22–5, Morande to Beaumarchais, 24 January 1786, but do not appear in the published version, BCE, document 460.

10 The tales of Morande’s youthful escapades come from César Lavirotte, ‘Notice sur M. de Morande’, unpublished manuscript. I thank M. Bernard Leblanc for supplying a transcribed copy of this manuscript, which was uncovered by Claude Guyot (1890–1965), mayor of Arnay-le-Duc, among Lavirotte’s papers. Lavirotte’s sources included local folk memory; his own recollections; conversations with Morande; and published materials. Many episodes Lavirotte recounts can be verifi ed, oft en only from sources unavailable to its author. Where Lavirotte makes verifi able errors it is usually due to reliance on published sources. Th e stories recounted here probably came from village legend or Morande himself.

11 Morande, Réplique de Charles Th éveneau Morande à Jacques-Pierre Brissot: sur les erreurs, les infi délités et les calomnies de sa Réponse (Paris: Froullé, 1791), p. 7, says he continued his studies until 17 years old. Th is implies he attended university.

12 SHD, 4YC11, Contrôle des troupes, dragons de Bauff remont, 1748–1760: 6e Etat, Compagnie d’Aigremont; YB605, Contrôle des offi ciers: Bauff remont, fo 22. Th e former document appears to refute Morande’s statement that his father’s friend took him to join up in late 1759.

13 Th e table of the social backgrounds of over 16,000 soldiers recruited between 1753 and 1763 in André Corvisart, L’Armée française de la fi n du XVIIe siècle au ministère de Choiseul. Le Soldat, 2 vols (Paris, 1964), I, 467, suggests that less than 1 per cent came from bourgeois families. Corvisart also reveals (I, 533–4) that in a sample of 138 soldiers in Morande’s regiment, over 70 per cent could sign their name and almost 38 per cent held a pen well.

14 Morande’s critical comments are found in Le Gazetier cuirassé ou anecdotes scandaleuses de la cour de France (n. p. [London], 1771), pt I, ‘Le Gazetier cuirassé’, pp. 37–8, 59–60, 66, 151–2; pt II, Mélanges confus sur des matières forts claires, pp. 3–5. Th e Gazetier also contains a third part, Le Philosophe cynique. As each part resembles a separate pamphlet and is paginated separately, henceforth they are referred to as Parts I, II and III respectively.

15 Th is account of Morande’s military career is taken from Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 7. Lavirotte’s ‘Notice sur Morande’ says his father bought him out.

16 Th ere appears to be some poetic licence in Morande’s description of his ‘comrades’ lying dead, since SHD, 4YC11, Contrôle des troupes, dragons de Bauff remont, reveals that no one in his regiment was killed in July 1761.

221N O T E S T O PA G E S 8 – 1 4

17 BL, Add. MS 11, 340, fo 21, cutting from Public Advertiser, 5 September 1776 and passim. 18 SHD, 4YC11: Contrôle des troupes, dragons de Bauff remont, 1748–1760; 7YC3: Contrôle des

troupes, dragons Bauff remont, Lorraine 1763–1776. 19 For the regimental records see SHD, 4YC11; 6YC73; 7YC3; YB104; YB605; YB839. For other

documents concerning Morande’s claims, see BL, Add. MS 11, 340, fos 24 and 34, Westminster Gazette, 3–7 and 10–14 September 1776; Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 18; Arsenal MS 12,345, fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768; Morning Chronicle, 12 October 1776. Poyane’s letter read: ‘In the corps of Carabiniers, Sir, there has been no such offi cer as Demorande, and no Field Offi cer, nor even any other Offi cer of that corps has been in England.’ Th us Morande’s counter-assertion (Morning Chronicle, 14 October 1776) that he had claimed only to be in the ‘suite’ of the Carabiniers [i.e. a staff offi cer] and not a ‘Field Offi cer’ was specious. An accompanying letter from the (conveniently deceased) Marquis de Chauvelin, which turned down Poyane’s recommendation of Morande to serve as Chauvelin’s aide-de-camp in Corsica in 1768, was also irrelevant to the discussion, and perhaps a forgery. When Morande was arrested in 1765, he seems only to have mentioned his service in the Bauff remont regiment. His narrative of his military service in the Réplique à Brissot leaves little time for his promotion to an elite unit. Th e story is also improbable because neither side suff ered cavalry losses at Vellinghausen.

20 Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 8. 21 Lavirotte, ‘Notice sur Morande’. 22 Th e indexes to the Etat Civil at Arnay-le-Duc reveal that there was indeed a widow Finel or

Finelle in Arnay. Her maiden name was Anne Follot, and between May 1723 and April 1747 she had 15 children by three diff erent husbands. Her fi nal spouse was Etienne Finelle, a merchant, who originally came from Précy-sous-Th il, 30 kilometres from Arnay. Ten of her children were buried at Arnay, but all died either in childhood or aft er 1805. Of the remaining fi ve, only one, Jacques Noirot, was male. He was 38 or 39 at the time of the alleged duel and so, quite apart from the burial evidence, seems an unlikely candidate for fi ghting a man almost 20 years his junior. Nor is it likely that Lavirotte was merely confused about Morande’s rival’s identity. Only four men aged between 14 and 35 were buried in Arnay between 1762 and 1764 (the years when the duel could have occurred). Th ey comprised a saddler, a tailor, a gardener who died of an infection, and a passing soldier, who was found dead in his lodgings. None seems a likely challenger for Morande, and none shared a surname or next of kin (where listed) with any woman who died in the same time period. Moreover, the Follot and Th éveneau clans remained tied by blood and friendship. Anne Follot was related to the Th éveneaus through her fi rst husband, Jean Noirot, and in 1841 a Dr Jean-Jacques Follot married Morande’s granddaughter, Louise Guiot. Louis, Claude and Charles Th éveneau were witnesses at Anne Follot’s wedding to Etienne Finelle.

23 Th is account of Morande’s adventures follows Morande, Réplique à Brissot, pp. 8–12. 24 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fo 136, Juliot to Sartine, undated letter [c. May 1768]. 25 Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 12. Morande cited as a witness for his life history up until 1764,

M. Buillote, curate at Arnay-le-Duc, who at the time that Morande wrote (1791) was a deputy in the National Assembly.

26 Pamela Cheek, ‘Prostitutes of “political institution”’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 28 (2) (1994–5), pp. 193–219.

27 Arsenal, MS 12,247 fos 315–16, La Saule to Sartine, rue du Battoir, 3 March 1765. La Saule claims this money was given to Morande by his family and that they sent further sums subsequently. His father’s testimony that Morande had slipped away contradicts this. It is not clear whether La Saule was aware of the truth.

28 His victims probably included Monsieur de Seguenot, a Burgundian gentleman; Monsieur Faillers [?], doctor to the King of Poland; and Monsieur de La Chaise, whose watches had all been pawned by Morande. All are named in an explanatory letter to La Janière, who was suspi-cious about the watches. Morande claimed that all been lent to help him raise funds following gambling losses, and that he had repaid their owners. He added that La Saule could confi rm these facts. See Arsenal, MS 12,247 fos 311–12, Morande to La Janière, 22 February 1765.

29 Arsenal MS 12,345, fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768. Marais repeated his assertion that Morande was strongly ‘suspected of pederasty’ in an annotation on MS 12,345, fo 196–7, Morande to Sartine, 26 July 1769.

30 Th is discussion of eighteenth-century French homosexual sub-cultures is drawn primarily from Olivier Blanc, ‘Th e Italian taste in the time of Louis XVI’ in Jeff rey Merrick and Michael

222 N O T E S T O PA G E S 1 4 – 1 8

Sibalis, eds, Homosexuality in French Culture and History (Binghampton, NY: Haworth Press, 2001), pp. 69–84; Jeff rey Merrick, ‘Th e Marquis de Villette and Mademoiselle de Raucourt: representations of male and female sexual deviance in late eighteenth-century France’ in Jeff rey Merrick and Bryant T. Ragan Jr., eds, Homosexuality in Modern France (Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 30–53.

31 Arsenal, MS 12,247 fos 303–4, La Janière to Sartine, 17 February 1765. (Th is letter is reproduced in AB, XII, 475).

32 Ibid. 33 Arsenal, MS 12,247 fos 315–16, La Saule to Sartine, 3 March 1765. 34 Ibid., fo 320, Sartine to Saint-Florentin [undated]. Annotated by Saint-Florentin ‘bon pour ordre’,

14 March 1765. 35 Ibid., fos 315–16, La Saule to Sartine, 3 March 1765; MS 12,345 fos 198–9, Morande to Sartine,

4 August 1769. 36 Arsenal, Bastille MS 12,345 fo 164, Antoine Durand, lace merchant, to Sartine, rue de Grenelle,

Faubourg St Germain, undated letter received 15 July 1768. Of the three ducal branches of the family, Durand probably meant to indicate the Duke de Sully-Bethune: members of that branch are mentioned in Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 18.

37 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 198–9, Morande to Sartine, 4 August 1769; fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768. (Th e latter letter is reproduced in AB, XII, 481–2.)

38 Ibid., fos 160–1, Jumeau (tailor) to Sartine, undated letter received 14 July 1768. 39 Ibid., fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768 (reproduced in AB, XII, 481–2); fo 162–3,

Sébastien Frelle to Sartine, undated letter received 15 July 1768; fo 165, Lasagne dit La Forest to Sartine, undated letter received 16 July 1765.

40 Arsenal, Bastille MS 12,345 fo 164, Antoine Durand to Sartine, rue de Grenelle, Faubourg St Germain, undated letter received 15 July 1768; fo 159, Ketteng (jeweller) to Sartine, 14 July 1768; fos 160–1, Jumeau (tailor) to Sartine, undated letter received 14 July 1768.

41 Save where indicated, the detail in this and the next three paragraphs is taken from Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768, (AB, XII, 481–2). Intriguingly, two of the women this letter mentions, Mesdemoiselles La Cour and Desmares are also mistreated in an anonymous pamphlet sometimes attributed to Morande, Les Joueurs et M. Dusaulx (Agripinae [London]: N. Lescot, 1781 [fi rst edition, 1780]). Th e attribution is nevertheless almost certainly wrong: see pp. 152–3.

42 Quote in Anon., Joueurs, p. 9. Bicêtre is mentioned only in Anne-Gédeon de Lafi te de Pelleport (attrib.), Le Diable dans un bénitier et le Gazetier Cuirassé transformé en mouche (London, 1783), p. 34 and CPA 516 fos 211–18, d’Eon to Vergennes, London, 27 May 1776 [also at BMT, R20]. Th e rest of the incident is mentioned by Marais. On Charlotte Desmares and Angélique Delavaux, a.k.a. la Beauchamp, see also Camille Piton, ed., Paris sous Louis XV: rapports des Inspecteurs de police au roi, 5 vols (Paris: Mercure de France, 1906–1914), I, 353; II, 135; IV, 78–106. I have been unable to verify la Beauchamp’s relationship with Casanova from his Memoirs.

43 Guerluchonnage was a contemporary term and is used by Marais, although it does not appear in any modern or historical dictionary I have consulted. It signifi es the practice of having more than one lover while supposedly a kept woman and presumably derived from the term greluchon, which means the favoured, secret lover of a woman who makes other men pay for her favours. Morande himself provides a brief defi nition of greluchon in his Gazetier cuirassé (pt. III, clef des nouvelles, p. vii), where he says that custom allows theatre girls three lovers: ‘un entreteneur, un bon ami, et un troisième amant domestique, qui s’apelle [sic] un greluchon’.

44 On La Cour see Piton, ed., Paris sous Louis XV, II, 253, 258; MSB, XVIII, entry of 7 April 1768 (this entry is out of chronological sequence: 7 January 1768 is probably intended). On Sonville or Souville, also known as Fredérique, see Piton, op. cit., I, 335, 339; II, 212; III, 188, 202, 261–2.

45 Manuel, Police dévoilée, I, 265 affi rms that Morande took La Cour away from Lamballe. If true, she must have returned to Lamballe, as she refused to leave his deathbed until off ered a large sum of money. Lamballe died aft er falling from a horse: see Alain Vircondelet, La Princesse de Lamballe: l’ange de Marie-Antoinette (Paris: Flammarion, 2005).

46 [Morande], Gazetier cuirassé, pt III, p. 87. 47 On the d’Oppy case see Mathieu-François Pidansat de Mairobert (attrib.), L’Espion anglois, ou

correspondance secrète entre Milord All’Eye et Milord All’Ear, nouvelle édition, 10 vols (London: John Adamson, 1779–1785), II, 50–64 (which is sceptical of d’Oppy’s defence); and MSB, IX,

223N O T E S T O PA G E S 1 8 – 2 3

entries for 19, 20 and 23 June 1776. Th e link to Morande is made in Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768. Although Marais refers to d’Oppy as ‘demoiselle’, a term usually reserved for unmarried women, he also says her papers are ‘under seals’. Th is seems to confi rm that Morande’s d’Oppy is indeed the gentlewoman arrested a month earlier chez la Gourdan. A letter from Morande was found among her papers.

48 Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 13; Arsenal, MS 12,345 fo 136, Juliot to Sartine, [undated]; fos 137–8, copy of the power of attorney of Louis Th éveneau; fo 152, certifi ed true copy of letter of Claude Th éveneau to [Juliot]; fo 153, certifi cate of Juliot and (on the reverse) the original of the power of attorney of Louis Th éveneau, dated Arnay-le-Duc, 27 January 1768.

49 For Danezy’s history see Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 132–3, Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768 at fo 133 (AB, XII, 482). Delamotte is no relation of Henri de La Motte or the Count and Countess de La Motte who feature later in this book.

50 Ibid., fos 126–7, Desmoulins, huissier à cheval to [Sartine], 8 April 1768. 51 Ibid., fos 124–5 Morande to Sartine, 5 May 1768. (This letter is reproduced in AB, XII,

479–81). 52 Ibid., fos 130–1, Clermont-Arnoul to Sartine, 17 May 1768. 53 Manuel, Police dévoilée, I, 265. 54 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 128–9, Flesselles to Sartine, undated letter, [c. 11 May 1768]; fos 131–2,

Marais to Sartine, 17 May 1768 (AB, XII, 481–2); Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 13. 55 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 134–5, Danezy to Sartine, 24 May 1768; Sartine’s annotations on the

same, dated 25 May 1768; Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 13. Saint-Florentin signed an order for Morande’s arrest on 27 May.

56 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 141–2, Marais to Sartine, 25 June 1768; fos 139–40, Saint-Florentin to Sartine, 27 May 1768.

57 Ibid., fos 148–9, Duvergé to Sartine, Fort l’Évêque, 6 July 1768. (Th is letter is reproduced in AB, XII, 483–4).

58 Ibid., fos 143–4, Bethune to Sartine, 2 July 1768. Bethune, a member of one of France’s leading noble families, claimed Morande’s family had asked him to look out for him. One can only imagine the reply that Sartine sent him fi ve days later!

59 Ibid., fos 150–1, Juliot to Sartine, 10 July 1768; fo 154, Louis Th éveneau to Sartine, 9 July 1768; fos 168–9, Marais to Sartine, 22 July 1768 (AB, XII, 486).

60 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 175–6, Morande to Sartine, Armentières, 27 July 1768; fos 177–8, Morande to Sartine, Armentières, 10 August 1768. Th e letters of Morande’s creditors are fi led in MS 12,345. Several are cited above.

61 Arsenal, MS 12,345 fos 183–4 Croquison to Sartine, Armentières, 4 May 1769 (this letter is reproduced in AB, XII, 485); fos 185–6, Morande to Sartine, Armentières, 4 May 1769; fos 187–8, Juliot to Sartine, undated letter; fo 189, procuration of Louis Th éveneau, Arnay-le-Duc, 30 May 1769.

62 Arsenal, MS 12,345, Croquison to La Saule, Armentières, undated letter, annotated 1 June 1769; fo 192, Sartine to Saint Florentin, 7 June 1769; fos 194–5, Croquison to Sartine, Armentières, 17 July 1769 (this letter is reproduced in AB, XII, 485).

63 Ibid., fos 196–7, Morande to Sartine, 26 July 1769, including annotations; fos 198–9, Morande to Sartine, 4 August 1769 and annotations; fos 202–3, Morande to Sartine, 13 August 1769.

64 Ibid., fos 200–1, Morande to Bignicourt, undated letter; fos 204–5, Commissaire Chénu to Sartine, Amiens, 8 December 1768.

65 Ibid., fos 210–11, Narbens to Sartine, 13 May 1769, and Sartine’s annotations on the same. 66 Morande, Réplique à Brissot, p. 17. 67 Ibid., pp. 17–18.

Notes to Chapter 2: Th e Armour-Plated Gazetteer

1 AN, 277AP/1, dossier Morande, fos 347–8, Morande to d’Eon [1773]. 2 Ibid., fo 377, Morande to d’Eon, undated letter [1770 or 1771]. 3 [Morande], Gazetier cuirassé, pt I, p. vi. 4 CPA 502 fos 177–9, d’Eon to Broglie, London, 13 July 1773, implies that Morande had told d’Eon

Index

Ami du Roi 200Amis des noirs see ‘Friends of the Blacks’Amours de Charlot et Toinette 132, 136,

236n. 105Amours et aventures du visir de Vergennes 135–6Amsterdam 69, 76, 131, 147Anecdotes sur Madame du Barry 210, 231n.

100Angelucci, Guillaume (alias William

[H]Atkinson) 76–9 passim, 101, 232n. 8, n. 10

Anhalt, Princess d’ 42Anisson-Duperron, Etienne-Alexandre 75Annales politiques, civiles et littéraires 146–7,

149, 179, 245n. 96anti-clericalism (Morande) 5, 16, 37, 38, 43,

44, 47, 52, 187, 191, 197Archives de la Bastille 210Aretin, Pietro xvi, 58, 87, 219n. 7Argand, Aimé 119, 239n. 53, n. 59Argenson see Paulmy d’ArgensonArgus patriote 191–4 passim, 196, 200, 209,

210, 212, 251n. 13, 254n. 237see also political ideology (Morande)

aristocracy, British 23, 33French xiv, 13, 39, 42, 44, 54, 188

see also nobilityArnay-le-Duc (sur-Arroux) 1–4 passim, 6–10

passim, 192, 202–5 passim 220n. 5 battle of (1569) 2see also Association des Amis du Pays

d’Arnay, Pays d’ArnayArnould, Sophie xiv, 69 Arroux, river 2, 12Artois, Comte d’ (subsequently Charles X)

132, 134, 242n. 22see also Amours de Charlot et Toinette

Notes: (1) Illustrations are indicated by italics. (2) ‘n.’ aft er a page number indicates the number of an endnote on that page. (3) Morande’s relationships are classifi ed under the names of the people involved; other entries involving him appear under the appropriate entry e.g. ‘youth’.

abbés de cour 197abolition(ists) see slave tradeAcciaioli, Cardinal 37Actes des apôtres 190Addington, Mr. Justice 92Adhémar, Jean-Balthazar, Count d’ 32, 136,

139, 140, 162, 163 and Count de La Motte 168and Morande 109–10, 119, 136–7, 164 see also diamond necklace aff air

advertising see Courier de l’Europeaff airs see sexual aff airsagents provocateurs 46, 79, 194 Aiguillon, Armand du Plessis, Duke d’ xv, 58,

70–1, 225n. 38 attacks on 32, 35, 43, 57, 58and du Barry 32, 33, 57–63 passim, 229n. and Gazetier cuirassé 35, 43 and Maupeou crisis 33and Morande 32, 35, 57, 229n. 63resignation 108suppression negotiations 59–70

Ainslie, Sir Robert 118, 234n. 74, 239n. 55Alarm Bell against French Spies 135Alarm Bell for Kings see Tocsin des RoisAlbrier, A. 227n. 2Alcibiades 51, 228n. 31, 242n. 17aliases (Morande) 2, 85, 88, 113Alexandria 118America 69, 73, 96–7, 137, 161, 170, 201

Declaration of Independence 74, 128French alliance, 73–4, 125 Revolution/Revolutionary War 3, 74, 79,

99, 111–28 passim, 138, 171, 179, 185Peace of Versailles 118see also Boston Tea Party, Canada,

Coercive Acts

I N D E X268

assassination see murderAssembly of Notables 169assessments (of Morande) 205

contemporary xvi, 1, 25, 29–30, 88, 96, 109–10, 142, 195, 202

modern xvi, 211–13nineteenth century 209–10self-assessments 207–8

see also overviews of Morande’s careerAssociation des Amis du Pays d’Arnay 220n. 3Atkinson, William see Angelucciattributed works (Morande) 152–3Aubert, Jean-Louis, abbé 144, 181, 182, 185August decrees 189Austen, Jane 106Australia 120

see also Botany BayAustria 7, 52, 147, 152, 160, 177, 197, 198

and Francealliance 76, 175recognition of French constitution 198

see also Marie-Antoinette, Pillnitz, Silesia, Vienna

Austrian Netherlands see BelgiumAustrian Succession, wars of 7Authentic Memoirs of Madame De Barre 59,

61Autun 2, 10–11, 15Auxonne, Countess of 42Avignon 33, 43Avis à la branche espagnole 76–85 passim,

100, 231n. 6, 232n. 8, n. 11, n. 12 Azile 170, 172

Babillard 194background (Morande) xv-xvi

see also assessmentsBaker, Sir George 116–7Baldwin, George 118, 239n. 55Ball 239n. 57Balsamo, Joseph (or Guiseppe) see CagliostroBalthymore see CagliostroBarber of Seville 73, 75–6Barbier, Antoine-Alexandre 231n. 99Barthélemy, François 161–3 passim

and Morande 110, 119and regency crisis 116–7and spy network 104

Bartholo 76Basra 118Bassompierre, François de 47Bastille 40, 45–8 passim, 96, 131–64 passim,

187, 207, 208, 227n. 2 case histories 47demolition 189fall, Morande’s reaction 187, 190regime 46–7secret dépôt 132, 175, 250n. 131see also Archives de la Bastille, Bastille

dévoilée, Mémoires sur la Bastille, Rémarques historiques sur la Bastille

Bastille dévoilée 256n. 5Bate, Rev. Henry 97–9, 126, 235n. 98battles see Arnay-le-Duc, Lexington, Minden,

Pondicherry, Rossbach, Saratoga, Trafalgar, Valmy, Vellinghausen, Waterloo

Baudouin 104, 113–28 passim, 132, 238n. 35, 239n. 56

Bauff remont, Prince de 6–9 passim, 221n. 19Baume, M. de 120Bauzon, Claude 1, 220n. 6Bauzon, Claudine, née Ravier 1Bayle, Pierre 38Bearcroft , Edward 93Beauchamp, Mlle Angelique 16, 222n. 42 Beaumarchais (Molinaro) 208Beaumarchais, Pierre-Augustin Caron de xiii,

3, 70–1, 74, 109, 213, 219n. 2, 224n. 14allegations against 96, 104, 201, 232n. 13and America 73–4, 96–7and Amours de Charlot et Toinette 236n.

105and Angelucci/(H)Atkinson 232n. 8and Avis à la branche espagnole 76–9,

231n. 6, 232n. 8, n. 11, n. 12and Calonnes 171, 173and Courier de l’Europe 79, 173and Daudet 185and Dutens 231n. 100and Eliza Morande 24–7 passim, 173and d’Eon 79, 80–3, 93, 96, 97, 225n. 36,

232n. 13and Francy 75, 80, 106, 233n. 31and George-Louis Th éveneau 124, 201and Goëzman

court cases 68

I N D E X 269

judicial memoirs 78, 100and Gotteville 75, 230n. 79, 231n. 5and Kornmann case 185–6, 252n. 31and Lauraguais 97and Le Turc 119and Linguet 147and Mirabeau 151, 184, 185, 186and Morande xvi, 25–7, 75–86 passim, 97,

100–9, passim 119, 124, 127, 137, 142, 147, 148, 151, 171, 173, 181, 184, 185, 186, 201, 204, 209, 210, 237n. 14, 249n. 104, 252n. 31political infl uence 73–5

and Sainte-Foy 129and Sartine 75, 231n. 6spying 73, 97, 108, 125suppressions 79

legal framework 70negotiations 68–73 passim, 232. n. 21, n.

25, 233n. 39, n. 44 and Swinton 100–1, 173, 204, 234n. 74and Tort 232n. 13and Vergennes 73–4, 79, 85and Vernancourt 83and Vignoles 83and Voltaire 148

see also Barber of Seville, Beaumarchais (by Molinaro), Beaumarchais et son temps, Figaro, Marriage of Figaro, Tarare, Transaction,

Beaumarchais et son temps 209Beaumont, Christophe de, Archbishop of

Paris 38Beccaria, Cesare Bonesana, Marquis de 144,

244n. 77Bécu, Jeanne see du BarryBedford, John Russell, 4th Duke of 125,

241n. 98Belgium 131, 147, 151, 199

see also BrusselsBelin, Antoine 220n. 6Belin, Gabriel 220n. 6Belin, Philiberte see Th éveneau, Philiberte BelinBellanger see BérangerBenamore 163Benavent, François 60, 61, 156, 157, 247n. 18Béranger 64–70 passim, 229n. 70Bergasse, Nicolas 185, 189

Bernis, Cardinal 37 Bethune, Duke de 16, 20, 50, 222n. 36,

223n. 58Bew, John 176Bible 38Biĉetre 16, 17, 55, 85, 222n. 42Bignicourt, M. de 21Biographie universelle 209biography, of Morande (Robiquet) 10, 210,

381n. 5blackmail (attempts and allegations) 145, 176

justifi cation 209by La Mottes 168–9, 176–7by Morande xv-xvi, 27, 45, 49–51 passim,

57–70 passim, 85–105 passim, 123, 159, 244n. 59

motivation 108, 140–1by Pelleport 134–5see also Cagliostro, Calonne (C-A),

MirabeauBlake, William 166Bligh, William, Capt. (R.N.) 110Bohémiens 25, 207, 242n. 20, 256n. 5Boinot and Gaillard 227n. 23Boissière, David 51, 62, 131, 132, 135, 146,

228n. 36and Morande 135, 229n. 70and Pelleport 133, 134, 152and Receveur 135–9 passim

Bonaparte, Napoleon 151, 204Bon-homme anglois 147–8Bonnington, Moira 234, n. 68book sellers/publishers see Boinot and

Gaillard, Boissière, Boosey, Larrivée, Poinçot, STN, Virchaux

book trade xvi, 109, 131Boosey, John 23Boston Port Act see Coercive ActsBoston Tea Party 73Botany Bay 110, 120, 122, 163, 239n. 65 Bouillon, Godefroy de La Tour d’Auvergne,

Prince de 44Bouillon, Louise de Lorraine, Princess de

134, 140Bouillotte, Claude-François 6Boulogne 79, 101, 103, 126–9 passim, 140,

141, 158, 191Boulton, Matthew 119, 239n. 59

I N D E X270

Bounty (H.M.S.) 110Bourgogne, M. de 16–17Bourgeois de Boynes, Pierre-Etienne 35Brancas see LauraguaisBrenellerie see Gudin de la BrenellerieBreteuil, Louis-Auguste le Tonnelier, Baron

de 143, 160–9 passimand Marie-Antoinette 168

Brienne see Loménie de BrienneBrissac, Mme. (brothel keeper) 42Brissault (brothel keeper) 16, 18, 50Brissot de Th ivars 143, 244n. 70 Brissot de Warville, Jacques-Pierre 1, 25–6,

143, 146, 151, 179–87 passim, 197, 203, 208, 213, 244n. 78, 255n. 144

arrest 141, 143and Chabot 255n. 136and Cox 143and Danton 255n. 136and desacralisation 211and Desforges 142–3, 195–6embezzlement alleged 143, 194–5, 254n. 109innocence 141, 143, 196, 243n. 57and Lenoir 143–4, 243n. 57libel suit 144and Lion 143and Manuel 194, 253n. 91and Morande 125, 141–4 passim 190–211

passim, 244n. 65, 245n. 110, 255n. 136and Moustier 141and Pelleport 25–6, 141, 143, 144 police connection 208–9and Receveur 141and Robespierre 202, 255n. 139and Serres de La Tour 243n. 56and slave trade 174and Swinton 141–2

see also Lycée de Londres, Mémoires de Brissot, Patriote françois

Brissot, Félicité 25, 207, 243n. 55Britain

Bank of England 245n. 111Channel Islands 103, 123, 124colonies 23, 69, 73

see also names of individual territoriescommerce 23constitution 188–9customs offi cers 122

and Dutch patriot revolution 114–15fi nances 116Foreign Offi ce 229n. 66and France 24, 116, 198government 24 liberty of speech/political freedom 24mercantile empire 23merchant navy 23national debt 245n. 111 opposition (political) 28, 121, 122and Secret Memoirs of a Woman of

Pleasure 69and Spain 125see also London, regency crisis, stamp

duties, Royal Navy Brittany 33, 43, 115

nobles’ boycott of Estates General 187 Brodie, Mr 112Broglie, Charles-François, Count de 24,

28–30 passim, 50, 56, 96suppression negotiations 63–4

Broglie, Victor-François, Marshal-Duke de 7Brooks 239n. 57Brossais du Perray, Joseph-Marie 227n. 2brothels xv, xvi, 123, 195

Autun 11London 24, 25, 85, 97Paris xv, 13–18 passim, 42, 44, 50, 152, 155

Brown, Dignam 253n. 95Brunswick, Duke of 118, 201Brussels 69, 131Buard de Sennemar 140, 195Buillote, M 221,n. 25Buller, Francis 93–4, 150

and Morande 151Bulletin de Londres see Courier de l’EuropeBureau of Ordnance 121, 241n. 103Burgoyne, Gen. John 74Burgundy 202

London networks 27see also names of individual towns

Burke, Edmund 122, 176Buttet, Perrine 147, 150, 157, 245n. 112Butts, Charlotte (Mrs Pellevé) 115

‘C’, M. de 59Cagliostro, Joseph Balsamo, self-styled Count

de 157–64 passim 208, 248n. 61

I N D E X 271

(auto)biographies 164, 165blackmail of (possible) 244n. 59and Carbonnières 164and Gordon 160–2 passimand La Motte 157, 158and Morande 158–68 passim, 185, 207,

244n. 59, 248n. 62sucking pig aff air 165–6

séance 247n. 56and Swinton 157–8

see also freemasonry, Sarastro, venereal disease

Cagliostro, Seraphina ‘Countess’ de 157–8, 164, 168

and Morande 167Cairo 118, 239n. 55Calais 65Calonne, Charles-Alexandre de 119, 150,

169–70 passim, 185, 245n. 110blackmail of (possible) 244n. 59and Courier de l’Europe 173fi nancial reforms 171and Montmorin 249n. 104and Morande 170–3 passim 244n. 59,

249n. 98, n. 100, n. 104, 250n. 112, n. 122and Necker 171, 172, 185, 249n. 99and Serres de la Tour 169–70

legal case 170, 249n. 93and Swinton 172–3

see also Requête au RoiCalonne, Jacques-Ladislas-Joseph de, abbé

150, 171Cambis de 162Campo, Marquis de 122 Canada 7Capuchins 4–5, 156Carbonnières see Ramond de CarbonnièresCaribbean 137

see also names of individual islandsCarra, Jean-Louis 185, 203

and desacralisation 211and Morande 199

Casanova, Giacomo 16, 222n. 42Cassandra 256n. 20Castries, Charles-Eugène-Gabriel, Marquis de

104, 109, 113, 134, 138Catherine II (the Great), Empress of Russia

53, 163

Cecil, Mme. 82censorship 33–4, 79, 144, 149, 181–5 passimChabot 255n. 136Chalmers (Pittite M.P.) 121

and Morande 172 Chamorand (alias) see FiniChamp de Mars 193Channel Islands see BritainCharlotte of Mecklenburg, Queen of England

240n. 70Charpentier, Louis 256n. 5Chartres, Duke de, see OrléansChasley, Capt. 234n. 74Chatham 121, 240n. 69Châtillon, Duchess de 16Chauvelin, Bernard-François, Marquis de 221

n. 19Chemilly, Préaudeau de 68Chénon, Pierre 143, 160Cherbourg 122–3, 126Chile 120Choiseul, Etienne-François, Duke de xiv, 33,

44Choiseulists xiv, 44Choissy, abbé de 225n. 33Clairon, Mlle. 51Clarkson, Th omas 194, 195

and Morande 200Clavière, Etienne 185, 203, 253n. 95clergy

Morande’s denunciations 187, 197see also abbés de cour, anti-clericalism,

Jesuitsnon-juring 197, 198, 200

Clermont-Arnoul, Mme de 19Clootz, Anarcharsis 253n. 95Coercive Acts 73coff ee houses 23Collège de Navarre 124Collège Godrun 5Collet d’Hauteville, M. 50colonies see America, Britain, France,

Netherlands, Spain and under names of individual colonies

Comédie française 13commerce 2, 23, 73, 118, 120, 124, 127, 146,

181–2, 184, 188commercial treaty see Eden treaty

I N D E X272

commercial ventures (Morande) 49, 105, 106cover for espionage 120, 127

Committee of General Security 202Committee of Public Safety 203Commune of Paris 190, 201–2

and Brissot 202and Morande 202

Compte rendu des fi nances 171Condé, Prince de 197Consitutent Assembly see National Assemblyconstitutional ideas see political ideologyConti, Prince de 237n. 17Convention 200, 202Cook, Capt. James (R.N.) 120, 145Cornwall 123Costa (alias) see Benaventcounter revolution 198Courcelle, Constance de 31–2, 225n. 36 Courcelle, Count de 31–2, 48–9, 64Courcelle, Countess de 31–2

and d’Eon 48–9and Morande 48–9

Courier de l’Europe 140–4 passim, 149, 159–65 passim, 175–212 passim, 253n. 69

and abolitionists 250n. 125advertisements 180on British economy 181Bulletin de Londres 180–1circulation 79, 179, 191contemporary reaction 127–8content 128, 145, 148, 151, 158, 172,

180–8 passim, 248n. 72, 253n. 68 control/ownership 172–3editorship/style 75, 142, 173, 179, 180,

181, 243n. 59 format 180and fugitives 145–6infl uence 179–80, 183, 204, 212Lettres d’un voyageur 181–7 passim,

251n. 10and Linguet 245. n. 111and Morande 75, 78–9, 106, 122, 126–9printing 101, 140, 143readership 180

see also censorship, gazettesCourrier du Bas-Rhin 180 Covent Garden 25, 85Cox, William 143

Cressy, Mlle 19Crivio 122 Cronk, Nicholas 228n. 36Croquison, Bernard 21Crosne, Louis Th iroux de 164, 248n. 62

Danezy, Mlle 18–20 passimDanton, Georges 1, 201, 202

and Brissot 255n. 136Darnton, Robert xvi, 211, 219n. 11, 225n. 43,

242n. 20, 253n. 68, 256n. 5, n. 9Daubigny 14–16 passimDaudet de Jossan 185

and Morande 252n. 28Dayet 239n. 57death (Morande) 205, 207Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen

189Delacroix de Contaut, Charles 251n.13Delamotte, Chevalier 18, 223n. 49Delavaux see BeauchampDéoda, Mlle 141Deptford 112, 240n. 69Derigny, M. 18dérogeance 181desacralisation 211Desforges de Hurécourt 142–4 passim, 195–6,

243n. 55, 244n. 65 Desgenettes, Dr Nicolas Dufriche 151,

245n. 115Desmares, Charlotte 16, 152, 222n. 41, 42Desmoulins (bailiff ) 19Desmoulins, Camille, 202, 255n. 139despotism 147, 207

attacked by Morande 23, 35, 43–8 passim, 182, 188, 198–9, 211, 197, 212

attacked by parlements 35attacked by Pelleport 138reform proposals 108–9

Despres, Rose 220n. 6, n. 8Désoeuvré, ou, l‘espion du boulevard du temple

152, 153Deux-Ponts, Duke of 63–4Devonshire, Georgiana, Duchess of 157dévots 33Diable dans un bénitier 96, 137–9, 139, 143,

144, 195, 210, 246n. 124content 138–40

I N D E X 273

diamond necklace aff air 153–68 passim, 175, 176, 246n. 1

trial 155–6, 158and Morande 156–68 passim, 176

Dijon 2, 5, 56Directory 202, 204Douai see Jacquet de DouaiDouglas, Sir Charles 112Doutes sur la liberté de l’Escaut 150Dover 65, 81, 103Dratz, George 77Drogard 53du Barry, Jean, Count xiv, 58, 59, 62du Barry, Jeanne Bécu, Countess 60, 129, 203

background xiv-xv passim, exiled 70, 108and Gazetier cuirassé 35–6, 39–42 passim,

41, 44, 58and Maupeou crisis 33 and Morande 57–69 passim, 177, 209,

229n. 63 see also Anecdotes sur Madame du Barry,

Authentic Memoirs of Madame De Barre, venereal disease

du Barry, Guillaume, Viscount xivdu Bertrand, 124Dubourg 40du Coudray, ‘Mr’ 96Ducrest, M. 116Du Droit des français 53duels/challenges (Morande) 8–10, 56, 63,

86–92 passim, 98–9Dufriche Desgenettes see Desgenettes Dundas, Henry 173Du Perray see Brossais du PerrayDupont, Félicité see Brissot, Félicité Dupont, Marie-Catherine see VoragineDupré, Jacques 233n. 44Duquesnoy 194Durand, Antoine 222n. 36Dutch Republic/crisis see NetherlandsDutens, Louis 231n. 100Duval, banker 233n. 44Duvergé (prison offi cer) 20Duvernet, abbé 153Dyatt see Dayet

East India Company 23, 121

Eden treaty 116, 118, 182Morande’s view 182, 199

Edinburgh 156, 157education (Morande) 5, 220n. 11Egremont, Laurent le Bas de Claireau d’ 6Egypt 118, 157, 163, 165, 166, 204

see also Alexandria, Cairo, SuezElliott (French agent) 115Elliott, Sir Gilbert 150–1emigration (Morande) 45émigrés 176, 192, 197, 198

Morande’s comment 197–8England see BritainEon de Beaumont, Charles-Louis-Auguste-

André-Timothée, Chevalier d’ 40, 95, 109, 219n. 2, 224n. 7, 235n. 86

alias 28and America 96background xiii, 27–9 passimand Beaumarchais 25, 69, 79, 80–93 passim,

97, 225n. 36, 232n.13, 233n. 39, 233n. 44and British opposition 28–9, 80and Courcelles 31, 48–9and Courier de l’Europe 75cross-dressing 28, 80–3, 89, 95, 225n. 27,

n. 33, 232n. 25and Eliza Morande 24–5, 63, 67, 82, 84and France

claims against 79–85 passim, 95, 233n. 29return to/from 95

and Francy 80, 82, 96and Franklin 96on Gazetier cuirassé 32, 37 gender xiii, 29, 80–6 passim, 96, 232n. 25

insurance policies on 29, 75, 82–8 passim 92, 95, 225n. 29, 233n. 31, 234n. 74

legal proceedings over 93–4, 235n. 79and Guerchy 27–8, 81, 92law suits against 28and Linguet 147, 245n. 96, n. 106and Lormoy 230n. 77and Louis XV 28and Mairobert 227n. 23and Morande 14, 27–31 passim, 48–69

passim, 81, 82, 207, 210, 226n. 64, 233n. 31accusations against xvi, 8–9, 56, 96,

232n. 16

I N D E X274

Eon de Beaumont, Charles-Louis-Auguste-André-Timothée, Chevalier d’ (continued)

breach/reconciliation 35, 48, 64, 85–93 passim, 95, 96

legal action against 92–3and Secret du Roi 28, 80

and Tort 96settlement of claims see Transaction suppression negotiations 63–4, 67–8, 70,

231n. 99on Th éveneau (Louis) 3and Vignoles 31, 80virginity 81, 225n. 33see also freemasonry, Gaillardet, kidnap

Ephraim 253n. 95Eprésmesnil, Jean-Jacques Duval d’ 159espionage see spying activities Espion anglois 195Essai historique sur Marie-Antoinette 131–2,

153, 242n. 7Estates-General (France) 173, 181–7 passim,

205and slave trade 174Mirabeau elected 186

Estates-General (Netherlands) see Netherlands

Executive Directory 204

‘F’, M. de la (possible alias of Pelleport) 138Faillers, M. 221n. 28Falkland Islands 32family background (Morande) 1, 220n. 9Fauche, Samuel 36Fauques de Vaucluse, Marianne Agnès

Pillement de, 50Favras, Th omas de Mahy, Marquis de 190–1,

253n. 69femmes galantes 37, 44Fenwick see KenwickFerrers, Washington Shirley, Fift h Earl 64,

81–2, 83, 95Feuillants 193, 196 fi ctional treatments

of Morande 25, 207see also Mordanes

see VoragineFielding, Sir John 67, 69, 91, 92Figaro 2, 73, 76, 210

fi nances (Morande) 5, 12–16 passim, 20–1, 26, 27, 32, 49, 50, 70, 73, 100–7 passim, 191, 200–5 passim

Finel, Anne (née Follot), Mme 9, 221n. 22Finel, M. 9 Finel, Mlle 9Finelle, Anne see FinelFinelle, Etienne 221n. 22Finet, police offi cer 64, 65Fini, Jean-Claude (alias Count Hyppolite

Chamorand) 144–6 passimFitzherbert, Maria Anne 117Fitzjames, Duke de 115Flesselles, Jacques de 19, 190Foisset, M. 209, 227n. 2, 228n. 34Follot, Anne see Finel, AnneFollot, Jean-Jacques, Dr 221n. 22Fontainebleau 16Fontaine, Chevalier 61–2, 65, 135

Morande’s comments 229n. 70Fontaine (police commissaire) 164Forster, Johann Reinhold 120Forth, Nathaniel Parker 96, 116, 150, 153Fouquier-Tinville, Antoine-Quentin 203Fox, Charles James 116, 140France

armyCarabiniers 221n. 19Morande’s comments 6, 39, 187Morande’s regiment 220n. 13, n. 16,

221n. 19recruits, social background 220n. 13

American alliance 74, 118, 125Austrian alliance 7, 76, 131, 134and British commercial treaty 116, 118,

182Church/state relations 37, 189colonies 7, 137, 194, 195, 203commerce 118, 184Falklands mediation 32fi nances 114, 169, 171–3, 191

see also Calonne (C.), Neckerand George III 116–7intelligence service 109

see also Beaumarchais, La Motte (H.), Pellevé, police, Secret du Roi, spying activities

judicial/penal system 45, 48, 182–3

I N D E X 275

torture 46, 183, 189see also lettres de cachet

monarchy-moral/theological basis 37–8, 39, 53

navy 96, 99, 111, 112, 113and Netherlands

diplomatic pressure 230n. 95and Dutch patriot revolution 114–15,

118newspaper readership 179Ottoman alliance 52–3parliamentary bodies see Convention,

Estates-General (France), Legislative Assembly, National Assembly

Assembly, Conventionpolitical theory/structure 6, 34–5pre-revolutionary crisis 182, 184

Morande’s treatment 182, 184revolutionary war, with Austria 177, 197,

200and Spain 32, 111, 242n. 23taxation 34, 169, 171see also Du Droit des français, Eon, French

Revolution, names of individual towns and regions, especially Paris, Versailles, public opinion

Franciscans 11Francy see Th éveneau de FrancyFrankfurt 40Franklin, Alfred 209–10, 227n. 2, 228n. 34Franklin, Benjamin 96Fratteaux, Louis-Mathieu Bertin, Marquis de

40, 65, 133Frederick II (the Great), King of Prussia 7 freemasonry

and Cagliostro 157, 162, 163, 166and d’Eon 31and Morande 163, 166, 248n. 69and Vignoles 31

free trade 118, 182, 188French Revolution 115, 131, 189–204

elections of 1791, 193–4Parisian 196historians’ analysis 132Mirabeau’s infl uence 186 origins xvi, 114, 131–2, 211see also press (revolutionary), Terror

Fréron, Elie 51

Friends of the Blacks 174, 196and Morande 200

Friends of the Constitution 190Friends of the King 190Fronde rebellion 33Froullé, Jacques-François 200, 254n. 133Frouville M. 161Fry, Marie 163Fulham 80

Gaillardet, Frédéric 225n. 33gambling 13, 29, 62

Morande’s 5, 9, 11, 14, 21, 43, 65, 105campaign against 153

Gazetier cuirassé xv, xvi, 36–50 passim, 137, 149, 184, 202, 208, 211, 220n. 14, 225n. 34, n. 38, n. 43

circulation 33comparisons 231n. 100confi scations 36contemporary reaction 35–9 passim, 45,

48, 54content 17, 35–44 passim, 50, 51, 58, 71,

155, 227n. 2despotism attacked 43–4, 138, 211, 212and desacralisation 211and Lauraguais 54legacy 177origins 32price 32, 36reprint 210symbolism 40women, treatment of 41–2see also Eon

Gazette de Leyde 180Gazetteer 128Gazette noire 152, 153gazettes (international) 33, 79, 140, 179–80,

275n. 44General Advertiser 97, 128General Assembly 202General Council 202general warrants 28–9Geneva 200George III, King of England 31, 56, 97, 114,

116, 121, 171, 225n. 33and Argand 239n. 53and Brunswick 118

I N D E X276

George III, King of England (continued)health 116–7and Lauraguais 229n. 51and Morande 116–7

George IV, King of England (as Prince of Wales) 116, 117, 157

Georgel, Jean-François 249n. 85Germany 7, 33, 204

see also Frankfurt, Hamburg, Lippstadt, Neustadt, Nuremberg

Ghuy see Marcenay Glasgow Star 253n. 68Gustav III, King of Sweden 198Gibbon, Edward 52Gibraltar 122Gillray, James 167Girondins 6, 202, 203, 209Godard, M. 12Godeville see GottevilleGoëzman, Louis-Valentin 78, 100, 109, 146,

242n. 23and Beaumarchais 68, 78, 100 and libellistes 132–6and pornographic illustrations 132, 134

Goncourt, Edmond and Jules de 210 Gordon, Lord George

and Cagliostro 160, 162and Morande 126, 160–3 passim trial 247n. 49

Gordon riots 160, 190, 247n. 31Gorsas, Antoine-Joseph 211Gotteville, Anne (Marie-Madeleine) de la

Touche 65–6, 75, 230n. 79, 90, 231n. 5see also Voyage d’une françoise

Gourdan, Mme xv, 17–18, 42, 54see also Portfeuille de Madame Gourdan

Goux see Le GouxGoy, Jean (the older) 99, 126, 250n. 135Goy (the younger) 250n. 135Gray, Robert 176Great Britain see Britain Great Stanmore see StanmoreGreen, General 123Greenland Dock 80Grenoble 190Grizel, abbé 37Grouber de Groubentall de Linières, Marc-

Ferdinand 172, 250n. 107

Guadeloupe 208Guay d’Oliva, Nicole 155, 156Gudin de la Brenellerie, Paul-Philippe xiii-

xiv, 69Guerchy, Claude-Louis-François Regnier,

Count de 27–30 passim, 81, 89, 92 Guerlichon femelle 153guerluchonage 16, 222n. 43Guerrier de Lormoy see LormoyGuichot family 190Guichot, Philiberte 106, 243n. 36Guichot, Pierre 220n. 6Guiot, Antoine 205Guiot, Louise, 221n. 22Guyot, Claude 220n. 10

habeas corpus 24 Haiti see Saint-DomingueHamburg 143Hammersmith 80Harcourt, Simon, Earl of 61, 62Hardy, Jacques-Philippe 150–1, 185,

245n. 115, 246n. 120Harris, J. R. 239n. 57Hartley, Mrs Elizabeth 97Harvelay, Mme de 170Hatkinson, William see AngelucciHautville see Collet d’HautevilleHawkesbury, Charles Jenkinson 1st Baron

121, 240n. 70 Hayes, surgeon 93, 94, 95, 234n. 74health (Morande) 201, 205Hébé (frigate) 113 Hébertists 239n. 56Hébert, Jacques-René 211Hecquet, Mme 14, 17Hélène, Mlle 10Henri IV, King of France 2, 187‘High Enlightenment and the Low-Life of

Literature’ 211Histoire secrète de la cour de Berlin 186,

252n. 36Historical Essay on the Life of Marie

Antoinette see Essai HistoriqueHistorical Remarks on the Bastille see

Rémarques historiques sur la BastilleHolbach, Paul-Henri Th iry, Baron d’, 38

see also philosophes, Systême de la nature

I N D E X 277

Holland see Netherlandshomosexuality 14, 15, 38, 43, 49, 50, 51, 91,

221n. 30, 224n. 24lesbianism 37, 42, 43sodomy 25–7 passim, 37, 42, 43, 44, 50,

51, 134Maupeou accused 43Morande suspected 14, 221n. 29Pelleport suspected 134, 242n.17

Hood, Samuel, Admiral Lord 122Horneck, Capt. Charles 91–2, 97Horne Tooke, John 189horse breeding/racing xiii, xiv, 54, 63Hoüard, Marie 220n. 6Howard, John 45Hurécourt see Desforges de HurécourtHyde Park 86, 91, 92, 98

Iliad 256n. 20imprisonment/escapes (Morande) 11, 15, 16,

20–1, 107, 136, 201, 210India/Indian Ocean 7, 111, 114–5

see also Madras, Pondicherry, Tipu Sultan

industrial espionage/sabotage see spying activities

infancy and childhood (Morande) 9–13 passim

Inquisition 37, 48, 167insurance policies see Eon international gazettes see gazettes

(international)Ireland 118, 156Irving, John 173Italy 165, 167, 204

‘Italian sin’ 37

Jacobins 1, 41, 191, 193, 196, 200–2and Morande 191, 199, 202

Jacques, Mr 93, 95Jacquet de Douai, Jean-Claude 133

and Morande 131, 153Jaff a 151Jamaica 110 Jansenism 5, 38Jenkinson see HawkesburyJersey see BritainJesuits 5, 16–17, 33, 43, 47

see also anti-clericalism, dévotsJoseph II, Emperor of Austria 160Jossan see Daudet de Jossan Jossecourt, Col. 63Jouers et M. Dusaulx 152–3, 222n. 41Journal de Berlin 247n. 56Journal du Lycée de Londres 142, 143, 144journals see gazettes and under individual

titlesJulie philosophe 25, 207Juliot, M. 12, 18, 20Junquières, Jacques-Louis-Antoine de 237n.

17

Kates, Gary 225n. 33, 232n. 25Kaunitz, Anton, Prince von 78Kehl 148Kenwick or Kendrick 240n. 67Keyser, Jean, Dr 17kidnap attempts, xv

on d’Eon 28, 40, 41, 133on La Motte 156–7on Morande xv, 11, 61–2, 64–7 passim,

131, 133, 229n. 70, 230n. 78Kornmann, Catherine 185, 186Kornmann, Guillaume 185–6

and Beaumarchais 185, 252n. 31and Morande 185–6, 252n. 31

Kutsleben, Baron de 122

La Chaise, M. de 221n. 28La Chèvre 233n. 44La Cour, Mlle 17, 42–3, 153, 222n. 41, n. 45

see also venereal disease Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch

Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de 185, 193and Morande 193

La Fite de Pelleport see Pelleport La Janière, de (police inspector) 15, 221n. 28Lally, Th omas Arthur, Count de 47Lally-Tollendal, Trophime-Gérard de 189La Luzerne 239n. 62La Marche, Count de 44Lamballe, Prince de 17, 42, 222n. 45Lamballe, Princess de 121, 153, 177,

251n. 141La Motte, Henri de 103–5, 110, 125, 194,

195

I N D E X278

La Motte, Jeanne de Saint-Rémy, Countess de 155, 156, 168, 169, 170

and Cagliostro 157, 158and Calonne 171Life 176–7

suppression 177Memoirs 168–70, 175–6

attempts to negotiate suppression 168–70, 175

Burke’s view 176Morande’s view 175

and Menneville 250n. 134and Morande 171, 174–6 passim 250n. 134and Stuart 250n. 135

La Motte, Count Nicolas de 155–7, passim, 168, 169, 176, 249n. 83

and d’Adhémar 168and Calonne 171and Menneville 250n. 134and Montmorin 168and Morande 171, 174–6 passim, 250n. 134and Vergennes 168

Lander, James 232n. 25Landis (Landine) 134–5, 242n. 23Lanthénas, François-Xavier 196La Pérouse 112, 118Larrivée, bookseller 143La Roche de Champreux 230n. 78La Saule 15, 16, 20, 221n. 27, 28La Touche, Count de 104La Touche Gotteville see GottevilleLa Tour see Serres de La TourLaunay, Bernard René Jourdan, Marquis de

104, 113, 160, 190and Morande 164, 238n. 35

Launay, Louis-Claude-César de 133, 242n.16Lauraguais, Louis-Léon-Félicité de Brancas,

Count de xiv-xv, 56, 78, 79, 235n. 86 and Beaumarchais 97, 100Drogard case 53–4and George III 229n. 51and Morande 53–7, 85, 108, 195, 207,

229n. 50suppression negotiations 69, 70

La Vauguyon, Duke de 44Lavirotte, César 10, 12, 24, 27, 202, 207

on Morande 204, 205, 220n. 10, 221n.22, 229n.70

La Vrillière see Saint-Florentin Lebeau, Charles-François 15Le Bel, Dominique-Guillaume 59Leblanc, Bernard 220n. 3, 10, 237n. 17Lefebvre, Félicité, see Swinton Lefebvre, Laurence xiv, 53, 100legal cases and trials 28, 53–4, 68, 92–4, 140,

144, 155–6, 158, 177, 185–6, 235n. 79, 247n. 49, 249n. 93, 252n. 31

Legislative Assembly 177, 195, 197, 199, 200 Le Goux, surgeon 94Le Havre 96Leiden 131, 153Lenoir, Jean-Charles-Pierre 77, 131–44

passim, 185and Brissot 243n. 57and Pelleport 243n. 57

Lequesne 146lesbianism see homosexualityLettre aux électeurs 254n. 111lettres de cachet 162, 183

abolition 189abuse/increase 40, 44, 46against Morande 6, 10–20 passim, 23against parlementaires 34against Pelleport 134 campaign against 159defi nition 6symbolism 40

Lettres d’un voyageur see Courier de l’EuropeLe Turc (or Le Ture) 118–9

and Morande 119, 239n. 57Lexington, battle of 73libel laws 50, 54, 64, 69, 146libel suits 28, 54, 56, 93, 101, 144, 146, 163libelles xv, 37, 40, 45, 50–4, 59, 70, 73, 78, 86,

108, 131–41 passim, 144, 170, 190, 202 and passim

see also libellistes and under titles of individual pamphlets

libellistes xvi, 45, 51, 64, 131–41 passim, 144, 168, 208, 209, 210 and passim

Morande’s memorandum on 242n. 19see also Angelucci, Jacquet, La Motte (J.),

La Motte (N.), Pelleport, Serres de La Tour, Vernancourt, Vignoles

librariesBoosey’s lending 23

I N D E X 279

d’Eon’s 31of Collège Godrun 5Morande’s 255n. 148

Lichfi eld, Mr 239n. 57Limbourg, Prince de 15Linières see Grouber de GroubentallLinguet, Simon-Nicolas-Henri 48, 146–57

passim, 179, 203and Beaumarchais 147, 245n. 96and Buttet 147, 150, 245n. 112and d’Eon 147, 245n. 96, 106and Hardy 150and Hayes vs Jacques 245n. 96and Mirabeau 150and Morande 147–50 passim, 195, 245n.

96, 110political stance 147and Vergennes 147, 149see also Annales politiques, diamond

necklace aff air, Mémoires sur la Bastille

Lion, typesetter 141Lippstadt 7lit de justice 34Lloyds of London 118Loménie de Brienne, Etienne-Charles de,

Archbishop of Toulouse 171Loménie, Louis de 209London 23–4

coff ee houses 23culture 23 mob activity 29, 41, 66, 91, 92, 133, 135,

160, 161, 199Morande’s view 23, 199policing plan (Morande) 133, 138, 242n.

14press/publishing 23see also brothels, Lloyds of London, names

of individual suburbsLongpré, Mme 15Longpré, police offi cer 145Lorient 119Lormel, Mme de 48Lormoy, Marie-Félix Guerrier de xiii, 63–70

passim 230n. 75Lottin 251n. 13Louis XI, King of France 46Louis XIII, King of France 46

Louis XIV, King of France 12, 46, 47, 188Louis XV, King of France xii-xvi passim, 5, 40,

46, 54, 59, 60, 70–1, 108, 213and d’Eon 28, 63, 81, 84in Gazetier cuirassé 35, 37, 39–40, 43and Maupeou crisis 33and Morande 57, 63, 68, 69, 188, 205, 213see also Secret du Roi, venereal disease

Louis XVI, King of France 7, 76, 77, 78, 120, 131, 134, 135, 175, 176, 190, 208

abdication 200and America 73–4and Amours de Charlot et Toinette 132and blackmail 108, 177and Cagliostro 160, 164, 165and Calonne 170and constitutional monarchists 193and d’Eon 80, 84, 95and Estates-General 184fl ight to Varennes 192, 193government reconstruction/reform 108–9,

188and Linguet 147and Mallet du Pan 200and Morande 75, 106, 164, 188, 191, 197and parlements 108royal veto 197and war with Austria 197, 199, 200see also Avis à la branche espagnole,

diamond necklace aff air, Marie-Antoinette

Louis XVIII, King of France see ProvenceLow Countries 131Lucas, High Constable 92Lüsebrink, Hans Jürgen 48Lutterloh, Henry 103–4, 110Lycée de Londres 141, 143, 144, 195, 196

see also Journal du Lycée de Londres

‘M’, Chevalier de 59Mackay, Marie Barbara 144–6Mackay, Mr and Mrs 144–5Macdermott 156, 246n. 16 MacMahon, Joseph Parkyns 128, 141, 156,

157, 168, 170, 241n. 111, 246n. 16MacNamara, M.P. 117, 121Madras 118Magic Flute 166, 248n. 72

I N D E X280

Mahy de Comère, Guillaume François de 253n. 69

Mairobert see Pidansat de Mairobert Mairobert corpus 70 Malesherbes, Chrétien-Guillaume de

Lamoignon de 77, 108Mallet du Pan, Jacques 200Malon, physician, 94Malouet, Pierre-Victor 189Mandement du Muphti 52–3, 228n. 36Mandrin littéraire 227n. 23Mansfi eld, William Murray, Lord Chief

Justice 69, 88–95, passim, 150, 235n. 78Manuel, Pierre-Louis xvi, 191, 202, 203, 208,

242n. 19, 256n. 5 and Brissot 195, 253n. 91and desacralisation 211and Morande 104–5, 125, 191, 194, 195,

207, 208, 210Marais (police inspector) 12–21 passim, 50,

131, 221n. 29, 222n. 42, 223n. 47Marat, Jean-Paul 187, 190Marcenay de Ghuy 153Maria-Th eresia, Empress of Austria 7, 77, 78Marie-Antoinette, Queen of France 7, 79,

121, 131–5 passim, 153, 163–76 passim, 208, 212, 242n. 22

and Avis à la branche espagnole 76–8and Breteuil 168and Calonne 170and Rohan 168, 175trial 177 see also Amours de Charlot et Toinette,

diamond necklace aff air, Essai historique sur Marie-Antoinette, La Motte (J.), La Motte (N.), Passe-tems d’Antoinette

Marigny, Abel Poisson, Marquis de 42, 50–1Marin, censor 35–6, 226n. 47marriage (Morande) 24–7 passimMarriage of Figaro 76Mash, brother, freemason 167Massachusetts Government Act see Coercive

ActsMatouchkine, Dmitri Mikhaїlovitch 62Maupeou, René-Charles-Augustin de 34, 35,

36, 41, 108crisis 33–5, 43, 44, 46, 53, 68and Gazetier cuirassé 35, 43, 44

Maurepas, Jean-Frédéric Phélypeaux, Count de 79, 108

Maurice, M. 139–40Maurice, Mme 25, 139McCalman, Iain 211, 248n. 69, n. 72Medway 240n. 69Mémoires de Brissot 141Mémoires secrets 3, 35, 148, 151, 210Mémoires secrets d’une femme publique see

Secret Memoirs of a Woman of PleasureMémoires sur la Bastille 146, 147memoirs (Morande) see Réplique à Brissot Memoirs and Gallantries of a Prince of Abo see

Vie privéeMenneville, Louis Pocholle de 126–9 passim,

176, 241n. 103, 250n. 134Menneville, Mme de 126–7 mercantile projects (Morande) see

commercial ventures Mercure d’Angleterre 140 Mercy-Argenteau, Florimond-Claude, Count

de 77Mesmer, Franz Anton 186military service (Morande) 6–9, 221n. 19Millican, Dr Peter 246n. 124Mills (British spy) 115Minden, battle of 39Mirabeau, Honoré-Gabriel Riquetti, Count

de 48, 151, 179, 185, 213, 252n. 39and Beaumarchais 185blackmail by Morande (suspected) 244n.

59death 186, 191and Linguet 150,and Morande 150–1, 184, 185, 192, 195,

207, 244n. 59police connection 209see also Estates-General, Histoire secrète de

la cour de BerlinMolde see Saiff ert von der MoldeMolinaro, Edouard 208monarchiens 189, 204Montblanc, Section de 201, 202Montesquieu, Charles Louis Secondat, Baron

de la Brède, 188Montigny, brothel keeper 16Montmorin, Armand-Marc, Count de 201,

241n. 103

I N D E X 281

and Calonne 171–2, 249n. 104and Mirabeau 186and Morande 109, 113–28 passim, 146,

171–86 passim, 249n. 104Morand, courtier 219n. 6Morchiladze, Aka 208, 256n. 6Mordanes (satirical representation of

Morande) 25, 207–8 Morangiés, Count de 230n. 79Morgan, M. de 144, 245n. 100Morning Chronicle 9, 54–7 passimMorning Post 56, 67, 82–98 passimMorocco 163Mounier, Joseph 189Moustier, Eléonore-François-Elie, Count de

32, 110, 133, 138, 139, 141, 236n. 9and Brissot 141and Goëzman 135and Morande 133, 137, 139, 141,

243n. 41and Receveur 133, 139

Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 166, 248n. 72Mullman, Mrs, brothel keeper, 97 Muphti’s Decree see Mandement du Muphti Murat, Mme 62murder, attempted 28, 156

by Morande (suspected) 9–10

‘N’, Sir Francis 59Naissance du Dauphin 132, 134Nantes 115Napoleon see BonaparteNarbens, Count de 21National Assembly 181, 187, 188, 189, 196

constitution debates 189, 192, 193see also Feuillants, Jacobins, monarchiens

National Guard 193Necker, Jacques 171, 185, 186

and Calonne 249n. 99and Morande 171, 186see also Compte rendu des fi nances

Nehra, Henriette-Amélie van Haren de 150, 151, 186, 252n. 36

Nepean, Evan 121, 172Nesle sisters xivNetherlands 33, 36, 131, 147, 160

colonies 115Estates-General 114

and France 198, 230n. 95and Secret Memoirs of a Woman of

Pleasure 230n. 95 patriot revolution 114–15, 118see also Amsterdam, Low Countries,

Orange, Stadholder(ate), Th e HagueNeuchâtel 134, 226n. 50

see also STNNeustadt 76Newcastle 156newspapers see gazettes and under individual

titles of newspapersNew Zealand 120, 239n. 64Nivernais, Louis-Jules-Barbon Mancini-

Mazarin, Duke de 27Noailles, Count de 44nobility 1, 6, 27, 169, 184

Morande’s denunciations 36, 38–9, 42, 181, 187, 188, 197

see also aristocracyNoirot, Dominique 2Noirot, Jacques and Jean 221n. 22Noirot, Louise née Th éveneau 2North America see AmericaNorth, Frederick, Lord 96, 97, 99, 100, 125,

236n. 100and Morande 241n. 98

Nouvelle biographie générale 209nouvelles à la main 31–2Nova Scotia 161Nuremberg 76, 77

Of the Laws of the French see Du Droit des français

O’Gorman, Chevalier 87–91 passimOliva see Guay d’OlivaOpéra 13, 18, 37, 41–2, 222n. 43opposition, loyal, concept of 189Oppy, Mme d’ 17–18, 222–3 n. 47Orange

house/Princess of 114see also William V

Orléans, Phillipe, Duke d’ 152, 185, 203and Morande 120, 239n. 62 see also Vie privée du duc de Chartres

Oswald, John 253n. 95Ottoman Empire 52–3, 118, 160

see also Egypt

I N D E X282

overviews of Morande’s career xv-xvi, 205, 211–13

Oxford 190

Pacifi c Ocean 112, 120Pallavieino, Cardinal 37Palm, Etta 253n. 95Palmer, Emily, fi ctitious representation of

Mme Du Barry 59Palmer, Mr 59pamphlets see libellesPapal territories see AvignonParis 12–13, 53, 69

culture 13electoral Assembly (1791) 196elections 196–7gambling 13, 14insurrection (1848) 205Luxembourg gardens 43mob activity 177, 190, 200, 201Morande’s fl ight to/from/return 9–10, 12,

22, 191police 15, 64, 65, 145, 164

Morande’s services for 126, 131–168 passim, 191

tactics 13, 14, 31, 38, 68, 103and Cagliostro 164 see also Brissot, Marais, Mirabeau,

Police de Paris dévoilée, Receveur, spying activities

social conditions 13water supply 119, 184–5see also brothels, Beaumont, Comédie

française, Commune, gambling, Opéra, Parlement of Paris

Parkyns MacMahon see MacMahonparlements/parlementaires 5, 17, 33–5 passim,

43–8 passim, 53, 68, 108, 109, 159, 162, 172, 181–6 passim

abolition 184Morande’s denunciations 187see also lettres de cachet

Parlement of Paris 12, 33, 47, 48, 155, 184, 186Passe-tems d’Antoinette 135–6patents 182Patriote françois 179, 183patriote ideology (Morande) see political

ideology

patriote party (France) 35, 44, 48, 109, 187, 188

and Brissot 194patriotes royalistes 187patriotism 48, 189, 198, 208patriot revolution see NetherlandsPaulmy d’Argenson, Marc-René de Voyer,

Marquis de 16Pays d’Arnay 220n. 3Pelleport, Anne-Gédeon La Fite, Marquis de

25–6, 133, 137–8, 144, 146, 152, 195, 207–8, 242n. 17, 20, 246n. 124, 256n. 5

attacks despotism 138 background 134blackmail campaigns 134–5

and Boissière 134–5, 146and Beaumarchais 96, 104and Brissot 141, 143, 144, 243n. 55, n. 57confession 141and Desforges 143and Fini 144 and Francy 96, 104on Gazetier cuirassé 32and Gazette noire 152homosexuality (probable) 242n. 17imprisonment 140, 208and Lenoir 243n. 57and Linguet 152 and Morande 96, 99, 104–5, 126, 138,

139–40, 144, 195, 207, 209, 210, 230n. 89comparison with 133–4, 152legal case 140

off ends Fox 140and Swinton 140and Vie privée 152see also Alarm Bell against French

Spies, Amours et aventures du visir de Vergennes, Bohémiens, Diable dans un bénitier, ‘F’ (M. de la), Gazette noire, homosexuality, Mordanes, Naissance du dauphin, Passe-tems d’Antoinette, Petits Soupers de l’hôtel de Bouillon, Voragine

Pellevé, Mrs. Charlotte see ButtsPellevé, Robert 115, 238n. 40Peltier, Jean-Gabriel 190Percy, Miss see Perrochel (Viscountess)Père Duchesne 211Pereyra, Jacob 118, 202, 203, 239n. 56

I N D E X 283

Perrochel, Viscount de 122–3Perrochel, Viscountess de, alias Miss Percy

and Mme Tuite 122–3Pétanguele 228n. 29Petits Soupers de l’hôtel de Bouillon 134, 139, 146Pexioto, M. 246n. 125Philips, Capt. Arthur (R.N.) 110 philosophes xvi, 36, 109, 141, 148Philosophical Dictionary 38Photiadès, Constantin 248n. 72physique (Morande) 6, 9, 138, 202 Picpus, Père Ange 58Pidansat de Mairobert, Mathieu-François 57,

59, 60, 210, 227n. 23, 231n. 100 and Brissot 195and d’Eon 227n. 23on kidnap 230n. 90and Morande 229n. 63see also Anecdotes sur Madame du Barry,

Mairobert corpus Piennes, Chevalier de 88Pillnitz, declaration of 198 pimping (Morande) 16, 18, 19Pio, 253n. 95Pitt, Morton 121, 138, 243n. 41Pitt, William, the Younger 116–7, 173, 191,

243n. 41and Morande 199, 254n. 127

Plymouth 104, 123Poinçot, bookseller 250n. 131Poland 53, 63, 198police see Paris (police)Police de Paris dévoilée 191, 194, 210, 256n. 5Polignac, Yolande, Duchess de 135, 168political ideology, of Morande 109, 182

British infl uence on 188–9concerning constitution 181–93 passim,

211concerning despotism 44–8 passim, 188,

198–9, 212concerning French revolution 187, 188,

190concerning liberty 181, 188, 192concerning order 190, 211concerning Maupeou crisis 43, 44, 46concerning monarchy /king 96, 179–200

passim, 211, 212regency suggested 193

on veto 198see also monarchiens

concerning parlements 182, 183patriot principles 6, 35, 44, 96, 109, 182,

187, 188, 192, 208, 212, 231n. 100see also Argus patriote, Courier de l’Europe,

Feuillants, Gazetier cuirassé, Rémarques historiques sur la Bastille

Pompadour, Antoinette Poisson, Marquise de xiv, 40, 50, 61, 108

see also venereal diseasePondicherry 47pornography 132, 134, 142, 208, 212, 219n. 7Portefeuille de Madame Gourdan 152, 246n.

125reprint 210

Portsmouth 103, 104, 121, 132, 240n. 69Poyane, M. de 9, 221n. 19Praslin, Gabriel de Choiseul-Chevigny, Duke

de 27, 44press 23

as blackmail instrument 141British 40, 56, 92, 105, 117, 180, 183and Calonne 172, 173freedom of 188, 189, 191French 147, 183

revolutionary 179, 183, 187, 193, 209Morande’s innovations 180–3 passimsee also gazettes (international) and under

titles of individual newspapersPriestley, Joseph 199privilèges 181Proschwitz, Gunnar and Mavis von 211,

239n. 57Protestant Association 160Provence, Count de (later Louis XVIII) xiii,

134, 190, 253n. 69Provisional Executive Committee 200, 201Prussia 8, 122, 288, 197, 198

and Dutch patriot revolution 114–15, 118

recognition of French constitution 198 see also Pillnitz

Public Advertiser 67, 88, 90, 161, 162, 165Public Ledger 84, 88, 89public opinion 35, 67, 92, 171publishers see booksellersPucelle d’Orléans 148

I N D E X284

Questions sur l’Encyclopédie 45, 53Quos Ergo (pseudonym) 88–9

Radcliff e (Ratcliff ), Stephen 103 Ramond de Carbonnières, Louis 156, 164Ravaisson, François 210Ravier, Claudine, see BauzonRavier, Jeanne, see Th éveneau Receveur de Livermont 64, 68, 131–2, 133–9

passim, 139, 152, 153and Boissière 135–6and Brissot 141and Linguet 146and Maurice 140and Morande 136–40 passim , 144, 195,

230n. 90Recke, Elisa, Baroness von der 247n. 56Refl ections on the Revolution in France 176regency crisis 116–7, 121, 189, 240n. 70Reichardt, Rolf 45religion 197–8

refusal of sacraments 38see also anti-clericalism, Capucins,

clergy, dévots, Franciscans, Gordon riots, Jansenism, Jesuits, Protestant Association, Roman Catholic Church

Rémarques historiques sur la Bastille 49, 69authorship 227n. 2content 45–8 passimpolitical agenda 46, 47

Rennes 115Réplique à Brissot 3, 5, 7, 51, 195, 196 Réponse au dernier mot 254n. 111Requête au Roi 171, 249n. 100Rétaux de Villette, Marc-Antoine 156 retirement (Morande)

temporary 99permanent 202–4

Riambourg, Claude 1Richelieu, Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal

de, 46, 47Richelieu, Louis-François-Armand du Plessis,

Maréchal-Duc 157Ridley see White RidleyRobespierre, Maximilien-François-Isidore 1,

201and Brissot 202, 255n. 139and Morande 255n. 139

Robiquet, Paul 153, 210, 228n. 36Rochford, William Henry Nassau de

Zylestein, Lord 61, 62, 69, 97, 229n. 66Rodger, Nicholas 112–13Rohan, Camille, Prince de 16Rohan, Chevalier de 47Rohan, Louis de, Cardinal 50, 162, 176

and Marie-Antoinette 168, 175and Morande 155see also diamond necklace aff air

Rois de France dégénérés 132Rollin M. 18Roman Catholic Church 37–8

see also anti-clericalism, clergy, dévots, Franciscans, Jansenism, Jesuits

Rosalie (fi lle de joie) 155Roscoff 115Ross (foreman) 239n. 57Rossbach, battle of 39Rotondo, Jean-Baptiste 253n. 95Rouen 69Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 38, 79, 189

and desacralisation 211Rowe (formerly Sinclair), Jane 24Royal Navy 99, 101, 110–11, 118

Admiralty 238n. 43 technical innovations 111–13, 118–9,

238n. 34, 239n. 57 see also names of individual ports

Royou, Th omas-Marie, abbé 200Russia 7, 8, 52, 81, 121, 122, 198Rutledge, Jean-Jacques 253n. 95Ryder 104

sabotage see spying activities Saby, Chevalier 229n. 71Sacchi, Carlo 247n. 56, 248n. 76Sade, Donatien Alphonse François, Marquis

de 208Saiff ert von der Molde, Dr André 112, 124,

239n. 62Saint Brieux, Bishop of 37Saint-Clair, Eliza see Th éveneau de Morande,

ElizaSaint-Domingue 199–200, 208Sainte-Foy, Pierre-Maximilien Radix de 129,

144, 172and Calonne 171

I N D E X 285

and Morande 173, 249n. 104Saint-Florentin, Louis Phélypeaux, Count de,

(subsequently Duke de La Vrillière) 15, 20, 21, 23, 36, 43, 44, 223n. 55, 224n. 4

Salieri, Antoine 75Salisbury, Capt. John (R.N.) 122–5 passim,

240n. 85Salzédo, Eugène 75Sandwich, John Montagu, Earl of 97Santa Esperanza 208Sarastro 248n. 72Saratoga, battle of 74Sartine, Antoine-Gabriel 12, 60, 138, 223n. 58

and Avis à la branche espagnole 231n. 6and Beaumarchais 60, 75–78 passim, 100

231n. 6and Morande 15, 19–21 passim, 100, 109orders regarding Gazetier cuirassé 36

Scheldt river 147, 149see also Doutes sur la liberté de l’Escaut

Schuchard, Marsha Keith 248n. 72Scotland 120, 156, 160Second Chant du coq 194Secret du Roi 28, 80Secret Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure xiv,

xv, 58–71 passim, 229n. 63full title 229n. 60identifi cation 231n.100illustrations 231n. 101suppression xv-xvi, 68, 69–70, 76, 89–90,

135, 227n. 22, 237n. 18negotiations for xv, 57–69

Seguenot, M. de 221n. 28Sennemar see Buard de Sennemar September massacres 200–1

and Princess de Lamballe 177, 179and Morande 177, 179, 201, 203, 205, 209

Serani 124Serres de La Tour, Alphonse-Joseph de 79,

142, 143, 169–70and Brissot 243n. 56and Calonne 170, 172

legal case 249n. 93see also Courier de l’Europe

Seven Years’ War 7, 27, 33, 39, 103Sevrès porcelain works 177sexual aff airs (Morande) 9–12 passim, 16–19

passim, 25, 139, 150, 207

Shee 239n. 62Shelburne, William Petty, Earl of 105, 115,

135, 242n. 23Sheridan, Richard Brinsley 122, 157Siessel, fi ls 203Siéyès, Emmanuel-Joseph, abbé 39, 187Signature author recognition soft ware 228n.

36, 246n. 124Silesia 7Silvestre, M. 248n. 76Sinclair, Charles 24Sinclair, Eliza see Th éveneau de Morande,

ElizaSinclair, Jane see RoweSirius (H.M.S.) 110 slave insurrections see Guadeloupe, Saint-

Domingueslave trade 116, 171–4, 194, 200, 209

Morande’s position 171see also Courier de l’Europe, Estates

General (French)Smith, Rev Joseph 236n. 101smuggling 123–5 passim

books 136Société typographique de Neuchâtel see STNSociety Islands 110Socrates 228n. 31sodomy see homosexualitySormanie’s gambling establishment 65Southampton 118–9Souville [Sonville], Mlle ‘Fredérique’ 16–17,

50, 222n. 44 Spa 149Spain 17, 63

and Britain 32, 125colonies 120slavery in 174embassy and Morande 122, 229n. 72and France 242n. 23navy 99, 111see also Avis à la Branche espagnole,

Falkland Islands, InquisitionSpinelli, Donald 224n. 14spying activities

of Beaumarchais 73, 97, 108, 125of d’Eon 28, 80 of Morande 73–5 passim, 108

commercial 118–20

I N D E X286

spying activities (continued)denunciations 126for police 126, 131–168 passim, 191industrial 118, 137information transfer/reports 114, 116,

125–9 passim, 238n. 35, 253n. 75military/naval 104, 110–15 passim,

117–8, 120–3 passim, 126, 137political 114, 116–7, 121, 126sabotage 120under surveillance 125

detection avoided 125–6see also Beaumarchais, Pellevé, Paris

(police), Le Turc St***d **** Mme de 59Stadholder see William VStadholderate 114stamp duties 79, 140Stanmore 99, 105, 236n. 101Stewart, M.P. 240n. 73STN 36, 226n. 50Stormont, David Murray, Viscount 96, 97Stuart, Peter 250n. 135Suez 118, 239n. 55Sully-Bethune see BethuneSupply (H.M.S.) 110 suppression attempts/negotiations see

blackmailSurbois, police offi cer 145Sweden 53, 121, 198Swinton, Félicité née Lefebvre 100Swinton, Samuel 79, 100

and Ainslie 234n. 74, 239n. 55 and Beaumarchais 100–1, 173, 204,

234n. 74bigamous marriage 100and Boulogne-sur-Mer 79, 101, 128, 140,

141, 144and Brissot 141–4 passimand Cagliostro 157–8and Calonne 172–3and Courier de l’Europe 79, 101, 125–6,

128, 129, 140, 142–4 passim, 172–3, 174, 179, 204

and Desforges 143and Dundas 173and d’Eon 234n. 74and French government 79, 101, 140

and Lauraguais 100and Morande 79, 100–1, 125–6, 140–4

passim, 158, 172–4, 179, 191, 204–5and Pelleport 140and Serres de La Tour 79, 142, 143and slave trade 173–4spymaster 101, 128, 236n. 107venality 250n. 122and Vergennes 79, 140

Switzerland 36, 167see also Neuchâtel

Sydney, Th omas Townshend, Baron 121syphilis see venereal diseaseSystême de la nature 38

Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles Maurice de 188 Tamino 248n. 72Tarare 75Taylor, Capt. (R.N.) 115–16, 238n. 43Taylor family, of Southampton 118–9Termagent (H.M.S.) 123–5 passimTerray, Joseph-Marie, abbé 33, 35, 41, 43Terror 41, 189, 203Tesson, M. 66Th e Hague 36, 114Th éveneau, Antoine-Claude 3Th éveneau, Betsey see Th éveneau, ElizabethTh éveneau, Charles, senior (Morande’s

grandfather) 1, 220n. 6, 8, 221n. 22 Th éveneau, Charles-Claude (Morande’s uncle,

known as Claude) 1, 2, 219n. 1, 221n. 22 Th éveneau, extended family members (not

otherwise noted) 1–3 passim, 220n. 3, 4 Th éveneau, Françoise 3Th éveneau, Guy 1, 220n. 6Th éveneau, Jean-Claude 3Th éveneau, Jeanne (Mme Claude, née Ravier)

2Th éveneau, Lazare-Jean see Th éveneau de

Francy Th éveneau, Louis 1–3 passim, 5–6, 9–12

passim, 15, 18, 20, 21, 49, 221n. 22, n. 27Th éveneau, Louis-Claude-Henri-Alexandre

3, 203, 205 Th éveneau, Louise see NoirotTh éveneau, Philiberte Belin, Mme 1–3

passim, 11, 49, 106, 192, 220n. 9Th éveneau, Rose-Antoinette see Villedey

I N D E X 287

Th éveneau, Rose-Nicolle 2Th éveneau de Francy, Lazare-Jean 3, 75, 137,

220n. 6, 243n. 36and Beaumarchais 105–6, 233n. 31and Eliza Morande 24, 26, 80, 106 and d’Eon 82, 96marriage 106and Morande fi nances 105–6

Th éveneau de Francy, Mme, see Guichot (Philiberte)

Th éveneau de Morande, Adolphe-Charles 205

Th éveneau de Morande, Eliza (née Elizabeth Sinclair) 24–7 passim, 56–92 passim, 124, 125, 127, 137, 200, 201, 202, 224n. 7, 243n. 36, 254n. 127

and Beaumarchais 107 death 205and Francy 106, 137health 205see also marriage

Th éveneau de Morande, Elizabeth-Nicolette [Elizabeth-Frances known as Betsey] 24, 99, 203, 205

Th éveneau de Morande: étude au dix-huitième siècle 210

Th éveneau de Morande, George-Louis 24, 75, 155, 201, 205, 220n. 6, 224n. 7

education 124injury 124marriage 203naval career 123–5 passim, 240n. 85

Th éveneau de Morande, Harriet Hannah (Henriette-Anne) 24, 203

Th éveneau de Morande, Manette, née Villedey see Villedey

Th ilorier, Jacques 157, 159Th iroux de Crosne see CrosneTh e Times 172Tipu Sultan 115Tocsin des Rois 51–2Tonnerre 9Tooke, see Horne TookeTort, Barthélemy 32, 96, 232n. 13, 235n. 86

and d’Eon 235n. 87and Morande 235n. 87

trade see commerceTrafalgar, battle of 112

‘Transaction,’ (between Eon and Beaumarchais) 81, 84, 93

Treyssac de Vergy see Vergytrials see legal cases and trialstribads see homosexualityTrier, Prince Clemens Wenceslaus of Saxony,

Elector of 198 Tristran the Hermit 46Tuite, Mme, see PerrochelTurgot, Anne-Robert-Jacques 108–9Turkey see Ottoman EmpireTypographical Society of Neuchâtel see STNTyrie, David 132–3

United States of America see America

Valmy, battle of 203Van der Noot, Hendrik Karel Nicolaas 122Van Neck, Sir Joshua 70Varennes 192, 193, 200Vaucluse see Fauques de VaucluseVaudreuil, Joseph-Hyacinthe-François de

Paule Rigaud, Count de 168Vauvray, M. de 17Vellinghausen, campaign/battle 7, 8, 221n. 19venereal disease 42, 43

and Beaumarchais 81, 84, 85 and Cagliostro 165 and Du Barry 44 and La Cour 17and Louis XV 44, 108and Morande 14–15and Pompadour 108

Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Count de 25, 32, 96, 108, 132, 133

and America 74and Amours de Charlot et Toinette 132and Courier de l’Europe 79and d’Eon 80, 85, 88, 95and La Motte (J.) 168and Linguet 147, 149and Morande 109, 113, 126, 136–7, 140,

238n. 40, 239n. 59and Pelleport 140and Swinton 140see also Amours et aventures du visir de

Vergennes, diamond necklace aff air, France (intelligence service)

I N D E X288

Vergy, Pierre-Henri Treyssac de 28Vernancourt, Mme 79, 82, 83Versailles xiii, 21, 42, 59, 82, 146, 147, 155, 190

and French court 13, 134Morande’s sources at 31, 32, 44, 65Peace of 118rivalry with Paris, 13and scandalous rumours/libelles xiii, 67,

69, 71, 79, 134, 170, 233n. 31water supply 119

Vienna 77, 78Vie privée du duc de Chartres 152Vignoles, Joseph de 31, 79–83 passim

233n. 44see also freemasonry

Villedey, Jean-Bernard 3Villedey, Manette 203Villedey, Rose-Antoinette née Th éveneau 3–4Villeroy, Duchess de 42Villette, Charles-Michel, Marquis de 42, 44,

51, 56and Morande 195, 207

Villette, Rétaux de see Rétaux de Villette violence see kidnap, mobs, murder,

September massacres, TerrorVirchaux, J. G., bookseller 143, 253n. 95Vol plus haut 152, 153Voltaire, François-Marie Arouet 35, 38, 45–53

passim, 148, 227n. 2, 228n. 36and Morande 52–3, 69, 195, 207see also Mandement du Muphti,

philosophes, Philosophical Dictionary, Pucelle d’Orléans, Questions sur l’Encyclopaedie

Voragine, fi ctional mother-in-law of Brissot 208

Voyage d’une françoise 230n. 79, n. 90

Wallace, Capt. 123war see America, Austria, France

(revolutionary war), Seven Years’ see also battles, warships

Ward, Marion 153Warren, Richard 176warships see Bounty, Sirius, Supply,

Termagent, HébéWarville see BrissotWaterloo, battle of 205Watson, Capt. 92Watt, James 119, 239n. 59West Indies 18, 118

see also Jamaica, Saint-DomingueWestminster 92Westminster Gazette 88–92 passim

and Morande 88, 232n. 16, 234n. 60Whigs 122Whitcombe, Sheriff 93White Ridley, Sir Matthew 120Wilberforce, William 116, 173Wilkes, John 28–9William V, Prince of Orange, Dutch

Stadholder 114Williams, David 196, 254n. 109women (Morande’s treatment) 42, 204, 209

see also sexual aff airs, marriage, Th éveneau de Morande (Eliza)

Woodfall, William 54, 57Woolwich Arsenal/docks 80, 113, 240n. 69World 172wounds (Morande) 7, 9

youth (Morande) 4–5

Zamoro 58Zweibrücken see Deux-Ponts

a king's ransom: the life of charles thèveneau de morande, blackmailer, scandalmonger &...

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