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E BERHARD K ARLS U NIVERSITÄT T ÜBINGEN Seminar für Sprachwissenschaft A Lexicalist Approach to the Syntactico-Functional Variation of Polish Noun Phrases Beata Trawi ´ nski University of Tübingen [email protected] BASEES Conference 2005 April 2-4, 2005, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, UK A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.1

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Page 1: A Lexicalist Approach to the Syntactico-Functional ...€¦ · A Lexicalist Approach to the Syntactico-Functional Variation of Polish Noun Phrases Beata Trawinski· University of

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A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variation

of Polish Noun PhrasesBeata TrawinskiUniversity of Tübingen

[email protected]

BASEES Conference 2005

April 2-4, 2005, Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, UK

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.1

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tAdverbial Noun Pheases (AdvNPs)

Apart from adjectives, adverbs and relative and adverbialclauses, many languages use bare noun phrases for thepurpose of modification (cf. the English and Germanexamples).

(1) a. I will visit you next week .

b. Do it that way .

(2) a. IchI

besuchevisit

dichyou

nächstenext

Woche.week

‘I will visit you next week.’

b. Erhe

hathas

denthe

ganzenwhole

Wegway

geschlafen.slept

‘He slept the whole way.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.2

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tAdvNPs in Polish

Adverbial noun phrases (AdvNPs) have particularly high frequency and a widespectrum of uses in inflectional languages such as Polish.

According to (Szober 1969) and (Urbanczyk 1978), among others

genitive,

dative,

accusative and

instrumental

NPs are possible in the adverbial function in Polish.

Exemplary denotations of Polish AdvNPs:

temporal relations (expressed by genitive and accusative AdvNPs);

possessors, benefactors (denoted by dative AdvNPs);

measure (specified by accusative AdvNPs);

there are particularly many semantic uses associated with instrumental AdvNPsand especially with relational instrumentals which necessarily take genitivecomplements, such as

celem ‘for the purpose of’,droga ‘by way of’,kosztem ‘at the expense of’,wzgledem ‘because of’, etc.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.3

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tGenitive, Dative and Accusative AdvNPs

(3) a. JanJan

odjechałleft

ostatniejlastgen

nocy.nightgen

‘Jan left last night.’ (time)

b. MariaMaria

wypiładrank

koledzecolleaguedat

piwo.beer

‘Maria drank colleague’s beer.’ (possessor)

c. JanJan

zauwazyłnoticed

MarieMary

metrmeteracc

przedin front of

soba.him

‘Jan noticed Mary one meter in front of him.’ (measure)

d. MariaMaria

płakałacried

caławholeacc

godzine.houracc

‘Maria was crying for a whole hour.’ (time)

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.4

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tInstrumental AdvNPs

(4) a. PiotrPiotr

uciekłescaped

lasem.forestinstr

‘Piotr escaped through the forest.’ (space)

b. JanJan

czytareads

wieczorem.eveninginstr

‘Jan reads in the evening.’ (time)

c. MariaMaria

zabiłakilled

pajakaspider

gazeta.newspaperinstr

‘Maria killed the spider with a newspaper.’ (means)

d. PiotrPiotr

odszedłwent

wolnym krokiem.slowinstr stepinst

‘Piotr went slowly.’ (manner)

e. JanJan

wyjechałleft

celem odpoczynku.purposeinstr recreationgen

‘Jan left for the purpose of recreation.’ (goal)

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.5

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tThe Problem for Grammatical Theory

In syntactic contexts such as those above, NPs such as theitalicized NPs clearly act as adjuncts, although, they are notprototypical modifiers. Typically, they are used in syntacticstructures as subjects and objects.

The variation between the syntactic function of subject/objectand the syntactic function of adjunct indicates two differentsets of syntactic and especially semantic properties:

While adverbial NPs (AdvNPs) are assumed to act assemantic functors, as all modifiers do, non-adverbial NPs areusually considered as semantic arguments.

The question: How to capture these two sets of featuresproperly in grammatical theory?

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.6

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tLicensing AdvNPs and Non-Adverbial NPsThere are several possibilities to treat NPs showing syntactico-functionalvariation in the grammar:

One could assume two lexical entries providing appropriate featuresfor each genitive, dative, accusative and instrumental noun that canappear both in adverbial and non-adverbial context. The problem:

This strategy would lead to redundancies in the lexicon.

Depending on formal foundations of the grammar frameworkassumed one could

define appropriate lexical rules deriving AdvNPs fromnon-adverbial NPs or vice versa or

provide appropriate lexical constaints licensing AdvNPs andnon-adverbial NPs.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.7

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tHPSG of (Pollard and Sag 1994)

In this paper we will attempt to treat the subject/object–adjunctvariation of Polish NPs within the framework of Head-Driven PhraseStructure Grammar in the tradition of (Pollard and Sag 1994).

Advantages of HPSG: HPSG is a

comprehensive (it is possible to encode generalizations aboutall linguistic representation levels simultaneously, therebyaccounting for a possible interaction between the particularlevels),

lexicalist (it offers the possibility to determine the properties ofboth words and phrases on the word level),

fully formalized (cf. (Richter 2000)),

computer-applicable

linguistic formalism.

Crucial property of HPSG: It is a non-derivational constraint-basedgrammar framework.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.8

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tObjectivesOur objectives are:

on the empirical level � �

To find out what syntactic and semantic propertiesAdvNPs share with the non-adverbial NPs and – basedon these observations –

on the theoretical level � �To provide a strictly lexicalist constraint-based treatmentof NPs which non-redundantly describes both theiradverbial and non-adverbial usages and captures thesyntactic, lexico-semantic as well as combinatorialproperties of adverbial and non-adverbial NPs.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.9

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tOverview

Empirical generalizations

We will give a short overview of morphological cases in Polishand say which cases can mark adverbial NPs.

We will examine a number of AdvNP with respect to variouslinguistic phenomena in order to find out how the AdvNPs differfrom non-adverbial NPs and to what extend they share syntacticand semantic properties with them.

The Analysis

Lexical licensing: Based on the empirical generalizations, wewill provide a lexical constraint for licensing AdvNPs andnon-adverbial NPs.

Structural licensing: We will demonstrate how AdvNPs arestructurally licensed within the standard HPSG framework ofPollard and Sag (1994).

We will sum up the discussion.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.10

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tMorphological Cases in Polish

There are seven morphological cases in contemporary Polish:

nominative,

genitive,

dative,

accusative,

instrumental,

locative and

vocative.

The nominative case is mainly used on subjects and predicativecomplements.

The locative case appears not freely, but only as a prepositionalobject.

The vocative case has a special, non-sentential status.

The genitive, dative, accusative and instrumental cases can beassigned to both argument NPs and adverbial NPs.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.11

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tMorphological Cases in Polish: Examples

non-adverbial NPs AdvNPs

nominative � Jan spi.Jan is_sleeping

‘Jan is sleeping.

� none

genitive � Maria zazadała pieniedzy .Maria demanded money

‘Maria demanded the money.’

� Jan odjechał tej nocy .Jan left this night

‘Jan left that night.’

dative � Piotr dedykował swój doktorat rodzicom.Piotr dedicated his thesis parents

‘Piotr dedicated his thesis to his parents.’

� Maria wypiła Janowi piwo.Maria drank John beer

‘Maria drank John’s beer.’

accusative � Jan zobaczył Marie.Jan saw Maria

‘Jan saw Maria.’

� Maria płakała cała godzine.Maria was crying whole hour

‘Maria was crying for a whole hour.’

instrumental � Jan posłuzył sie nozem.Jan used RM knife

‘Jan used a knife.’

� Piotr uciekł lasem.Piotr escaped forest

‘Piotr escaped through the forest.’

locative � Jan jest teraz w szkole.Jan is now in school

‘Jan is in school now.’

� none

vocative � Mamo, poczekaj!mama wait

‘Wait, mama!’

� none

� � How the two uses of genitive, dative, accusative and instrumental NPs should be captured by the grammar?

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.12

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tPrevious Approaches to AdvNPs

Transformational approaches focus particularly on the aspects of case assignment toAdvNPs:

(Emonds 1976), (Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978) and (McCawley 1988) treat AdvNPsas being embedded in a PP headed by a null preposition assigning case to those NPs.(Larson 1985) assumes that AdvNPs are bare NPs. However, since they are notgoverned by a case marking element, (Larson 1985) proposes the featurespecification

�� � �

for nouns heading adverbial NPs. In the case a NP cannot bestructurally case marked (because it does not appear in a position governed by acase marking element), it is assigned its case from the case assigning featurespecification

�� � �

.(Jaworska 1986) suggests a possibility that AdvNPs in English have no case at all,since they never show any morphological variation, nor do they have any otherproperties that might be related to case.For Polish data (Jaworska 1986) assumes a specification of the form

CASE � INST

,�

CASE � GEN

, and

CASE � ACC

in the lexical entry of each noun that can head anadverbial NP (no statement about the dative case). This strategy, however, leads toredundancies in the lexicon.

The constraint-based approach of (Kasper 1997) discusses mainly combinatorial aspects ofmodifying and non-modifying NPs.

In our approach an analysis of NPs will be offered which captures their syntactic,lexico-semantic as well as combinatorial properties.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.13

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tEmpirical Investigations

In order to make appropriate generalizations about thedistribution of Polish NPs in adverbial contexts, we willexamine a range of AdvNPs with respect to

determination and quantification,

modification,

pluralization and

referentiality.

The objective is to specify a set of syntactic and sematicproperties that AdvNPs share with ordinary, non-adverbialNPs, and to determine properties that AdvNPs provide incontrast to ordinary NPs.

We will focus exclusively on AdvNPs that modify VPs, leavingAdvNPs modifying NPs for a future work.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.14

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tDetermination and Quantification

In Polish, in contrast to English or German,there is no obligatory determination andquantification. NPs can occur in a sentence in abare form. However, they are permitted tocombine with determiners and quantifiers.

We will examine the ability of AdvNPs to selecta determiner and a quantifier in order to find outwhether they behave analogically tonon-adverbial NPs in this respect.

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tDetermination and Quantification: Examples

(5) a. JanJohn

odjechałleft

*(tej/pewnej)this/some

nocy.night

genitive

‘John left that/some night.’

b. MariaMary

wypiładrank

(temu/jakiemus/kazdemu)this/some/every

koledzecolleague

piwo.beer

dative

‘Mary drank this/some/every colleague’s beer.’

c. MariaMary

uczyłastudied

sieRM

(te/kazda)this/every

godzinehour

wat

domu.home

accusative

‘Mary studied for that/every hour at home.’

d. PiotrPeter

uciekłescaped

(tym/jakims)this/some

lasem.forest

instrumental

‘Peter escaped through this/some forest.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.16

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tDetermination and Quantification: Observations

AdvNPs can occur both as bare NPs as well as incombination with determiners and quantifiers, andin this respect they behave like non-adverbial NPs.Only genitive AdvNPs show a behavior which issomewhat atypical for Polish NPs, not onlypermitting but requiring a determiner or a quantifier.In fact, genitive AdvNPs in Polish do not necessarilyrequire a determiner or a quantifier. The presenceof a modifier, such as nastepny ‘next’ or pół ‘half’,will also ensure the grammaticality of the sentence(cf. (Szober 1969) and (Jaworska 1986)).

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.17

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tAdjectival/Participial Modification

We will examine whether AdvNPs can be modifiedby adjectives and adjectival participles, as arenon-adverbial NPs.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.18

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tAdjectival/Participial Modification: Examples

(6) a. JanJohn

odjechałleft

*(ostatniej/minionej)last/past

nocy.night

genitive

‘John left last/past night.’

b. MariaMary

wypiładrank

(niemieckiemu/spragnionemu)German/thirsty

koledzecolleague

piwo.beer

dative

‘Mary drank the German/thirsty colleague’s beer.’

c. MariaMary

uczyłastudied

sieRM

(cała/miniona)whole/past

godzinehour

wat

domu.home

accusative

‘Mary studied for the whole/past hour at home.’

d. PiotrPeter

uciekłescaped

(gestym/ciemnym)dense/dark

lasem.forest

instrumental

‘Peter escaped through the dense/dark forest.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.19

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tAdjectival/Participial Modification: Observations

Genitive, dative, accusative and instrumental AdvNPs all allowadjectival and participial modification and that they behave liketypical NPs in this respect. As already mentioned, genitive AdvNPsrequire a determiner or quantifier and/or a modifier.

(Jaworska 1986) claims that accusative AdvNPs, similar to genitiveAdvNPs, must contain modifiers, such as cały ‘whole’. However,examples such as those below show that this requirement does nothold.

(7) a. MariaMary

pracowaławorked

godzine.houracc

‘Mary worked for an hour.’

b. PiotrPeter

przebywałstayed

miesiacmonthinstr

win

szpitalu.hospital

‘Peter stayed in a hospital for a month.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.20

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tPluralization

If no formal and/or lexico-semantic restrictions arepresent, nouns can be pluralized in anstraightforward way. Below we will test whether thisholds for AdvNPs as well.

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tPluralization: Examples

(8) a. *JanJan

odjechałleft

ostatnichlast

nocy.nights

genitive

b. MariaMary

wypiładrank

kolegomcolleagues

piwo.beer

dative

‘Mary drank the colleagues’ beer.’

c. MariaMary

uczyłastudied

sieRM

całewhole

godzinyhours

wat

domu.home

accusative

‘Mary studied for entire hours at home.’

d. PiotrPeter

uciekałescaped

lasami.forests

instrumental

‘Peter escaped through forests.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.22

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tPluralization: Observations

Dative, accusative and instrumental AdvNPscan occur in plural form.

In contrast, the occurrence of genitive pluralAdvNPs seems to be either very restricted inPolish or not possible at all (to our knowledge,there are no detailed studies on this issue sofar).

The ungrammaticality of sentences with genitiveplural AdvNPs can possibly be explained by theincompatibility of the semantic contribution of theadverbial genitive NPs themself, as a point in time, andthe semantics of plural.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.23

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tReferentiality

We will investigate AdvNPs with regard toreferentiality.

As an indication for referentiality, we willconsider the ability of a NP to control pronouns.

The ability of AdvNPs to control relative andpersonal pronouns will be tested.

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tControl of Relative Pronouns

(9) a. JanJohn

odjechałleft

tejthis

nocy ,night

której �

whichprzybyłaarrived

Maria.Mary

genitive

‘John left the night that Mary arrived.’

b. MariaMary

wypiładrank

piwobeer

koledze � ,colleague

którego �

whomnienot

lubi.likes

dative

‘Mary drank the beer of the colleague whom she does not like.’

c. MariaMary

płakałacried

godzine � ,hour

która �

whichwydawałaseemed

sieRM

nienot

miechave

konca.end

acc

‘Mary was crying for an hour, which seemed not to end.’

d. PiotrPeter

uciekłescaped

lasem � ,forest

który �which

dobrzewell

znał.knew

instrumental

‘Peter escaped through the forest which he knew well.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.25

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tControl of Relative Pronouns: Observations

Genitive, dative, accusative and instrumentalAdvNPs are capable of controlling relative pronounsintroducing relative clauses. This fact indicates thatAdvNPs are referential.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.26

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tControl of Personal Pronouns: Examples

(10) a. JanJohn

odjechałleft

tejthis

nocy � .night

Byławas

ona �

itciemnadark

iand

deszczowa.rainy

gen

‘John left this night. It was dark and rainy.’

b. MariaMary

wypiładrank

koledze �

colleaguepiwo.beer

Dlategothat’s_why

byłwas

on �he

zły.angry

dat

‘Mary drank the colleague’s beer. That’s why he was angry.’

c. MariaMary

płakałacried

godzine � .hour

Wydawałaseemed

sieRM

ona �

itnienot

miechave

konca.end

acc

‘Mary was crying for an hour. It seemed not to end.’

d. PiotrPeter

uciekłescaped

lasem � .forest

Znałknew

go �

itdobrze.well

instr

‘Peter escaped through the forest. He knew it well.’

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.27

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tControl of Personal Pronouns: Observations

Genitive, dative, accusative and instrumentalAdvNPs are capable of controlling personalpronouns. This fact confirms the assumption thatAdvNPs are referential.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.28

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tSummary of Empirical Investigations

determination/quantification modification pluralization control

genitive dative accusative

instrumental

Except for genitive AdvNPs, which always seem to require adeterminer, a quantifier or an adjective, all other AdvNPs can occurboth as bare NPs and NPs containing determiners, quantifiers andadjectives, and do not differ in this respect from non-adverbial NPs.

All examined AdvNPs can appear in the plural form.

Every AdvNP can control pronouns.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.29

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tEmpirical Generalizations

AdvNPs share their syntactic features withnon-adverbial NPs.

Since AdvNPs can act as controllers as theirnon-adverbial counterparts do, they arereferential objects.

The crucial difference between adverbial andnon-adverbial NPs seems to relate to theirselectional and lexico-semantic properties.

� � The next step will be the formalization of the empirical generalizationswithin the HPSG grammar framework.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.30

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tHPSG Descriptions: An Outline

According to the HPSG paradigm in the tradition of(Pollard and Sag 1994) linguistic objects are sets of

phonological,

morphological,

syntactic,

semantic and

pragmatic

information modeled by feature structures.

Feature structures are, generally speaking,representations of idealized linguistic objects and are(amongh others) described by AVMs (attribute-valuematrices).

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.31

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tAn AVM Description of Linguistic Signs according to (Pollard and Sag 1994)

��������������������������������������������

PHONOLOGY phonological structure

SYNSEM

����������������������������

LOCAL

����������������������

CATEGORY

������

HEAD part of speach, etc.

VAL/SUBCAT valence

������

CONTENT semantic structure

CONTEXT pragmatic information

����������������������

NONLOCAL non-local dependencies (extraction)

����������������������������

DAUGHTERS constituent structure

��������������������������������������������

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.32

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tThe AVM Description of the Pronoun she

��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������

word

PHON

!

she

"

SYNSEM

�#������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������

synsem

LOCAL

�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$

local

CATEGORY

�%�������������$

category

HEAD

�& noun

CASE nom

'&(

SUBCAT

)*'%+�+�+�+�+�+�+$(

CONTENT

���������������������������$

ppro

INDEX

,�%�����������$

ref

PER 3rd

NUM sing

GEND fem

'%+�+�+�+�+�+$(RESTR

-.

'�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+$(

CONTEXT

�����������������$

context

BACKGR/102030203054&02050302036�%�������$

psoa

RELN female

INST

,'%+�+�+�+$(7 02030203058&02050302039

'�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+$('�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+$(

NONLOCAL

�#���������������������������������$ nonlocal

TO-BIND

�������$ SLASH

-.

REL

- .

QUE

- .'�+�+�+$(

INHERITED

�%�����$

SLASH

-.

REL

- .

QUE

- .'%+�+�+$(

'#+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+$('#+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�(

QSTORE

-.

'�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�+�(

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.33

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tThe AVM Description of the Verb sings

:;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;?>

word

PHON

@

sings

A

SYNSEM

:;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;B;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;C>

synsem

LOCAL

:;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;B;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;?>

local

CATEGORY

:;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;?>

category

HEAD

:>verb

VFORM fin

DE

SUBCAT

FHG

LOCAL

I

CONTENT

IINDEX

, J KD

L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L?E

CONTENT

:>RELATION sing

SINGER

,D

ECONTEXT context

DL<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<LBL=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L?E

NONLOCAL

:;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;?>

nonlocal

TO-BIND:

;<;C>SLASH

MNREL

M NQUE

M ND

L<LCE

INHERITED

:;<;C>

SLASH

M N

REL

M N

QUE

M ND

L<LCED

L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L?E

DL<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<LBL=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<LCE

DL<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L?E

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.34

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tThe AVM Description of a Phrase She sings

OQP5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P3R

phrase

PHON

)

she, sings

*

SYNSEM

OQP3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2PSR

synsem

LOCAL

OQP3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2PSR

local

CATEGORY

OQP3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2PSR

category

HEAD

, OQPSRverb

VFORM fin

TQUSV

SUBCAT

) *TQU3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2USV

CONTENT

W OQP3P3P2PSRRELATION sing

SINGER

X TQU3U3U2USVTQU3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2USV

NONLOCAL nonlocal

TQU3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2USVDTRS

OQP5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P5R

head-comp-struc

HEAD-DTR

OQP3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P5R

phrase

PHON

)

sings

*

SYNSEM

OBP2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P5RLOCAL

OQP3P2P5P3P2P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P5R

CATEGORY

OBP2P3P3P2P3P5P2P5RHEAD

,

SUBCAT

YZ [TBU2U3U3U2U3U5U2U5V

CONTENT

WTQU3U2U5U3U2U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U5VTBU2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U5V

DTRS

OQP3P5P2P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P5R

head-comp-struc

HEAD-DTR

OQP5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P5R

word

PHON

)

sings

*SYNSEM

O<P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P2P5P3RLOCAL

OQP3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P2P3P5P3RCATEGORY

OBP2P3P5P2P3P3P2PSRHEAD

,

SUBCAT

YZ [TBU2U3U5U2U3U3U2USV

CONTENT

WTQU3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U2U3U5U3VT<U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U2U5U3V

TQU5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U5V

COMP-DTR

) *

TQU3U5U2U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U5VTQU3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U5V

COMP-DTRS

YOBP2P3P3P2P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5P2P5R

word

PHON

)she

*

SYNSEM

Z OQP3P2P3P5P2P3P3P2P3P3P2PSRLOCAL

OQP3P3P2P5P3P2P3P3P2P3P5R

CATEGORY

OQP3P5P3RHEAD noun

SUBCAT

) * TQU3U5U3V

CONTENT

OBR

index

X TBVTQU3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5VTQU3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2USV

TBU2U3U3U2U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U5V[

TQU5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U5VTQU5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U2U3U3U2U3U5U2U3U3U2U3U3U2U5U3U3V

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.35

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tThe Tree Structure of the Phrase She sings

\^]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H`

word

PHON

)

she

*

SYNSEM

Z\^]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]_`LOCAL

\^]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]_`

CATEGORY

\a]_`HEAD noun

SUBCAT

) * bac_d

CONTENT

e

INDEX

X fb^cHcHcHc_cHcHcHc_db^cHcHcHc_cHcHcHc_d

b^cHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHd\a]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]g`

word

PHON

)

sings

*

SYNSEM

\a]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]g`LOCAL

\a]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]g`

CATEGORY

\a]H]H]_]H]g`HEAD

,

SUBCAT

h Z ibacHcHc_cHcgd

CONTENT

WbacHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcgdbacHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcgd

bacHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcgd

H

\^]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H`

phrase

PHON

)

sings

*SYNSEM

\^]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]_`LOCAL

\^]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]_`CATEGORY

\^]H]H]_]H]H`HEAD

,

SUBCAT

h Z ib^cHcHc_cHcHd

CONTENT

Wb^cHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHc_db^cHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHc_d

b^cHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHdC H

\^]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]j]H]H]H]g`

phrase

PHON

)

she, sings

*

SYNSEM

\^]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H`

synsem

LOCAL

\a]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]g`

local

CATEGORY

\^]H]H]_]H]H]H]H]_`

category

HEAD

, \k`verb

VFORM fin

bkd

SUBCAT

) *b^cHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_d

CONTENT

W \a]H]g`RELATION sing

SINGER

X bacHcgdbac_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHcgd

b^cHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHdb^cHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cHcHcHcHc_cjcHcHcHcgd

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.36

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tDescription of Modifiers according to Pollard and Sag (1994)

According to the standard HPSG approach of (Pollard and Sag 1994), adjuncts aretreated as both syntactic and semantic selectors.

The selection proceeds via the MOD feature appropriate for all objects of type noun.

While the MOD feature’s value of adjuncts is of sort synsem, the MOD feature ofnon-adjuncts is valued as none.

��������������������

word

SYNS

������������

LOC

������������

CAT

l

HEAD

l

MOD

��synsem

LOCl

CONT

m�

CONT

l

RESTRn�o

NUCL

lARG

m p q�

������������

������������

�������������������

����������

word

SYNS�

�LOC

oCAT

l

HEAD

l

MOD none

p

CONT content

��

����������

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.37

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tThe Underspecified Lexical Entry for Nouns

As shown above, Polish genitive, dative, accusative, and instrumental NPs can occurboth as adjuncts and as non-adjuncts, thus, the grammar must license nouns with thesynsem-valued MOD attribute as well as nouns with the none-valued MOD attribute.

Instead of specifying two separate lexical entries for each noun, we postulate onelexical entry for each noun with underspecified information about the MOD value andpartially underspecified information about the CONTENT value.

����������������������������������

word

SYNS

����������������������������

LOC

��������������������������

CAT

o

HEAD noun

pCONT

������������������

nom-obj

INDEX

mRESTR

r%s�ts�u

v�

���NUCL

��INST

m

...

��

���� , ...

w s�xs�y

������������������

��������������������������

����������������������������

����������������������������������

We provide then an implicational lexical constraint containing each lexical entry as itsantecedent and a disjunctive consequence ensuring the licensing of adverbial andnon-adverbial nouns.

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.38

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tLexical Constraint for Licensing Adverbial and Non-Adverbial Nouns

z , z Z

{|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|}|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1|Q~

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

word

SS

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�<�

LOC

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�<�

CAT

HEAD noun

CONT

��Q�1�Q�Q�<�

INDEX

,

RESTR

���j��j�

Z�

�<�NUCL

�� INST

,

...

��

��<� , ...

� �j��j�

��Q�1�Q�Q�<�

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�<�

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�<�

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

� �{

|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|}|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|1~�

�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�<�

word

SS

��}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B�

LOC

��}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B�

CAT

I

HEAD

I

MOD: none

CONT

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

INDEX

,RESTR

���j���j�j�j��j�j�j�j�j�

Z�

�Q�Q�Q�<�NUCL

��Q�Q�<�

INST

,

...

ARG

��

�Q�Q�<��

�Q�Q�Q�<� , ...

� �j���j�j�j��j�j�j�j�j�

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

��}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B�

��}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B�

��Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�<�

��Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B�

word

SS

��Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

LOC

��Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<�

CAT

��Q�Q�Q�1�Q�<�

HEAD

��Q�Q�Q�1�<�

CASE gen

dat

acc

instr

MOD:

��B�LOC

I

CONT

��B� INDEX

W

RESTR

X�

�B��

�B��

�Q�Q�Q�1�<��

�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�<�

CONT

��Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�

INDEX

,

RESTR

���j�j�j�j�j��j�j�j�j�j�

Z�

�Q�Q�Q�<�NUCL

��Q�Q�Q�<�

INST

,

...

ARG

W�

�Q�Q�Q�<��

�Q�Q�Q�<� , ...

� �j�j�j�j�j��j�j�j�j�j�

� X�

�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q��

�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<��

�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�<��

�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�B��

�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1��

�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�}�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�Q�1�Q�

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.39

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tExplanation

According to the above principle, MOD values of the two disjuncts in the consequencebecome specified. While the MOD value of the first disjunct is specified as none (forlicensing non-adverbial nouns), the MOD value of the second disjunct is a synsemobject (for licensing adverbial nouns).

Since both adverbial and non-adverbial NPs are able to bind pronouns, we assumeboth to be nominal objects containing an index.

The psoa object in the RESTR set of the non-adverbial nouns differs from psoa objectin the RESTR set of the adverbial nouns. While the relation associated withnon-adverbial nouns does not introduce any additional arguments, the relationassociated with adverbial nouns introduces an argument whose value is identified withthe INDEX value of the modified VP. This reflects the intuition that adverbial nouns incontrast to non-adverbial nouns act as semantic functors. The value of the RESTR

feature of an adverbial noun is a union of its own RESTR set and the RESTR set of themodified VP.

This analysis will presuppose a sort hierarchy for semantic relations associated withnouns of the following form.

relation1 ... relation2 ARG index ...

relation INST index

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.40

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tThe HPSG Approach to Modification by (Kasper 1997)

(Kasper 1997) shows that the standard treatment ofmodification does not correctly handle modifiers thatcontain embedded modifiers and he provides a theory ofmodification that enables to represent the commonmeaning shared by different uses of the same expressionas a modifier and a non-modifier.

For nouns such as day in English, which can act ascomplements, as well as modifiers in syntactic structures,he provides a special lexical entry.

(11) a. Kim enjoyed the day before yesterday .

b. Kim left the day before yesterday .

A Lexicalist Approachto the Syntactico-Functional Variationof Polish Noun Phrases – p.41

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tThe Lexical Entry fot day according to (Kasper 1997)

:;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;B;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;?>

PHON

@

day

A

HEAD

:;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;=;<;<;=;<;C>

noun

PRD �

MOD

:;<;<;=;<;=;?>

ARG

:>

V

CONT

X I

LOCATION

WD

E

ICONT

I

INDEX

W

ECONT

X

DL<L<L=L<L=L?E

DL=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<LCE

CONT

:;<;=;<;<;=;?>

nom-obj

INDEX

,

RESTR

:>RELN day

INST

,D

ED

L<L=L<L<L=L?ESPR

@

DetP

A

DL=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=LBL<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L<L<L=L<L=L?E

The value of the MOD feature contains the feature ARG, which takes synsem as its value, thefeature ICONT (internal content), which takes as its value the CONTENT value of the modifier’smaximal projection, and the feature ECONT (external content), whose value is the semanticresult of the functor-argument combination. The CONT attribute represents the inherentcontent that is specified for the lexical item.

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tProblems with the Approach of (Kasper 1997)

The essential idea of the proposal of (Kasper 1997) is todistinguish the inherent meaning of a word or phrasefrom its uses in different constructions.

In this theory the CONT attribute of a sign contains onlyits inherent semantic contribution. According to thisapproach, the CONT value of adverbial and non-adverbialnouns remains the same.

This assumption seems to be not quite consistent withthe intuition about the lexical meaning of nouns used astime, place, measure or manner specifications versusthose used to denote things or objects. This intuitionseems to be supported by the following data:

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tLexico-Semantic Restrictions(12) a. Maria

Maryobejrzaławatched

(cały)whole

godzinny/one-hour/

czarno-biały/black_and_white/

polski/Polish/

panoramiczny/wide-screen/

pełnometrazowyfeature

film.film

‘Mary watched a (whole) one-hour/ black and white/ Polish/ wide-screen/ feature film.’

b. MariaMary

płakałacried

*(cały)whole

godzinny/one-hour/

czarno-biały/black_and_white/

polski/Polish/

panoramiczny/wide-screen/�

pełnometrazowyfeature

film.film

‘Mary was crying the whole one-hour /

black and white /�

Polish /

�wide-screen /

feature film.’

(13) a. JanJohn

uszkodziłdemaged

asfaltowa/asphalt/

meczacaexhausting

droge.road

‘John damaged an asphalt/

exhausting road.’

b. JanJan

spałslept

caławhole

tathis

asfaltowa/asphalt/

meczacaexhausting

droge.road

‘John was sleeping the whole

�asphalt/ exhausting trip.’

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tGeneralizations about Semantic Relations

The (un)acceptability of the sentences above seems torelate to the (in)compatibility of lexical meaningscontributed by the adjectives and the nouns.

Adverbial nouns introduce a different lexico-semanticmeaning to their non-adverbial counterparts.

Thus, unlike (Kasper 1997), who does not consider theselexical ambiguities, we find it reasonable to assumedifferent semantic relations for adverbial andnon-adverbial uses of a given noun, that is not to haveone fix CONTENT value for each use of a given noun.

� � Given the Lexical Constraint for Licensing Adverbial and non-Adverbial NPs phrasalstructures containing AdvNPs can be licensed.

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tThe Structure of the VP odjechał ostatniej nocy (‘left last night’)

��������}���}�}�������}���}�}�������}���}�}�

PHON

odjechał

 

SYNS

,�

�}�������}�}���}�������}�}���}�¡�Q�

LOC

��}�¡�}���}���}�}�¡�}���}���}�}�}�

CAT

��Q�HEAD

¢

verb

VAL | SUBJ

NP X  £

¤Q¥

CONT

��}���}�}�¡�}�1�

INDEX

Z

RESTR

W¦�§�§�§¨§�©

§�§¨§�§�ª�

�}���1�NUCL

��}�}�

leave

INST

Z

LEAVER

¤}¤}¥£

¤}¤�¤1¥« §�§�§¨§�¬

§�§¨§�§�­£

¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤1¥£

¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤}¥£

¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤Q¥£

¤�¤�¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¥�

�}���}���}�}�¡�}���}���}�}�¡�}���}���}�}�¡�}���}���}�}�¡�}���}���}�}�}�

PHON

ostatniej, nocy 

SYNS

��¡�}���}�}���}�¡�}���}�}���}�¡�}���}�}���}�¡�}���}�}���}�¡�}�1�

LOC

��}�}���}���}�¡�}�}���}���}�¡�}�}���}���}�¡�}�}���}���}�¡�}�Q�

CAT

��}�¡�}���}�Q�HEAD

��}�¡�}���}�Q�

nounCASE gen

MOD:

, ��}�LOC | CONT

�� INDEX

Z

RESTR

¥£

¤}¥£

¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤Q¥£

¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤Q¥

CONT

��}�������}�}���}�������}�}���1�

INDEX

®

RESTR

¯°

±�±�±}±�±}±}±¡±}±�±}±�²¦³§¨§�§¨§�§¨§�§�§�§�§¨©

§�§�§¨§�§�§�§�§¨§�§�ª�

�}�}�}�NUCL

��}�}�

night

INST

®

ARG

¤}¤}¥£

¤}¤}¤}¥ ,

��NUCL

´

last

ARG

®µ £¥

« §¨§�§¨§�§¨§�§�§�§�§¨¬§�§�§¨§�§�§�§�§¨§�§�­

� W¶

·�·�·}·�·}·}·¡·}·�·}·�¸£

¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤}¤�¤1¥£

¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤Q¥£

¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤}¤¡¤}¤1¥£

¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤¡¤}¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤}¥

H A

��}���}�}�������}���}�}���1�

PHON

odjechał, ostatniej, nocy

 

SYNS | LOC

����}���}�}�����1�

CAT

��}�HEAD

¢

VAL | SUBJ

NP X  £

¤}¥

CONT

��INDEX

Z

RESTR

¯£

¥£

¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤�¤1¥£

¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤�¤�¤}¤�¤}¤}¤�¤1¥

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tExplanation to the Tree Structure

The genitive noun nocy ‘night’ is licensed by the Lexical Constraintfor Licensing Adverbial and Non-Adverbial Nouns.

By virtue of the restrictions on adverbial genitive nouns, the nounnocy ‘night’ combines with the adjective ostatniej ‘last’.

The genitive NP modifies the verb odjechał ‘left’ via the feature MOD

in the way proposed in (Pollard and Sag 1994).

According to the SEMANTICS PRINCIPLE, the INDEX value of theentire VP odjechał ostatniej nocy ‘left last night’ is token-identicalwith the INDEX value of the head daughter, that is of the verb, andthe RESTR value of the VP is token-identical with the REST value ofthe adjunct daughter, that is of the AdvNP.

The HEAD-FEATURE PRINCIPLE and the HEAD-ADJUNCT SCHEMA

ensure the percolation of the head and subcategorization informationalong the structure.

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We have discussed various aspects of the licensing of Polish AdvNPs in the HPSGgrammar framework.

Based on the results of applying a range of syntactic and semantic tests to PolishAdvNPs, we have made the generalization that AdvNPs share syntactic features andthe property of referentiality with non-adverbial NPs but differ from them in selectionalproperties.

Based on empirical generalizations, an underspecification-based lexical implicationalprinciple for licensing adverbial and non-adverbial nouns has been formulated.

By virtue of the provided constraint, both adverbial and non-adverbial NPs can belicensed without defining multiple lexical entries for nouns, introducing lexical rules orextending the standard HPSG geometry.

The analysis captures syntactic, lexico-semantic and combinatorial properties of NPs.

Outlook:

The above investigations focused on syntactic and compositional-semanticaspects of the AdvNP grammar leaving lexico-semantic factors untouched.However, an additional lexico-semantic treatment of AdvNPs will be needed toexclude overlicensing.

The developed NP grammar fragment should be implemented using a systemfor implementig HPSG-style grammars.

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McCawley, J. D. (1988). Adverbial NPs: Bare or Clad in See-Through Garb? Language 64, 583–590.

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