a media-historiographical overview of the pornographic magazine in
TRANSCRIPT
Flashing boobies and naughty no-no’s:
a media-historiographical overview of the
pornographic magazine in South Africa, 1939 to 1989
by
Christiaan Nicolaas Boonzaier
Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Philosophy (Journalism)
at
Stellenbosch University
Department of Journalism
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
Supervisor: Prof. Lizette Rabe
April 2014
i
Declaration
By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work
contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright
thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously
in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification.
Date: April 2014.
Copyright © 2014 Stellenbosch University.
All rights reserved.
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Abstract
Pornography in South Africa has only been legal for a mere 16 years, but is preceded
by a 126-year history of inutile South African government attempts to suppress and
curb it at its borders. To date, pornography as a research field has been largely
overlooked by South African researchers, who have either mostly opted to choose
fields that are socially more acceptable, or assumed that pornography was not present
in the country before the 1980s and 1990s. This research, however, prefers to differ.
The study investigates a minute part of a broader scope of pornography history in
South Africa, by studying what international and domestic pornographic magazines
were first seized and thereafter banned in the country between 1939 and 1989. By
theoretically implementing an authoritative theoretical framework, the Annales’s
functional structural approach, and applying the historical methodology to unearth
unobtrusive historical data, the study compiles a narrative of events that ties a 50-year
history of the pornographic magazine in South Africa together. The study eventually
identifies 1 033 individual volumes, editions and issues of various pornographic
magazine genres, including, among others, pulp and pin-up, naturist and nudist, soft-
core, hard-core, male and female homosexual, bisexual, bondage, Asian, female
impersonation and biker magazines, of which some, of course, are local South African
pornographic magazines.
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Opsomming
Pornografie is nog net 16 jaar wettig in Suid-Afrika en word voorafgegaan deur ’n
geskiedenis van 126 jaar se sensuur wat deur die regering afgekondig is om
pornografie buite die land se grense te hou. Tot op hede is pornografie as ’n
navorsingsveld deur Suid-Afrikaanse navorsers oorgesien omdat hulle óf studies
aanpak wat sosiaal meer aanvaarbaar is, óf aanneem dat daar voor die 1980’s en
1990’s geen pornografie in die land was nie. In dié verband wil hierdie studie met dié
aannames verskil. Die navorsing ondersoek ’n klein deeltjie van ’n groter geskiedenis
van pornografie in Suid-Afrika deur te kyk na watter buitelandse en binnelandse
pornografiese tydskrifte tussen 1939 en 1989 in die land gevind en kort daarna verban
is. Teoreties is die outoritêre en die Annales se funksionalisties-strukturalistiese
raamwerk ingespan, en die historiese metodologie is gebruik om historiese data na te
vors om ’n narratief saam te stel wat 50 jaar se pornografiese tydskrifte in Suid-Afrika
saamsnoer. Die studie identifiseer uiteindelik 1 033 uitgawes van verskeie porno-
grafiese tydskrifte, wat, onder meer, pulp- en prikkelpop-, nudistiese, sagte, harde,
manlike en vroulike homoseksuele, biseksuele, knegskap-, Asiër-, fopdosser- en
motorfietstydskrifte insluit; sommige van dié genres is, natuurlik, ook plaaslik in
Suid-Afrika gepubliseer.
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Bedankings
Hoewel ek verheug is om in die era van oop toegang ’n stukkie Suid-Afrikaanse
geskiedenis met die wêreld in Engels te deel, wil ek graag – hoe klakkeloos dit ook al
mag wees – elkeen wat my deur dié Engelse studie gedra het in my moedertaal
bedank.
Ek rig eerstens my dank aan my “akademiese moeder”, prof. Lizette Rabe, wat my tot
my verbasing die groen lig gegee het om ’n studie oor pornografie aan te pak. U stille
krag, onkreukbare professionaliteit en eenduidige leierskap het my deurentyd
aangespoor. Ek sal die indruk wat u die afgelope paar jaar op my gelaat het in ’n
denkbeeldige koffer pak en dit saam met my dra waar ek ook al gaan.
Sonder die engele in die Universiteit Stellenbosch se JS Gericke-biblioteek – om
presies te wees: Lynne Fourie, Marina Brink en Marleen van Wyk – sou ek nooit die
dokumente en repertoria ontdek het wat my eindelik tot die wêreld in dié studie gelei
het nie. Julle hoor dit so min, maar weet ek is namens alle huidige en toekomstige
nerds ewig dankbaar vir die werk wat julle doen.
Jare gelede is Malcolm Forbes, uitgewer en seun van die stigter van die Amerikaanse
saketydskrif Forbes, gevra wat die grootste gelukslag is wat hom in sy loopbaan
getref het. Sy antwoord? “Ek het die regte ouers gekry.” Nes Malcolm, het ek ook.
Aan my ma, Ann, wat tydens my magisterstudies ook my persoonlike sjef, chauffeur,
sekretaresse, sielkundige, navorsingsassistent, huishulp, wynkenner en rasieleier was,
dra ek hierdie hele akademiese werk op – hoe vreemd die onderwerp ook al mag
wees. Ek weet Ma is so trots, Ma sal vir die hele wêreld vertel ek het ’n tesis oor
pornografie geskryf, maar wanneer Ma te skaam raak, het Ma my toestemming om vir
onder andere die dominee te sê my tesis gaan oor “vroue in die media”, of so iets . . .
En laaste maar nie die minste nie, my beertjie. Dankie vir jou eindelose liefde. Die
anker is gelig; nou kan ons gaan net waar die wind ons waai . . .
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Table of contents
Declaration i
Abstract ii
Opsomming iii
Bedankings iv
Chapter 1 – Introduction 1
1.1 Background 1
1.2 Rationale 2
1.3 Research question 5
1.4 Defining “pornographyˮ 6
1.4.1 A basic definition of “pornographyˮ, and its distinction from
art and literature
7
1.4.2 Soft-core and hard-core pornography 10
1.4.3 Synonyms for “pornographyˮ 11
1.4.3.1 “Obscenityˮ 11
1.4.3.2 “Eroticaˮ 12
1.4.4 “Pornographyˮ and “pornographic magazineˮ – working
definitions
12
1.5 Thesis outline 13
1.5.1 Literature review 13
1.5.2 Theoretical frameworks 13
1.5.3 Research methodology 14
1.5.4 Pornography: the global context 14
1.5.5 Findings and discussion 15
1.5.6 Conclusion and recommendations 15
1.5.7 Appendices 15
1.5.8 References 15
1.6 Administrative notes 16
1.7 Summary 16
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Chapter 2 – Literature review 18
2.1 Introduction 18
2.1.1 Note on the research reviewed in this chapter 19
2.1.1.1 Library catalogues 19
2.1.1.2 Journals, e-journals and databases 20
2.1.1.3 Research repositories 20
2.1.1.4 Index to South African Periodicals 21
2.1.1.5 The internet 21
2.1.1.6 Summary 22
2.1.2 The scarcity of South African pornography research – an
exploration
22
2.1.3 Those “nincompoopˮ definitions 24
2.2 Academic literature on pornography in South Africa – an
Introduction
27
2.2.1 The birth of the South African censorship machine 28
2.2.2 Pornography and racial superiority in South Africa 30
2.2.2.1 Pornography and its (presumed) effects 32
2.2.3 The South African Board of Censors, 1931 33
2.2.4 The Afrikaner church-state 34
2.2.5 The Commission of Enquiry in regard to Undesirable
Publications, 1954 to1957
36
2.2.6 The Publications Control Board, 1963 39
2.2.7 The Commission of Inquiry into the Publications and
Entertainments Amendment Bill, 1974
41
2.2.8 The Publications Appeal Board, 1975 42
2.2.9 More than a century of pornography in South Africa, 1880s to
1990s
44
2.2.10 Criticism: Van Rensburg, Sonderling and Stemmet 47
2.3 Summary 48
Chapter 3 – Theoretical frameworks 50
3.1 Introduction 50
3.2 The authoritarian media theory 50
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3.2.1 Basic principles of authoritarianism 52
3.2.2 Authoritarianism in this study 53
3.2.3 Authoritarianism: motivation for the structure of the findings
of this thesis
53
3.3 The Annales 54
3.3.1 The functional-structural approach 56
3.3.2 The prevalence and confliction of functional-structuralism in
this study
57
3.4 Summary 58
Chapter 4 – Research methodology 59
4.1 Introduction 59
4.2 The historical methodology 59
4.2.1 Unobtrusive data in this study 60
4.2.2 The application of the historical methodology in this study 62
4.2.3 The Annales’s regressive method 63
4.3 Summary 63
Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global context 65
5.1 Introduction 65
5.2 The advent of modern pornography, 1500 to 1800 66
5.2.1 Pornography, democracy and print culture 67
5.3 The mass pornosphere, post-1800 70
5.3.1 Photographic pornography 71
5.3.2 Pornographic postcards 73
5.3.3 The pornographic magazine 75
5.3.3.1 Early development 76
5.3.3.2 The beginning of American magazine dominance 77
5.3.3.2.1 The patriotic pin-up 79
5.3.3.2.2 The “Big Threeˮ: Playboy, Penthouse and HUSTLER 80
5.3.3.3 Hard-core pornographic magazines 82
5.4 Summary 83
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Chapter 6 – Findings and discussion 85
6.1 Introduction 85
6.2 A point of departure: pornography in South Africa pre-1939 86
6.2.1 The first traces 86
6.2.2 The United Nations agreement and international convention
for the suppression of the circulation of and traffic in obscene
publications
88
6.3 The advent of pornographic magazines in South Africa, 1939
to 1963
91
6.3.1 Distribution 92
6.3.2 Magazine culture 94
6.3.3 Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa, 1939 to 1963
95
6.3.3.1 Pulp and pin-up magazines 95
6.3.3.2 Naturist magazines 97
6.3.3.3 Abreast of breasts: soft-core pornographic magazines 98
6.3.3.4 The first South African pornography magazine 100
6.3.3.5 Other notable pornographic magazines: male homosexual 103
6.4 From soft to hard: the pornographic magazine in South Africa,
1964 to 1975
103
6.4.1 Cunning importation – and the PCB’s shortfalls 104
6.4.2 Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa, 1964 to (mid-April) 1975
106
6.4.2.1 Pushing the boundaries: making soft-core more hard-core 106
6.4.2.2 Playboy and Penthouse 107
6.4.2.3 Naturist and nudist magazines 108
6.4.2.4 Homosexual magazines 110
6.4.2.5 Hard-core pornographic magazines 111
6.4.2.6 South African pornographic magazines 112
6.4.2.7 Other notable pornographic magazines: bondage, Asian and
female impersonation
113
6.5 Tightening the screws on soft-core, hard-core and a family of
South African pornographic magazines, (mid-April) 1975 to
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1989 114
6.5.1 “Super snoopersˮ 115
6.5.2 Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa, (mid-April) 1975 to 1989
116
6.5.2.1 The war on soft-core pornographic magazines – Playboy and
Penthouse
117
6.5.2.2 Naturist and male homosexual pornographic magazines 119
6.5.2.3 Other notable pornographic magazines: biker 119
6.5.2.4 Hello, hard-core! 120
6.5.2.5 The boom in the South African pornography market 122
6.6 Summary 126
Chapter 7 – Conclusion and recommendations 127
7.1 Introduction 127
7.2 Literature review 127
7.3 Theoretical frameworks 128
7.4 Research methodology 129
7.5 Conclusion on the pornographic magazine in South Africa,
1939 to 1989
129
7.6 Recommendations for future studies 130
Appendix A Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently
proscribed in South Africa, 1939 to 1963
132
Appendix B Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently
proscribed in South Africa, 1964 to (mid-April) 1975
160
Appendix C Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently
proscribed in South Africa, (mid-April) 1975 to 1989
193
References 228
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Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
According to Ropelato (2009a:np), the world’s combined pornography revenue in
2006 grossed around $97 billion (at the time, roughly R680 billion). Australia,
Canada, China, the Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands,
the Philippines, Russia, South Korea, Taiwan, the United Kingdom (UK) and the
United States of America (USA) – the top 15 biggest producers of pornography in
2006 – reportedly had a larger combined pornography revenue at the time than the
aggregated annual revenues of Amazon, Apple, eBay, Google, Microsoft and Yahoo!
(Ropelato, 2009a:np). In the same year, around 13 500 different pornographic movies
were released on DVD, compared to the 400 movies Hollywood produced in the same
time (Ropelato, 2009a:np), while 414 million internet pages contained the keyword
“sexˮ, 181 million internet pages the symbol “XXXˮ (a rating for adults-only,
pornographic movies) and 88.8 million internet pages the keyword “pornˮ
(“pornographyˮ in its abbreviated form) (Ropelato, 2009b:np). In total, the USA
produced 89% of all pornographic websites in 2006 (Ropelato, 2009b:np), while 37%
– over a third – of all websites on the internet in 2010 was considered pornographic
(Miller, 2010:36). Although these figures are not entirely reliable “since questions
about individual porn use are unlikely to be met with complete honesty, and the
pornography industry has tended to shun openness and transparency” (McNair,
2002:37), they do emphasise in short that pornography is omnipresent and forms “an
integral part of the media economy” (Nikunen, Paasonen & Saarenmaa, 2007:6).
Even though the representation of sex, sexuality and pornographic images in
the public eye and mass media have been a subject of note “almost since the
beginning of recorded history” (McNair, 1996:42), a drought in academic research on
pornography exists pre-1990. While Christensen (1990:160) argues that researchers’
prejudice towards the topic of pornography has led to this sparseness in the academic
field, Wicke (1991:70) opts to describe these academics as “ignorant”, rather than
prejudiced, because they had preconceived conceptions that pornography was not
serious enough for academic study. Similarly, Nikunen et al. (2007:1) agree, noting
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that some researchers describe pornography as a “dirty word” and opt to choose fields
that are socially more acceptable. Conversely, McNair (2002:37) identifies an
apparent reticence experienced by academics from the pornography industry,
whenever academic enquiry is directed to pornography industry role-players;
pornographers tend to be uncommunicative, unresponsive and refuse to assist
academics with any information. Consequently, there is a general lack of academic
material on pornography, which, to this day, is still juxtaposed with the widespread
availability of the genre worldwide.
1.2 Rationale
One of the topics surrounding pornography that lacks academic enquiry is that of its
history – the premise of this thesis within a South African context. Hunt (1993a:11)
emphasises this general, worldwide scarcity by quoting a line from the 1986 Meese
Commission report on pornography in the USA, which “complained” that “the history
of pornography still remains to be written”.
But the question arises: why would one study an aspect of the history of
pornography, and in the span of this thesis, specifically the pornographic magazine in
South Africa?
Since the legalisation of pornography in the country under the Films and
Publications Act, No. 65 of 1996, which came into effect in mid-1998 – a mere 16
years ago (Republic of South Africa, 1996:np; Booyens, 2000:8; Van Rooyen,
2011:77) – the South African pornography industry has expanded at a tremendous
pace:
In 1998 alone, the Film and Publication Board (FPB) – a South African
statutory body that classifies and assigns age restrictions, where necessary, to
films, videos, DVDs, computer games and “certain publications” (Film and
Publication Board, 2011:np) – classified 6 000 different pornographic videos
in South Africa (Booyens, 2000:8);
in the same year, Adult World – a chain of adult stores that sell pornographic
and sex merchandise – opened its first warehouse in Parow, Cape Town
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amidst angry protestation from churches and anti-pornography groups (Teen
pornografie [Against pornography], 1998:2);
a contentious, ongoing and more than a decade-long debate surrounding the
broadcast of a 24-hour, pornography television channel in South Africa started
in 2002 when MultiChoice, a South African company that provides
programming to pay-TV subscribers through DStv decoders, sued
Otherchoice, a Pretoria-based company, for illegally selling subscriptions to a
24-hour, European pornography channel (Mulder, 2004:2). As subscribers had
to access the channel through DStv decoders, and Otherchoice had no licence
to do so, the Pretoria High Court ruled in favour of MultiChoice, who
immediately blocked 5 000 subscriptions previously sold to eager buyers
within a period of six months (Pretorius, 2006:14). Ironically, MultiChoice
“reviewed draft research data on a subscriber survey” in 2010 to determine
whether they should be the first to implement South Africa’s own 24-hour
pornography channel (Comins, 2010:5). It was eventually rejected after data
revealed that the majority of MultiChoice’s subscribers vehemently opposed
the idea (Comins, 2010:5). The issue re-emerged in late-2011 when rivals
African Satellite Installations (ASI) and TopTV announced almost
simultaneously that they would respectively launch PSatTV, a French
pornography channel, and three channels from Playboy TV in January 2012
(Neethling, 2011:5; Ndlovu, 2011:3). While TopTV sued ASI for illegally
associating with them, the FPB announced it would “voice its concerns to the
communication authority [Independent Communications Authority of South
Africa (ICASA)]” and “press for the blocking” of the channels (Ndlovu,
2011:3), in an effort to make sure they “never see the light of day” (Carpenter,
2011:2). In January 2012, ICASA rejected TopTV’s bid to broadcast the
channels (Keogh, 2012:2; Neethling, 2012:31), but in a shocking twist, gave
the broadcaster the green light in April 2013 to air three pornography channels
– Playboy TV, Desire TV and Private Spice – between 8 PM and 5 AM, on the
grounds that “there is no law of general application prohibiting the production
and distribution of adult content in the republic. Only the production and
distribution of child pornography is expressly prohibited by lawˮ (Mochiko,
2013:31);
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in 2009, the first full-length Afrikaans porn film, Kwaai Naai Volume 1 [Wild
Sex Volume 1], was produced (Prins, 2009:3), and almost exactly a year later,
the first full-length, all-black porn film in Xhosa, Zulu and Sotho, Mapona
Volume 1 [Nakedness Volume 1], was released (Ajam, 2010:3; Timse,
2010:np);
in the same year, Karin Eloff, the first female editor of Loslyf [literally: Loose
Body] – the first and to date only Afrikaans pornography magazine – and the
first female editor in South Africa to pose nude in the same magazine she was
editing, wrote an autobiographical account of her time in the South African
sex and pornography industry, titled Stiletto. My life in the underworld of
South Africa’s sex industry (Eloff & Cronje, 2009a:np). Currently, the book is
most probably the only account of its kind in the country;
under the guise of implementing tighter laws against child pornography, the
South African government also made headlines in 2009 after signing the Films
and Publications Amendment Act that “introduced a system of prepublication
censorship and self-censorship” (Peters, 2009:3). Under this new law, “any
material – publications, films and games – that contained sexual conduct [...]
has to be submitted to the Films [sic] and Publication Board first” (Peters,
2009:3). The act was described as “censorious in the extreme” and damaged
one of the “basic tenets of freedom of expression” in that “the state may not
restrict materials for adults simply because children also would see it”
(Freedom of Expression Institute, 2006:2);
the South African pornographic magazine market expanded in 2011 when
Playboy SA was relaunched, after the magazine shut down due to “pressure
from moral activists” in the mid-1990s (Mokgata, 2011:39). However, it is
Claassen’s opinion that an “oversaturation in the market” (2007:133) – and not
“morele kruisvaarders” [moral crusaders] (2004:17) – is to blame for the
demise of many South African pornographic magazines in the 1990s, of which
Playboy SA is a prime example (more on this in Chapter 2 – Literature
review), and, lastly
in 2011, producers of the reality-television show Porn Stars announced that
South Africa is looking for its next top male and female adult entertainers
(Wiseman, 2011:np). Although auditions in the form of live sex shows were
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held in Johannesburg, other auditions in Durban and Cape Town – and
eventually the entire show – were cancelled after broadcasters, described as
“conservative forces”, were at first reluctant and thereafter refused to give the
show airtime – not even if a soft-core version of the show were to be produced
(Wiseman, 2011:np).
To fully understand a media system, or the expansion of a subsection of a media
system (in this case, specifically the immensely rapid development of pornography in
South Africa after it was legalised in mid-1998), Wigston (2007:4) suggests
“consider[ing] the structure and organisation” thereof “within a certain context”.
Wigston further adds that an “understanding of the nature and structure of the present
media environment is largely influenced by what happened in the past”, suggesting
that a “certain context” could well be a historical one. In conjunction with Hunt
(1993a:11), who writes that “a historical perspective is crucial to understanding the
place and function of pornography in modern culture”, the swift development of the
South African pornography industry post-1998, of which only some recent,
newsworthy milestones are mentioned above, can only be understood when past
developments pre-1998 – when pornography in South Africa was illegal – can put
present developments post-1998 – when the ban on pornography in South Africa was
lifted – into its proper context. The history of pornography in the country – and in the
span of this thesis, specifically the pornographic magazine – is therefore vital for an
intrinsic comprehension of the current South African pornography industry.
1.3 Research question
With the above in mind, the central question in this study is:
What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South
African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography,
in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?
The boundaries that limit the research question to the years between 1939 and 1989
were chosen strategically: Although the attack on and prohibition of pornographic
material with censorship already started in South Africa in 1872 (Kahn, 1966:280,
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1967:34; Van Wyk, 1974:1; Geldenhuÿs, 1977:22; Cloete, 1988:15), the researcher
opted to commence the study in 1939, as the vast majority of consulted historical data
– 1 439 lists of banned publications compiled by the South African government (more
on this in Chapter 4 – Research methodology) – was first published on 21 August
1939 (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:26); thus, the investigation commences on this date. The
researcher opted to cease the study in 1989, even though pornography was only
legalised in mid-1998 (as discussed in section 1.2 of this chapter), because it became
clear that a “flood” (Claassen, 2007:133; Van Rooyen, 2011:74), an “explosion”
(Stemmet, 2004:223) and a “tidal wave” (Stemmet, 2005:207) of pornographic
magazines to South African shores c. 1990 would be too extensive to contain within
the confines of a Master’s study.
When the central research question is adequately investigated, a media-
historiographical overview of the pornographic magazine in South Africa between
1939 and 1989 can “provide an invaluable guide to the social habits and customs of
the age which has produced it” (Hyde, 1964:29). In addition, with its focus on a
section of the South African media that was hitherto obscure, the study hopes to make
a significant socio-scientific contribution to the development of a more complete
South African media-historiography.
1.4 Defining “pornographyˮ
As noted by Hyde (1964:2), the difficulty with finding a definition for the keyword
“pornography” lies in the fact that it is “purely relative and subjective”; therefore,
what is pornographic for one person might not necessarily be pornographic for
another, and vice versa. The perplexity of the term “pornography” is evident in the
comments of various scholars, who describe it as an “embattled issue” (Richlin,
1992a:xi), one that causes “enormous confusion” (Hawkins & Zimring, 1988:21) and
immense “uncertainty” (Van Rensburg, 1985:80), one that should not be
differentiated from art as to avoid a type of censoring (Van Rensburg, 1985:77), one
that is “ephemeral” (Nikunen et al., 2007:1) and “difficult” (Sonderling, 1989:58),
and one for which “no universal meaning and agreed definition” exists (McNair,
1996:viii). Similarly, defining “pornography” has become a contentious issue in South
Africa and between South African scholars, who have collectively delivered a unique
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research output that will be discussed in section 2.1.3 (in Chapter 2 – Literature
review).
Nikunen et al. (2007:1) blame history for this confusion, saying that “the
boundaries separating the pornographic from the non-pornographic have become
increasingly porous and difficult to map”. Van Rensburg (1985:i) concurs by
reasoning that pornography has undergone a metamorphosis through history, because
it constantly had to adapt to its audience’s needs. There is also ample evidence in the
development of pornography itself that a constant expansion from “sag na hard” [soft
to hard] – from the explicit to something even more explicit – has anchored the term
and the medium to forever be in a constant state of flux (Van Rensburg, 1985:80). As
a result, the term is best described as “transhistorical” because pornography develops
and expands to the will of its audience’s needs, consequently continually eluding
definition (Viljoen, 2006:41). The metamorphosis is already clear in the Greek roots
of the word “pornography”: porne, meaning “street woman”, and graphein, meaning
“to write”, assimilated in the word pornographos, which, as a specific subcategory of
the biography, translates as “tales of the lives of courtesans” (Parker, 1992:91).
Interestingly, pornographos rarely contained obscene or sexual material in Greek
times (Parker, 1992:91), which clearly illustrates that the original meaning and the
one we attach to it today are widely divergent (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:1; Van Rensburg,
1985:1).
1.4.1 A basic definition of “pornographyˮ, and its distinction from art and
literature
Van Rensburg (1985:77) advises that the definition of “pornography” should be
constructed on a single fundamental characteristic; sources agree that that
characteristic is pornography’s fixation with the sexual, specifically – material that
sexually stimulates (Hyde, 1964:1; Parker, 1992:91; Longford Committee Investigat-
ing Pornography, 1972:409). Although Geldenhuÿs (1977:1-2) agrees that the
definition of “pornography” should be simplified to the bare basics, he does, however,
warn that an oversimplified definition could be so broad that it includes, among other
things, art and literature that should actually not be classified as pornography:
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“As hierdie [oorvereenvoudigde] definisies aanvaar word, sal Auguste Rodin
se eerlike voorstelling van liefde tussen man en vrou in sy treffende beeld, Die
Soen, die etiket van pornografie moet dra. Dr. Jan van Elfen wie se Mediese
Handleiding vir die Vrou openhartig met die seksuele handel, sal as porno-
graaf verdoem moet word. ’n Nagswart doek sal oor Venus van Milo en
Michelangelo se weergalose Dawid gehang moet word.ˮ
[If these (oversimplified) definitions are accepted, then Auguste Rodin’s frank
portrayal of love between man and woman in his striking sculpture The Kiss
should be labelled pornography. Dr Jan van Elfen, whose Mediese Hand-
leiding vir die Vrou (Medical Manual for the Woman) boldly discusses the
sexual, would have to be damned a pornographer. A black cloth would also
have to be draped over Venus de Milo and Michelangelo’s unparalleled
David.]
With this simple definition of “pornography” in mind, underwear advertisements in
magazines, naked “barbariansˮ in a National Geographic and even parts of the Bible
could then also be considered pornography (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:3).
As a solution for the confusion between pornography and the arts, Marcus (in
Geldenhuÿs, 1977:3) suggests severing the sexual current of pornography from the
sexual undercurrents present in art and literature, by taking into account that:
pornography has only one goal: to sexually stimulate. Art and literature
have a diverse group of goals of which sexual stimulation might be one
facet;
pornography has little to no structure, whereas art and literature have an
intricate composition, and
pornography has no interest in people, but focuses more on genitals and
inhuman sex: sex without emotion. Art and literature, on the other hand,
have an intense grounding in human emotion.
A more expansive definition of “pornography”, similar to Marcus’s (in Geldenhuÿs,
1977:3), was published in 1972 in the Longford Report by the Longford Committee
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Investigating Pornography – an assembled group of British experts from various
disciplines, who inquired about the growing problem of pornography in Britain
(Longford Committee Investigating Pornography, 1972:12). Their definition is five-
fold, and includes that:
1. pornographic material is always sexually explicit, “exposing private and
intimate behaviour” in a perverted way (Longford Committee Investigat-
ing Pornography, 1972:409);
2. pornography’s sole function [emphasised by the researcher] or intent is “to
cause sexual pleasure” and to “arouse sexual interest in the absence of
personal human contact” (Longford Committee Investigating Porno-
graphy, 1972:409-410);
3. pornography commercially exploits people by sexually exciting them for
profit (Longford Committee Investigating Pornography, 1972:410);
4. pornography dehumanises sex (Longford Committee Investigating
Pornography, 1972:410), and
5. pornography portrays sex in such a particular way that it offends a large
part of the public (Longford Committee Investigating Pornography,
1972:411).
Although the Longford Committee’s definition of “pornography” largely influences
the definition of “pornography” employed in this study, one could still argue that art
or literature can dehumanise sex or depict sexual intercourse in such a way that
society finds it offensive. Therefore, to move closer to a more compact definition of
“pornography” referred to in this research project, the researcher suggests firstly
considering categories wherein pornography is grouped, and secondly discussing
relevant synonyms that can expand or alter the definition of the keyword. Once they
are delimited, the parameters of a concise and accurate definition of “pornography”
can be determined.
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1.4.2 Soft-core and hard-core pornography
Pornography can broadly be grouped into two categories: soft-core and hard-core
(Geldenhuÿs, 1977:5). Due to various differences of opinion, a differentiation
between the two still remains “uncertain” (Van Rensburg, 1985:79).
Soft-core pornography is described as “unproblematic”, “innocent”
pornography, which never explicitly shows the naked body or the act of sex (Van
Rensburg, 1985:79-80); soft-core pornography sexually excites the reader or viewer
by only suggesting the sexual rather than displaying it explicitly. Partial nudity in
advertisements and men’s magazines, or advice in sex columns are examples of
suggestive, soft-core pornography (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:5). One can deduce from the
nature of the material that soft-core pornography is not just restricted to adults, but
freely accessible to anyone anywhere of any age who wishes to purchase it (Van
Rensburg, 1985:79; Geldenhuÿs, 1977:5). In contradiction, hard-core pornography
goes further than mere suggesting the sexual act (Van Rensburg, 1985:79). It has an
intense interest in the visual and exploits natural sex by describing and showing it in
detail (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:5).
The distinction between soft-core and hard-core, and the acknowledgement
that, due to its transhistorical nature, the two terms’ definitions have also undergone
enormous changes throughout history, posed a challenge in this historical study:
Although it would be more accurate to say that the focus of this thesis is on hard-core
pornography, as a result excluding soft-core nudity, it has to be noted that soft-core
pornography that was produced for the sole reason of sexually arousing its viewers,
for example early pornography reminiscent of the (in)famous page-three girls in
tabloid newspapers, also plays an undeniable part in the history of pornography –
locally and internationally (see Chapter 2 – Literature review; Chapter 5 – Porno-
graphy: the global context). Therefore, the definition of “pornography” used in this
thesis has to include all soft-core pornographic material that was published with the
sole purpose of sexually arousing its viewers, but exclude other “innocent” soft-core
pornographic material that was produced for intentions other than mere sexual
arousal.
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1.4.3 Synonyms for “pornography”
The term “pornography” has long been synonymous with terms like “obscenity”,
“erotica” and “sexually explicit” (Van Rensburg, 1985:1-2). In the mass media and
journalism, “adult entertainment” has been the umbrella phrase of choice (Nikunen et
al., 2007:1). Many other synonyms exist and some, for example “objectionable
literature”, “girlie magazine”, “skin magazine” or “pin-up”, will explain themselves
as they are encountered in the pages of this thesis. Two terms that still need to be
delimited before the end of this introductory chapter are “obscenity” and “erotica”, as
they were popular synonyms evident during the excavation of historical data on
pornographic magazines in South Africa between 1939 and 1989.
1.4.3.1 “Obscenity”
Although “obscenity”, as a synonym for “pornography”, is clearly defined as the
expression or suggestion of lewd, sexual thoughts, it is partially incorrect to say the
two are synonyms; as Hyde (1964:2) remarks:
“[...] while all pornography is obscene, the converse does not hold good. In
other words, obscene matter, which produces feelings of disgust, may be, but
is not necessarily, pornographic as well. For example, a description of the act
of defecation must undoubtedly be classed as obscene, but it is not normally
calculated to arouse sexual desires.”
Therefore, even though all pornographic material might be described as obscene, not
all obscene acts are considered pornographic. However, it must be understood in the
context of this thesis that whenever the word “obscene” is stated or directly quoted
from historical documents, the term “pornography” or the pornographic is implied.
Although current forms of obscene pornography include illegal forms thereof, like
child pornography and bestiality (sexual activity between humans and animals), it has
to be noted that the researcher will not make reference to these illegal forms in this
thesis, unless explicitly stated.
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1.4.3.2 “Erotica”
Similar to “obscenity”, “erotica” can also be considered an incorrect synonym for
“pornography”. “Erotica” is described as “books, pictures, etc. that are intended to
make somebody feel sexual desire” (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary,
2005:494). Stemming from the definition of “erotica”, “erotic” and “eroticism”
include the “expressing or describing [of] sexual feelings and desire” in especially art
and literature (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 2005:494). As was discussed
in section 1.4.1 of this chapter, pornography has clear distinctions from art and
literature, and it is therefore also incorrect to say that the two keywords are synonyms.
It has to be noted, however, that when “erotica” is used in the context of this thesis, it
exclusively refers to “pornography” or the pornographic and not to any form of art or
literature.
The common denominator is that all synonyms selected and used in this study
will refer exclusively to the working definition of “pornography” in section 1.4.4 of
this chapter, and not to anything outside the borders of that definition.
1.4.4 “Pornography” and “pornographic magazine” – working definitions
Taking into account the volatile and transhistorical nature of the keyword
“pornography” and phrase “pornographic magazine”, as stated above, was key in
constructing compact definitions thereof applicable to this project – especially since
the keyword was studied over a period of 50 years (1939-1989), in which time it
could have referred to an array of different materials, some of which were mistakenly
labelled pornographic. As a summary, the researcher would like to define
“pornography” and “pornographic magazine” as the following, amalgamating and
acknowledging influences, ideas and definitions of all the sources already mentioned
in this section:
“Pornography” exclusively refers to soft-core and hard-core photographic
material that was produced with the raison d’être of sexually stimulating and
arousing its reader or viewer.
“Pornographic magazine”, then, refers to any soft-core or hard-core
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magazine containing articles, photographs, etc. on particularly the topic of
pornography. Note that “pornographic magazine” does not necessarily imply
that every element inside that magazine is pornographic, but can either refer to
a whole body of work, or a single element inside a body of work which, as a
whole, would not be considered pornography, provided that that single
element was produced with the raison d’être of sexually stimulating and
arousing its reader or viewer.
1.5 Thesis outline
Following this introductory chapter, the thesis will continue as follows:
1.5.1 Literature review
Chapter 2 will sketch a clear sequence of similar studies that preceded the current
research project – specifically three studies by respectively Van Rensburg (1985),
Sonderling (1994a) and Stemmet (2005) – which largely influenced the premise of
this thesis. Using their research in combination with other literature, the chapter will
track a cultural, religious and legislative South African history that will link the
results of the research question of this thesis (What pornographic magazines were
seized and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and 1989
– a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African
legislation?) with the historical context wherein pornographic magazines in South
Africa between 1939 and 1989 were prohibited.
1.5.2 Theoretical frameworks
Chapter 3 will explain that the narrative of events compiled in Chapter 6 (Findings
and discussion) is the result of the examination of the findings of this thesis through
the application of two theoretical frameworks – the authoritarian media theory and the
Annales’s functional-structural approach.
With its focus on dictatorial governments’ suppression of the media,
authoritarianism will shed light on the pornographic magazine’s prohibition between
1939 and 1989. The censorial context it justifies will motivate how and why the
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findings in Chapter 6 were structured into three periods of time, following significant
changes in South African censorship legislation, which targeted pornography and the
pornographic magazine for close to 126 years. The three periods are:
1. 1939 to 1963;
2. 1964 to (mid-April) 1975, and
3. (mid-April) 1975 to 1989.
The Annales, on the other hand, will focus this study on a vast area of history that has
been completely overlooked – in this case, the pornographic magazine – but it will
focus the angle of the research on the function of pornography, including a focus on
distribution and magazine culture in South Africa, within the oppressive framework
demarcated by the authoritarian framework.
1.5.3 Research methodology
As the nature of this study is historical, Chapter 4 will explain how the researcher
applied the historical methodology in this thesis. A media-historiographical overview
of the pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989 was composed
by gathering data from various archival sources, including official records, reports
and documents, government gazettes, registries, letters, newspapers, magazines,
conference minutes and opinion pieces.
The chapter will also shortly discuss how the researcher applied the Annales’s
regressive method, which studies history – and this project – backwards, but presents
the findings chronologically from the earliest to the most recent date.
1.5.4 Pornography: the global context
The global history of the pornographic magazine is presented in Chapter 5 as an
historical context to the findings in Chapter 6 (Findings and discussion). Although the
research question (What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by
the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when porno-
graphy, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?) was only
investigated between 1939 and 1989, the historical context chapter presents an
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overview of the development of photographic pornography and the pornographic
postcard in the mid-nineteenth century, which eventually led to the development of
the pornographic magazine at the end of the nineteenth century; this history is then
tracked to the (current) digital era to provide an absolute context to this study.
1.5.5 Findings and discussion
The thesis culminates in Chapter 6, where the findings of the research question (What
pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South African
government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety,
was prohibited by South African legislation?) and a discussion thereof are
presented. The chapter opens with a short introduction on pornography in South
Africa pre-1939, and then continues to the three time periods mentioned in section
1.5.2 of this chapter. The findings largely identify an import culture of pornographic
magazines to South African shores starting (in this thesis) in 1939 and ending (in this
thesis) in 1989.
1.5.6 Conclusion and recommendations
Chapter 7 brings the entire thesis to a close by presenting a summary of the research
project and the research findings, as well as recommending other research that could
branch from the current research project.
1.5.7 Appendices
As part of the research findings compiled in Chapter 6 (Findings and discussion),
three appendices (A, B and C – one for each time period mentioned in section 1.5.2 of
this chapter) collectively identify 1 033 individual volumes, issues and editions of
pornographic magazines that were once seized and shortly thereafter proscribed by
South African censors.
1.5.8 References
References end the body of work.
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1.6 Administrative notes
A few general administrative notes have to be declared:
South African English spelling and grammar was used in the entire thesis, but
sources using any other spelling and grammar style guides were quoted
directly as they appear in the original source. This includes, for example, the
American spelling of sources’ titles, compiled in the reference list, which are
presented as they are printed;
quotations from and titles of sources in other languages (in this thesis,
specifically: Afrikaans, French, German and Sotho) are italicised and quoted
directly as they appear in the original source, with an accurate English
translation by the researcher in [square brackets] thereafter, and
the researcher referred to himself in this thesis as “the researcher”, while the
writer of any other source is referred to as “the author”.
1.7 Summary
This chapter introduced the study of a media-historiographical overview of the
pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989. The rationale argued
that a historical perspective of pornography in South Africa pre-1998 is needed to
contextualise the rapid growth of the pornography industry in South Africa post-1998
(although the latter is not an objective of the thesis). The research question was then
stated (What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South
African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its
entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?), and was followed by a
discussion of the definition of the keywords “pornography” and “pornographic
magazine” in an attempt to clearly delineate what the definitions thereof include and
exclude when it is referred to in this research project. A thesis outline in this chapter
also gave an overview of the structure of the rest of the project.
A thorough literature review is presented in the next chapter. Not only will it
focus on studies relevant to this research project, which preceded and motivated the
current investigation, but it will shed light on a cultural, religious and legislative
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context that is integral for an understanding of the findings (compiled in Chapter 6 –
Findings and discussion).
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Chapter 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
A literature review surveys and presents research linked to a study, in an attempt to
contextualise the research field, to give more knowledge about the topic, and to
identify a previously unexplored gap or niche in academia that a researcher can
occupy with his/her own original and unique findings (Henning, Van Rensburg &
Smit, 2004:27; Sonderling, 1997:97). Therefore, this chapter will review research
related to the topic of the pornographic magazine in South Africa to assess what
research has already been conducted. By doing this, this literature review will shape
the topic of this thesis, and argue that a media-historiographical overview of the
pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989 is uncharted territory
in South African media-historiographical research.
In addition, Sonderling (1997:97) argues that the literature review – in
specifically historical studies (such as this study) – “form[s] an integral part of the
introduction and discussion of the research problem”, as the context it creates,
indirectly supports the main body of a historical thesis. In effect, the literature review
forms a prelude to the resolution of a research question, as it contains contextual
elements relevant to the milieu of an historical study’s research findings. Following
suit, this chapter will sketch a religious, cultural and legislative South African context
that is indispensable for a comprehension of the suppression of the pornographic
magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989. Among other things, the Afrikaner
minority’s hegemony and control over a black majority; their conservative stance to
sex and pornography, and their founding of a church-state, which all collectively
motivated their application of censorship laws, will be addressed. These contextual
elements will not only introduce an environment wherein the pornographic magazine
in South Africa had to thrive, but it will also describe a context from which the
pornographic magazine cannot be separated, and without which it cannot be
understood.
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2.1.1 Note on the research reviewed in this chapter
As noted in the introduction of this thesis, historical research on pornography is
insignificant. On the one hand, the lack of research on the topic positively reveals that
“the research question we have asked is worth researching” (Sonderling, 1997:97); in
this thesis: What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the
South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography,
in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation? On the other hand the
construction of a literature review becomes problematic, as the “huntˮ for relevant
research often leads to dismal and very few positive results.
This chapter was constructed after an extensive and thorough exploration of
various catalogues, databases, research repositories and search engines. This section
will briefly report which sources research was excavated from. In all of the enquiries,
keywords included (in alphabetical order):
adult; book/s; censorship; entertainment; erotica; explicit; freedom of the
press; girlie/girly; hard-core; history/historical; immoral; journalism; liberty of
the press; literature; magazine/s; media; nude/nudity; objectionable;
obscene/obscenity; periodical/s; photography/photo/s; pornography/porno/
porn; press; publication/s; sex/sex-oriented; skin; soft-core; South Africa;
spicy pulp, and undesirable.
All keywords were used in conjunction with, but not always, one another, and were
also translated to Afrikaans. A short discussion on the results delivered in library
catalogues, journals, e-journals and databases, research repositories, the Index to
South African Periodicals, and the internet, follow.
2.1.1.1 Library catalogues
Initial quests for literature started in library catalogues. Apart from the catalogues at
Stellenbosch University (SU), other CALICO catalogues, including those from the
Cape Peninsula University of Technology (CPUT), the University of Cape Town
(UCT) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC), were studied. In addition, the
catalogues of the National Library of South Africa were explored. The outcome was
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extremely small, with Pornografie [Pornography] by F.I.J. van Rensburg (1985)
briefly mentioned in section 1.5.1 of Chapter 1 (Introduction), the most relevant book.
Other books on the history of pornography worldwide, although also few, were
identified and provided invaluable information to the historical context sketched in
Chapter 5 (Pornography: the global context). Literature concerning pornography and
censorship, with the main focus on legislation rather than the genre, were the most
abundant.
2.1.1.2 Journals, e-journals and databases
Following catalogue searches, the researcher turned his focus to journals, e-journals
and databases. Numerous electronic journals were utilised from a database with
hundreds of available online journals. The list is too extensive to name here, but some
databases included the EBSCOhost Research Databases, Kovsidex (University of the
Free State [UFS]), the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations
(NDLTD), SA e-Publications, SA Gazettes, SA Media, Sabinet Online and the Union
Catalogue of Theses and Dissertations (UCTD). Hard copy journals were also studied,
and included Communicare, Communicatio, Communitas, Ecquid Novi: African
Journalism Studies, Journal of Contemporary History, Journal of Literary Studies,
South African Journal of Cultural History and The Journal of Humanities. Journal, e-
journal and database searches were conducted with more success, and allowed the
researcher to identify two South African researchers briefly introduced in section
1.5.1 of Chapter 1 (Introduction) – Stefan Sonderling and Jan-Ad Stemmet – whose
research has dealt with some aspect of pornography in South Africa in the past. It
was, however, clear that research on pornography and its history pales in comparison
with the available research on child pornography and pornography and the law. As
noted in Chapter 1 (Introduction), child pornography falls outside the boundaries of
this thesis.
2.1.1.3 Research repositories
Research repositories, almost all owned and maintained by a tertiary institution in
South Africa, mainly gave an idea of research produced by academics in the form of
Master’s theses and doctoral dissertations. Research repositories accessed include
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Digital Knowledge (CPUT), ReRR (Rhodes University), SUNScholar (SU), the Unisa
Institutional Repository, the UWC Research Repository, ujdigispace (University of
Johannesburg [UJ]), UKZN ResearchSpace (University of KwaZulu-Natal), UFS
ETD, UPSpace (University of Pretoria) and WIReDSpace (University of the
Witwatersrand). Resembling the results of library catalogues, research repositories
also produced very little research with enough academic weight to be included in this
chapter. Across all the mentioned platforms (catalogues, databases and repositories)
an innumerable amount of research on child pornography, and pornography and art
was again evident, but also fall outside the boundaries of this thesis, as stated in
Chapter 1 (Introduction). One thesis, again by Stefan Sonderling (1994a), was most
notable. Additionally, research on censorship in South Africa is extensive.
2.1.1.4 Index to South African Periodicals
Not to be confused with the electronic database of the same name, the Index to South
African Periodicals (also available in Afrikaans: Repertorium van Suid-Afrikaanse
Tydskrifartikels) is an invaluable guide assembled since the 1940s by the South
African Library Association and later the Johannesburg Public Library; the index
annually chronicled research in 167 South African (academic) journals and (mass
media) magazines according to subject, keyword and author, and published it in
English, Afrikaans, Dutch and German (the last three grouped together in one
volume). Supported by the Repertorium van Artikels in Tydskrifte van die Suid-
Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns, 1910-1963 [Index to Articles in
Magazines of the South African Academy for Science and Art, 1910-1963], the
guides indicated rare comments on pornography by South African journalists, authors
and writers, which were included in this chapter and Chapter 6 (Findings and
discussion).
2.1.1.5 The internet
As a last resort, the internet was not overlooked in the quest for academic research on
the pornographic magazine in South Africa. Although no new, relevant research was
identified, online shopping stores, including the South African store kalahari.net and a
family of Amazon stores (amazon.com, amazon.uk and amazon.de), all collectively
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identified books with pictures of pornography from the seventeenth century to the
present. While these books are not relevant to the literature review, they provided
numerous visual examples which helped to support and strengthen arguments in
Chapter 5 (Pornography: the global context) and Chapter 6 (Findings and discussion).
2.1.1.6 Summary
From just this initial search for literature, it is apparent that South African research on
the topic of pornography mainly deals with legal, constitutional aspects. Although
other research concerning pornography is conducted, research on child pornography
and pornography and the law is plentiful. Also noticeable is the fact that research on
pornography in South Africa rarely transcends journals or (unpublished) Master’s
theses and doctoral dissertations; books hardly ever contain pornography as a topic,
unless, as mentioned, the focus mainly draws on legal, constitutional aspects of the
genre. It was also interesting that in the current (electronic) information age, a bulk of
research in this chapter was only discovered after consulting hard copy catalogues,
registries and indexes, like the Index to South African Periodicals; even then, the
research was not available electronically and had to be sourced from the National
Library of South Africa (specifically, from their Cape Town campus).
2.1.2 The scarcity of South African pornography research – an exploration
The reasons for the general scarcity of South African pornography research have been
fervently argued by Sonderling (1996:44), who points a stern finger at the pre-1994
South African government for “prescribing” and “proscribing” a contentious frame-
work wherein research on pornography as a subject was taboo for researchers in
South Africa, if it conflicted with government ideologies. As pornography was highly
illegal in South Africa pre-1998, so, too, research enquiries into pornography were
prohibited; but ironically, research on pornography was allowed only when the
government commissioned (manipulated) research that supported the banishment
thereof in this time. As Sonderling (1996:43) states:
“[...] South African research and writing on pornography operate[d] from an
acknowledged opposition towards pornography, [and could] thus [...] be
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regarded as a moral discourse with scientific pretensions. The discourses
aimed at producing a particular type of knowledge [emphasised by the
researcher] that can be used by state authorities to legitimate censorship.”
In effect, “advising the authorities” with academic pornography research became
synonymous with “adopting a negative view of pornography, producing research to
support these views and becoming part of the ‘new social science police’”
(Sonderling, 1990:44), who became infamous for using “very selective sources of
data” (Sonderling, 1996:44). Sonderling (1996:44) even identifies the “social science
policeˮ as predominantly “Afrikaans scholars operating from the established
Afrikaner universities” who “clearly positioned them as the vanguard [emphasised by
the author] of the South African government and nation”. In essence, it was not
necessary for the government to even enforce a dogma on these scholars, as they
(Afrikaner academics) were already operating “within the dominant political
consensus that [was] strongly supportive of the National Party state machinery”
(Sonderling, 1996:44). The result is a span of research pre-1994 mainly limited to the
link between pornography and rape, which attempted to “distract attention from
pornography itself and its social setting” (Sonderling, 1989:57).
Du Toit (1975:14) agrees, and sheds light on the government’s efforts to snag
academic enquiry into “ongewenstheid” [undesirability]. The study of sensitive,
undesirable topics (in this case, pornography) was impeded by the government on
three levels:
Firstly, as the government banned undesirable publications, researchers had
difficulty gaining access to those publications or any academic work about
those publications, which meant, in turn, that researchers had no data to
produce academic work of their own (Du Toit, 1975:15);
secondly, although Du Toit (1975:18) acknowledges that researchers could
apply (and pay) to access banned publications, the government only allowed it
with restrictions: academics could not use the banned publications in lectures,
and were not allowed to quote the said publications in their own academic
work, and, thirdly,
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in the small number of cases where researchers could produce academic work,
the government merely banned the research, if it stood in direct contrast to
their own ideologies (Du Toit, 1975:16).
Commenting on the critical research on pornography that was produced, Sonderling
(1996:44-45) remarks that it was “largely restricted to English-speaking universities”
that were “isolated and marginalized”; so too Du Toit (1975:15) notes that
academics at English-speaking universities “het in die praktyk ook groter las
ondervind as ander” [experienced a bigger burden in practice than others], because
authorities closely monitored their rebellious academic stance to the government’s
prescriptions. In addition, Sonderling (1996:44-45) also acknowledges “a marginal
counter-discourse, asserting the positive value of pornography” that emerged during
the late-1980s (when, coincidentally or not, his own research was first published). In
general, though, Sonderling (1990:44) proclaims that it is “doubtful” whether any
credible, South African research on pornography was produced pre-1994, and he
solidifies this view in three separate articles in The Monthly Male (Sonderling,
1994b:10), HUSTLER (Sonderling 1994c:89), and Dialogus (Sonderling, 1994d:14-
15), wherein he denounces South African pornography research pre-1994 as “home-
made ‘research’ˮ.
2.1.3 Those “nincompoopˮ definitions
Separating credible, South African academic literature from manipulated “home-
madeˮ research was not the only impediment in the quest to unearth literature for this
chapter and assemble a literature review relevant to this thesis. It became clear that an
innumerable amount of research was available in which the keyword “pornographyˮ
was used, which solely referred to well-known literature and its authors – and not
pornography as it is defined in section 1.4.4 of Chapter 1 (Introduction).
In his book Pornografie, Sensuur en Reg [Pornography, Censorship and Law],
Geldenhuÿs (1977:6) acknowledges that by 1977, the South African government still
had not distinguished pornography from “erotiese realisme” [erotic realism] –
basically, any fictional reference to and description of intercourse in some of the
world’s foremost Afrikaans and English literature. Similarly, an article and its title by
Van Rensburg (1986a:17), Vertrekpunte vir die ontwikkeling van ’n model en definisie
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van pornografie [Notes on the development of a model and definition of
pornography], suggests that by 1986 confusion around what exactly constituted
pornography in South Africa persisted and an attempt to define it more accurately had
not been initiated, although Van Rensburg (1976a:10; 1976b:26-33), too, emphasises
and practically distinguishes the difference between pornography and, what he
phrases as, “seksuele realisme” [sexual realism] in literature. By 1994, Sonderling
(1994b:10) frustratingly commands authorities to “put an end [...] to nincompoop
definitions of pornography”, which illustrates that on the brink of political change in
South Africa, the government was still not acknowledging a clear and succinct
definition of the keyword. As a result, “suiwer pornografie[...]” [pure pornography]
and some of the world’s most popular “letterkunde-werke of getroue dokumentasie”
[works of literature and reliable documents] were intentionally – yet mistakenly –
grouped, banned, labelled and defined together (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:7).
The reasons behind the South African government’s application of a lacklustre
definition are not well investigated: Van Rensburg (1985:4) notes in a paragraph of
only one sentence that the government intentionally applied a vague definition as a
strategy “om verwarring oor pornografie te saai” [to sow confusion about
pornography] – a task it seems the government completed with success, as the
confusion transcended into South African academic writing as well. Examples are
rife: S. Ignatius Mocke (1954a), who delivers a public speech in 1954 on Afrikaans
pornography – the earliest South African address on pornography the researcher could
find – writes two articles in 1952 and 1954 respectively, Pornografie – ’n Ontleding
[Pornography – an analysis] and “Kuns” is nooit “pornografies” [“Art” is never
“pornographic”], where he continually refers to books like Gone with the Wind,
Anthony Adverse, Madame Bovary, Forever Amber and Wuthering Heights as
“prikkellektuur” [salacious literature] (Mocke, 1952:84; 1954b:100) and
“verdoemenswaardige pornografie” [damnable pornography] (Mocke, 1952:85;
1954b:101). Similarly, Rijphart (1977:46) lists literature that she describes as
“waarskynlik pornografie” [probably pornography] by authors such as Jack Kerouac,
Henry Miller and D.H. Lawrence; Breyten Breytenbach, André P. Brink and Nobel-
laureate Nadine Gordimer (Rijphart, 1977:49), as well as Tennessee Williams and
John Steinbeck (Rijphart, 1977:50-51), to name a few. Also, in an
article written in 1947 by Afrikaans author N.P. van Wyk Louw, titled Sensuur of
pornografie? [Censorship or pornography?] – the earliest South African academic
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article the researcher could find that uses the keyword “pornographyˮ, and also one
relentlessly quoted by Van Rensburg (1985:113), Sonderling (1994a:114-116) and
Stemmet1 (2005:203) – it appears that Louw (1947:15) vaguely separates the arts
(books, drawings and photography) from “skrywery [wat] in hoofsaak die seksuele
terrein [ontgin]” [writing that principally exploits the sexual terrain] – i.e.
pornography. However, Louw (1947:17) makes it “duidelik [...] dat dit feitlik
onmoontlik is om literatuur volkome van pornografie te skei” [clear that it is almost
impossible to completely separate literature from pornography], which shows that
Louw does not make a distinction between literature and pornography as we know it
today, but rather acknowledges literature that includes passages of erotic/sexual
realism and literature that excludes it.
Is it possible, though, that in the time the above articles were written (c. 1947-
c. 1977), pornography in South Africa manifested itself as erotic/sexual realism in
literature? In other words, that pornography as we understand it today did not exist in
this time in South Africa, and its antecedents in, specifically South Africa, could only
be found in erotic/sexual realism in books? If we concede that the keyword
“pornographyˮ is transhistorical and volatile (as discussed in section 1.4 of Chapter 1
– Introduction), and we accept that “[e]lke land het ’n eie sosiale dinamiek en moet
die voorkoms en optrede van pornografie in sý omstandighede peil. Navorsing het
immers getoon dat pornografie, by alle eendersheid, elke gemeenskap op ’n eie
manier tref” [(e)very country has its own social dynamic and has to determine the
existence and conduct of pornography in its own milieu. Although uniform, research
has shown that pornography is encountered by every community in its own way] (Van
Rensburg, 1985:i), then we have to acknowledge that it is possible that early
pornography in South Africa took on the form of subtle erotica in literature, and that
Mocke, Rijphart and Louw’s applied definition was not “nincompoop”; their
academic outputs would be important indications of what exactly constituted
pornography in South Africa in that time.
However, if this thesis can successfully investigate its research question
(What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South African
government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety,
1 Stemmet mistakenly references the publishing year of Louw’s article as 1974, when, in fact, it was
published in 1947.
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was prohibited by South African legislation?) and in essence place “pureˮ
pornography beside erotic/sexual realism in literature, then this project can indirectly
and unintentionally prove that between 1939 and 1989, academics in South Africa
were applying “nincompoop” definitions (indirectly and unintentionally, as it is not an
objective of this thesis to prove such an hypothesis). If pornography in South Africa
between 1939 and 1989 existed alongside erotic/sexual realism in literature, then the
two cannot be grouped or defined together; the one would be purely pornographic, the
other a literary art. In addition, it would have to be acknowledged that statistics on the
number of undesirable publications in South Africa pre-1998 (for example, Silver,
1979:123-124; 1983:523-527) cannot be interpreted at face value (i.e. as only “pureˮ
pornography), as those numbers are an indication of all material (“pureˮ pornography
and literary art) that were once mistakenly banned together.
2.2 Academic literature on pornography in South Africa – an introduction
Of the small number of academic literature available on pornography in South Africa,
almost all the academic research outputs in the fields of media, journalism,
communication and history have influenced and shaped the premise of this thesis: a
media-historiographical overview of the pornographic magazine in South Africa
between 1939 and 1989. Although academic work from other fields of study, for
example fine art and law, waiver slightly off topic – like the feminist-influenced, anti-
pornography research by Wood Hunter (2005) and Viljoen (2006), who comment on
pornography and its objectification of women, or Van der Poll (2001), who justifies
the constitutionality of pornography in South Africa post-1998 – all are evidence that
pornography as an academic topic of study is becoming increasingly relevant and
popular to South African researchers. Among these academics, three were identified
as most notable for a small volume of research on pornography relevant to this thesis
and this chapter: F.I.J. van Rensburg, Stefan Sonderling and Jan-Ad Stemmet. It is
interesting to note that each researcher conducted and published their research
concerning pornography in South Africa in subsequent decades: Van Rensburg from
the late-1970s to the late-1980s, Sonderling from the late-1980s to the late-1990s, and
Stemmet in the first decade of the twenty-first century. This shows a steady and
continuous, albeit small, flow of research on pornography by South African
researchers – a flow to which this project could be potentially added.
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The current research project has been motivated by a specific academic study by each
of the mentioned researchers, who have directly and indirectly located pornography in
South Africa from the early 1900s to c. 1995: the first by Van Rensburg (1985), who
discusses a wide range of topics concerning pornography in South Africa and abroad,
including its definition, effects and attempts to curb it with censorship; the second by
Sonderling (1994a), who collates discourses on pornography in South African media
between the 1900s and 1990s, and the third by Stemmet (2005), who presents an
abridged history of pornography and censorship in South Africa, starting in 1892 and
ceasing in 1996.
The next section will weave these three studies’ findings together with other
research, in an attempt to sketch a political, cultural and religious milieu in which the
pornographic magazine as a genre in South Africa was completely repressed, while at
the same time also showcasing the available literature on pornography in the country;
in the span of this study, the milieu is vital to understand the context wherein the
pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989 had to thrive. Even
though each researcher delivers his own unique output and findings, contributing to a
volume of research on which pornography as a genre in South Africa is slowly
solidifying its academic and historical foundation, an analysis of their work identifies
evident, at times overlapping, themes. To avoid repetition, the findings were grouped
together, to present a more or less chronological glimpse at a complex South African
history of suppression, which is presented in as much brevity as possible.
As mentioned in the introduction of this chapter, the following discussion will
illustrate why the current research project’s findings are unique, and how in
conjunction with one another it could form a quartet of academic work that slowly
expands a more complete media-historiography on pornography in South Africa.
2.2.1 The birth of the South African censorship machine
It is not coincidental that the discussion of pornography in South Africa in most of the
academic literature relevant to this chapter, commences with a discussion on the
South African government’s application of censorship to prohibit it. As noted by
Stemmet (2004:221), pornography and censorship have held hands to such an extent
that it has “become a near permanent fixture of the contemporary history of South
Africa”. The marriage of pornography and censorship is so indissolubly connected
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that Stemmet, in his account of the history of pornography in South Africa – a journal
article titled “From nipples and nationalists to full frontal in the new South Africa: An
[sic] abridged history of pornography and censorship in the old and new South
Africaˮ (2005) – mainly presents a history of censorship than a history of
pornography. When studying other academic work by Stemmet, for example journal
articles on the history of the Films and Publications Act, No. 65 of 1996 (2004), or
political censorship in South Africa between 1980 and 1989 (2009), it becomes clear
that Stemmet’s oeuvre is not only grounded in the study of censorship, rather than the
study of pornography, but that he also equates the history of censorship to the history
of pornography – in essence arguing that in South Africa, the history of censorship is
the history of pornography – and it is therefore quite safe to say that censorship is
probably the most vital contextual factor linked to an historical investigation of
pornography in the country.
Defined as “governmental social control over the media for political, cultural,
moral, technical or economic reasonsˮ (McQuail, 2008:43), censorship made its way
to South African shores in 1872, when the country as we know it today was still
divided into two British colonies (the Cape Colony and Natal) and the independent
Boer republics (the Republic of the Orange Free State [OFS] and the Zuid-Afrikaan-
sche Republiek [ZAR]) (Giliomee, 2009:79,169,175). Stemmet (2005:202),
somewhat incorrectly, notes that the “legislative history of publication control in
South Africa” started with the Obscene Publications Act, No. 31 of 1892 in the Cape
Colony; in fact, as Kahn (1966:280; 1967:34), Van Wyk (1974:1), Geldenhuÿs
(1977:22) and Cloete (1988:15) respectively show, the Customs Act, No. 10 of 1872
already forbade “indecent or obscene prints, paintings, photographs, books, cards,
lithographic or other engraving [sic], or any other indecent or obscene articles” 20
years prior to the Act Stemmet identifies as the first. However, the confusion is
somewhat comprehensible, as the web of censorship laws that would later become
known as “die mees drakoniese sensuurwet in die wêreld, selfs: in die geskiedenis van
die mensheidˮ [the most draconian censorship law in the world, if not in the history of
humanity] (Van Rensburg, 1985:102), was intricate from its inception: not only did
the set of British colonies and the ZAR2 each have its own laws independent from
2 The OFS never enacted laws against objectionable content, as it had no access to a harbour, or ports
through which pornography could stream into the country from abroad (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:23).
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each other, but each had a set of laws that focused on the prohibition of objectionable
publications from abroad, and a separate set, which focused on the prohibition of local
objectionable publications (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:22-26); therefore, the 1872 law was the
first in South Africa to focus on the former, and the 1892 law the first in South Africa
to focus on the latter.
Whether these laws were ratified to curb an actual problem (i.e. pornography)
in South Africa in this time, is not clear from the available literature. Considering that
the 1872 law was a “woordelikse oorskrywingˮ [verbatim transcription] of the British
Customs Consolidation Act, and that for 34 years after this law was ratified, there was
absolutely no punishment for guilty parties (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:23), it seems the laws
were probably blindly adopted due to pressure from Britain, where pornography, in
the same time, was already a hard-core business (more on this in Chapter 5 –
Pornography: the global context). What is clear, though, is that by the time the two
Boer republics were seized and became British colonies (after the Anglo-Boer War,
1899 to 1902) and all four colonies absorbed to form the Union of South Africa (on
31 May 1910), all the former colonies’ censorship laws attempting to ban obscene
publications from abroad were abolished and replaced with one unified law (the
Customs Management Act, No. 9 of 1913) (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:23; Mills, 2007:4); at
the same time, the description of what obscenity exactly constituted in the first decade
of twentieth-century South Africa became clear in popular parlance – especially when
the first public debate on pornography was recorded in South Africa in 1913
(Sonderling, 1994a:95; 1996:35). Not only did this debate elicit a series of discussions
on pornography that can be traced to the present day, but it exposed the (white) South
African government’s ulterior motives behind their application of stringent
censorship: their lust for racial superiority.
2.2.2 Pornography and racial superiority in South Africa
The earliest public debate on the “traffic in indecent picture [sic] and prints” is noted
in a Master’s study by Sonderling (1994a:95) and two shorter academic journal
articles that derive from the same thesis (Sonderling, 1996; 1998). In these academic
works – of which the main thesis is titled “An exploration of poststructuralist
discursive critique and its implication for a critical analysis of the discourse on
pornographyˮ – Sonderling determined when the discourse on pornography in South
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Africa started, what was said, how it developed and by whom it was instigated.
Identifying pornographic material was not included as part of the study’s objectives
(Sonderling, 1994a:88), and it is therefore not surprising that, apart from the examples
mentioned in this section and this chapter, the thesis is generally void of any specific
reference to pornography itself. However, as a whole, the findings of Sonderling’s
thesis make it clear when pornography was a point of discussion in South Africa – a
contentious one that was almost always “dominated by [the] condemnation of
pornography as immoral [emphasised by the author] and its presumed bad effect
[emphasised by the author]” (Sonderling, 1996:33; 1998:322). Interestingly,
Sonderling does not provide a working definition of “pornographyˮ, and the thesis
thus collates any discourse that references the keyword – even those that apply a
“nincompoop” definition (as discussed in section 2.1.3 of this chapter). Initially, this
seems somewhat ironic, as it is Sonderling (1994b:10) himself who coins
“nincompoop definition”, but seems to apply one in his own thesis. The parameters of
the thesis are therefore much wider than what they would be if they excluded
pornography in the form of erotic/sexual realism. But it does become clear that
Sonderling is actually illustrating how misconstrued the discussion on and the
reference to pornography in South Africa was. Somewhat ironically, “the discourse on
pornography in South Africa [...] do[es] not provide ultimate answer [sic] to what
pornography is” (Sonderling, 1994a:168a), which illustrates that debates on
pornography were conducted blindly with no comprehension of what the span of its
definition or the genre itself included. The discussion does, however, “describe [...]
how partucular [sic] groups in a society [in South Africa] are able to make
pornography into a social problem [emphasised by the author]” (Sonderling,
1994a:168), and how pornography was only an initial point of departure in a bigger
discussion on power, control and knowledge relationships by (white) supremacists
(Sonderling, 1998:323), who left no leaf unturned in the quest to suppress any
pornography, including pornographic magazines in South Africa between 1939 and
1989.
In essence, the 1913 debate centred on the black population’s access to
“[p]ictures of semi-clad white women”, and how these “indecent” pictures, although
“comparatively harmless to a white person, were baneful to a native” (Sonderling,
1994a:95; 1996:35). Rightly noted by Sonderling (1994a:90,98; 1996:35), porno-
graphy was actually secondary in the debate that largely focused on “repulsive”
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sexual intercourse across racial lines, the immediate prohibition thereof, the protection
of white racial purity and the suppression of a black racial majority. This became
clear in resultant political and social discussions on the fear of sexual assaults by
natives on white women and the “imagined” increases in the rape of white women by
native men, which collectively led to a report of the Commission Appointed to
Enquire into Assaults on Women, who clearly shifted the discussion from
pornography to “barbaric native sexualityˮ, its threat to white racial purity and its
impact on social dominance – an unquestionably clear indication of the white
minority’s lust for control and power (Sonderling, 1994a:92-93). In its report, the
Commission also made reference to “indecent pictures and photographs” and
“bioscopes”, which it feared represented South Africa in a sexually lewd way
(Sonderling, 1994a:93). The Commission focused on visual representations only, as it
assumed that black natives were primitive and illiterate (Sonderling, 1994a:93), and
blamed these lewd visual representations for the reason black natives were “‘loosing
[sic] respect for the white race’ and fostering, in the black mind, the idea of having
sexual relations with white women” (Sonderling, 1994a:95). The report concluded
with the demand for more stringent censorship (Sonderling, 1994a:95).
2.2.2.1 Pornography and its (presumed) effects
Although secondary, the 1913 debate illuminates “die belangrikste enkele rede vir die
onduidelikheid en verwarring wat daar in breë lae oor pornografie heers” [the single,
most important reason for the obscurity and confusion that comprehensively
dominates pornography], which is its ability to (possibly) harbour long-term effects
(Van Rensburg, 1985:25; 1986b:47).
According to Van Rensburg (1986b:48), there have always been “twee
onversoenlike pole” [two irreconcilable opinions] of individuals who are locked in an
“antitetiese denkstruktuur” [antithetical structure of thought] between pornography
having harmful effects and it not harbouring any. Although Van Rensburg (1986b:53-
54) concludes, with no supporting evidence, that pornography does have harmful
effects, there exists no “onomstootlike wetenskaplike bewyse” [incontestable scientific
evidence] that proves that pornography leads to aggression against women (Theron,
1988:172), antisocial conduct or criminal behaviour (Sonderling, 1994a:142).
Nonetheless, a principle of “common belief” that pornography does harm has been
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upheld by “authoritative and powerful groups” in South Africa, “regardless of the fact
that such harm cannot be ascertained”; this belief has largely justified the reason to
use censorship “to keep pornography out of the country” (Sonderling, 1994a:142).
2.2.3 The South African Board of Censors, 1931
In 1930, the minister of the interior, Dr. D.F. Malan, proposed a bill that “sought to
establish a national censorship boardˮ to curb “vulgarity and suggestivenessˮ in films
(Ssali, 1983:116). Although many considered the bill a delayed response to the
conclusions drawn by the 1913 Commission Appointed to Enquire into Assaults on
Women (as discussed in section 2.2.2 of this chapter) – especially since two of the
bill’s objectives were to target “[n]ude human figuresˮ and “[p]assionate love scenesˮ
– Ssali (1983:115-117) is of the opinion that the bill was motivated by a flurry of
worldwide media reports even earlier – in 1910 – which warned against the possible
effects and outcomes of the broadcast of an American boxing match, during which a
black boxer easily defeated his white opponent. Film screenings in South Africa in
1910 were limited, but various newspapers, including the The Natal Witness and
Sunday Times, and numerous church leaders “pointed out that the sole menace of the
film was the inculcation of racial hatred which could instantly be prevented by
prohibiting its exhibition to Coloured [sic] peopleˮ (Ssali, 1983:116). Even though the
uproar continued until 1912, the (white) public’s pleas were heard, and as a result, the
Entertainments (Censorship) Act, No. 28 of 1931 breathed life into the South African
Board of Censors, which had to examine “films and film advertisements intended for
public exhibition in any place in the Unionˮ (Ssali, 1983:117; Mills, 2007:4-5). By
1934, the Board’s powers extended to imported print publications (McDonald,
2009:21).
The Board comprised of a group of 15 members, including eight former
teachers, and 33 readers, of which half were “housewivesˮ, who examined films and
printed publications (well into the late-1950s) deemed undesirable by customs
officials (Hepple, 1960:36-37; McDonald, 2009:22). The Board made a
recommendation to the minister of the interior to prohibit a specific film or
publication, and the minister, in turn, published a list of banned works in government
gazettes – the first which was published on 21 August 1939 (as mentioned in section
1.3 of Chapter 1 – Introduction). Not only do these lists show which specific films
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and publications – specifically, magazines – were imported to South Africa from 1939
onwards (more on this in Chapter 4 – Research methodology), but these gazettes are
the bulk of data that was studied to answer this thesis’s research question (What
pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South African
government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety,
was prohibited by South African legislation?). Unsurprisingly, the entire board was
white, mostly Afrikaans and Christian, and prided themselves on the fact that they
sent letters “van tyd tot tydˮ [from time to time] to “persone dwarsdeur die land wat
gedurig met naturelle in aanraking komˮ [people across the country who regularly
came into contact with natives], in order to find out what effects certain films had on
them, and to adjust their judgements on films and publications accordingly (Creswell,
1949:43). However, due to the Afrikaner board members’ “incredibly conservativeˮ
fear of “racial disturbanceˮ (Ssali, 1983:116), they only allowed most “European
peopleˮ, their children above the age of 12, and “in some cases Coloreds [sic]ˮ to see
films; “Africans, or Natives [sic] as they preferred to call them, were treated as
European children under 12 years of ageˮ (Ssali, 1983:118).
2.2.4 The Afrikaner church-state
As noted by Sonderling (1996:35), the Afrikaans word “pornografieˮ [pornography]
“entered the Afrikaans language for the first time in a debate conducted in the Cape
newspaper, Die Burger [The Citizen], at the beginning of 1930ˮ. Although the
arguments in the said debate, which involved Afrikaans literary giants C.J.
Langenhoven in the 1930s and N.P. van Wyk Louw in the 1940s, is discussed in
depth by Sonderling (1994a:97-116; 1996:35-36), they are of little importance in this
thesis, as they mainly focus on erotic/sexual realism, rather than “pornographyˮ as it
is defined in Chapter 1 (Introduction). These debates, however, do shed light on the
Afrikaner’s conservative stance to sex and pornography, of which an understanding is
essential in this thesis, as “[t]he Afrikaner group governed the country [and its
censorship legislation] for most of the twentieth centuryˮ (Stemmet, 2005:201) – i.e.
the period under investigation in this thesis (1939-1989).
According to Van Rooyen (2011:17), a “paradigm shift in terms of policy took
placeˮ after the National Party (NP) won the 1948 general election and took control of
the country. The holistic approach by the former prime minister, general Jan Smuts,
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was replaced by Afrikaner Nationalism, which was largely grounded in socialism and
Christian principles “often perceived from a political angleˮ. As Van Rooyen
(2011:17) summarises:
“[...] the ideal of the Nationalists was to once again build a nation where
Calvinistic principles would reign supreme and South Africa would recapture
the essence of the nineteenth-century Republics of the Orange Free State and
Transvaal, thereby re-establishing the supremacy of the white Afrikaner. In
short, apartheid would lie at the heart of the new government policy, which
was, unjustifiably, claimed to be based on biblical principles. The larger white
Afrikaans churches supported the government in these claims. Although South
Africa was constitutionally not a theocracy, the government often fell back on
what it perceived to be Christian principles in support of political and social
plans.ˮ
Bizarrely, the NP’s strategy to promote Christian morality was to promote racial
segregation, known as apartheid (Van Rooyen, 2011:14) – a system of “social
engineering [emphasised by the author] aimed at establishing complete separation
between black and white racial groupsˮ (Sonderling, 1994a:120). It was fully
supported by the Afrikaans Reformed Churches, who “would often remind
government that it called itself a ‘Christian Government [sic]’ˮ (Van Rooyen,
2011:14). The relationship between the church and the NP – one Sonderling
(1994a:166) describes as a “fusionˮ – extended well into the 1960s, and was largely
the reason for the ruling party’s application of “strict moral and religious censorshipˮ
(Van Rooyen, 2011:14), which was no less than immensely conservative.
The reason for Afrikaners’ conservative approach to sex and pornography “is
embedded in their historical, cultural and social make-up, which evolved some time
before the Afrikaner group achieved political control of the countryˮ (Stemmet,
2005:199-200). As Stemmet (2005:200) notes:
“One certain influence on the Afrikaner when it was forged was that it
identified itself with the chosen people of the Old Testament [in the Bible], the
belief that it was some sort of uitverkore volk (chosen people); that it had a
divine calling; a God-given task to fulfil in South Africa. So, for example, Dr
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D.F. Malan was convinced that the Afrikaner group was not a creation of
people but of God and most prime ministers, to a degree, also spoke of the
Afrikaner’s divine calling.ˮ
Consequently, Afrikaners became infamous for their superiority, a laager mentality,
exclusivity, purity, conformity and a fear of the “volksvreemde (that which is alien to
the people)ˮ (Stemmet, 2005:200). More importantly, though, they isolated them-
selves to form a unity, which they believed was the key for survival “in a tough
country, set in a dangerous continent, fixed in a treacherous worldˮ (Stemmet,
2005:200). The cornerstone of this unity was purity – specifically, moral purity –
which they “desperatelyˮ protected, so that they could “be superior to other groups,
superior to different degrees and on different levels, but assuredly very much so
morally. The group would only be strong of will if it was pure of heart as wellˮ
(Stemmet, 2005:200). In particular,
“[...] the Afrikaner group was always on the lookout for the volksvreemde and
liberal rationales which could so easily lead to the dangers of decadence and
sexual promiscuity which, of course, could disrupt the group’s moral purity
and therefore its superiority; split its single-mindedness, its culture and there-
fore its unity, its strength and by implication its very survival. If the group
slipped morally, the ripple effect would be apocalypticˮ (Stemmet, 2005:200).
As a result, the fear of this apocalypse was the irrational driving force behind the
government’s application of more stringent censorship to nip pornographic magazines
in the bud.
2.2.5 The Commission of Enquiry in regard to Undesirable Publications, 1954
to 1957
Although the NP government and Afrikaans churches agreed by the 1950s on the
effects of “bad literatureˮ (including sexual and political literature) on “nativesˮ
(Sonderling, 1994a:117; 1996:37), pornography was still a “general, unspecified and
flexible conceptˮ of which “the exact nature […] was kept a secretˮ (Sonderling,
1994a:119). The (then) South African church-state “claimed that […] natives were
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being subverted by publications containing pornography that had the effect of
destroying the native’s respect for White [sic] women, and harmed the healthy
relationship between […] racial groupsˮ (Sonderling, 1996:37). During a
parliamentary debate in 1953, this sentiment was re-emphasised and an old conclusion
drawn: “censorship was essential, because […] ‘bad literature’ would result in a
revolution, and the whole structure of [South Africa’s] Western civilization w[ould]
become undermined and confusedˮ (Sonderling, 1996:37).
To investigate the pornography problem and suggest the best solution to
eradicate it, the Commission of Enquiry in regard to Undesirable Publications, chaired
by Prof. Geoffrey Cronjé (and therefore known as the Cronjé Commission), was
established to find “the most effective means of combating, in view of the particular
circumstances and composition of the population of the Union of South Africa, the
evil of indecent, offensive or harmful literature and other published materialˮ (Cronjé
Commission in Sonderling, 1996:37). But as Sonderling (1994a:122) emphasises, the
Commission itself was by far not objective in its investigation – especially since it
was “authorised by the National Party government, a government with a power base
derived exclusively from the white, and mainly Afrikaans, segments of the
communityˮ. Additionally, the Commission chair was a “respected figure within the
Afrikaner Broederbond3 and the National Party and had a past history of political
activity [...] known to have had pro-Nazi sympathiesˮ (Sonderling, 1994a:122). Most
importantly, though, the Commission did not “find it necessary to question whether or
not anything defined undesirable [emphasised by the author] was really an evilˮ – it
merely accepted it as “a self-evident truth because it was made and authorised by the
power of the governmentˮ. Any debate that argued it was not evil, was “silence[d]ˮ by
the government anyway (Sonderling, 1994a:123).
3 The Afrikaner Broederbond was founded in 1918, with the aim of promoting “a healthy and progres-
sive spirit of unity among all Afrikaners aimed at the welfare of the Afrikaner nation; the cultivation of
a national self-consciousness in the Afrikaner and love for his language, religion, traditions, land and
people, and the advancement of all the interests of the Afrikaner peopleˮ (Giliomee, 2009:400-401).
Although it was initially not a secret organisation (Giliomee, 2009:400), it was later shrouded in secre-
cy, and, in Giliomee’s opinion (2009:421), mistakenly remembered as “the organization [that] ‘fa-
shioned’ apartheid into a radical programˮ. The Afrikaner Broederbond, according to Giliomee
(2009:446), “agreed with, and supported, apartheid, but it did not develop and formulate itˮ.
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Predictably, “[t]he Commission recommended that drastic measures were needed
because ‘the preposterous misconception of the freedom to publish [...] must be
regarded as one of the principal reasons, and perhaps the most important reason of all,
for the aggravation of the problem’ˮ (Cronjé Commission in Sonderling, 1996:38).
Therefore,
“[t]otal control over the production, distribution and consumption of
journalistic, literary and artistic texts was necessary because it would ensure
that the correct [emphasised by the author] literature would be produced while
undesirable [emphasised by the author] and inferior [emphasised by the
author] literature was eliminatedˮ (Sonderling, 1996:38).
Naturally, the Commission’s findings drew criticism:
“It makes strange reading. Seldom can there have been such an admixture of
scientific investigation and uncritical acceptance of unproved contentions.
Every few pages a petitio principia offends the eye. Hyperbolic condemnation
of current social trends and an illiberal attitude to libertarians go hand in hand
with an appreciation of literary standards and the desirability and possibility of
improving them that, for all an occasional artlessness in expression would
delight many a littérateur (Kahn, 1966:287-288).
Although the Commission recommended that a board of censors should be able to
reign supreme without judiciary influence, it seemed that the government initially
ignored the findings, but implemented traces of their recommendations almost six
years later when the Publications and Entertainments Act, No. 26 of 1963 was
promulgated; this law abolished the South African Board of Censors – but only to
make way for a new Publications Control Board (Sonderling, 1996:38).
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2.2.6 The Publications Control Board, 1963
By the end of the 1950s, 21 laws4 prohibited publications – including pornography,
specifically the pornographic magazine – in South Africa (Hepple, 1960:11), but after
the country officially cut its ties with Britain and the Commonwealth in 1961 to form
the Republic of South Africa, the ruling National Party could finally fulfil its “long-
held ambition to revive the traditions of nineteenth-century Boer republicanismˮ
without British interference (McDonald, 2009:33).
To reach this goal, the new republic’s first prime minister, H.F. Verwoerd,
enacted the Publications and Entertainments Act, No. 26 of 1963, which would
become “the cornerstone of the apartheid censorship bureaucracy for the next decadeˮ
(McDonald, 2009:32). Not only did the act make “the publication, printing, or
distribution of ‘undesirable’ materials (excluding certain newspapers) produced by
both locally and abroad [sic] a statutory offence,ˮ but these offences were “punishable
by severe fines and prison sentencesˮ (McDonald, 2009:32-33). This new law was
“less repressiveˮ, though, than a draft bill early in the 1960s and the recommendations
of the Cronjé Commission (as discussed in section 2.2.5 of this chapter), as it
“expressly ruled out prepublication censorship; it excluded mainstream newspapers
signed up to a new voluntary press code, and, most importantly for the opponents of
the [draft] bill, it made the Supreme Court, not a government-appointed board, the
final arbiter in the event of an appealˮ (McDonald, 2009:33). However, it did see the
introduction of a new Publications Control Board (PCB), which would become “die
belangrikste onderdeel van die Suid-Afrikaanse sensuurmasjienˮ [the most important
component of the South African censorship machine] (Geldenhuÿs, 1977:35). As
4 These laws consisted of 15 national Acts – including the Customs Act, No. 55 of 1955; the Entertain-
ments (Censorship) Act, No. 28 of 1931; the Post Office Act, No. 44 of 1958; the Official Secrets Act,
No. 16 of 1956; the Criminal Procedure Act, No. 56 of 1955; the Native Administration Act, No. 38 of
1927; the Riotous Assemblies Act, No. 17 of 1956; the Suppression of Communism Act, No. 44 of
1950; the Public Safety Act, No. 3 of 1953; the Criminal Laws Amendment Act, No. 8 of 1953; the
Prisons Act, No. 8 of 1959; the Extension of University Education Act, No. 45 of 1959, and the Law of
Libel – and six provincial Acts, including No. 31 of 1892 and Ordinance 9 of 1926 in the Cape; No. 38
of 1909 and Ordinance 1 of 1920 in the Transvaal; Ordinance 14 of 1916 and Ordinance 19 of 1924
(one law), and Ordinance 19 of 1942 in Natal, and Ordinance 21 of 1902 and Ordinance 6 of 1948 in
the Orange Free State (Hepple, 1960:11).
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Geldenhuÿs (1977:35) summaries:
“Enige lid van die publiek het die reg verkry om publikasies vir beoordeling
aan die Raad voor te lê. Soos reeds gesien, kon publikasies ook voorgelê word
deur doeane-beamptes. Indien hy dit nodig ag, kon die Raad verder ondersoek
instel na die aard van enige openbare vermaaklikheid.ˮ
[Any member of the public had the right to submit publications to the Board
for scrutiny. As already mentioned, publications could also be submitted by
customs officials. If the Board found it necessary, they could also investigate
the nature of any form of public entertainment.]
In the decade between 1964 and 1974, the PCB banned over 10 000 publications
(McDonald, 2009:33), but according to Du Toit (in Sonderling, 1989:67; 1990:42),
“there [was] a generally mistaken assumption that publications control in South
Africa [was] mainly aimed at combating pornographyˮ. Apparently only three percent
of banned publications were pornographic, and up to 49 percent political in nature.
Sonderling (1989:67; 1990:42) states that pornography was used to “distract[...]
attention from the true aim [of censorship,] which [was] political controlˮ. Sonderling
continues by saying that:
“[...] [p]ornography [was] not a moral poblem [sic] and censorship [was] a
politically motivated exercise of power and social control. Pornography [was]
used as a cause to enact censorship laws that limit the freedom of speech in the
name of saving the freedom of societyˮ.
Whatever the government’s true intentions were, the Supreme Court “remained a
stumbling blockˮ as “[t]he banning of publications by the [PCB] could be challenged
in open courtˮ– which they regularly were (Sonderling, 1994a:135-136). As Van
Rooyen (1987:14) notes, “instances in which the courts confirmed the [PCB’s]
bannings were few and far betweenˮ and “the courts regularly set aside banningsˮ.
The regular tug of war between the censors and the intervention by the Supreme
Court, who corrected their “blundersˮ, became an embarrassment to the government,
and in 1972 another commission was brought to life to suggest amendments to the
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censorship apparatus that could avoid similar interferences (Sonderling, 1996:38; Van
Rooyen, 1987:14).
2.2.7 The Commission of Inquiry into the Publications and Entertainments
Amendment Bill, 1974
Compared to the Cronjé Commission, which was specifically tasked to investigate the
“evilˮ of, among other things, pornographic magazines (as discussed in section 2.2.5
of this chapter), the Commission of Inquiry into the Publications and Entertainments
Amendment Bill (that became known as the Kruger Commission) had a slightly
different task: to “investigate the conflictˮ between the PCB and the Supreme Court,
“essentially to conduct an onslaught on the right of appeal to the courtsˮ (Sonderling,
1994a:136; Stemmet, 2005:203). Although the Commission’s task had no specific ties
to pornography, and it actually has very little relevance in this chapter, the
outcome of their investigation largely influenced an even stricter policy to suppress
pornography post-1975, and a discussion thereof is therefore also vital to understand
why the pornographic magazine in South Africa between the 1970s and 1989 was so
heavily prohibited.
In the early 1970s, the PCB’s level of conservativeness reached new lows, as
almost anything “remotely connected with sexuality was viewed as potentially
dangerous to public moralityˮ – even see-through pantyhose wrappers, which were
banned in 1971 (Stemmet, 2005:204). But due to the Supreme Court, which
regularly received appeals and set aside the PCB’s bannings, “intense public
brouhahaˮ made a mockery of the system, and motivated the Commission’s
investigation, under the chairmanship of Mr. J.J. Kruger. According to the
government, the Kruger Commission was “necessary as the country was in the throws
of a spirit of permissiveness and degeneracy which can be directly linked to a
Communist plot that used pornography to break down Western resolveˮ (Stemmet,
2005:203-204). It was, therefore, quite clear that “the morality that was claimed on
behalf of censorship was exposed as political strategyˮ – and nothing more
(Sonderling, 1994a:131).
In its report, the Kruger Commission (in Sonderling, 1994a:132) found that:
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“[...] most people in South Africa lack[ed] the mental maturity and aesthetic
judgment to distinguish and guard against those things that might be harmful
to their own and society’s morals and customs, which have been handed down
to them with care by their religious and conservative parents and other
educatorsˮ.
They also argued that people “need to be protected against the waveˮ of
permissiveness, and urged the South African government to protect the “good morals
and customsˮ of the community against such “evilˮ (Kruger Commission in
Sonderling, 1994a:132). Their suggestion was the creation of a Publications Appeal
Board to “substitute recourse to the courtsˮ, but as Stemmet (2005:204) points out,
“[t]he effect is of course clear[:] without the judicial hindrance, the authorities
– via its bureaucratic veins – could, to a large extent, annex the flow of
information in South Africa and by implication, the freedom of discourse,
speech and expression. Big Brother was growing up fastˮ.
As Sonderling (1994a:132) notes, the Kruger Commission’s findings were “based on
the same method as that encountered in the Cronjé Commission – a selective
presentation of statements in order to make a case against pornography without
recourse to any counter-argumentˮ. Ironically, though, the Commission, which
exclusively consisted of politicians, was divided in its findings, and basically
published a two-in-one final report, consisting of a majority and minority report
(Sonderling, 1994a:132); not only were both criticised by anti-censorship groups for
the same reasons as stated above, but their recommendations were implemented when
the Publications Act, No. 42 of 1974 abolished the PCB, and redirected the Supreme
Court’s duties to a new Publications Appeal Board.
2.2.8 The Publications Appeal Board, 1975
By 1975, censorship’s roots in South Africa had been radicating for just over a
century, but it was yet again uprooted when another new law, the Publications Act,
No. 42 of 1974 was enacted. This time, however, authorities augmented and
condensed “all the previous attempts of the minority government at publication
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controlˮ and promulgated a “super lawˮ’ that would give censors more power than
ever before (Stemmet, 2005:204). In short, it encompassed the control over:
“any newspaper [...] any book, periodical, pamphlet, poster [...] any writing or
typecast which has in any manner been duplicated [...] any drawing, picture,
illustration, painting, woodcut or similar representation; any print, photograph,
engraving or lithograph; any figure, cast, carving, statue or mode; any record
or other object in or on which sound has been recorded and all public
entertainment. Any of this was legally undesirable if it was indecent or
obscene or is harmful to public moralsˮ (Stemmet, 2005:204).
Most importantly, though, the new law abolished the PCB, removed the Supreme
Court as the main arbiter “in response to pressure from both the Afrikaner churches
and the judiciary itselfˮ (McDonald, 2009:60), and replaced it with a new,
administrative tribunal – the Publications Appeal Board (PAB). As McDonald
(2009:60) explains, the Publications Act introduced a three-tier body, that would reign
supreme until well after the fall of apartheid in 1994: The first tier, a Directorate of
Publications, was appointed and seated in Cape Town, and oversaw the work of the
second tier, censorship committees, which would make “the actual decisionsˮ whether
any of the material mentioned above would be censored or not; the third tier, the
PAB, seated in Pretoria, would hear the pleas of appellants and decide whether or not
to lift the bans ordered by the censorship committees.
Criticism against the PAB was rife, most notably because it was not only not
representative of the South African population, but because it was not truly
representative of white South Africans (Stemmet, 2005:205). With regard to the
former, although coloured and Indian representatives were allowed to advise the
censorship committees, black representatives were still completely overlooked
(McDonald, 2009:60), and with regard to the latter, by 1981, seven of the 11 board
members were over 60, of which five were over 65; only two were English and all
were white and Christian (Stemmet, 2005:205).
Although the new tribunal’s focus was communist propaganda and
pornography, “[n]ot only obvious pornographic material was scrutinised, but indeed
anything that had anything to do with the public discourse on sexˮ (Stemmet,
2005:205-206). But, in 1980, when the PAB’s second chairman, the 38-year old Prof.
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Kobus van Rooyen, was appointed, he was largely credited for the reason why
censorship in South Africa in the 1980s “became somewhat more relaxed, albeit in a
very subtle wayˮ (Stemmet, 2005:206). In 1980, censors banned 60.25% of
publications (1 312 of 2 177 publications) it reviewed; by 1985 it dropped to only
47.6% (684 of 1267) (Stemmet, 2005:206). On the brink of political change in the
country, “the South African public, slowly but surely, were given a freer hand in
deciding what they could read, write, watch and listen toˮ (Van Rooyen in Stemmet,
2005:206).
As mentioned in Chapter 1 (Introduction), the Films and Publications Act, No.
65 of 1996 finally ended 126 years of censorship in South Africa, when it came into
effect in mid-1998.
2.2.9 A century of pornography in South Africa, 1880s to 1990s
Thus far, South African academic research has (in as much brevity as possible in this
chapter), contextualised the stringent application of censorship, and the conservatively
religious and moral convictions that became a driving force to keep pornography out
of the country. But as Van Rensburg (1985:123) states, “[a]s jy pornografie met
wetgewing aanpak, dryf jy dit net ondergrondsˮ [if you attack pornography with
legislation, you’ll just drive it “undergroundˮ]. In this regard, South African academic
research has not been completely unspecific in stating and naming specific examples
of pornography that did slip through the cracks.
The “faintest possible echo” of the first pornography in South Africa is subtly
and briefly cited by Van Onselen (1982:147-148), who, in the first volume of his book
Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914 notes
“the exhibition in shop windows of pictures of semi-nude women” in Nugget Street,
Johannesburg in the early 1900s. Although Van Onselen (1982:103-162) does not
make specific reference to pornography in a chapter on prostitution during the gold
rush to the Witwatersrand in the 1880s, the promiscuous context sketched by the
chapter, the uncontested link between prostitution and pornography (Connolly,
2008:2; Mirsky, 2005:5; more on this in Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global context)
and the flood of international photographers to South African shores starting c. 1854
(Bull & Denfield, 1964:8), suggests that pornography could well have been part of
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South Africa’s “naughty nineties”5 (Van Onselen, 1982:123). Additionally, it cannot
be coincidental that in South Africa’s “naughty” 1890s, with its “commersialised sex”
(Van Onselen, 1982:103), “social evil” (Van Onselen, 1982:139), “promiscuous
behaviour” (Van Onselen, 1982:146) and even a “‘traditional’ red light district” in
Johannesburg’s “underworld of sexual vice” (Van Onselen, 1982:147), an alarming
106-year relationship between locally-produced pornography and the law was
initiated by the government, who passed the country’s first law banning obscene,
domestic publications in 1892 (as discussed in section 2.2.1 of this chapter).
Unfortunately, Van Onselen’s comments stand alone. In his history of Dutch
and Afrikaans magazines in South Africa between 1823 and 1921, Nienaber (1951)
does not identify any pornographic magazines in this time, most probably because
there was an assumption that the pornography industry in South Africa experienced “a
time of drought” up to the 1980s (Van Rooyen, 2011:74). Other comments on
pornography pre-1980 were, however, located: Froneman (2011) delivers, what the
researcher believes to be, the only academic enquiry into the history of a specific
South African pornography magazine, in a journal article, titled “The rise and demise
of Scope [sic] magazine: A [sic] media-historical perspectiveˮ. Although Froneman
continually refers to the magazine as Scope when it should be SCOPE, and the
magazine appeared fortnightly from 1966 to 1971 (Scope [sic] goes weekly, 1971:18-
19; Van Rooyen, 2011:20) – not weekly, as Froneman (2011:52) states – the insight
into SCOPE as a “popular news magazine without pin-up girls” in the 1960s, to a
“milder version” of Playboy and Penthouse in the mid-1970s (Froneman, 2011:55), to
a “daring” magazine that competed with local versions of international pornographic
titles in the 1990s (Froneman, 2011:56), remains unparalleled in South African
academic writing. Due to the “famous tug-of-war [sic]” between the PAB, who
regularly banned SCOPE on the grounds of its risqué content, and the Supreme Court,
who regularly unbanned it sometimes only hours afterwards (Van Rooyen, 2011:20;
Claassen, 2007:132), SCOPE most probably remains the most contentious magazine
in South African magazine history. It is therefore deplorable that its legacy rests
solely on one journal article – an article that concludes with an incomplete reference
list. In this review of literature, it becomes clear that more research is needed.
5 As Van Onselen is making reference to nineteenth-century South Africa, “nineties” here refers to the
1890s.
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Verschoor (1978) also comments on pornography pre-1980 by contemplating whether
pornographic videos were unlawful in South Africa, shortly after television was
introduced to South Africans in 1976. Since videos were used for “private vermaak”
[private entertainment] (Verschoor, 1978:239), and it was therefore difficult to
determine if South Africans owned pornographic videos in the late-1970s, the article
suggests that pornographic videos might have been in circulation in this time.
Although purchasing pornographic magazines were highly illegal, Verschoor
(1978:241) concludes that the definition of “photographicˮ excludes videos, and that
it was therefore, technically, not unlawful for anyone in South Africa to own a
pornographic video.
Academic comment on pornography in South Africa in the 1980s is, however,
more abundant than in the period pre-1980: Theron (1988:168) admits that
pornographic videos and magazines could be purchased in South Africa with “’n
bietjie moeite” [a little effort] on either the black market or from neighbouring
countries; both Van Rooyen (2011:74,83) and Van Rensburg (1985:119) concur.
Other pornographic paraphernalia during the 1980s included wine goblets with
pictures of nude women on them and men’s underwear with phrases that were once
banned (Van Rooyen, 2011:43-44). In a chapter he titles “[d]ie Suid-Afrikaanse
situasie” [the South African situation], Van Rensburg (1985:113-126) sheds the most
light on the pornography trade in South Africa in the 1980s. Although quite vague,
Van Rensburg (1985:115) notes that “[k]landestien-ingevoerde materiaal [...] taamlik
verbreid in private huise beskikbaar [was]: [sic] danksy toegenome reisgeleenthede”
[imported clandestine material was moderately available in the privacy of homes,
thanks to an increase in travel opportunities]. Van Rensburg further adds that the
advent of “[n]uwe porno-bronne” [new sources of pornography], like the
pornographic video, are extremely hard to control – another indication that
pornographic videos might have been in circulation. When one considers that the
South African pornography trade grew out of “die hande van amateurs” [the hands of
amateurs] to “die professionele deskundiges van tans” [current professionals] (Van
Rensburg, 1985:125), it clearly indicates that by the mid-1980s, the South African
pornography trade was already developing well past its infant stage, and that “[d]ie
amateurdae van pornografie [...] lank reeds verby [is]” [the days of pornography in
the hands of amateurs have long since passed] (Van Rensburg, 1985:4).
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The “rains came” for the South African pornography industry during the 1990s, when
“the first signs of a new Constitution [sic] that would guarantee freedom of
expression” led to a flood of international and local pornography titles (Van Rooyen,
2011:74). Sonderling (1994a:160), Van Rooyen (1996:175) and Claassen (2007:133)
note magazines such as Bunny Girl, Stag, Penthouse, HUSTLER, Playboy and Loslyf
in South Africa. So, too, Stemmet (2004:223; 2005:207) reports that South African
censors identified only 13 pornographic publications in 1991; by 1993, the number
had grown to 259. Although pornography was still technically illegal, the South
African pornography market “blossomed” and sped to a net worth of R25 million a
month by 1995 (Stemmet, 2004:224-225). The flood, however, led to an unfortunate
avalanche, and most of the magazines folded due to “an oversaturation in the market”
(Claassen, 2007:133). Van Rooyen (2011:74-75) is of the opinion that the demise of
many pornographic magazines in this time was due to it not being “wild enough for
the seemingly famished South African market” – specifically South African editions
of Playboy and Penthouse that were not selling well. However, it did not lead to the
South African pornography industry’s demise: In 2003 “[was] [d]ie magtige Suid-
Afrikaanse bloufliekbedryf [...] toe op die vlak van tuisvideo’s” [the almighty South
African blue movie industry was on the level of home movies] (Eloff & Cronje,
2009b:124), but in just six years the industry expanded and saw the release of
domestic pornography movies in vernacular languages (as noted in section 1.2 of
Chapter 1 – Introduction); other recent developments are noted in the same section.
2.2.10 Criticism: Van Rensburg, Sonderling and Stemmet
Between Van Rensburg, Sonderling and Stemmet – the three researchers whose work
largely motivated the current research project – it is only Stemmet who has, to the
researcher’s knowledge, escaped criticism. Interestingly, it is Sonderling who criti-
cises Van Rensburg the most heavily.
According to Sonderling (1990:42), Van Rensburg fuels stereotypes of
pornography by continually defining it as “dehumanized sex” (Van Rensburg,
1985:21). On examination of Van Rensburg’s book Pornografie [Pornography]
(1985), Sonderling (1990:44) also remarks that “it is a collection of literary anecdotes
and a selective presentation of views”, and that “Van Rensburg’s entire contribution
to serious research on the effects of pornography consists of a bibliography”.
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Sonderling (1990:40) concludes by noting that Van Rensburg “conflat[es] depiction
of pornography and violence as both having harmful effects”, when in reality no
research could successfully prove any such claim.
Conversely, Sonderling’s research is criticised for the exact opposite: that no
research, including his own, proves that pornography does not [emphasised by the
researcher] have harmful effects (Van Eeden, Hansen & Gabrielli, 1994:14).
Instructed by Van Eeden, Hansen and Gabrielli (1994:14) to “[w]ake up”, Sonderling
is also accused of silencing and ridiculing his adversaries through academic research,
when he should be stating facts and not just making claims (Van Eeden, Hansen &
Gabrielli, 1994:14). In response, Sonderling (1994e:14) (rightly so) states that Van
Eeden, Hansen and Gabrielli are basing their criticism on one article in a non-
scientific newsletter, where space constraints largely prohibit factual expansion;
Sonderling refers them to specific articles already mentioned in this chapter
(Sonderling, 1989; 1990). Furthermore, Sonderling (1994e:15) indirectly accuses his
critics of “attempt[ing] to give censorship credibility” – especially since they argue
that it is not a “principal sin” to banish reading material (including pornography) that
might harm (Van Eeden, Hansen & Gabrielli, 1994:14). Sonderling (1994e:15)
concludes the mudslinging by reminding his critics that censorship, which they partly
justify, “is not a sin, it is a crime”.
2.3 Summary
This chapter reviewed academic research relevant to the pornographic magazine in
South Africa for three reasons: Firstly, to show what other research concerning
pornography in South Africa has been conducted; secondly to show that the current
research question (What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by
the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when
pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?) and
the results thereof (compiled in Chapter 6 – Findings and discussion) are relevant and
unique, and finally, to sketch a legislative, religious and cultural South African milieu
that indirectly contributes to an understanding of the pornographic magazine’s history
in the country between 1939 and 1989.
The span of the chapter showed that pornography is severely under-researched
in South Africa, and that similar studies to the current project are basically non-
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existent. The South African government is largely responsible for this scarcity, as its
suppression of pornography through an extreme application of censorship also applied
to academic writing. The chapter shed light on a 126-year history of media
suppression – specifically, pornography censorship – which, in turn, also shed light on
the (ruling) Afrikaners’ immensely conservative stance to pornography and their
religious convictions, which largely tried to keep pornography outside local boders.
Although the government argued it was trying to protect morality, literature showed
that the paranoid application of censorship to curb pornography was only secondary to
the minority Afrikaner government’s lust for control and power over a black majority.
In addition, academic literature also showed that the attempt to keep pornography out
of the country was partly unsuccessful, as the presence of some pornographic
magazines and videos were noted.
The next chapter (Chapter 3 – Theoretical frameworks) will introduce the two
theoretical frameworks – authoritarianism as a press theory and the Annales’s
functional-structural approach – that was used to examine and relay the findings of
this thesis (compiled in Chapter 6 – Findings and discussion).
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Chapter 3
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS
3.1 Introduction
Although this body of work is a social scientific enquiry into the historical roots of a
genre (in this case, pornography), and the premise of this study is clearly based in the
social science field of media studies, it has to be noted that the prominent historical
features of this investigation also focuses on a premise based in the field of historical
studies. Therefore, the examination of the research question (What pornographic
magazines were seized and proscribed by the South African government between
1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by
South African legislation?) leads to a study that is in effect bilateral in nature, as
both media and historical studies are grouped together in one project. The idea of a
bilateral social science study is strengthened in that the title of this thesis, the research
question and the fact that the study could be a literary contribution to a more complete
South African media-historiography, all contain the keywords “media”, “history” or
derivatives thereof. As a result of the research field’s duality, the researcher employed
two theoretical frameworks – one from media studies and one from historical studies
– to sufficiently study the research question. If theory is seen as a “systematic set of
ideas that can help make sense of a phenomenon, guide action or predict a
consequence” (McQuail, 2008:14), then it makes sense to employ two sets of ideas to
concurrently analyse the research question for a fuller and more robust result.
This chapter sets out to introduce and explain the principal characteristics of
the two chosen frameworks – the normative authoritarianism as a press theory, as well
as the French meta-theories framed by the Annales – which both guided and framed
the results of the research question. Emphasis on the prevalence of these two theories
and how they were implemented in this study, follows.
3.2 The authoritarian media theory
From the little available literature on the history of pornography in South Africa
already noted in Chapter 2 (Literature review), it is clear that the South African
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government implemented various censorship policies and strict laws between 1872
and mid-1998 to prevent the distribution and production of and even academic
enquiry into pornography in the country. Studying the problem theoretically, the
phenomenon of restricting a medium (in the span of this study, the pornographic
magazine) is discussed and analysed through normative theory, which mainly
concerns itself with a government’s control, limitation, or freedom of one medium,
multiple media or a media system as a whole (Fourie, 2007:191). Normative theory
concentrates on the (im)balance between the government’s will for power and control,
and the media’s right to freedom of speech (Roelofse in Fourie, 2007:190-191). When
a government’s claim of power and control conflicts with the media’s right to
freedom of speech, an imbalance in power occurs when governments restrict
functions that are needed by the media to perform properly (Fourie, 2007:190-191). In
short: “normative theories are thus mainly concerned with restrictions on (and
freedom of) the media in various situations and how this impacts on the functioning in
society” (Fourie, 2007:191).
In 1956, a study by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm was based on the
foundations of normative theory (Fourie, 2007:191). By comparing newspapers of
media systems worldwide, they developed four theories, which they hoped could
measure a country’s media freedom (Fourie, 2007:191):
1. the authoritarian theory;
2. the libertarian theory;
3. the social responsibility theory, and
4. the Soviet communist theory.
Although the theories were initially only studied “in relation to the press (news-
papers), [they were] later adopted and adapted as a yardstick for the measurement of
the freedom of expression in any country (from authoritarian to libertarian) of all
media” (Fourie, 2007:191). In this way, the theory is not only restricted to just
newspapers, but can lend itself to any medium and genre – including pornography and
the pornographic magazine.
Although the classical Four Theories model has seen changes since it was first
conceived, and has been criticised as being too simplistic, this researcher argues that it
is still applicable to this research project, as it is argued that the main focus for this
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study is the authoritarian theory, it is regarded as the model that is most relevant, and
it is the theoretical framework on which this study rests most heavily. Basic principles
and the prevalence of the authoritarian theory in this study, follow.
3.2.1 Basic principles of authoritarianism
Authoritarian theory justifies a dictatorial government’s suppression and censorship
of the media (Roelofse in Fourie, 2007:191-192). Berry, Braman, Christians, Guback,
Helle, Liebovich, Nerone and Rotzoll (1995:32) describe authoritarian theory as a
“negative version of libertarian theory” – the latter which concentrates on press free-
dom. Therefore authoritarian and libertarian theories represent the two opposite
divisions of normative theory which, as discussed, centres around restrictions and
freedom of the media. As the focus in this study is on the pornographic magazine
between 1939 and 1989, in a time when it was illegal in South Africa, the interest here
falls only on authoritarian theory.
Authoritarianism is defined within a relationship between a state and its
people, and more importantly focuses on how the state concentrates its power in this
relationship (Berry et al., 1995:38). In authoritarian practice, this “concentration of
power”, as phrased by Berry et al. (1995:38), is always negative in nature, as the state
abuses its power to gain total control over every facet of society – one of which is the
media. An authoritarian state argues that the individuals it governs can exclusively
reach their full potential as part of an “organized community” – a group that increases
the individual’s chance of success (Siebert, Peterson & Schramm, 1956:10-11). With-
out an organised group, the individual has no chance of reaching his/her goals. The
state classified itself as “the highest expression of group organization” and that it [the
state] “then, was essential to the full development of [its people]” (Siebert et al.,
1956:11). Although authoritarian states proclaim that their actions are in the best
interest of the individuals they preside over, their main goal for controlling the media
is mainly to “limit or suppress or define people’s thought and expression” (Berry et
al., 1995:38) and to use the media so that it, in turn, can become an instrument and
mouthpiece of government (Fourie, 2007:192). Therefore, the state, which rules over
an organised community, manoeuvres the media so that it can control what its
individuals (the people) are exposed to.
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3.2.2 Authoritarianism in this study
In Chapter 2 (Literature review), it was clear that censorship is a key concept in the
history of pornography in South Africa. By investigating the history of the
pornographic magazine in the country, it will be clear that pornography had to
develop inside a political structure that justified suppression of the media. The
research question (What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by
the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when porno-
graphy, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?) clearly
supports this, as the rationale of the study is to investigate the pornographic magazine
in South Africa in a time when censorship was so stringently applied.
Siebert et al. (1956:1) state:
“[...] the press always takes on the form and coloration of the social and
political structures within which it operates. Especially [sic], it reflects the
system of social control whereby the relations of individuals and institutions
are adjusted.”
As the findings (in Chapter 6) will outline, the pornographic magazine had to adapt to
the form of a political structure that repressed and controlled media. Since the South
African government maintained a regime in a time when censorship of pornography
was justified, and the justification of repressive regimes is the most basic tenet of
authoritarian theory (Fourie, 2007:193), it is clear why the framework set by
authoritarian theory was prevalent in the analysis of the research question of this
study.
3.2.3 Authoritarianism: motivation for the structure of the findings of this
thesis
Cloete (1988:14-27) divides the legislative history of publication control in South
Africa into four periods of time, largely following the number of changes in South
African censorship (and pornography) legislation already discussed in Chapter 2
(Literature review):
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1. pre-1931;
2. 1931 to 1963;
3. 1963 to 1974, and
4. post-1974.
As part of applying authoritarianism in this thesis, the structure of Chapter 6 (Findings
and discussion) will be analysed as follows in smaller sections motivated by Cloete,
but adapted according to the time parameters of this thesis (1939 to 1989):
pre-1939 (brief introduction);
1939 to 1963;
1964 to (mid-April) 1975, and
(mid-April) 1975 to 1989.
The application of authoritarian theory in this thesis therefore permits a “physical”
and metaphysical structure within which the research question (What pornographic
magazines were seized and proscribed by the South African government between
1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by
South African legislation?) will be investigated and its findings will be framed.
3.3 The Annales
The second of the two frameworks chosen for this study is known as the Annales, and
is considered to be a meta-theory of historical studies (Mouton, 2004:170). Unique for
its ability to collaborate with theoretical frameworks of disciplines other than politics
(geography, sociology, linguistics, economics and social anthropology, to name a
few) (Burke, 1990:2), the Annales is used in combination with authoritarianism in this
study.
This twentieth-century French historical movement, based on an annales
[annals] known as the Annales d’histoire économique et sociale [Annals of Economic
and Social History], was written in 1929 (Burke, 1990:21) by a group of French
historical revolutionists, who contested the fact that history should only be about
political events (Burke, 1990:2). In their bid, as the title of the annals suggests, they
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pleaded for “intellectual leadership in the fields of economic and social history”
(Burke, 1990:21). By 1930, the editorial committee decided to establish the move-
ment “on the almost virgin soil of social history”, omitting ideas of economic history
they initially included (Burke, 1990:22).
Since the journal’s inception, its scholars have presented different interests,
approaches and topics in an open forum of discussion, in an attempt to create a
nouvelle histoire [new history] – one that “sought to free itself [historiography] from
the constraints of [...] ‘positivism’” (Glénisson, 1980:175-176) and the “traditional
paradigm” of Rankean history developed by the German historian Leopold von Ranke
(Burke, 2001:2-3). According to Burke (2001:3), Rankean history was seen as “the
[emphasised by the author] way of doing history” and rejected the idea that other
approaches to historical studies were possible. However, in forming the foundations
of a nouvelle histoire, historical revolutionists of the Annales proved that an
alternative approach is achievable.
Defining the theoretical and methodological outcomes of this nouvelle histoire
set out by and in the Annales is partially problematic, as the policy of an open forum
of discussion and the discovery of a new history has resulted in a movement that has
led to an “evolution” of ideas, methods and practices (Glénisson, 1980:175). Scholars
of the Annales have contributed diverse interests and methods, and to date “have not
formulated an explicit theory or philosophy of history” (Iggers, 2005:51). Burke
(2001:2) notes that “the movement is united only in what it opposes”; it is therefore
also somewhat incorrect to refer to the Annales as a school or movement (Burke,
1990:1-2), an experiment (Huppert, 2002:873) or a paradigm (Stoianovich, 1976:1;
Hunt, 1986:209), as many scholars in the group abnegate any existence of one school
of thought (Burke, 1990:1). Braudel (in Stoianovich, 1976:9-11) comments that these
collective references are all inaccurate because they imply a monolithic approach –
something Annales historians did not aspire to.
After 81 years in existence, the Annales has been constructed and moulded by
three generations of historians who have all contributed different ideas on theory and
methodology (Burke, 1990:110; Stoianovich, 1976:1). Currently, the Annales is
reigned by a fourth generation who changed the name of the annals to Annales:
histoire, sciences sociales [Annals: History, Social Sciences] in the 1990s (Burke,
2001:2). It is not the intention of this study to support the ideas of merely one specific
generation. The contributions of all four generations were studied as a whole to see
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which parts of the amalgamated Annales meta-theory and which common factors
across all four generations fit best with this study. Accordingly, the functional-
structural approach follows.
3.3.1 The functional-structural approach6
As Burke (1990:110) states, the most outstanding achievement of the Annales and a
factor that binds all four generations together, is a constant attempt to step away from
a politics-only study of history and move closer towards “the reclaiming of vast areas
of history” that “extend the territory of the historian to unexpected areas of human
behaviour and to social groups neglected by traditional historians”. As such, the
nouvelle histoire has become “concerned with virtually every human activity” (Burke,
2001:3).
The movement is grounded in the theoretical functional-structural approach
which is “generally rooted in the realization that culture or civilization [...] embraces
more than just politics or the values, institutions, and other works and behaviour
patterns of political elites” (Stoianovich, 1976:29). Through functional and structural
approaches, the Annales saw society as a “total, inter-related [sic] organism”, and
focused their studies on one of the systems within that organism (Hunt, 1986:211).
Their goal was to see how a system of a society functions “in terms of its multiple
temporal, spatial, human, social, economic [and] cultural [...] dimension[s]” (Hunt,
1986:211). As part of stepping away from political subjects, the structural-functional
approach also “shed considerable light on the daily life of men and women of the
past”, noting how their lives played out against the various dimensions of society
(Burr, 1993:109-110). This contrasted with the traditional paradigm of history, which
only studied “great deeds of great men, statesmen, generals, or occasionally
churchmen” (Burke, 2001:4).
6 With specific reference to the Annales’s use of theory, Stoianovich (1976:29) phrases the theoretical
framework as a “functional-structural approach”, Hunt (1986:211) as “functional and structural ap-
proaches” and Burr (1993:109) as “structural-functional”. Although all three are presented here as the
sources phrase them, it should be noted that all follow the same definition.
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3.3.2 The prevalence and confliction of functional-structuralism in this study
In the span of this study, one can classify pornography as the product of a human
activity of which the history has lacked considerable study in South Africa (as
discussed in Chapter 2 – Literature review). As the functional-structural approach
emphasises the reclaiming of history that has been largely discounted by South
African and international researchers (see Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global
context), it should be clear that the application of this theoretical framework will
focus on the reclaiming of the history of the pornographic magazine in the country.
While the authoritative approach will focus the analysis of the results of the
research question (What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by
the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when
pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?) on the
suppression of pornography, the functionalist-structuralist approach will study the
pornographic magazine within this suppression to look at how it functioned. In
addition it will also give an indication of the “social practices and institutions in terms
of the ‘needs’ of the [South African] society and of [South African] individualsˮ
(Merton in McQuail, 2008:96).
However, one conflicting aspect is present: Although the Annales and the
functional-structural approach emphasise the step away from the political, it is
impossible to ignore the strong political foundation of this research, as pornography
was censored by a political body (between 1872 and mid-1998, as discussed in
Chapter 2 – Literature review), and the Annales meta-theory is used in combination
with a media theory that concentrates on dictatorial governments’ suppression of the
media. For these reasons, the conflicting elements between this study and the
application of both the authoritarian and functional-structural theoretical frameworks
is clear. However, it is important to note that although the Annales moved away from
political history, they never completely rejected it (Stoianovich, 1976:30). Staying in
line with Voltaire, Annales historians concentrated not only on the history of “battles
and of dynastic quarrels” but also a history of “customs and cultures” (Stoianovich,
1976:29), emphasising that although the nouvelle histoire’s main focus shifted, it did
not completely ignore political aspects. Therefore, the secondary political aspects of
this study, of which the pornographic magazine is the primary focus, are not
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redundant in the framework developed by the Annales and the functional-structural
approach.
3.4 Summary
This chapter introduced and evaluated the two theoretical frameworks used in this
study to research the pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989.
Firstly, the authoritarian media theory was introduced; this theoretical frame-
work focuses on dictatorial governments’ suppression of the media. Its application in
this thesis will therefore focus the analysis of the research question and the resulting
narrative of events on this suppression, and will be compiled in Chapter 6 (Findings
and discussion).
Secondly, the Annales meta-theory was introduced as a supplementary
theoretical framework to authoritarianism. The Annales’s use of the functional-
structural approach was applied in this study because it emphasises that society, as an
interrelated organism, embodies more than just the study of politics, and attempts to
reclaim vast areas of history neglected by historians. As discussed, the application of
a functional-structural approach will focus on how pornographic magazines managed
to function in the suppressive structure that is the focus of the authoritarian media
theory.
The next chapter (Chapter 4 – Research methodology) will concentrate on the
historical research methodology and the Annales-inspired regressive method, which
were employed in this thesis.
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Chapter 4
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
4.1 Introduction
This chapter will discuss the historical methodology, which was used to disinter data
on the pornographic magazine in South Africa between 1939 and 1989. The focus of
the chapter will be on explaining how the research method was used to retrieve
information, and what types of data was found.
In addition, the chapter will explain how the application of the historical
methodology was influenced by the Annales’s revolutionary implementation of the
regressive method, which studies history in a reverse chronological order (in this
study, from 1989 backwards to 1939) but presents it as a narrative of chronological
events from the earliest to the most recent date (1939 to 1989).
4.2 The historical methodology
The historical methodology involves the collection of data in an effort to provide a
“critical contextual link” between the past and the present (Lundy, 2008:395), as
researchers try to understand the present situation of a topic by looking at its roots in
the past. Lundy (2008:396) emphasises, however, that the historical methodology is
more than just gathering data and compiling it into one report: it allows for analysis
that develops “theoretical and holistic conclusions about historical events and
periods”. Although it is impossible to recall every fragment of history in full, (media)
historians try to gather various fragments of information, analyse and interpret them,
and patch them together (Scannell, 2002:201).
As a method of field research, which allows researchers “to get close to the
data and provides opportunities for them to derive their concepts from the data that
are gathered” (Burgess, 1984:2), the historical methodology deals with the collection
and analysis of “unobtrusive data” – data with which the researcher cannot literally
converse (Kellehear, 1993:vii). Unobtrusive data stands in contrast to data retrieved
via other field research methods, like interviews, focus groups and case studies, where
the researcher can have a conversation with the subjects he/she is studying.
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From the 1930s, researchers argued that “the products of our activities”, including
behaviour, dress, household objects, photographs, books, diaries, film, music, food,
audio records, government reports, memos, tombstone inscriptions, artefacts and,
more recently, even computer games – all unobtrusive data – can construct a similar
social context as the other, already-mentioned field research methods (Kellehear,
1993:vii,3,5; Jensen, 2002:243). Baker (2008:904) notes that unobtrusive data evokes
“thoughts of historical research”, because it allows the researcher to look at the
products of actions in the past. From this position, the researcher can “play the role of
the complete observer” (Baker, 2008:904).
4.2.1 Unobtrusive data in this study
In the study thus far, Chapter 1 (Introduction) and Chapter 2 (Literature review)
showed that research and known information on pornography and the pornographic
magazine in South Africa is sparse. The little amount of literature gathered in these
two chapters provided a skeletal structure from which the researcher could start to
gather unobtrusive data for this project. Archived newspapers, magazine registries,
like the Index to South African Periodicals, as well as available pornographic material
in print, including photographs and magazines published between 1939 and 1989,
became important sources of information with which the body of this project could be
constructed. Other types of unobtrusive data in this study include annual government
reports, commission reports, letters, postcards and official memoranda. Data was
excavated from:
the National Library of South Africa, Cape Town campus;
the Western Cape Archives and Records Service, and
the Document Centre, JS Gericke Library, Stellenbosch University.
The bulk of data was undeniably extracted from government gazettes, wherein the
government published titles of pornographic and other material it banned (in this
thesis: between 1939 and 1989). In total, the researcher identified 1 439 lists in
government gazettes published in these years. The number of lists per year is collated
in a table on the next two pages.
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Date of publication Number of lists consulted
8 September 19397 to 3 February 1956 1
8
8 September 1956 to 8 November 1963 109
3 January 1964 to 11 April 19759
364 (numbered from A1 to A367)10
449 (numbered from B1 to B453)11
166 (numbered from C1 to C166)
April 1975 to 1979 112
1980 113
1981 114
1982 115
1983 116
198417
77
1985 79
7 In section 1.3 of Chapter 1 (Introduction) it was stated that the first list was published on 21 August
1939. For an unknown reason, the list of 21 August 1939 was reprinted on 8 September 1939. When
the consolidated list for the period 8 September 1939 to 3 February 1956 was compiled, the list of 21
August 1939 was omitted for an unknown reason.
8 One consolidated list for the period 8 September 1939 to 3 February 1956.
9 Between 3 January 1964 and 11 April 1975, the government concurrently published three separate
lists: List A recorded undesirable publications and objects banned under the Publications and Entertain-
ments Act, No. 26 of 1963, and Lists B and C recorded obscene and objectionable goods banned under
the Customs Act, No. 55 of 1955.
10 The researcher could not find lists A76, A254 and A300, which was possibly omitted due to a
numbering error.
11 The researcher could not find lists B55, B71, B140 and B256, which were possibly omitted due to a
numbering error.
12 One consolidated list for the period April 1975 to December 1979.
13 One consolidated list for 1980.
14 One consolidated list for 1981.
15 One consolidated list for 1982.
16 One consolidated list for 1983.
17 From 1984 to 1989, codes replaced numbers on each list, which made it impossible to determine ex-
actly how many lists were published in these years. No consolidated lists were available, which means
that the number of lists in these years is the number the researcher found and consulted – and not the
actual number that was published by the government.
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1986 42
1987 47
1988 51
1989 49
With Hanson’s The History of Men’s Magazines (2004a; 2004b; 2005a; 2005b;
2005c; 2005d), The History of Girly Magazines (2006a), which helps to contextualise
pornography’s global history in Chapter 5 (Pornography: the global context), and the
internet as reference, the researcher could identify pornographic magazines by their
title and extract it from the mentioned lists. Some lists did not contain, as far as the
researcher could determine, any pornographic magazines. Although every effort was
made to determine which magazines in these lists are pornographic, the researcher
will not presumptuously declare that every single one was identified. With only the
titles of magazines available, and no imagery, the nature and genre of some could not
be determined, and therefore, were not included in this project.
What has to be emphasised, though, is what exactly these lists prove: As
mentioned in Chapter 2 (Literature review), the 1931 South African Board of Censors,
1963 Publications Control Board and 1975 Publications Appeal Board all published
lists of banned publications – but only after the said publications were submitted to
these boards by customs officials or the public for their (the boards’) approval. This
means that copies of the publications in these lists, specifically pornographic
magazines, were actually present in South Africa before they were banned – and they
are therefore an invaluable indication of what magazines were actually in the country
before they were prohibited by law.
4.2.2 The application of the historical methodology in this study
The above-mentioned unobtrusive data was gathered in six stages, roughly following
ideas on the historical method by Garraghan (1957:33), Gottschalk (1969:27-28) and
Van Jaarsveld (1978:63-65):
1. A research question was formulated (What pornographic magazines
were seized and proscribed by the South African government between
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1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety, was
prohibited by South African legislation?);
2. sources were identified (stated in section 4.2.1 of this chapter);
3. it was established whether the identified sources are authentic;
4. the authentic parts were extracted;
5. it was established whether the identified authentic parts are credible, and,
finally,
6. the findings are stated in a presentable written form (in Chapter 6 –
Findings and discussion).
4.2.3 The Annales’s regressive method
In the research process, the researcher noted that more information is available on the
most recent years closer to 1989 than the earlier years closer to 1939. Therefore, it
was apt to apply the regressive method that “read[s] history backwards” (Burke,
1990:23). Applied by historians in the nineteenth century and known by them as the
“retrogressive method” (Burke, 1990:23-24), the need to read history backwards was
stressed by the founding editors of the Annales, who argued that “it is only prudent to
proceed from the known to the unknown”, as we know more of the later periods than
the earlier years (Burke, 1990:23).
In line with this definition, more information was available on the topic of the
pornographic magazine in South Africa around 1989 than 1939, and it was easier to
trace this history from back to front, rather than front to back.
4.3 Summary
This chapter discussed the historical methodology, which was utilised to gather data
for the purpose of answering the research question (What pornographic magazines
were seized and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and
1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South
African legislation?). The historical methodology was employed as the sole method,
and focused on the collection of unobtrusive data in the form of archival and
document sources – but most importantly, government gazettes – which were stated in
this chapter in as much detail as possible.
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The next chapter, Chapter 5 (Pornography: the global context), will be presented as an
historical context chapter to Chapter 6 (Findings and discussion). The overture will
focus on the development of pornography, and the technological growth that led to the
invention of the pornographic magazine in the late-nineteenth century; this history is
drawn to the present day.
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Chapter 5
PORNOGRAPHY: THE GLOBAL CONTEXT
5.1 Introduction
Thus far, it has been ascertained that the amount of research on pornography in South
Africa is limited, and that this project hopes to partially fill this gap with an inquest on
the pornographic magazine in the country between 1939 and 1989. To introduce the
results of this inquest (compiled in Chapter 6 – Findings and discussion), the
researcher would first like to present a historical context chapter that will discuss and
contextuallise the global history of both the pornographic magazine and pornography
as a whole. In this way, the findings of this thesis can be located and placed alongside
the development of the genre worldwide (although it is not the intention of this thesis
to make any sort of comparison between the two).
Compared to South African research, international academic studies have
excavated the history of pornography in remarkable detail, with an almost exclusive
focus on the development of the genre in Europe and the USA, where, as a “Western
idea with a specific chronology and geography”, pornography first became a
“category” (Hunt, 1993a:10). Although historical research by Hyde (1964) and
Richlin (1983; 1992b) traced the early precursors of pornography to Ancient Greece
and Rome (roughly 2 500 years ago), it has to be emphasised that “pornography was
almost always an adjunct to something else until the middle or end of the eighteenth
century” (Hunt, 1993a:10). This means that prior to the end of the 1790s in France –
when and where pornography first became the “commercial, hard-core business” we
know today – pornography developed for two millennia, in which time it became a
means of expression for something else, before it established itself as the genre whose
raison d’être shifted to the sexual arousal of its viewer (Hunt, 1993a:42).
For the purpose of this study, it would be strikingly clear to focus and expand
on the history post-1790 for two very palpable reasons: Firstly, the definition of
“pornography” adopted in this thesis in Chapter 1 (Introduction), is in unison with the
definition, function and intention of pornography in its history after 1790, when it
became a commercial, hard-core business (as stated above), and secondly, the span of
time under investigation in this thesis (1939-1989) falls in this period. But the
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researcher would like to include comment on the early history of pornography starting
in the sixteenth century, because it will become clear that it, too, played a significant
part in the development of the pornographic magazine worldwide.
To better comprehend how pornography developed and what it became a
vehicle for, the researcher suggests separating this immense span of time into two
distinct eras, largely following the focus of pornography’s development in academic
work by Richlin (1983; 1992b), Hunt (1993b) and Hanson (2004a; 2004b; 2005a;
2005b; 2005c; 2005d; 2006a), and supported by an overview on the history of
pornography by Hyde (1964). The two eras include:
1. 1500 to 1800, when the first examples of pornography we could
recognise today emerged, becoming a vehicle for political upheaval –
especially in “early modern Europe” (Hunt, 1993a:42), and, subse-
quently,
2. post-1800, when pornography was “born and gr[ew] to maturity” into
the genre and business we know today (Foxon in Hunt, 1993a:30).
When this historical context is comprehended, the findings in Chapter 6 that focus on
a robust, South African import culture will be equally well understood.
5.2. The advent of modern pornography, 1500 to 1800
The first appearance of pornography as it is understood today has been under much
deliberation but is widely accepted to be of Italian origin. Although Hyde (1964:65)
credits the first pornographic work to be from the pen of Venetian Giovanni
Boccaccio in 1371, Hunt (1993a:24) states that “every expert on pornography” credits
sixteenth-century Italian writer Pietro Aretino as the originator of modern porno-
graphy. Using sexually arousing prose, Aretino tried to upset the church, and used his
erotic work to comment on rulers’ hypocritical conventions (Hunt 1993a:10). Not
only does this clearly illustrate pornography as a vehicle that used “the shock of sex to
criticize religious and political authorities” between the years 1500 and 1800, but also
shows that a strained relationship between pornography, the state and the church is
not only a modern-day occurrence.
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Aretino’s “hobby”, which initially consisted of 16 pornographic sonnets with
accompanying drawings of “various postures in sexual intercourse”, became so
popular that people started buying his works (Hyde, 1964:75-76). Unbeknownst to
himself, he started to form the basis of a pornographic tradition which highlighted
“the explicit representation of sexual activity, the form of the dialogue between
women, the discussion of the behaviour of prostitutes, and the challenge to moral
conventions of the day” (Hunt, 1993a:26). His amalgamation of political satire and
pornography quickly inspired other pornography-politics syntheses. Sixteenth-century
humanists, for example, created “academy pornography” for a male elite, who
analysed politicians by sectioning them into groups of “Pricks, Cunts, Balls and
Asses” (Hunt, 1993a:26). In turn, “academy pornography” laid the foundation for
seventeenth and eighteenth-century “political pornography”, which was “explicitly
related to political issues” in an attempt to criticise monarchies, the church and any
form of “absolutist political authority” (Hunt, 1993a:11,26,31). Although Aretino’s
precedent continued in Europe well into the seventeenth century, it started to dwindle
when the novel emerged as a new genre (Hunt, 1993a:30). It was only until the 1740s,
when pornography re-emerged in France, where, with the help of an ever-advancing
print culture, it would be used as a “tactic of democratic propaganda” in a time when
European politics was on the verge of changing dramatically (Hunt, 1993a:43).
5.2.1. Pornography, democracy and print culture
The relationship between pornography and democracy remains largely unexplored in
all of the already-mentioned literature, although Hunt (1993a:43) identifies “peculiar,
even paradoxical” links between and events concerning the two entities. It is
considered “hardly [...] coincidental” that pornography again became popular in the
1740s – after stagnation of nearly a century – at exactly the same time when the
“beginning of the high period of [the] Enlightenment” signalled “a period of general
crisis in European society and politics” (Hunt, 1993a:33). Focusing on the foundation
crafted by Aretino in the sixteenth century, pornography again became a “variable
arm of criticism”, shaping political debate among ordinary people against issues
concerning the French monarchy (Hunt, 1993a:43). Between the 1740s and 1790s,
French pornography became even more political, more graphic and more critical, with
“pornographic pamphlets attack[ing] the clergy, the court, and, in the case of Louis
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XV, the king himself” (Hunt, 1993a:35). Pornographic attacks spared no one: the
French ministry, deputies in the French National Assembly, and the church (see
Figure 1) all came under heavy criticism. By the beginning of the French Revolution
in 1789, pornography had solidified itself as “a vehicle of protest against the authority
of Church-State [sic]”, mostly because it had “extended its audience down to the
popular classes” (Hunt, 1993c:305).
Figure 1: Pornographic attacks on the French elite were popular around the 1790s – and spared no one.
The French finance minister at the time, Jacques Necker (at the top), came under pornographic
scrutiny (Hunt, 1993c:320); drawings in pornographic pamphlets depicted deputies in the French
National Assembly sodomising each other (bottom left) (Hunt, 1993c:309), and even pornographic
lampooning of the church and monks (bottom right) was plentiful (Hunt, 1993c:319).
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It is perhaps best to suggest here that the peculiar relationship between pornography
and democracy could be linked by a third factor – a thriving print culture – which
made pornography accessible to the masses, wholly because pornography and print
culture developed, expanded and urbanised as a cluster from the sixteenth century to
the present (Hunt, 1993a:30; Nikunen et al., 2007:2-3). For the first time since the
sixteenth century, pornography was not exclusively accessible to a “social elite”
(Hunt, 1993a:13) and “upper-class educated men” (Hunt, 1993a:19), who were
initially the only ones who could read and could afford to buy it (Hyde, 1964:12).
Findlen (1993:55) notes that “learned men” in the mid-sixteenth century applied
“mechanisms of censorship” to restrict pornographic work to an elite group, as they
feared that sexual material could lead to a “marketplace of ideas” and in turn “would
lead society [and populist masses] to inevitable ruin”. Ironically, this was the case in
France in 1789, where and when pornography contributed to collective, political
thought and eventually a revolution (Hunt, 1993c:305). The extension of
pornographic work to a wider audience is largely due to a print culture, which not
only “capitalized on the formation of an urban reading public” (Findlen, 1993:54), but
shaped a “public arena” (Findlen, 1993:102), where anyone could “vent one’s outrage
about the ills of society” (Findlen, 1993:108). Hunt (1993a:43) summarises it as
follows:
“In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, pornography was written for an
elite male audience that was largely urban, aristocratic and libertine in nature.
In the eighteenth century, the audience broadened as pornographic themes
entered populist discourses, a development given even greater impetus by the
French Revolution.”
After democracy was introduced in France following the French Revolution, political
pornography ceased to exist after it “paradoxically” democratised itself and could not
criticise as it did before 1789 (Hunt, 1993c:305). With the immense expansion of
print technology, pornographers started to mass produce text and images for profit,
and decided to devote their time “to the explicit description of sexual organs or
activities with the sole aim [emphasised by the researcher] of producing sexual
arousal in the reader or viewer” (Hunt, 1993c:305). In part, it saw the advent of a
“mass pornosphere”, as coined by McNair (2002:38) – the commercial, hard-core
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business as noted before – but it would also introduce “the great age of expurgation”
in the nineteenth and twentieth century, when strict government legislation would try
to suppress the boom of pornographic merchandise – the photograph, the postcard and
the magazine – produced by an ever-expanding media technology industry (Hunt,
1993c:304).
5.3 The mass pornosphere, post-1800
The influence of printed pornographic materials on a wider audience was very clear
before and during the French Revolution, and “nineteenth-century moral reformers”
were determined to prevent any similar political upheavals (Hunt, 1993c:304-305). As
a result, intrusions by the law in various countries followed to suppress the circulation
of all pornographic work. In 1815, the first conviction of pornographic libel was
processed in the USA, and in 1824 pornography was made a misdemeanour in
England, subsequently forbade in the UK in 1857 (Hunt, 1993a:12; Hyde, 1964:11-
12). In part, the great age of expurgation brought on a “period of extreme sexual
conservatism based on Victorian moral values”, which “denied female sexuality and
forced men to keep their sexuality private” (McNair, 1996:9). “Dangerous literature”
was kept away from women and children, while court convictions, statutes and
legislation cemented the era of the suppression of pornographic material (Hunt,
1993c:305). Pornographers retaliated nonetheless. Mirsky (2005:6-7) notes that “it is
no accident that the production of pornography flourished during a time of [...]
repression”, and it was this “sexually repressive attitude[...]” that motivated
pornographers to continue producing pornography. Further motivation came in the
form of faster postal services, supported by an expanding railway system, which could
deliver mail – and pornography – to the ordinary man. As Connolly (2008:4) notes:
“Suddenly, for the first time, pornographic images were within the grasp of ordinary
people: the means to make them, reproduce them, and distribute them had never been
[...] so readily available.”
Although the distribution of pornography became easier, it was the intro-
duction of the photographic process in 1839 that became the biggest technological
benefactor for pornography in the nineteenth century.
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5.3.1 Photographic pornography
The first pornographic photographs date back to around 1845 in Paris, France, just
before the words “pornographer” and “pornography” received entries in the Oxford
English Dictionary in 1850 and 1857, respectively (Hunt, 1993a:13; Mirsky,
2005:5,7). Due to the repressive nature in which these photographs were born, their
producers, photographers, models and consumers are anonymous to this day (Mirsky,
2005:5-6). Interestingly, many of the models were in fact prostitutes, presumably used
because “they would have known the things that customers routinely asked for”
(Connolly, 2008:2). Mirsky (2005:5) adds that there “is also evidence that a small
number of the models were mental patients with little to no knowledge of what they
were doing posing for the photos”. Images in these times were produced “by men, for
men”, which means that most are “representative of the general masculine erotic
imagination, or at least what the photographers assumed that to be” (Mirsky, 2005:5).
The most popular images were of heterosexual and male homosexual relations (see
Figure 2) (Mirsky, 2005:5). Pornographic themes were actually as diverse as they are
today, and photographers who could capture more risqué images, could earn a
significant amount of money (Mirsky, 2005:5). Other themes included interracial
intercourse, bondage (see Figure 3, on the next page), masturbation, fellatio, group
intercourse and even 1860s bestiality (Moynihan, 2008:55).
Figure 2: After photographic pornography was introduced in 1845, images such as heterosexual
intercourse (left) (Moynihan, 2008:286), interracial intercourse (middle) (The Rotenberg Collection,
2005:103), and male homosexual relations (right) (Moynihan, 2008:60) were the most popular.
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Figure 3: Some of the more risqué images included bondage, such as this one from the 1870s (The
Rotenberg Collection, 2005:201), which is defined as “the practice of being tied with ropes, chains, etc.
in order to gain sexual pleasureˮ (Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, 2005:157).
By 1865, technology had developed to such an extent that ordinary men could operate
cameras, further increasing the amount of pornographic content produced (Hanson,
2006b:9). Technological growth continued so rapidly that most countries started
publishing their own “indigenous” pornography by the 1880s (Hunt, 1993a:23). At
the same time, notably, mass politics emerged, again suggesting a link between
pornography and democracy (Hunt, 1993a:23). Although there was a stealthy increase
in pornographic content worldwide, including printing pornographic images on
playing cards (The Rotenberg Collection, 2006:1), it was not until the invention of the
postcard and the production of the magazine that “an unprecedented impact,
comparable to that of the Internet [sic] in the 1990s” gave pornography a new channel
through which it could penetrate the mass market for the first time (Dupouy,
2009:np).
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5.3.2 Pornographic postcards
The postcard was first used as a new mode of communication in the 1870s “for no
other reason than simple chitchat” (Dupouy, 2009:np). The enormous postcard
publishing and printing industry in France employed 33 000 people and printed 123
million postcards in 1911 alone (Dupouy, 2009:np). In an attempt to “hasten the
popularization and dissemination of erotic/pornographic photography”, pornographers
decided to capitalise on the mass production of the postcard, its low cost and its
ability to be distributed faster than any other medium before it (Dupouy, 2009:np;
Mirsky, 2005:6). By the early 1900s, the pornographic postcard was produced “by the
kilometre” in “some secrecy”, and widened the audience of pornographic work even
more by making consumers aware of the availability of the pornographic photograph
(Dupouy, 2009:np). Although pornographic postcards were not freely available, they
were more available than the hard-core pornographic photograph, in part because they
were not as obscene and graphic (Dupouy, 2009:np). “Presented in the guise of
acceptable, academic nude studies”, the pornographic postcard then was never
“destined for the clandestine pornographic market”, but rather exposed the possibility
of more hard-core photography to the mass market (Dupouy, 2009:np). Between 1919
and 1939, France produced 20 million nude postcards (Mirsky, 2005:6). Dupouy
(2009:np) notes that they were rarely used for correspondence, as authorities would
almost surely arrest its sender and its receiver. Instead, pornographic postcards were
mostly “amassed in hefty albums by collectors hoping to reassemble complete series
of images” (Dupouy, 2009:np). As a result, all of the original pornographic postcards
that still exist today are “generally devoid of inscriptions or correspondence”
(Dupouy, 2009:np).
Prominent themes of the images on pornographic postcards can also be
identified, but it is evident that male models mostly disappeared as subjects. Dupouy
(2009:np) gives two, somewhat unsatisfactory, reasons for this: Firstly, males were
already “twice present” as postcard collector and photographer, and secondly, because
women felt, as part of a new liberation movement, that they could take the place of
men in all aspects of society – even as sexual partners of other women. Female homo-
sexual relations were therefore the most prominent theme, with spanking (see Figure
4, on the next page) a popular activity between them. In addition, the focus also
turned to exposing the female form, especially women’s bottoms (Dupouy, 2009:np).
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Figure 4: A picture dating from 1936 showing two women – one spanking the other (Dupouy,
2009:np). Spanking was a popular theme on pornographic postcards in the early 1900s
(Dupouy:2009:np).
Paris, France became known as “the capital of debauchery” after the French
Revolution in 1789 and remained so for almost 150 years (Dupouy, 2009:np). With
the introduction of the pornographic postcard, the French successfully turned
pornography into a business, producing what the creators of the documentary
Pornography: A Secret History of Civilisation (2006:np) call a “new breed of
businessman: the porn dealer”, who used innovative technological advances of the
time, including the photograph and the postcard, to expand and capitalise on the mass
pornosphere. Therefore, it is not surprising that the next innovation – the
pornographic magazine – also had its origin in France (Hanson, 2006b:10). However,
the immense popularity of the pornographic magazine extended across the borders of
France, which started to lose its status as “the innovative force in sex publishing”
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(Hanson, 2006c:355). Other countries, initially including Germany and Denmark,
thereafter Sweden, Argentina, Mexico and Japan, and much later England and the
USA, popularised the magazine to such an extent that France turned from being the
“initiator” in sex publishing to being the “imitator” (Hanson, 2006c:355). With its
roots in France, though, the pornographic magazine was the last fundamental step in
pornography innovation that dismantled legislation prohibiting pornography in
Europe, and morphed the worldwide pornosphere into an almost uncontrollable and
unpredictable “pornotopia” (Hanson, 2005e:7; Pornography: The Secret History of
Civilisation, 2006:np).
5.3.3 The pornographic magazine
The researcher could find no more-extensive body of work on the history of the
pornographic magazine than author Dian Hanson’s six-volume, 2 760-page The
History of Men’s Magazines (Hanson, 2004a; 2004b; 2005a; 2005b; 2005c; 2005d).
En bloc the six volumes contain more than 1 000 images from men’s and
pornographic magazines worldwide. In conjunction with a more condensed, single
volume, 672-page The History of Girly Magazines by the same author (Hanson,
2006a), the books form an unparalleled, invaluable and undeniable contribution to
media-historiography, especially since it contains, what the researcher considers, one
of the most complete bibliographies on pornographic magazines produced in the
Americas, Europe, Asia and Australia between 1870 and 1980. Unsurprisingly,
however, Africa is omitted.
After exclaiming “Welcome to Pornotopia”, Hanson (2005e:7) declares that
the first hard-core pornographic magazine was produced in Sweden in 1967. Private
magazine, which at the time had already been in circulation for two years, turned the
men’s magazine into the world’s first pornographic magazine after publishing – for
the first time ever in a magazine – pictures of explicit sexual intercourse (Hanson,
2005e:7). The history leading up to the first pornographic magazine in 1967, however,
cannot be overlooked, especially since it is blatantly clear from Private’s first cover –
in 1965 – that crass nudity in magazines was already present (see Figure 5, on the
next page). Although there were “pinup magazines and adventure magazines, art-
photo magazines, nudist magazines, girlie titles and risqué titles, over-the-counter and
under-the-counter, top shelf and bottom shelf, spicy, saucy, sparkling and speedy”
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magazines before 1967, only a brief summary of the early development of the (men’s
and pornographic) magazine follows, simply due to space constraints.
Figure 5: The cover of the Swedish pornographic magazine Private published in 1965 (Abrahamsson &
Axelsson, 2005:20). In 1967, the magazine became the first magazine in the world to publish frank
photographs of sexual intercourse (Hanson, 2005e:7).
5.3.3.1 Early development
The first men’s magazines developed in France around the 1870s, and were produced
in the form of programmes for Parisian cabarets, which regularly published bare-
breasted dancers (Hanson, 2006b:10). By 1880, the French started publishing nude-
study art magazines and magazines known as “men’s sophisticates”, which combined
“discreet nudes with spicy fiction and humor” (Hanson, 2006b:10). The magazines
were widely accepted, in part because it was still seen as a very sophisticated medium,
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which received nearly the same respect in France as fine art (Hanson, 2006b:10). By
the beginning of the 1900s, Germany became the first country outside France to
produce men’s magazines for the mass market (Hanson, 2006b:10). However, in a bid
to escape strict censorship legislation in the (former) Weimar Republic, titles had to
be presented “asexually”, denying nudity was displayed for “sexual titillation”
(Hanson, 2006b:10). By the 1930s, hundreds of German magazines included nudity in
their pages (Hanson, 2006b:10). Although the pornographic magazine had a solid
foundation in Europe by the 1940s, it was crippled by the financial predicaments
brought forth by World War II (Hanson, 2006b:12). Paper shortages were rife in
France and Germany, magazines in France were downsized to 32-page digests, and in
Germany, magazines became unpopular due to paper’s poor quality (Hanson,
2006b:12). However, World War II exposed American soldiers stationed in Europe to
nudity in magazines they had never experienced before, and with the USA “rich,
triumphant and eager for fun” during the late-1940s, the war opened the door for
American magazine dominance (Hanson, 2006b:12).
5.3.3.2 The beginning of American magazine dominance
As mentioned, the USA convicted possession of any form of obscene libel in 1815,
and continued stringent legislation against pornography well into the twentieth
century. By the beginning of the 1900s, when France and Germany had already
founded popular pornographic magazines, America literally and figuratively started to
show its ankles, with men failing to even sneak a “peek at a stocking top” (Hanson,
2004c:75; Hanson, 2006b:10). By the end of World War I in 1918, however, America
experienced its first, what Hanson (2004c:80) calls, “sexual revolution”:
“[American] [w]omen abandoned their corsets, bobbed their hair and took up
smoking, drinking and dancing. Ford’s affordable automobiles gave young
people mobility, and a place to be alone, while the new latex condom offered
reliable birth control for those private moments. In the big cities burlesque
theaters introduced striptease […].”
American magazines followed suit. Due to strict legislation, American publishers
initially used the “nude-studies-for-art-magazines-ployˮ to release nude pictures to the
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mass market (Hanson, 2004c:80), but later found numerous other magazines (see
Figure 6 and 7, on the following pages) in the 1920s and 1930s to use as vehicles
which could obscure pornographic content of the time. These included comic books
known as Tijuana Bibles18
(Gluckson, 2004a:143); erotic fiction magazines, later
published with depictions to become the first “spicy pulpˮ magazines (Gluckson,
2004b:159); naturist magazines, film magazines (Hanson, 2004d:179); detective
magazines (Hanson, 2004e:207) and humour magazines (Hanson, 2004f:241).
Figure 6: A cartoon, titled Maggie, popular in the USA in the 1930s (Gluckson, 2004a:151). These
pornographic cartoons were known as Tijuana Bibles, and were named after a town in Mexico close to
the USA border, where they were published (Gluckson, 2004a:143).
It is evident from the visual examples (above – and on the next page) that American
content was not as explicit as the pornography produced in Europe – largely due to
the USA’s censorship policies. Although it seemed that American pornographers were
slowly exposing more of the male and female body, they “took a giant leap back-
ward” at the beginning of World War II (Hanson, 2004h:293). Instead, Americans
started mass-producing “patrioticaˮ, which would later become known worldwide as
the pin-up (Hanson, 2004h:293).
18
An interesting comparison can be drawn between these comic books and the South African “under-
groundˮ comics Bitterkomix, first published in 1992 (Van Staden, 2006:i), Gif: Afrikaner Sekskomix in
1994 (Van Staden, 2006:12) and Stripshow in 2003 (Van Staden, 2006:19). Used as a space for social
commentary, rather than solely sexually titillating its reader, the comics are not pornographic according
to the definition applied in this thesis, and therefore fall outside the boundaries thereof.
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Figure 7: Spicy pulp magazines, like Paris Nights in the 1930s, were produced to “sell sex without
getting busted” by only “implying” sex rather than explicitly showing it (Gluckson, 2004a:159;163-
164). To fluke censors, photographs of male and female genitalia were also published in naturist
magazines, like Sunshine & Health, after nudist parks were legalised in the USA in 1932 (Hanson,
2004g:227).
5.3.3.2.1 The patriotic pin-up
After the USA entered World War II in 1941, men’s magazines changed dramatically,
with a new emphasis on “apple-cheeked good girls in modest swimsuits a boy could
be proud to hang over his army cot” (Hanson, 2004h:293). Strippers were replaced
with showgirls, sexy blondes with sweet brunettes, and partial nudity with no nudity,
apart from what is exposed when women wear swimsuits (Hanson, 2004h:294).
Collectively, these elements gave birth to the pin-up (see Figure 8, on the next page),
and even became more popular than the French nude (Hanson, 2004h:293).
American patriotism became an integral facet for most magazines, which
redefined itself around the concept of “supporting our boys” (Hanson, 2004h:294). As
Hanson (2004h:293-294,296) explains, material in pin-up magazines revolved around
military-themed comics, slapstick photo stories, which “predicated on the difficulties
girls had doing simple tasks with their men away at war”, advice on how to deal with
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the sex problems wives of men at war faced, or the art of intimate letter writing.
Although it became popular worldwide and quickly became the “wave of the [19]40sˮ
(Hanson, 2004h:293), it started to diminish post-World War II when men, and in
particular 27-year old Hugh Marston Hefner, grew “tired of seeing nothing” (Hanson,
2004i:181; Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:205). The answer came in the form of Playboy
magazine, which quickly became the most influential men’s magazine of the
twentieth century (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:205); in conjunction with rival
magazines Penthouse and HUSTLER, they quickly became known as the twentieth
century’s “Big Three” (Jaccoma, 2005b:185; Stemmet, 2004:223).
Figure 8: Examples of pin-ups from various magazines. From left to right: Giggles magazine,
published in 1943 (Hanson, 2004h:323); The Male Home Companion magazine, published in 1942
(Hanson, 2004h:328), and Pin Me Up magazine, published in 1944 (Hanson, 2004h:298).
5.3.3.2.2 The “Big Threeˮ: Playboy, Penthouse and HUSTLER
In 1953, Hugh Hefner founded Playboy magazine, largely following the format of
Esquire magazine, where he once worked as a copywriter (Jaccoma & Hanson,
2004:206). Publishing the first issue with no date on the cover, as he was unsure how
long the magazine would survive, and its first editor’s note anonymously in fear that
he would not find a job if the magazine failed, Hefner wrote that the magazine would
contain “articles, fiction, picture stories, cartoons, humor and special features […] to
form a pleasure-primer styled to the masculine taste” (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:208).
As Jaccoma and Hanson (2004:216) remark, American men’s magazines before and
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during Playboy “assumed their readership to be ‘men’s men’”, who hunted, fished,
drank beer and only associated with women for sex. Playboy, in contrast, suggested a
more sensual lifestyle, where a man could actually spend his leisure time with
women, wear stylish clothes and learn how to cook (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:216).
Shortly after Playboy was launched, USA obscenity laws were dramatically
changing: In 1957 the USA Supreme Court defined obscenity by distinguishing it
from art for the very first time (Hanson, 2004j:400). More importantly, a magazine
could not be banned on the basis of a single passage or photograph, but rather
attention shifted to the “dominant theme” of the publication (Hanson, 2004j:400).
This worked well in Playboy’s favour, as the magazine combined nude photographs
of women with a Playboy Interview Series, which became world famous (Jaccoma &
Hanson, 2004:222). Interviewees over the decades included Ayn Rand, Malcolm X,
Dr. Albert Schweitzer, Fidel Castro, Snoop Dogg, Jimmy Carter, The Beatles, the
Irish Republican Army and many more (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:222).
The first issue was a success, in part because its first cover model was Marilyn
Monroe – in the nude – and it was the momentum of the first issue that expanded in
successsive issues, which in turn led to a television show, Playboy’s Penthouse, and
the Playboy Jazz Festival in 1959, the purchase of the famous Chicago Playboy
mansion in 1960, 23 Playboy clubs, various resorts and casinos, a book publishing
house, a modelling agency, a record label, television and motion picture production
companies, and a limousine service (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:224). In 1960, Hefner
also started exporting Playboy to Europe, where old leaders France and Germany
were still recovering from the effects of World War II (Hanson, 2005f:8). The
magazine became an immediate success there, and led to a European “fascination
with all things American” in the 1960s (Hanson, 2005f:8). By 1971, the magazine had
successfully turned the brand into an enterprise, and to date, it remains an “icon[…] in
all the history of men’s magazines” (Jaccoma & Hanson, 2004:224).
Playboy, however, did not remain without competition. In Europe, readers
were demanding to see more than just the barely bare breasts the magazine was
publishing, and their answer came in the form of Penthouse magazine, published in
1965 in England (Jaccoma, 2005a:273). When American founder and editor Bob
Guccione decided to export Penthouse to the USA in 1969, he placed an ad in The
New York Times, which printed Playboy’s rabbit logo above the statement: “We’re
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going rabbit hunting” (Jaccoma, 2005a:277). On Penthouse’s release, the magazine
became the first in the USA to show pubic hair (Jaccoma, 2005a:277).
In 1972, Larry Flynt’s HUSTLER magazine competed with Playboy and
Penthouse by pushing the limits even further by showing “gynecologic ‘pink’” in its
spreads (Jaccoma, 2005b:185). It quickly became America’s third-largest men’s
magazine (Jaccoma, 2005b:179). By 1980, both Penthouse and HUSTLER “had
carved such big chunks off its [Playboy’s] circulation” (Hanson, 2005g:41), but the
three magazines continued to be successful into the twenty-first century (Jaccoma,
2005b:185).
Collectively, the competitiveness between the “Big Three” was exposing a
new trend in men’s and pornographic magazines – that of breaking every possible
taboo – and it was the European market, specifically Sweden, which would induct the
last major innovation in men’s and pornographic magazines before the “Big Three”
could beat each other to it: the under-the-counter or hard-core pornographic magazine.
5.3.3.3 Hard-core pornographic magazines
The parameters of the images in pornographic magazines produced up to 1967 in
Europe and the USA never transcended “implied sexual activity” and merely depicted
“male and female nudity with emphasis on the genitalia […] with neither actual
sexual activity nor physical arousal of males” (Hanson, 2005e:8). But with the advent
of Private magazine in Sweden in 1967, the USA Commission on Obscenity and
Pornography, assembled in 1968, needed to define a new class of pornography – aptly
titled hard-core pornography – which the Commission defined as material “generally
limited to photographic reproductions of sexual intercourse depicting vaginal, anal or
oral penetration” (Hanson, 2005e:8-9).
Private magazine and its founding editor, Berth Milton, “changed the entire
face of pornography” when the Swedish government decided to abolish censorship
legislation after the magazine became immensely popular in the country
(Abrahamsson & Axelsson, 2005:21,27). An immediate international conception
arose that Sweden was a sex-obsessed country (Abrahamsson & Axelsson, 2005:27),
especially with the help of the media that “bound nations together in a vast global net”
in the 1960s (Hanson, 2005h:69). But it did not take long for Sweden’s precedent to
have an effect on the rest of the world: Denmark and Holland became the second and
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third European countries to abolish the censoring of hard-core pornography, with
Germany, under the influence of female entrepreneur Beate Uhse, and Italy following
suit shortly thereafter. In the East, Japan and Hong Kong quickly became the capitals
of hard-core bondage and schoolgirl-fetish magazines (Hanson, 2005e:9,11;
2005h:69-70).
While the world’s eyes were on Europe, who in effect drew attention away
from the American magazine market, Reuben Sturman, dubbed by the American
government as the King of Porn, introduced hard-core pornography to the USA in the
1970s, and also created the American adult bookstore and the peep show booth
(Hanson, 2005h:71). In Hanson’s words (2005e:14), the pornographic magazine
became “less creative” after the introduction of the hard-core pornographic magazine,
as there were very little taboos left to be broken.
The popularity of the pornographic magazine continued well into the twenty-
first century, but a rapid decline in circulation was noted c. 2005, as a result of the
digital era (Hanson, 2005e:14). It is clear that “pornography […] move[s] along until
a new technology comes out” (Pornography: The Secret History of Civilisation,
2006:np), which is the exact reason for the decline of the pornographic magazine;
beginning in the 1990s, the CD-ROM, DVD, satellite TV and, of course, the internet,
well surpassed the popularity of the once mighty pornographic magazine industry.
5.4 Summary
This chapter reviewed the history of pornography and the pornographic magazine on a
global scale, segmenting the development thereof from the sixteenth century.
Pornography reminiscent of the modern-day genre was located in the sexually
conservative period between 1500 and 1800. Strikingly, pornography in this time was
used as a medium to criticise the government, their legislative decisions and the
church, who dictatorially ruled its people and followers. It was only in the period
post-1800 that the financial benefits of the trade in pornography was realised, and
since then pornography retailers and dealers have been shaping and expanding the
pornotopia we know today by exploiting technological advances like the photographic
process, postcards and the pornographic magazine, in an attempt to expand the
genre’s reach. In the future, pornographers will continue to exploit technology, just as
pornographers in the past have successfully done.
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Interestingly, various sources have relayed in this chapter that pornography was
present across Europe, the Americas, Asia and Australia, but none have commented
on pornography in Africa or, more specifically, South Africa. The next chapter
(Chapter 6 – Findings and discussion) hopes to shed a sliver of light on exactly this
topic by answering the following question: What pornographic magazines were
seized and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and 1989
– a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African
legislation?
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Chapter 6
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
6.1 Introduction
The findings of the research question (What pornographic magazines were seized
and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a
time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African
legislation?), which set out to give an overview of the pornographic magazines that
were seized and banned by the South African government between 1939 and 1989 are
relayed in this chapter. As discussed in Chapter 4 (Research methodology), the data
was gathered qualitatively by implementing the historical methodology. Chapter 3
(Theoretical frameworks) also explained in detail that the narrative in this chapter was
guided by the authoritarian media theory, which looks at media systems that are
directed and stifled by government control – in this case, the pornographic magazine –
and the Annales’s application of the functional-structural approach, which focuses on
the function of, in this case, the pornographic magazine, within this authoritarian
state. Therefore, the angle of the narrative of events that will unfold in this chapter,
will focus on this suppression, while at the same time shedding light on the
distribution and reading culture of pornographic magazines that were once seized and
shortly thereafter proscribed by South African authorities.
The chapter opens with an introduction on pornography in South Africa pre-
1939, and thereafter continues to an overview of pornographic magazines in three
distinct periods between 1939 and 1989 – 1939 to 1963; 1964 to (mid-April) 1975,
and (mid-April) 1975 to 1989, as discussed in Chapters 1 to 3. The focus is on what
pornographic magazines were initially acknowledged and shortly thereafter prohibited
by the South African government in this time, but to steer clear from only listing the
titles of international and domestic pornographic magazines (listed in Appendix A, B
and C), the narrative is amplified by the two theoretical frameworks and events in
unobtrusive, historical data that have a tie to the suppression of the genre in the
country.
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6.2 A point of departure: pornography in South Africa pre-1939
As noted in Chapter 2 (Literature review), academic comment on pornographic
material in South Africa pre-1939 is largely non-existent, with only South African
legislation and the promiscuous context of South Africa’s “naughtyˮ 1890s suggesting
the presence of pornography in the country. At the onset of this research project, it
was (naïvely) assumed that pornographic material was present in South Africa in the
late nineteenth century, as legislation to prohibit the traffic of obscene content was
already declared in 1872. However, no historical evidence was found in the research
process to support the availability, distribution or detection of such content in the
country. What is clear, though, is that the absence of data in this research project that
could have suggested the presence of pornography in 1800s South Africa is
juxtaposed with the presence of pornography in 1900s South Africa, starting almost
immediately after the fin de siècle in 1904 – the earliest data the researcher could find
that located pornography in the then Union of South Africa.
6.2.1 The first traces
The earliest known pornography in South Africa discovered in the research process
for this project is mentioned in a letter dated by the postmaster general (PMG) in
Cape Town on 26 October 1904 (Postmaster General, Cape Town, 1904:1-2). The
letter notes a “bookpacket [sic]ˮ of photographs received from Funchal – the capital
city of the Portuguese archipelago Madeira – which, initially, seemed to contain
numerous “unmounted photographs of Madeira sceneryˮ (Postmaster General, Cape
Town, 1904:1). At closer inspection, however, “several obscene unmounted
photographs of naked human figuresˮ were also found in the collection. Although the
PMG argued in his correspondence with the attorney general that only the obscene
photographs should be destroyed and the rest be sent to the addressee (Postmaster
General, Cape Town, 1904:1), the attorney general ordered the entire “bookpacketˮ to
be destroyed on 7 November 1904 (Attorney-General’s [sic] Office, Cape Town,
1904:1). This means that no photographic evidence of most probably the first
pornography in South Africa exists for inclusion in this project.
After 1904, the import of pornography to the country became more frequent.
In 1906, 73 pornographic postcards were seized and subsequently destroyed by
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authorities in Port Elizabeth (Controller of Customs, Cape Town, 1906:1; Assistant
Treasurer, Controller of Customs, Cape Town, 1906:1), and in 1907, what seems to
be, the first sex toys, imported by a Mr. G. Friedrichs for £1, were detained and
destroyed in Cape Town (Controller of Customs, Cape Town, 1907:1; Assistant
Treasurer, Controller of Customs, Cape Town, 1907:1). Although no photographs of
the mentioned toys exist, similar images show that sex toys were popular in
pornography of the time (see Figure 9).
Figure 9: A pornographic photograph, dating from c. 1860, showing the use of a forerunner of the sex
toy – a popular accessory in pornography produced in the nineteenth century (Dupouy, 2009:np).
It is perhaps best to illuminate a shortfall of this study here: a lack of photographic
evidence. As most of the mentioned pornographic material was destroyed, there is no
photographic evidence that can be scrutinised by the researcher, which means that a
description of any material as pornographic lies solely with the South African
representative who first described and thereafter authorised its destruction. Ironically,
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even with physical evidence, the judgement of labelling photographs or postcards as
libellous and obscene was not always unanimous, as became evident in the
correspondence between the PMG and the attorney general in Cape Town in 1908.
After seizing at first eight (Postmaster General, Cape Town, 1908a:1-2) and shortly
thereafter two more postcards (Postmaster General, Cape Town, 1908b:1-2), the PMG
found it “difficult to believe” that the attorney general did not consider the said
postcards pornographic (Postmaster General, Cape Town, 1908c:1). In response, the
secretary of the law department at the attorney general’s office initially admitted that
two of the postcards somewhat contravened the law (Secretary to the Law
Department, Attorney-General’s [sic] Office, Cape Town, 1908a:1), but later declared
that none of the postcards are really obscene, profane or libellous (Secretary to the
Law Department, Attorney-General’s [sic] Office, Cape Town, 1908b:1). In a third
letter, the secretary also questioned the PMG’s judgement of the postcards, and again
reminded him that the interpretation of the postcards as obscene “would not be
justified by the terms used by the Legislature [sic]” (Secretary to the Law Department,
Attorney-General’s [sic] Office, Cape Town, 1908c:1).
Is it, therefore, technically possible that none of the above examples of porno-
graphy in South Africa pre-1939 are really pornographic – especially since no
physical evidence exists? Without photographic evidence, the possibility has to be
considered. However, within the context sketched in Chapter 5 (Pornography: the
global context) that acknowledges the increased popularity of pornographic content in
photographs and on postcards starting in the mid-nineteenth century, the description
of the mentioned items as pornographic most probably hold true. In some instances,
data that lacked both photographic evidence and a clear description, for example the
import of “obscene articles” from Hamburg, Germany in 1909 (Controller of
Customs, Cape Town, 1909:1), was not included in the study, although it strongly
suggests and further strengthens the presence of more pornographic content in South
Africa.
6.2.2 The United Nations agreement and international convention for the
suppression of the circulation of and traffic in obscene publications
With the flow of obscene, pornographic content becoming more apparent in South
Africa in the first decade of the twentieth century, it is quite coincidental that the first
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of two international agreements for the suppression of the circulation of and traffic in
obscene publications was declared in 1910 (United Nations, 1950:1-5). Although not
legally binding, the Agreement for the Suppression of the Circulation of Obscene
Publications19
is summarised as follows:
“The States [sic] represented [are] equally desirous of facilitating within the
scope of their respective legislation, the mutual interchange of information
with a view to tracing and suppressing offences connected with obscene pu-
blications, have resolved to conclude an agreement to that end and have, in
consequence, designated their Plenipotentiaries [sic] who met in conference at
[sic] Paris from 18 April to 4 May 1910 and agreed on the […] provisionsˮ
(United Nations, 1950:1).
More specifically, each country which signed the agreement would have to “under-
take[…] to establish or designate an authority charged with the duty of:
(1) Centralizing all information which may facilitate the tracing and suppression
of acts constituting infringements of their municipal law as to obscene
writings, drawings, pictures or articles, and the constitutive elements of which
bear an international character.
(2) Supplying all information tending to check the importation of publications or
articles referred to in the foregoing paragraph and also to insure or expedite
their seizure, all within the scope of municipal legislation.
(3) Communicating the laws that have already been or may subsequently be
enacted in their respective States [sic] in regard to the object of the present
Agreement [sic]ˮ (United Nations, 1950:1).
19
It has to be noted that South Africa was not listed as one of the countries which accepted the agree-
ment in 1910 and 1949, when the same protocol was amended in New York, USA on 4 May 1949
(United Nations, 1950:4-5). But in supplemented documents, it is clear that South Africa was repre-
sented by the United Kingdom, and that the agreement was “declared applicableˮ on South Africa,
which was still a British colony at the time, and 27 days shy of becoming a union (in 1910) (United
Nations, 1910:1-2).
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Similarly, the second international agreement – the International Convention for the
Suppression of the Circulation of Traffic in Obscene Publications20
– was opened for
signature in Geneva from 12 September 1923 to 31 March 1924 by the predecessor of
the United Nations, the League of Nations, with almost exactly the same objectives as
the first:
“The High Contracting Parties [sic] agree to take all measures to discover,
prosecute and punish any person engaged in committing any of the following
offences, and accordingly agree that [i]t shall be a punishable offence:
(1) For purposes of or by way of trade or for distribution or public exhibition
to make or produce or have in possession obscene writings, drawings,
prints, paintings, printed matter, pictures, posters, emblems, photographs,
cinematograph [sic] films or any other obscene objects;
(2) For the purposes above mentioned, to import, convey or export or cause to
be imported, conveyed or exported any of the said obscene matters or
things, or in any manner whatsoever to put them into circulation;
(3) To carry on or take part in a business, whether public or private, concerned
with any of the said obscene matters or things, or to deal in the said
matters or things in any manner whatsoever, or to distribute them or to
exhibit them publicly or to make a business of lending them;
(4) To advertise or make known by any means whatsoever, in view of
assisting in the said punishable circulation or traffic, that a person is
engaged in any of the above punishable acts, or to advertise or to make
known how or from whom the said obscene matters or things can be
procured either directly or indirectly” (United Nations, 1948:6).
Although there is no evidence in the research process thereof, it does seem that the
South African government adhered to both agreements by implementing the Enter-
20
At this convention and the amendment of the protocol by the United Nations in New York, USA on
12 November 1947, the Union of South Africa was represented by the Right Honourable Lord
Parmoor, representative of the British empire on the Council of the League of Nations, who signed the
agreement on behalf of both South Africa and South-West Africa (modern-day Namibia) (United
Nations, 1948:11).
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tainments (Censorship) Act, No. 28 of 1931, which hoped to centralise information
(as stated in point 1 of the 1910 agreement) more acutely. As mentioned in Chapter 2
(Literature review), the country’s four provinces each operated its own, independent
censorship laws up to 1931, after which they were all diminished and replaced with a
unilateral law. In addition, the South African Board of Censors would have to approve
any of the materials mentioned in both agreements above, and hoped to enforce exact-
ly what is prohibited in all four points of the 1924 agreement.
Interestingly, no pornographic material was identified between 1910 and 1939
in South Africa, possibly due to the government’s ever-tightening grip on the circula-
tion of pornographic content. Although 20 million pornographic postcards were being
printed abroad annually between the two world wars in 1914 and 1939 (Toe ons
ouma-grootjies [sic] nog jonk was [When our great-grandmothers were still young],
1995:30) and pornographers were trying to establish ways to print pornographic
photographs in magazines (as discussed in Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global
context), it is only from 21 August 1939 onwards that a more clear documentation of
exactly what the South African government banned, shows which pornographic
magazines were being imported and accessed in the country.
6.3 The advent of pornographic magazines in South Africa, 1939 to 1963
Although South African customs and the Board of Censors kept an even tighter grip
on international publications since the induction of the Entertainments (Censorship)
Act, No. 28 of 1931, it only became customary to publish the titles of banned
publications in the Union’s government gazettes from 1939 onwards (Republic of
South Africa, 1962a:15). Therefore, an idea of exactly what pornographic magazines
South Africans were importing and reading only becomes clear from this year
onwards. Technically, it is inaccurate to say that no pornographic magazines were
imported before 1939, but as no historical evidence was found to disprove such a
claim, and government gazettes that recorded banned publications pre-1939 do not
exist (Republic of South Africa, 1962a:15), 1939 is a pivotal point of departure for
locating the pornographic magazine in the country.
This section opens with a short note on distribution of pornography in South
Africa between 1939 and 1963, and then takes a look at local magazine culture before
making reference to the 289 pornographic magazines identified in this period. The
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bulk of spicy pulp (erotic fiction with pictures, as discussed in Chapter 5 –
Pornography: the global context) and pin-up magazines stand in contrast with hard-
core naturist magazines, a few soft-core European titles, the first homosexual
pornographic magazine – and even a South African title.
6.3.1 Distribution
While the machinery of state censorship was well-oiled by 1939, various potholes in
the system led to general unhappiness by anti-pornography enthusiasts, who
acknowledged that between 1939 and 1963, it was much easier to get hold of, in this
case, a pornographic magazine in South Africa than expected. The “‘guardian’ of
public moralsˮ was the customs department, who investigated shipments of materials
from abroad with a “suspicious eyeˮ (Our amateur censors, 1941:5). Many, however,
took advantage of the deficiencies the customs department, ironically, itself
acknowledged. Some of these included that:
the Entertainments (Censorship) Act, No. 28 of 1931 did not provide guide-
lines against which a publication should be judged (Republic of South Africa,
1962a:4), which, in turn, meant that no unilateral norm or guideline could be
applied by a customs official, who had the power to ban a publication by
merely paging through it (Republic of South Africa, 1962a:13-14). Not only
then did customs officials subjectively decide whether to ban a magazine or
not, but a conservative customs official, for example, in Cape Town could ban
a magazine, while a more liberal customs official in Port Elizabeth could
approve exactly the same magazine for distribution in the country (Republic of
South Africa, 1962a:11);
the sheer number of shipments from abroad meant that customs officials could
not inspect every package, which made it easy to smuggle pornography into
the country by packaging it with crockery, for example (Republic of South
Africa, 1962a:4);
most publications – a “[o]ntsaglike getal publikasiesˮ [tremendous amount of
publications] – were shipped and distributed through the post office, and were
not investigated by customs officials (Republic of South Africa, 1962a:7,10).
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This meant that around 200 000 copies of publications were passed to
distributors in Cape Town every month, while around 100 000 to 120 000
copies of publications were shipped via the post office to private individuals
and smaller book traders (Republic of South Africa, 1962a:7). Interestingly,
shipments via the post office did not even require a bill of entry (Republic of
South Africa, 1962a:10). Although packages were investigated by post office
officials, a few were chosen at random, while most were never scrutinised
(Republic of South Africa, 1962a:18). This meant that packages with unknown
contents were passed along to 300 large book traders and 12 000 other smaller
and privately-owned outlets in the Union (Cronjé, 1957:7), and
in cases where customs and post office officials were unsure whether a
publication should be banned, the said publications would be submitted to the
South African Board of Censors, whose scrutiny was also subjectively based
(Republic of South Africa, 1962a:3). Unfortunately, the amount of time it took
to deliver a verdict and the amount of press associated around the publications,
meant that the Board gave certain magazines free publicity and enhanced its
sales before a conviction could be amalgamated (Letterkundige sensuur
[Literary censorship], 1947:13; Is ’n Sensuur op Boeke Gewens? [Is book
censorship desired?], 1951:7; De Beer, 1952:10). By the time a publication
would be banned by the Board, most of the copies already distributed would
be sold out (Republic of South Africa, 1962a:9).
Consequently, the process was nothing more than “[s]ensuur manewalesˮ [censorship
antics] (Sensuur manewales [Censorship antics], 1946:3), which proved that
“[w]etlike sensuur […] ’n ondoeltreffende gebrekkige middel teen obsene en
prikkelende lektuur [in Suid-Afrika] [is]ˮ [legal censorship (in South Africa) is an
inefficient, defective instrument against obscene and salacious literature] (Is ’n
Sensuur op Boeke Gewens? [Is book censorship desired?], 1951:7; Sensuur onder die
Soeklig [Censorship under the Spotlight], 1951:7).
In part, the “undergroundˮ ebb and flow of pornographic magazines make the
investigation of the research question (What pornographic magazines were seized
and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a
time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African
legislation?) problematic, as it is quite hard to track and determine what magazines
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were available if there was no record of them. But the censorship system, as is, was
not completely bungled, and with a healthy magazine culture in South Africa in a time
when television was absent, 289 pornographic magazines in the country between 1939
and 1963 could be identified.
6.3.2 Magazine culture
Before the advent of television in South Africa in 1976, magazine circulation was
extremely high, with both Greyling (1959:4) and Cronjé (1957:6) respectively making
note of 63 and 58 million local and international magazines sold in the country
annually. But with the somewhat inefficient South African Board of Censors and
censorship policies forced down by South African authorities to control pornographic
magazines, it was a case of “locking the stable door after the horse had goneˮ
(Walker, 1952:13). In the period 1939 to 1963, pornography in magazines
circulated in South Africa had increased in monthly publications (Cronjé, 1957:6),
with “vile literatureˮ finding its way to the Union from America, Britain and France
(De Beer, 1952:10). A description of what made these magazines so vile is
summarised by Greyling (1959:5):
“Die vernaamste algemene kenmerk van ongewenste tydskrifillustrasies is
sonder enige twyfel die wyse waarop die vrou voorgestel en afgebeeld word.
In die ongewenste illustrasies word die vrou by uitstek voorgestel en afgebeeld
in skamele en ongenoegsame kleding en/of in suggestiewe of prikkelende
houdinge. Hierdie illustrasies – die mate waarin dit voorkom en die wyse
waarop dit toegeneem het – is ongetwyfeld een van die ergste vorme van
ongewenstheid in die Unie...ˮ
[The primary characteristic of undesirable magazine illustrations is without a
doubt the way in which women are represented and portrayed. In these
undesirable illustrations, the woman is eminently represented and portrayed in
scantily-clad and inadequate clothing and/or in lewd or provocative postures.
These illustrations – the degree in which they appear and the way they are
increasing – is undoubtedly one of the worst forms of undesirability in the
Union…]
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South Africans were therefore slowly but surely being exposed to “magazines [that]
have outstripped in vulgarity and indecency anything previously seen of this kindˮ
(De Beer, 1952:10), in an attempt not only to shock its audience, but to make money
(Greyling, 1959:6). This was also emphasised by the Cronjé Commission in 1957
(Union of South Africa, 1957h:14):
“And what is the position in the Union in regard to undesirable magazines?
That they are also to be found in the Union, is a matter about which no doubt
exists. On the one hand there are the imported magazines whose contents, in
so far as stories, articles and illustrations are concerned, leave much to be
desired. These imported magazines have contributed towards the creation of a
demand for this type of reading.ˮ
6.3.3. Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South Africa, 1939 to
1963
A complete list of the 289 pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa between 1939 and 1963 is compiled in Appendix A. The next subsections will
briefly discuss some of the most popular pornographic magazine genres that were
identified in this period.
6.3.3.1 Pulp and pin-up magazines
The most prominent pornographic magazines between 1939 and 1963 in South Africa
were by far pulp and pin-up magazines, with the first two – Silk Stocking Stories and
The Stocking Parade (see Figure 10, on the next page) – banned immediately one
after the other in as early as 1939 (Union of South Africa, 1956a:23-24). While it is
quite hard to consider both of these magazines (and other pulp and pin-up magazines
like these in this period) pornographic (even soft-core pornography), especially since
one is looking at these images with a twenty-first century frame of mind, it has to be
emphasised again that pornography does not only vary from person to person, but also
from time to time (Is ’n Sensuur op Boeke Gewens? [Is book censorship desired?],
1951:7). In the first half of twentieth-century South Africa, extreme conservatism
made it almost inadmissible for women to cut their hair, wear lipstick or wear
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clothing that exposed more than the points of their shoes (Is ’n Sensuur op Boeke
Gewens? [Is book censorship desired?], 1951:7), which means that any image that
transgressed any of these conservative taboos were seen as highly explicit – and
therefore, highly pornographic. In the case of both The Stocking Parade and Silk
Stocking Stories, exposing underwear and an almost-bare breast was enough to make
them two of a plethora of banned pulp and pin-up magazines in this time.
Figure 10: The Stocking Parade (Hanson, 2004k:45) and Silk Stocking Stories (Silk Stocking Stories,
Unknown:np) were two of the first pornographic magazines banned in the Union of South Africa. Note
that these examples – and the other examples that will follow in this chapter – are not the actual
editions that were banned by the South African Board of Censors, and only serve as visual examples,
while at the same time giving an approximate look at the content of the publication.
During the 1940s, pulp and pin-up magazines continued to pour into the country, each
only suggesting the sexual, rather than showing it explicitly, but it was not long for
barely any nudity in pulp and pin-up magazines to be replaced with full-on nudity in
the form of naturist magazines, which were first imported to South Africa in 1950
(Union of South Africa, 1956a:17).
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6.3.3.2 Naturist magazines
As discussed in Chapter 5 (Pornography: the global context), naturist magazines
became popular in the US after nudist parks were legalised there in 1932. In an
attempt to fluke censors, publishers produced naturist magazines with the rationale
that there is no sexual element to public nakedness in naturist parks, and that the
portrayal thereof in a magazine follows the same thought. In South Africa, however,
the nudity portrayed in these magazines was, at the time, unparalleled; compared to
the coy nudity of pulp and pin-up magazines, naturist magazines bared it all (see
Figure 11).
Figure 11: A picture from the Swiss naturist magazine Helios (Hanson, 2005g:230), and the cover of
another, Health and Efficiency (Health and Efficiency, 1954:np); both illustrate that, compared to pulp
and pin-up magazines, nudity in naturist magazines was quite hard-core.
The first naturist magazine that made its way to South Africa, Naturisme, came from
France (Union of South Africa, 1956a:17), and was soon followed by other naturist
magazines from Europe, where the levels of explicitness were far greater than
elsewhere. These included, among others:
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three German publications: FKK in Frankreich (Union of South Africa,
1957e:10); In Natur und Sonne (Union of South Africa, 1956c:26), and
Lebensfreude (Union of South Africa, 1957f:12);
Helios, from Switzerland (Union of South Africa, 1956c:26);
Tidlösa, from Sweden (Union of South Africa, 1957f:13), and
Zonnevrienden, from the Netherlands (Union of South Africa, 1957e:12).
6.3.3.3 Abreast of breasts: soft-core pornographic magazines
With the parameters of a new hard-core established through the introduction of
naturist magazines to South African audiences, pulp and pin-up magazines started
exposing more too, and South Africans were following suit by importing magazines
that moved from subtly hinting at naked breasts to showing it explicitly.
Figure 12: Two French pornographic magazines of the 1950s seized and banned in South Africa: Paris
Hollywood Nus Couleurs (Paris Hollywood Nus Couleurs, Unknown:np) and La Vie Parisienne (La
Vie Parisienne, Unknown:np).
Although magazines at the beginning of the 1950s tastefully exposed the top half of
the female body artistically, like Paris Hollywood Nus Couleurs (Union of South
Africa, 1956c:26) or La Vie Parisienne (Union of South Africa, 1956a:14),
magazines by the end of the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s were pushing the
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envelope with more risqué and provocative content, including the infamous Playboy
(Union of South Africa, 1956b:34), and the magazines pictured in Figure 13, Modern
Man (Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21) and Hollywood Models of the Month
(Union of South Africa, 1957c:15).
Man’s Magazine was banned the most – 37 times21
– the clear leader ahead of Man’s
Point of View and Cavalier, which were seized and banned nine times22
between 1960
and 1963, and eight times23
between 1957 and 1963, respectively.
21
Union of South Africa, 1956a:16; 1957b:11; 1960a:12; 1960b:52; 1960d:26; 1960e:14; 1961c:9. Re-
public of South Africa, 1961b:9; 1961d:21; 1961f:12; 1962c:6; 1962d:7; 1962e:5; 1962f:9; 1962g:9;
1962h:8; 1962j:11; 1962k:9; 1962m:6; 1962n:12; 1962p:7; 1963d:5; 1963e:7; 1963g:6; 1963h:10;
1963j:3; 1963l:10; 1963m:11.
22 Union of South Africa, 1960c:8; 1960d:26; 1961b:12. Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9; 1961d:21;
1962d:7; 1962j:11; 1963b:5.
23 Union of South Africa, 1957e:9; 1957g:29; 1958b:18. Republic of South Africa, 1962b:9; 1962m:6;
1963j:3.
Figure 13: Magazines like Modern Man (left) (Hanson, 2004l:306) and Hollywood Models of the
Month (Hollywood Models of the Month, Unknown:np) were exposing more of the female body.
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6.3.3.4 The first South African pornographic magazine
Most probably the first South African pornographic magazine – Candid Pinups
Featuring South African and International Beauties – was published for the first time
by Atlas Publications (Pty) in Johannesburg in the late-1950s (National Library of
South Africa, 2013:np; Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International
Beauties, Unknown-a:1; Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International
Beauties, Unknown-b:1).
Figure 14: The front covers of two issues (issue 3 [left] and 4 [right]) of most probably the first South
African pornography magazine, Candid Pinups Featuring South African and International Beauties
(Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International Beauties, Unknown-a:1; Candid Beauties
Featuring South African and International Beauties, Unknown-b:1).
One of its first issues was advertised in 1959 at the bottom of a page in a local comic
book, titled Action Comics (Action Comics, 1959:12) (see Figure 15), and it is there-
fore safe to say that most probably South Africa’s first pornographic magazine was
founded at the end of the 1950s.
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Figure 15: The advertisement in the comic book Action Comics, which advertised the first issue of most
probably the first South African pornographic magazine, Candid Pinups Featuring South African and
International Beauties (Action Comics, 1959:12).
The magazine only published 50 pictures of scantily-clad women in provocative poses
in each of its 21 issues; was published at irregular dates until 1967, and was sold for
30c (National Library of South Africa, 2013:np; Candid Beauties Featuring South
African and International Beauties, Unknown-a:1; Candid Beauties Featuring South
African and International Beauties, Unknown-b:1).
As noted by the editor, who only identifies him or herself as “THE EDITORˮ,
“readers will not want to spend too long on reading before looking at the picturesˮ
(Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International Beauties, Unknown-a:1).
Hollywood starlets were featured, but a bulk of South African women was also
included, as “THE EDITORˮ urged them to submit pictures of themselves for print:
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“[...] we should still like to receive photos of our own South African lovelies
to print – the more of them, the better. You are invited to send in photos,
preferably not smaller than postcard size, of yourself, your daughters or your
friends. On the back of each photo, please print lightly the full name, address,
age and measurements of the person shown, together with any hobbies or
other particulars that you think would be of interest (Candid Beauties
Featuring South African and International Beauties, Unknown-b:1).
Figure 16: Three examples of the provocative poses in Candid Pinups Featuring South African and
International Beauties (Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International Beauties,
Unknown-a:3,21,24). On the far right, Lenita, a Cape Town model, is bound in ropes and is described
as getting “herself all tied up in this charming poseˮ (Candid Beauties Featuring South African and
International Beauties, Unknown-a:24).
South Africans obliged: Photographs of South African women (see Figure 16) with
photo captions that included their names (excluding surnames), cities of residence,
hobbies, ages and body measurements were printed (Candid Beauties Featuring South
African and International Beauties, Unknown-b:19).
Although the images are suggestive of the sexual – in a similar manner as
international pulp and pin-up magazines that were seized and banned in South Africa,
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as discussed in section 6.3.3.1 – it was only until 196524
when five issues, nos. 14 to
18, of the magazine were banned. In all probability, it was only targeted by censors
post-1963 (when the Publications and Entertainments Act, No. 26 of 1963 was
enforced), as the South African Board of Censors (pre-1963) had no power over
publications that were produced domestically (Kruger, 1973:7); it was only until
1963, when the Publications Control Board (PCB) replaced the South African Board
of Censors, that domestic publications also came under censorship’s extremely
conservative scrutiny.
Although “THE EDITORˮ noted that the magazine received a “gratifyingˮ
and “enthusiastic receptionˮ, and hoped that future issues would be “equally well
receivedˮ (Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International Beauties,
Unknown-a:1; Candid Beauties Featuring South African and International Beauties,
Unknown-b:1), it is unclear why no issues were published after 1967. It would not be
a surprise, though, if the PCB’s constant banishment of the magazine led to its
publishers conceding defeat and discontinuing the publication.
6.3.3.5 Other notable pornographic magazines: male homosexual
Apart from pornographic magazines already mentioned in this section, one homo-
sexual magazine was discovered in the research process: Eos (Homofilt Tidsskrift), a
Danish homosexual pornographic magazine (Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4).
Somewhat prematurely, Eos was banned in 1963, only a year before gay pornography
started to infiltrate South Africa in bulk from 1964 onwards (discussed later in section
6.4.2.4 of this chapter).
6.4 From soft to hard: the pornographic magazine in South Africa, 1964 to
1975
By the time the Publications Control Board (PCB) was instituted in 1963, “[n]udity as
24
The magazine was included in the period 1939 to 1963, as it originated in this time. It was, however,
not listed in the corresponding Appendix A, but in Appendix B (1964-1975) as the magazines were on-
ly targeted by censors post-1963 in 1965.
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such [in magazines] [was] almost out of date overseasˮ (Vanas, 1970:34); even local-
ly, “[o]nly a completely naïve personˮ would pretend pornographic magazines were
non-existent (Vanas, 1970:47). As a result, the PCB clamped down on pornography
far more stringently than its predecessor, during, what would later become known as
South Africa’s “[s]exy [s]ixtiesˮ and “severeˮ seventies (Sex and censorship in
advertising, 1972:33). Not only was it “generally accepted by the [PCB] that pictures
showing more than half of the White [sic] breast [were] not acceptableˮ (Sex and
censorship in advertising, 1972:33), but the new law declared that all magazines sold
for less than R1.00 could not be imported without a permit (U is gewaarsku [You are
warned], 1963:2).
6.4.1 Cunning importation – and the PCB’s shortfalls
According to Herbst (1973:4) it was a regular occurrence to hide pornographic
magazines in “onskuldige omslaeˮ [inoffensive covers] to fluke censors at
international ports (where magazines entered the country from abroad) and post
offices (where they were distributed domestically). So, too, passengers on planes and
ships were not barred when hiding magazines in their luggage (Memorandum insake
sekere aspekte van die beheer oor ingevoerde publikasies en rolprente [Memorandum
regarding certain aspects of the control over imported publications and films],
1964:2). A steady flow of pornographic magazines were also streaming into South
Africa, hidden in the belongings of immigrants from other African countries, such as
Angola, Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe) and Mozambique; additionally, it was
mere child’s play to import pornographic magazines from some of South Africa’s
neighbouring countries, such as Swaziland, Botswana or Lesotho, because the
countries belonged to the same customs union and, therefore, no customs control was
wielded on their borders (Memorandum insake sekere aspekte van die beheer oor
ingevoerde publikasies en rolprente [Memorandum regarding certain aspects of the
control over imported publications and films], 1964:3; Departement van Pos-en-
Telegraafwese [Department of Post and Telecommunications], Unknown:3).
Although it was acknowledged that “tydskrifte is die soort publikasies waarin
die meeste kwaad skuilˮ [magazines are the kind of publications in which the most
evil hides] (Kruger, 1973:7), the South African Department of Post and Telecommu-
nications merely shrugged at the countless avenues through which pornographic
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magazines were filtering into the country, stating that it is “natuurlik onmoontlik om
elke posstuk individueel na te sienˮ [obviously impossible to examine every piece of
mail individually], and that it is “hoofsaaklik wanneer die omslae [van pakkies]
beskadig raakˮ [mostly when the outer covers (of packages) get damaged] that
pornographic magazines are discovered by chance (Departement van Pos-en-Tele-
graafwese [Department of Post and Telecommunications], Unknown:2-3). For the
Department, “[d]ie soektog na pornografie word bemoeilik deur die versteking van ’n
enkele pornografiese stuk in ’n pakkie met onskuldige tydskrifte of nuusblaaieˮ [the
search for pornography was encumbered by the stowing away of a single piece of
pornography in a parcel with other innocent magazines and newspapers]
(Departement van Pos-en-Telegraafwese [Department of Post and Tele-
communications], Unknown:3). As a result, pornographic magazines “could easily
enter the country and build up a fair-sized readership before any action was taken
against themˮ (Muller, 1968:6).
What has to be re-emphasised – again – is that “nie alle publikasies deur die
Raad gekeur [...] [is] nie, maar alleen dié wat aan hom voorgelê [is]ˮ [not all
publications were approved by the Board, but only those that were submitted to them]
by any person, organisation or any other body of any other sorts in the country
(Kruger, 1973:7-8), which means the public was an important part of the state’s
censorship machinery. Their task was clear (Censorship and the book trade, 1955:11):
“The Board is assisted in its scrutiny of publications by readers whose
function is to examine and report on publications referred to them. Readers
reports which are made on a printed form include:
a) A synopsis of the story or subject dealt with[, and]
b) Reference to pages on which appear passages considered to be indecent,
obscene or for any reason whatsoever objectionable, under certain
headings:
- Cover;
- General remarks and opinion.ˮ
The system worked well: more than 13 000 books, journals, newspapers and maga-
zines were banned during the late-1950s and 1960s – some of which “only an excerpt
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f[e]ll foul of the Board’s rulesˮ (Cohen, 1970:5) – which means that at least 13 000
submission were made to the South African Board of Censors and the PCB in this
time. But although the censorship policy was by no means any less than strict, it still
had various loopholes, as mentioned above, which were cunningly abused by readers.
The fact that these magazines were infiltrating the country without the knowledge of
censors, also means that it is impossible to determine what pornographic magazines
(and how many of them) actually made their way to South African shores, as the PCB
only kept records of the magazines that were submitted to them by customs officials
and the public.
6.4.2 Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South Africa, 1964 to
(mid-April) 1975
A complete list of the 343 pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975 is compiled in Appendix B. The next
subsections will briefly discuss some of the most popular pornographic magazine
genres that were identified in this period.
6.4.2.1 Pushing the boundaries: making soft-core more hard-core
While soft-core pornographic magazines evident between 1939 and 1963 continued to
stream into the country between 1964 and 1975, the coy and “conservativeˮ nudity in
pulp and pin-up magazines largely disappeared, and was replaced by magazines that
completely embraced a more hard-core soft-core – the frank display of female breasts
in various poses and a hint of genitalia, although never explicitly showing it (see
Figure 17, on the next page). Soft-core pornographic magazines, including:
Club International (Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12; 1972m:5; 1972u:7);
Frivol (Republic of South Africa, 1972r:4; 1974z:8);
Game (Republic of South Africa, 1974e:3; 1974f:4);
Genesis (For Men) (Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31);
Jaguar (Republic of South Africa, 1970x:4);
Mr. (Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6);
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Rogue (Republic of South Africa, 1964c:14; 1964h:9; 1970v:14);
Swank (Republic of South Africa, 1970x:4; 1970o:10), and
Twen (Republic of South Africa, 1968e:32; 1969l:7), were only a couple of
the soft-core pornographic titles that formed the bulk of the pornographic
magazines compiled in Appendix B.
Figure 17: The covers of three soft-core pornographic magazines – Frivol (Frivol, Unknown:np); Club
International (Club International, 1975:np), and Genesis (Genesis, 1975:np) – that were banned in
South Africa between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975, show that publishers were exposing more and more
of the female body.
6.4.2.2 Playboy and Penthouse
Compared to the period between 1939 and 1963, when only one issue of Playboy
magazine was noted (Union of South Africa, 1956b:34) and none of Penthouse, the
period between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975 was flooded by these two iconic
pornography magazines, and together quickly became the most banned titles in
Appendix B. Although only 10 issues25
of Penthouse was identified, Playboy was
more popular: its English, German (Republic of South Africa, 1973p:5) and Italian
(Republic of South Africa, 1974v:12; 1974w:13) editions contributed to the 32 copies
25
Republic of South Africa, 1973g:12; 1973v:10; 1974s:16; 1974bb:13; 1974t:12; 1974u:13; 1965e:1;
1965j:11.
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of the magazine and its brand extensions26
, which were seized by the PCB and shortly
thereafter prohibited by them.
The PCB’s constant prohibition of the magazine quickly exasperated Play-
boy’s publishers in Chicago (in the USA), who regularly received returned mail from
South Africa because the pornographic content of the magazine was on South African
censors’ blacklists (Lewis, 1971:1). As a result, the foreign department of Playboy
confirmed in a letter in 1971 they would officially discontinue sending subscription
copies of Playboy to South Africa, on the grounds that packages were too regularly
returned – and that they were losing money because of it (Lewis, 1971:1). Regardless
of their decision to deny subscriptions to eager South African readers, orders of single
copies were still mailed to South Africa post-1971, as seen in Appendix B.
6.4.2.3 Naturist and nudist magazines
With the general unavailability of hard-core magazines, it seems from the list in
Appendix B that South Africans turned to the only “hard-core pornographyˮ
accessible to them at the time: naturist and nudist magazines. More than ever before
(and especially more than the period 1939 to 1963), naturist and nudist magazines
were increasingly satisfying the needs of eager eyes to see the human body in explicit
detail. Although a flurry of titles was identified, it has to be noted that no more than a
handful of each title was seized and banned by the PCB. During the 1960s,
magazines, including:
26
These brand extensions included a plethora of titles, including, among others:
Playboy Bunnies (Republic of South Africa, 1973j:12);
Playboy’s Girls of the World (Republic of South Africa, 1971h:5);
Playboy’s Holiday Album (Republic of South Africa, 1972i:5);
Playboy’s Phil Interlandi (Republic of South Africa, 1972i:5);
Playboy’s Sex in Cinema 2 (Republic of South Africa, 1973b:125);
Playgirl (Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12; 1973e:9; 1973v:10);
Playmen (Republic of South Africa, 1968f:19; 1973o:89);
[The] Pocket Playboy (Republic of South Africa, 1974j:5; 1974i:6);
Punch Goes Playboy (Republic of South Africa, 1971e:4);
The Bedside Playboy (Republic of South Africa, 1966a:16);
The Best from Playboy (Republic of South Africa, 1970o:9; 1971j:3; 1972f:6; 1974d:49), and
VIP (The Playboy Club Magazine) (Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4; 1973l:4; 1973n:10).
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American Nudism (Republic of South Africa, 1965l:4);
Health and Sunshine (Republic of South Africa, 1967e:20);
International Nudist Sun (Republic of South Africa, 1966g:5);
Modern Sunbathing (Republic of South Africa, 1965a:7);
National Nudist (Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9);
Naturism in Austria (Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23);
Naturism in the Mediterranean (Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23);
Nudist Newsfront (Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9);
Nudist Today (Republic of South Africa, 1965d:6);
Nudist Views (Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9);
Ortil’s Naturist Youth in Greece (Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23);
Sun and Health (Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23);
Sun Era (Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14);
Sun Seeker (Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23), and
Urban Nudist (Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9), were submitted to and
banned by the PCB.
German publications, including:
Freies Leben (Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6);
Kunst im Naturismus (Republic of South Africa, 1967b:12), and
Licht und Schönheit (Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6), were also popular.
And by the mid-1970s,
Health and Efficiency (Republic of South Africa, 1970y:4);
Holiday Naturist (Republic of South Africa, 1973bb:114);
Suntrails (Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14), and
Young Naturist (Republic of South Africa, 1973t:7) rounded off a flood of
naturist and nudist magazines in this time.
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6.4.2.4 Homosexual magazines
Apart from one bisexual magazine, Bi (Das Besondere St. Pauli) (Republic of South
Africa, 1975f:166), and one female homosexual magazine, Lesbian Climax (Republic
of South Africa, 1972g:6), male homosexual magazines were far more popular
between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975 – albeit also in small numbers. Following the one
male homosexual magazine noted in section 6.3.3.5 of this chapter, none of the
following magazines were seized more than twice in the second period:
Amigo ([The] Homosexual magazine) (Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6;
1964e:10);
Fizeek Art Quarterly (Republic of South Africa, 1967c:4);
Grecian Guild Pictorial (Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14);
Homo (International Magazine) (Republic of South Africa, 1967f:9);
Male Classics (Republic of South Africa, 1966j:5);
Modern Adonis (Republic of South Africa, 1965k:18; 1966g:5);
Muscleboy (Republic of South Africa, 1966f:10);
Physique Pictorial (Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14);
The Male Figure (Republic of South Africa, 1966h:7);
Tomorrow’s Man (Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14), and
Young Guys (Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14).
Figure 18: The front covers of three male homosexual magazines imported to South Africa between
1964 and (mid-April) 1975: Physique Pictorial (Physique Pictorial, 1978:np); Muscleboy (Muscleboy,
1964:np), and Tomorrow’s Man (Tomorrow’s Man, Unknown:np).
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6.4.2.5 Hard-core pornographic magazines
After the advent of hard-core pornography in Europe in the 1960s (as discussed in
Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global context), it is no surprise that hard-core
pornographic magazines sporadically made its way to South Africa between 1964 and
(mid-April) 1975. In essence, two groups of hard-core pornographic magazines were
introduced: The first, which includes magazines like:
Cavalier (Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6; 1964b:3; 1964c:14; 1964g:10;
1964h:9; 1970v:14);
International Playmen (Republic of South Africa, 1968d:25);
Lektyr (Republic of South Africa, 1972j:85; 1972s:84), and
Tuk (Republic of South Africa, 1974z:8; 1974aa:9), “tastefullyˮ exposed the
entire female body (see Figure 19), showing female genitalia as they have
never been seen in a magazine in South Africa before.
Figure 19: Some of the first examples of “softerˮ hard-core pornography in magazines banned in South
Africa: Tuk (Tuk, Unknown:np) and International Playmen (right) (International Playmen, 1975:np).
In contrast to the “softerˮ hard-core pictures above, the second group not only
explicitly exposed the male and female body, but also introduced a new hard-core,
which included intimate portrayals of sexual intercourse (see Figure 20, on the next
page) – especially in magazines such as:
Color Climax (Republic of South Africa, 1973c:108);
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Suck (Republic of South Africa, 1970s:11), and
Supersex (Republic of South Africa, 1972b:89).
Figure 20: Color Climax (Color Climax, 1970:np), Suck (Suck, 1975:np) and Supersex (right)
(Supersex, Unknown:np) were some of the first explicitly hard-core pornographic magazines that were
seized and shortly thereafter banned in South Africa between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975.
It has to be noted, however, that the magazines in this second group were by far in the
minority to all the other magazines in Appendix B, and that they were only precursors
to more hard-core pornographic magazines between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989.
6.4.2.6 South African pornographic magazines
Technically, no South African pornographic magazines were identified for the period
1964 to (mid-April) 1975. Although Candid Pinups Featuring South African and
International Beauties was still published until 1967 (as discussed in section 6.3.3.4)
and its entry is included in Appendix B, it was discussed in the period 1939 to 1963,
as it was founded in the late-1950s.
Additionally, SCOPE magazine, which was described in Chapter 2 (Literature
review) as most probably the most contentious South African magazine in South
African magazine history, was founded in 1966 and is mostly remembered for its
pornographic and “dogged boobs n [sic] bums imageˮ (Bierbaum, 1995). However,
although Appendix B shows the magazine was banned 10 times between 1964 and
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(mid-April) 197527
, it has to be noted that the magazine was founded and traded as a
news magazine, and was only banned in this time on the grounds of articles on topics
that conservative censors labelled objectionable, including artificial insemination,
marital infidelity, abortion and test tube babies (Alexander, 1972:7; Senior Advocate,
1974:24). Therefore, it is excluded from this section.
6.4.2.7 Other notable pornographic magazines: bondage, Asian and female
impersonation
A special note has to be made of the various fetish pornographic magazines that were
identified in Appendix B – especially bondage, Asian and female impersonation
pornography (see Figure 21, on the next page). Although these magazines are even
more indistinct than hard-core pornography, they were imported to South Africa
between 1964 and (mid-April) 1975, and shortly thereafter banned.
Some of the bondage magazines include:
Best of Bondage (Republic of South Africa, 1973f:3; 1973y:5);
a special bondage and rubber edition of Janus (Republic of South Africa,
1975e:30);
Bondage Kaptives [sic] (Republic of South Africa, 1974p:20);
Kaptive [sic] Beauties (Republic of South Africa, 1974p:120), and
Rope, Garters and Gags (Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31).
So, too, two volumes of each of the following Asian pornographic magazines, hoped
to satisfy readers with a fetish for Asian women:
Cutey Gaho (Republic of South Africa, 1973k:12; 1973u:12), and
Dream Gaho (Republic of South Africa, 1973k:12; 1973u:12).
In 1969, two pornographic magazines of men posing in female clothing were also
seized and banned by the South African government:
27
Republic of South Africa, 1968a:12; 1969a:8; 1970d:9; 1970e:4; 1970f:4; 1970g:11; 1971d:7;
1972c:7; 1973d:5.
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Female Impersonators (Republic of South Africa, 1969f:22), and
Female Mimics (Republic of South Africa, 1969f:22).
Figure 21: Some of the fetish magazines that torrented into South Africa from abroad between 1964
and (mid-April) 1975: Bondage Kaptives [sic] (Bondage Kaptives [sic], 1974:np); Rope, Garters and
Gags (Rope, Garters and Gags, 1978:np), and Female Mimics (Female Mimics, 1963:np).
6.5 Tightening the screws on soft-core, hard-core and a family of South
African pornography magazines, (mid-April) 1975 to 1989
By 1975, 17 500 “individual publications and objectsˮ were on South Africa’s official
banning list, but for the reasons mentioned in Chapter 2 (Literature review) –
including the Supreme Court, who regularly overturned the PCB’s rulings, and the
many avenues through which pornography was filtering into the country – the
censorship system became somewhat of a “comedy of errorsˮ (Pienaar, 1984:5).
Although the PCB threatened that it would remove “the right to appeal to the courtsˮ
and “ban future editions of certain local magazines thus administering the kiss of
deathˮ (Pasquino Society, 1971:14), the public had the whip hand, especially because
the Publications and Entertainments Act, No. 26 of 1963 did not make the mere
possession of pornography illegal – it only provided “that you may not print, publish,
manufacture, make, produce, distribute, display, exhibit, sell, or offer or keep for sale
an undesirable publicationˮ (Senior Advocate, 1974:24).
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Acknowleding that the 1963 Act itself created loopholes through which pornography
became easily accessible, the minister of the interior at the time, Dr. Connie Mulder,
promised in 1972 that “Suid-Afrika [...] ’n sensuurstelsel sal kry wat pornografie uit
ons land sal weerˮ [South Africa (...) will adopt a censorship system that will avert
pornography and keep it out of the country] (Emosies bars los oor sensuur [Emotions
explode over censorship], 1973:1). Three years later, Mulder kept his promise when
the Publications Act, No. 42 of 1974 was amalgamated; it abolished the right of
appeal to the Supreme Court and made it an offence to be in possession of a banned
publication, making South Africa’s censorship laws truly “the strictest in the Western
worldˮ (Senior Advocate, 1974:25).
Interestingly, Mulder did not guarantee that the new system, which diverted
the Supreme Court’s duties to the Publications Appeal Board (PAB, as discussed in
Chapter 2 – Literature review), would rid South Africa of pornography completely;
instead, the objective was only to keep pornography from abroad from going into
trade in South Africa, where it could be easily purchased by pornography lovers in
local stores. As he himself summarised (Happily out of step, 1975:np):
“The main purpose of this Act [the Publications Act, No. 42 of 1974] is to
prevent pornography from abroad coming on to the South African market
[emphasised by the researcher] and generally protect the community against
the blatant permissiveness found in other countries. We do not want to be in
line with the permissiveness and pornography of so many other countries of
the world. In this, we prefer to be out of step.ˮ
6.5.1 “Super snoopersˮ
Although Mulder’s 1974 Act was equipped with a new set of tools to combat the
wave of pornographic permissiveness, it shared a premise with all its predecessors:
public participation (Rautenbach, 1975:5). In effect, the 1974 Act led to the creation
of, what the media dubbed, “super snoopersˮ – ordinary citizens, who could
“[e]xamine their neighbours’ bookshelves and record collectionsˮ; “[c]heck on what
home movies their neighbour is showing and who has been invited to view themˮ, and
“[c]onvey information they have gathered to the authoritiesˮ (The super snoopers,
1975:np); in addition, police, or other government officials could get the “necessary
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authorityˮ and “[e]nter a private home [to] search for undesirable objectsˮ
unannounced, or “[e]nter and search an officeˮ without warning (The super snoopers,
1975:np). In, probably, one of the most (in)famous “super snooperˮ cases, police
randomly invaded the property of the award-winning South African architect Hans
Schirmacher in 1979, and found, among other things, two copies of Penthouse and
three of Playgirl in his possession (Gordin, 1979:4). He was found guilty in court and
sentenced to 25 days in jail, or a R200 fine (Gordin, 1979:4). Although he decided to
go to jail, on the grounds that he did not want to fund a system of censorship, he
allowed his friends to pay the fine on his behalf a day later (Gordin, 1979:4). In
another high-profile case in 1982, Hannes Smith, formerly the editor of the Windhoek
Observer, was charged in a similar way as Schirmacher, and pleaded guilty when he
was caught with two Playboy magazines at the newspaper’s office in Windhoek
(Redakteur erken hy is skuldig, maar . . . [Editor admits he is guilty, but . . .], 1982:4;
Du Preez, 1982:3). Although he acknowledged that he was actually in possession of a
Penthouse magazine, he was “stomgeslaanˮ [gobsmacked] about the Playboy
magazines, and had no recollection of how they landed in his office (Playboys daar,
maar van waar? [Playboys there, but from where?], 1982:4). He was eventually
found guilty and charged with a R100 fine, or 25 days in jail (Coetzee, 1982:3).
Not only, then, were “super snoopersˮ an all-seeing eye for the government,
who hoped that they could clog or expose loopholes the government could not, but the
media coverage regarding fines and arrests sent a clear warning to anyone thinking of
illegally obtaining pornography: if caught, there would be serious repercussions. The
increase of more pornographic magazines in Appendix C, however, shows that the
government’s warnings were completely disregarded.
6.5.2 Pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South Africa, (mid-
April) 1975 to 1989
A complete list of the 401 pornographic magazines seized and proscribed in South
Africa between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989 is compiled in Appendix C. The next
subsections will briefly discuss some of the most popular pornographic magazine
genres that were identified in this period.
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6.5.2.1 The war on soft-core pornographic magazines – Playboy and Penthouse
“Super snoopingˮ in South Africa persisted well into the 1980s, and led to many big
break-throughs by the police, who, in 1985, for example, seized 787 pornographic
magazines, including Playboy, Playgirl and Penthouse, and made 75 arrests in just
two months (Jaroschex, 1985:1). If 787 pornographic magazines were seized every
two months in South Africa, the number of pornographic magazines would be
consistent with a Johannesburg postmaster’s bizarre claim in 1982 that the flow of
pornography to South Africa had increased a “thousandfoldˮ from the 1960s to the
1980s (Censorship in SA similar to Britain 20 years ago, 1982:6) – but the numbers
conflict immensely with the data that was assembled in Appendix C, which shows
that only 401 pornographic magazines were seized and prohibited over an entire
period of almost 14 years (between mid-April 1975 and December 1989).
Although hard-core pornography was present in the country between 1975 and
1989 (see section 6.5.2.4 in this chapter), soft-core magazines completely over-
shadowed it. The levels of explicitness in soft-core titles, like Playboy and Penthouse,
however, were by far not as extreme as in hard-core titles, and as a result, “other
countriesˮ did not consider the coy approach by Playboy and Penthouse pornographic
by the end of the 1970s; South Africa, on the other hand, still did (Patten, 1978:9).
When Alwyn Schlebusch was appointed minister of the interior in 1978, he confirmed
South Africa’s stance to the two magazines (Patten, 1978:9), which would again
become the most banned international titles (in Appendix C): “I have on occasion
seen magazines like this, and I regard Playboy very definitely as being pornographic.
Competition between it and a magazine like Penthouse have resulted in terribly low
standards in recent years.ˮ When Playboy was the only magazine used as an example
of real pornography during a South African trial in 1978, in which it was juxtaposed
with Afrikaans author Etienne Leroux’s iconic novel Magersfontein, O Magersfon-
tein! to prove that the latter is not pornographic (Verteenwoordiger [Representative],
1978:4), the country was again reminded that the publication, and any publication in
the same vein, was extremely taboo. Therefore, it is not surprising that Playboy, Pent-
house and a plethora of other soft-core titles were still targeted well up until 1989 –
even though hard-core pornography was already in circulation (see section 6.5.2.4 in
this chapter).
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Apart from its English title, which was banned on 22 different occasions28
, Playboy’s
Chinese (Republic of South Africa, 1988h:2), French (Republic of South Africa,
1981a:75) and German (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17) editions, and 23 copies
of brand extensions29
were all found in the country between (mid-April) 1975 and
1989, and immediately given the red flag. In addition, various international magazines
that copied Playboy – including Playguy (Republic of South Africa, 1984d:10;
1984i:7; 1984k:5; 1984m:4) and Playmate (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76;
1989e:3) – were also seized. In 1982, the South African government became so
perturbed by Playboy that they banned all future issues and editions of the magazines
from its November 1982 issue onwards (Leeman, 1984:4).
Penthouse, the second-most banned international title after Playboy, was on
the chopping block on 30 different occasions30
, while its brand extensions31
were
prohibited by the police seven times. Interestingly, Penthouse had a South African-
born “part-publisherˮ, Kathy Keeton, who remarked that South Africa’s censorship
laws were to blame for the reason South Africans were more obsessed with sex than
any other nation on the planet (Sex? SA is obsessed..., 1978:1).
28
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:142; 1981b:16; 1981b:31; 1982:31; 1984a:21; 1984d:10; 1984o:5;
1989e:3.
29 These include, among others:
Playboy’s Bunnies (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75);
Playboy’s Girls of the World (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75);
Playboy’s Playmate Review (Republic of South Africa, 1987i:3);
Playgirl (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76; 1981b:31; 1982:31; 1984k:5; 1989j:2);
Playgirl (The First Five Years) (Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5)
Playgirl Advisor (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76);
Playgirl Couples (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76);
Playgirl Presents Fantasies (Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5);
Playgirl’s Men (Republic of South Africa, 1984f:2; 1984k:5);
30 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:73; 1981a:142; 1981b:31; 1982:30; 1985p:2; 1986c:2; 1988j:3;
1989e:3; 1989g:4.
31 These include:
Penthouse Photo World (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:73);
Penthouse Variations (Republic of South Africa, 1982:13);
Penthouse: Loving Couples (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15);
The Best of Penthouse Girls (Republic of South Africa, 1985n:46; 1985p:2; 1986c:2).
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6.5.2.2 Naturist and male homosexual pornographic magazines
Resembling the results of Appendix B, naturist and male homosexual pornographic
magazines were again evident in the period (mid-April) 1975 to 1989. Naturist maga-
zines, however, decreased in popularity, possibly due to the availability of hard-core
pornographic magazines, while male homosexual porn flourished and reached its peak
in Appendix C.
Naturist magazines, including, among others:
Health & Efficiency (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:39;131);
Naturist und Welt (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:119), and
New Zealand Naturist (Republic of South Africa, 1987n:2) continued to make
its way to local audiences.
Male homosexual pornographic magazines considerably increased in popularity, and
included titles such as:
Blueboy (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:12; 1984k:5);
Bona (Republic of South Africa, 1984f:2; 1984k:5);
Man to Man Quorum (Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5; 1984k:5);
Mike Arlen’s Guys (Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5; 1984k:5);
Mister (Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5; 1984k:5);
Playguy (Republic of South Africa, 1984d:10; 1984i:7; 1984k:5; 1984m:4);
Q International (Republic of South Africa, 1984f:2; 1984h:5; 1984k:5);
Vulcan (Republic of South Africa, 1985m:45; 1985o:44), and
Zipper (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:23; 1984k:5).
6.5.2.3 Other notable pornographic magazines: biker
The only new notable soft-core genre in Appendix C is biker pornographic
magazines. In Figure 22 the concept is clear: a man’s magazine with a focus on
motorbikes – and naked women on them as an added bonus. Magazines in this genre
that were the most popular include:
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Bikers (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:10);
Easyriders (Republic of South Africa, 1984a:18; 1984j:8);
Iron Horse (Republic of South Africa, 1984a:7; 1984j:8), and
SuperCycle (Republic of South Africa, 1987c:1).
Figure 22: The covers of two prominent biker magazines, which were imported to South Africa
between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989: Iron Horse (Iron Horse, 1989:np) and SuperCycle (SuperCycle,
1989:np).
6.5.2.4 Hello, hard-core!
By the mid-1970s, “[het]naaktheid op papier en op film [in Suid-Afrika] so alledaags
geword dat daar werklik niks meer oorgebly het wat nog snaaks is nieˮ [nudity in
print and in films (in South Africa) became so common that virtually nothing was left
to the imagination] (Rudolph, 1974:39). This is also clear from Appendix C, which
shows that hard-core pornography was a popular pastime for local readers,
although comparatively it still clearly pales to the number of soft-core pornographic
titles.
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Figure 23: Examples of some of the explicit hard-core pornographic magazines that were prohibited in
South Africa between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989: Anal Love (Anal Love, 1980:np); Color-Scala
(Color-Scala, Unknown:np); New Cunts (New Cunts, Unknown:np); Men Only (Men Only, 1975:np);
Private (Abrahamsson & Axelsson, 2005:26), and HUSTLER (Jaccoma, 2005b:183).
The most popular hard-core pornographic magazines in Appendix C include:
Anal Love (Republic of South Africa, 1983:2);
Club International (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:126; 1981b:26; 1982:23;
1984a:18; 1985h:26);
Color-Scala (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5);
HUSTLER (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:42; 1981b:9; 1982:25);
Mayfair (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:29; 1982:28; 1986e:2);
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Men Only (Republic of South Africa, 1981a: 58; 1982:28; 1983:25);
New Cunts (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:64), and
Private (Republic of South Africa, 1981b:25), the magazine generally
accepted to be the first magazine in the world ever to publish pictures of
sexual intercourse (as discussed in Chapter 5 – Pornography: the global
context).
6.5.2.5 The boom in the South African pornography market
It is undeniable that 19.95% – almost a fifth – of the 401 magazines in Appendix C is
South African titles. Although the reasons behind the boom (compared to Appendices
A and B) of South African soft-core magazines between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989
are not clear from the unobtrusive data, it could possibly be attributed to the chairman
of the PAB between 1980 and 1990, Prof. Kobus van Rooyen, who injected a far
more lenient approach to censorship than any of his predecessors (as discussed in
Chapter 2 – Literature review); this leniency might have finally given South African
publishers the courage to also push the envelope in local titles.
While the most stringent censorship system in the world was still in place in
South Africa between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989, various local catalogues and mail
order pamphlets encouraged South Africans to buy pornography by advertising and
guaranteeing the “confidentialˮ delivery of “[a]dult [g]oods, [s]ex [a]ids, [n]ovelties,
[l]ingerie, [g]ames, etc.ˮ to local customers eager for, among other things, soft-core
pornography. Ironically, though, these advertisements were confiscated by authorities
and quickly added to the country’s list of banned publications (Republic of South
Africa, 1986o:2; 1988l:2).
Other entrepreneurs braved the censorship system with some of the country’s
first sex shops – one in Durban, Adam & Eve, which opened its doors in July 1978
(Kay, 1978:3), and another in Pretoria in the same year (Sex shop owner gives up,
1978:2). Although 150 customers reportedly flocked through the Durban store every
day, buying, among other things, soft-core titles and “100 different types of devices
imported from different parts of the worldˮ (Kay, 1978:3; Durban sex aid shop is
doing a roaring trade, 1978:11), “super snoopingˮ quickly led to its demise: police
regularly raided the Durban store, confiscating goods of around R300 at a time (Kay,
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1978:3), while charging the Pretoria owner with illegally trading in banned
pornography (Sex shop owner gives up, 1978:2). It is therefore no surprise that both
owners abandoned their businesses (Sex shop owner gives up, 1978:2). The Durban
owner, Leila Gillen, tried to sell her store for R12 000 only three months after it
opened (Sex shop for sale, 1978:2). Although various “undergroundˮ sex shops,
“where pornographic material was offeredˮ, were founded across the country by
1980, the minister of the interior, Alwyn Schlebusch, warned the country again that
the stores will be targeted and shut down: “We definitely do not want to allow the
conditions that exist in certain Western countriesˮ (Authorities to probe
“undergroundˮ sex shops, 1980:7). But these threats, too, had the opposite effect and
led to an active interest in not only pornographic magazines, but local products with a
South African flavour.
Of the 401 magazines in Appendix C, 80 issues of eight different South
African titles were banned between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989. These magazines
include:
Bunny Girl32
;
Gazellé33
;
Le Chics (The World’s Top Glamour Models) (Republic of South Africa,
1987d:1);
Prank (Magnificent Girlie Posters) (Republic of South Africa, 1987j:2;
1989b:2);
SA Naturist (Republic of South Africa, 1981a:84);
SCOPE34
;
Squire (Republic of South Africa, 1984l:1; 1984n:1; 1985a:1), and
32
Republic of South Africa, 1984l:1; 1985c:1; 1986f:2; 1986i:1; 1986l:3; 1986n:2; 1987a:2; 1987b:1;
1987f:2; 1987j:2; 1987k:2; 1987m:2; 1987n:2; 1987o:1; 1987p:2; 1988a:2; 1989a:2; 1989f:3; 1989i:3.
33 Republic of South Africa, 1986a:1; 1986g:2; 1986m:2; 1987g:2; 1987o:1; 1988b:3; 1988d:1;
1989d:1; 1989f:3; 1989i:3.
34 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85; 1981a:158; 1981a:160; 1982:15; 1982:40; 1983:15; 1983:33;
1984a:12; 1984a:25; 1984e:2; 1984g:1; 1984p:1; 1985e:1; 1985g:1; 1985j:1; 1986j:1; 1988c:1;
1988d:1; 1988f:1; 1988i:1; 1989c:1; 1989f:3; 1989h:3.
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Stag35
.
All of the magazines basically offered the same content, and was described as “SA’s
answer to Playboyˮ (Raine, 1983:4). Bunny Girl even went as far as copying Play-
boy’s infamous bunny logo (see Figure 24), which eventually landed the South
African publishers in court after the first issue was launched in 1984 – not because the
content was objectionable, but on the grounds of trademark infringement (Playboy
maak beswaar teen SA se Bunny [Playboy objects to SA’s Bunny], 1984:20).
Figure 24: Bunny Girl was in hot water when its first issue was launched in 1984 because it copied
Playboy’s bunny logo (right) (Playboy maak beswaar teen SA se Bunny [Playboy objects to SA’s
Bunny], 1984:20).
Although these magazines were also regularly targeted by the censorship apparatus –
some, like Bunny Girl from its first issue (Coetzee, 1984:1); others, like Squire, was
infamously “unofficially bannedˮ even before its first issue was launched in October
1983 (Fright at launch of girlie mag, 1983:3) – most of the South African titles were
“besig om die stryd teen sensuur te wenˮ [busy winning the war against censorship] in
the 1980s, because the lenient PAB under the chairmanship of Prof. Kobus van
Rooyen was repealing publication committees’ bannings “[f]eitlik deur die bankˮ
[basically across the board] (Grobler, 1984:9). This was not only because the nudity
in these magazines were comparatively conservative to the nudity in international
publications (see Figure 25, on the next page), but because publishers printed pictures
with, what was labelled, “censoring stars or stripsˮ, which clearly covered female
models’ nipples; selling the magazines on newsstands “sealed in plasticˮ, and clearly
35
Republic of South Africa, 1984b:1; 1984n:1; 1984p:1; 1985i:2; 1986b:1; 1986d:2; 1986e:2; 1986k:1;
1988d:1.
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marking that it is “not for sale to anyone under 18 years of ageˮ (Fright at launch of
girlie mag, 1983:3). In some cases, however, the PAB did not repeal the bannings if
publishers, for example, printed the censoring stars too small or placed it so that it
unnecessarily drew attention to the female anatomy and genitalia (Coetzee, 1984:1).
Of the eight South African magazines identified, SCOPE was banned 34 times36
,
Bunny Girl 20 times37
and Gazellé only 1038
times.
Figure 25: South African pornographic magazines banned between (mid-April) 1975 and 1989: (at the
top, from left to right), two images from SCOPE (SCOPE, 1985a:53; 1985b:44) and another from
Stag (Stag, 1988:23); (on the bottom, from left to right), models in Gazellé (Gazellé, 1985:54);
Bunny Girl (1984:64), and SA Naturist (SA Naturist, 1977:17).
36
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85; 1981a:158; 1981a:160; 1982:15; 1982:40; 1983:15; 1983:33;
1984a:12; 1984a:25; 1984e:2; 1984g:1; 1984p:1; 1985e:1; 1985g:1; 1985j:1; 1986j:1; 1988c:1;
1988d:1; 1988f:1; 1988i:1; 1989c:1; 1989f:3; 1989h:3.
37 Republic of South Africa, 1984l:1; 1985c:1; 1986f:2; 1986i:1; 1986l:3; 1986n:2; 1987a:2; 1987b:1;
1987f:2; 1987j:2; 1987k:2; 1987m:2; 1987n:2; 1987o:1; 1987p:2; 1988a:2; 1989a:2; 1989f:3; 1989i:3.
38 Republic of South Africa, 1986a:1; 1986g:2; 1986m:2; 1987g:2; 1987o:1; 1988b:3; 1988d:1;
1989d:1; 1989f:3; 1989i:3.
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6.6 Summary
This chapter resolved this thesis’s research question (What pornographic magazines
were seized and proscribed by the South African government between 1939 and
1989 – a time when pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South
African legislation?). The data revealed exactly 1 033 volumes, editions and/or
issues of international and local pornographic magazines, which were seized in South
Africa, and shortly thereafter proscribed by the government between 1939 and 1989.
Additionally, the chapter mentioned and discussed some of the more popular of the
1 033 magazines and its genres, but all are listed and sourced at the end of this thesis
in Appendices A, B and C. The narrative of events structured in this chapter firstly
located pornography in South Africa in as early as 1904, but specific magazines could
only be named from 1939 onwards. Three distinct periods (1939 to 1963; 1964 to
(mid-April) 1975, and (mid-April) 1975 to 1989) exposed a healthy import culture of,
among others, pulp and pin-up; naturist and nudist; soft-core; hard-core; male and
female homosexual; bisexual; bondage; Asian; female impersonation and biker
magazines, of which some are local South African titles.
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Chapter 7
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
7.1 Introduction
This historical thesis investigated the presence of the pornographic magazine in South
Africa between 1939 and 1989, by asking the following research question:
What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed by the South
African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when pornography,
in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation?
Although the findings of this question was relayed in Chapter 6 (Findings and
discussion) – in as much detail as the retrieved historical data allowed – this chapter
will make a précis of the entire project, before drawing a conclusion of the main
findings. Once the context created by the literature review (Chapter 2); the focus of
the authoritarian media theory and the Annales’s functional-structural approach
(Chapter 3), and the application of the historical methodology (Chapter 4) are briefly
revisited, a conclusion of the findings will attempt to draw the thesis to a more
powerful close.
7.2 Literature review
Other than arguing that this thesis is completely unique, the literature review served a
dual purpose. Firstly it showed that pornography, in its entirety, is incredibly under-
researched in South Africa, and that an investigation into, specifically, the porno-
graphic magazine is basically non-existent – although some sources did make note of
a handful of pornographic magazines in the country in the 1980s and 1990s. The
apartheid government was accused for this scarcity, as their suppression of
pornography through a severe application of censorship applied to academic writing
as well. Not only was the assemblage of academic literature impeded by a lack of
academic sources, but the quest to find historical data for the findings delivered
results in small numbers. Secondly, the literature review shed light on a 126-year
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cultural, religious and legislative context, relevant to the pornographic magazine in
South Africa and relevant to the years between 1939 and 1989. This context, which
included the ruling Afrikaner government’s cultural and religious stance to
pornography and their resultant conservative application of censorship between 1939
and 1989, was included to contextualise and explain why pornographic magazines
(the research question’s focus) was so heavily repressed. In essence, this context, is
the first of two historical contexts in this thesis (the other, Chapter 5 – Pornography:
the global context, focused on the pornographic magazine’s development worldwide).
7.3 Theoretical frameworks
Two theoretical frameworks were applied in this thesis to frame a historical narrative
of events for a more robust result.
The first, the authoritarian media theory, justifies a dictatorial government’s
suppression and censorship of the media (Roelofse in Fourie, 2007:191-192). It
mainly guided the historical narrative to focus on the suppression of the pornographic
magazine in South Africa. Although the application of the framework can divulge
what a dictatorial government approves and disapproves, the focus in this thesis was
only on what the public could not read. Regardless of its banishment, the application
of authoritarianism in this thesis reveals that the pornographic magazine merely
adapted to the form of a political structure that completely repressed and tried to, but
eventually failed to, control it.
The second theoretical framework, the Annales’s functional-structural
approach, was applied in conjunction with authoritarianism, to reclaim an area of
history that has been forgotten – in this case, the pornographic magazine in South
Africa between 1939 and 1989. The aim of applying the functional-structural
approach was to see how a single system within an organism – the pornographic
magazine in a censorial context – functioned and thrived. The findings showed that
the pornographic magazine filtered into the country regardless of its suppression –
and, ironically, through loopholes in the stringent censorship. Although only 1 033
volumes, editions and issues of pornographic magazines were identified by the
government between 1939 and 1989, these loopholes also imply that an innumerable
amount of (unrecorded) pornographic magazines could have filtered into the country
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as well, which, in turn, also indicates that the government’s paranoiac attempts also
grossly failed to keep pornographic magazines out of the country.
7.4 Research methodology
The historical methodology was applied in this thesis. After various archived news-
papers and magazines, government and commission reports, letters, official memo-
randa and 1 439 lists in numerous government gazettes were studied, the application
of both the authoritarian media theory and the Annales’s functional-structural
approach, helped to eliminate irrelevant information, and piece together a narrative
that relayed a South African history of pornographic magazine suppression that has
been mostly disregarded by researchers.
7.5 Conclusion on the pornographic magazine in South Africa, 1939 to 1989
Through the application of the authoritarian media theory and the Annales’s
functional-structural approach, which truly gave the narrative of this thesis an angle,
and the gathering of historical data through the application of the historical
methodology, this thesis discovered that the South African government seized and
proscribed at least 1 033 pornographic magazines in South Africa between 1939 and
1989.
Although the narrative in Chapter 6 and the corresponding appendices prove
this, the narrative, then, not only shows that the South African government’s attempts
to curb and suppress pornographic magazines partially succeeded – 1 033
pornographic magazines were seized and banned by them – but it also sheds light on
the cracks in the censorship system, through which pornographic magazines from
abroad could easily filter.
Although the government argued it was only applying censorship to curb
pornography and protect morality (Sonderling, 1994a:145-146), it is, in view of this
thesis’s findings, quite questionable, especially considering that for the entire period
between 1939 and 1989 only 1 033 pornographic magazines were banned. According
to Pienaar (1984:5), 17 500 publications were on South Africa’s banning list in 1975.
If this is true, and there are only 632 pornographic magazines identified in Appendix
A and B (which focuses on the period that starts in 1939 and ends in mid-April 1975),
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then only 3.6% of the total number of publications between 1939 and 1975 were
pornographic magazines, and the government must have had other ulterior motives for
its stringent censorship laws. Sonderling (1994a:145-146) argues these ulterior
motives might have been political control.
In conclusion: What pornographic magazines were seized and proscribed
by the South African government between 1939 and 1989 – a time when
pornography, in its entirety, was prohibited by South African legislation? The
research found 1 033 pulp and pin-up; naturist and nudist; soft-core; hard-core; male
and female homosexual; bisexual; bondage; Asian; female impersonation, and biker
magazine, of which some are South African pornographic magazines; all are listed in
Appendices A, B and C.
7.6 Recommendations for future studies
A few recommendations for future studies were born from the research findings:
There is no presumption that the findings of the current research project
exhaust the research question completely. More historical research on the
pornographic magazine in South Africa is dire.
Although this study only focused on pornographic magazines, data –
especially in government gazettes – exists to shift the focus to other media,
including pornographic videos, or pornographic paraphernalia.
The lack of studies on the pornographic magazine’s history in South Africa
pre-1998 (when it was illegal) should motivate that the history of the porno-
graphic magazine in South Africa post-1998 (when it was lawfully allowed)
should be recorded before it, too, is overlooked. Although a short summary of
the history post-1998 is presented in section 1.2 of Chapter 1 (Introduction),
more in-depth research is needed.
As mentioned in Chapter 2 (Literature review) it is deplorable that a magazine
such as SCOPE’s history is not well documented. In addition, the current
project makes note of various South African pornographic magazines,
including, among others, Candid Pinups Featuring South African and
International Beauties, Le Chics (The World’s Top Glamour Models), Prank
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(Magnificent Girlie Poster), SA Naturist, and Squire that have not been noted
in any other academic literature before; they, too, deserve a more in-depth
investigation.
Apart from locally produced pornographic magazines, pornographic
magazines and videos in indigenous South African languages, including Sotho
and Afrikaans, require research attention.
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Appendix A – Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently proscribed in South Africa, 1939 to 1963
- Magazines’ subheadings in (rounded brackets);
- Notes in [square brackets];
- South African magazines in bold.
Title
Issue/Volume/Edition
(where available) Source
1. 66
(a magazine)
No. 19 Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
2. Adam 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:2
3. Bachelor Vol. 4 No. 2
December 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962p:7
4. Bachelor Vol. 4 No. 3
March 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
5. Beauty Parade July 1945 Union of South Africa, 1956a:3
6. Blast Vol. 1 No. 2
June 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:25
7. Blighty 12 February 1955 Union of South Africa, 1956a:3
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8. Bold Vol. 4 No. 2
February 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957e:9
9. Bold Vol. 4 No. 2
February 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
10. Bold Vol. 4 No. 6
June 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
11. Bold Vol. 5 No. 1
July 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957f:12
12. Bold Men Vol. 5 No. 1
December 1960
Union of South Africa, 1961b:11
13. Bold Men Vol. 5 No. 2
March 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961a:12
14. Bold Men Vol. 5 No. 3
June 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
15. Bold Men Vol. 5 No. 4
September 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961f:12
16. Bosomy Beauties No. 2 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
17. Breath Taking [sic] Beauties No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
18. Breezy No. 5
1954
Union of South Africa, 1956a:4
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19. Caper Vol. 1 No. 11
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958d:8
20. Caper Vol. 2 No. 1
March 1958
Union of South Africa, 1959b:27
21. Carnival Vol. 11 No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
22. Carnival Vol. 11 No. 4 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
23. Carnival Vol. 11 No. 5 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
24. Cavalcade August 1954 Union of South Africa, 1956a:5
25. Cavalcade of Burlesque Vol. 2 No. 2
March 1953
Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
26. Cavalier April 1957 Union of South Africa, 1957g:29
27. Cavalier June 1957 Union of South Africa, 1957e:9
28. Cavalier July 1957 Union of South Africa, 1958b:18
29. Cavalier August 1957 Union of South Africa, 1957g:29
30. Cavalier Vol. 11 No. 100
October 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1962b:9
31. Cavalier Vol. 11 No. 101 Republic of South Africa, 1962b:9
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November 1961
32. Cavalier Vol. 12 No. 108
June 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
33. Cavalier Vol. 12 No. 109
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962m:6
34. Chicks and Chuckles December 1955 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
35. Chicks and Chuckles April 1956 Union of South Africa, 1956b:30
36. Clubman
(The Man’s Magazine)
No. 56 Union of South Africa, 1956a:5
37. Clubman
(Special Glamour and Humour Edition)
No. 13 Union of South Africa, 1956a:5
38. Clubman
(The Entertainment for Men)
No. 12 Union of South Africa, 1956a:5
39. Dare Vol. 1 No. 13
May 1954
Union of South Africa, 1956a:7
40. Das Deutsche Sex Magazine No. VIII/56 Union of South Africa, 1960d:25
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41. Das Deutsche Sex Magazine No. XIII Union of South Africa, 1960d:25
42. Dear Playboy Vol. 2 No. 4
April 1955
Union of South Africa, 1957d:15
43. Dear Playboy Vol. 2 No. 9
September 1955
Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
44. Debonair Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956a:7
45. Eos
(Homofilt tidsskrift)
January 1963 Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
46. Escapade Vol. 3 No. 4
June 1958
Union of South Africa, 1959b:27
47. Escapade’s Annual Union of South Africa, 1959b:27
48. Europe’s Top Pin-Ups No. 2 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
49. Europe’s Top Pin-Ups No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1956b:31
50. Exposed Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956b:31
51. Exposed Vol. 1 No. 2 Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
52. Exposing America’s Sin Cities Vol. 1 No. 1
1956
Union of South Africa, 1956b:31
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Winter
53. Eye August 1950 Union of South Africa, 1956a:9
54. Eyeful 1945
Fall
Union of South Africa, 1956a:9
55. Fiesta Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956d:34
56. Film Fun Union of South Africa, 1956a:9
57. Film Fun No. 2003
7 June 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958f:16
58. Films and Filming May 1957 Union of South Africa, 1957e:10
59. FKK in Frankreich Union of South Africa, 1957e:10
60. Folies De Paris Et De Hollywood No. 131 Union of South Africa, 1958h:9
61. Folies de Paris Et De Hollywood
(La Sonbrette & Relief)
No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
62. Folies De Paris Et De Hollywood
(Belles de Nuit)
Union of South Africa, 1958h:9
63. Follies Vol. 2 No. 5 Union of South Africa, 1958a:16
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September 1957
64. Follies Vol. 2 No. 6
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:16
65. Follies Vol. 4 No. 4
July 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
66. Follies Vol. 4 No. 6
November 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
67. Follies Vol. 5 No. 1
January 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
68. Follies No. 5 Union of South Africa, 1961b:11
69. Follies Vol. 7 No. 1
February 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
70. Foto-Rama Vol. 1 No. 2
March 1953
Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
71. Foto-Rama Vol. 3 No. 2
June 1953
Union of South Africa, 1956a:10
72. Fury January 1956 Union of South Africa, 1956b:32
73. Fury October 1956 Union of South Africa, 1956b:32
74. Fury Vol. 22 No. 8
October 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
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75. Fury Vol. 23 No. 6
September 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:13
76. Fury Vol. 24 No. 2
January 1961
Union of South Africa, 1961b:11
77. Fury Vol. 25 No. 3
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962i:9
78. Gala Vol. 4 No. 2
July 1953
Union of South Africa, 1956a:10
79. Gent Vol. 7 No. 2
December 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963a:4
80. Girls and Gags Vol. 7 No. 5
October 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961e:10
81. Good Times
(A Revue of the World of Pleasure)
Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956a:10
82. Harem No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
83. Health and Efficiency May 1954 Union of South Africa, 1956a:11
84. Helios No. 54 Union of South Africa, 1956a:11
85. Helios No. 7
1953
Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
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86. High Vol. 1 No. 2
August 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958d:8
87. High Vol. 1 No. 3
October 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:16
88. Hit Show Vol. 2 No. 4
October 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
89. Hit Show Vol. 2 No. 6
May 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:13
90. Hit Show Vol. 4 No. 1
May 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
91. Hit Show Vol. 4 No. 2
September 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:20
92. Ho September 1957 Union of South Africa, 1958a:16
93. Hollywood Girls of the Month No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
94. Hollywood Girls of the Month No. 7 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
95. Hollywood Models of the Month No. 7 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
96. Hollywood Starlets Outdoors No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
97. In Natur und Sonne Vol. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
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98. Jem
(Glamour Magazine for Men)
No. 11 Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
99. La Vie Parisienne May 1954 Union of South Africa, 1956a:14
100. Laff April 1941 Union of South Africa, 1956a:14
101. Lebensfreude Vol. 4 No. 2 Union of South Africa, 1957f:12
102. Licht und Schönheit Jahrgang 9 Nummer 5
1958
Union of South Africa, 1959c:17
103. Lion Adventures Vol. 2 No. 4
July 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
104. Lush
(The Pick of the Pin-Ups)
Vol. 1 No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1957f:12
105. Male Point of View
[Also see: The Male Point of View]
Vol. 7 No. 2
August 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
106. Male Point of View Vol. 7 No. 3
September 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
107. Male Point of View Vol. 7 No. 4
October 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
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108. Male Point of View Vol. 7 No. 5
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958e:9
109. Man August 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
110. Man Annual 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
111. Man Junior June 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
112. Man Junior Vol. 11 No. 5
July 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
113. Man Junior Annual 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
114. Man to Man August 1955 Union of South Africa, 1956b:33
115. Man to Man Vol. 1 No. 1
November 1960
Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
116. Man to Man Vol. 8 No. 2
October 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
117. Man to Man Vol. 9 No. 5
April 1957
Union of South Africa, 1959d:22
118. Man to Man Vol. 11 No. 8
April 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
119. Man to Man Vol. 11 No. 9
May 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
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120. Man to Man Vol. 12 No. 2
September 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961c:10
121. Man’s
(Magazine)
[also see: Man’s Magazine]
Vol. 8 No. 2
February 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:14
122. Man’s
(Magazine)
Vol. 8 No. 3
March 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:14
123. Man’s
(Point of View)
[also see: Man’s Point of View]
Vol. 9 No. 9
December 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
124. Man’s Life March 1955 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
125. Man’s Life Vol. 6 No. 1
January 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
126. Man’s Magazine
[also see: Man’s (Magazine)]
February 1955 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
127. Man’s Magazine Vol. 4 No. 2
March 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957b:11
128. Man’s Magazine Vol. 7 No. 7
July 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960b:52
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129 Man’s Magazine Vol. 7 No. 8
August 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960a:12
130. Man’s Magazine Vol. 7 No. 9
September 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960a:12
131. Man’s Magazine Vol. 7 No. 10
October 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960a:12
132. Man’s Magazine Vol. 7 No. 12
December 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960a:12
133. Man’s Magazine Vol. 8 No. 4
April 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
134. Man’s Magazine Vol. 8 No. 5
May 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
135. Man’s Magazine Vol. 8 No. 12
December 1960
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
136. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 2
February 1961
Union of South Africa, 1961c:9
137. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 3
March 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
138. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 9
September 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
139. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 10 Republic of South Africa, 1961f:12
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October 1961
140. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 11
November 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961f:12
141. Man’s Magazine Vol. 9 No. 12
December 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1962d:7
142. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 1
January 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962c:6
143. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 3
March 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962e:5
144. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 4
April 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962f:9
145. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 5
May 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962g:9
146. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 6
June 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962h:8
147. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 7
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962j:11
148. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 8
August 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962k:9
149. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1962m:6
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150. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 10
October 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962n:12
151. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 11
November 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962p:7
152. Man’s Magazine Vol. 10 No. 12
December 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962p:7
153. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 1
January 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963d:5
154. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 2
February 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963e:7
155. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 4
April 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963g:6
156. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 5
May 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963h:10
157. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 7
July 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
158. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1963l:10
159. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 9
September 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963l:10
160. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 10
October 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963m:11
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161. Man’s Point of View
[also see: Man’s (Point of View)]
Vol. 9 No. 8
October 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
162. Man’s Point of View Vol. 10 No. 3
December 1960
Union of South Africa, 1961b:12
163. Man’s Point of View Vol. 10 No. 6
June 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
164. Man’s Point of View Vol. 11 No. 1
August 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
165. Man’s Point of View Vol. 11 No. 2
October 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
166. Man’s Point of View Vol. 11 No. 3
December 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1962d:7
167. Man’s Point of View Vol. 11 No. 5
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962j:11
168. Man’s Point of View Vol. 11 No. 7
January 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963b:5
169. Men June 1954 Union of South Africa, 1956a:16
170. Men Only Vol. 82 No. 328
June 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963h:10
171. Men Only Vol. 82 No. 329 Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
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July 1964
172. Men Only Vol. 83 No. 330
1963
Summer
Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
173. Modern Man Vol. XII Nos. 1-133
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962l:6
174. Modern Man Magazine’s Hunting Annual Vol. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
175. Modern Man Quarterly No. 7
Summer
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
176. Modern Man
(1957 Year Book of Queens)
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
177. Modern Sunbathing and Hygiene Annual 1960 Republic of South Africa, 1963i:17
178. Monsieur No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1962m:6
179. Monsieur Vol. 5 No. 3
June 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962h:8
180. Monsieur Vol. 5 No. 5
December 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963c:8
181. Monsieur Vol. 6 No. 2
April 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
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182. Movie Fun March 1941 Union of South Africa, 1956a:17
183. Mr. 1957
Fall
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
184. Mr. Vol. 5 No. 5
June 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961b:9
185. Mr. Vol. 5 No. 6
August 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961d:21
186. Mr. Vol. 6 No. 1
October 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961c:10
187. Naturisme No. 1
1950
Union of South Africa, 1956a:17
188. Nugget Vol. 7 No. 6
December 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963c:5
189. Nugget Vol. 8 No. 3
June 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
190. Nus
(Nude photographs)
Union of South Africa, 1957a:30
191. On the Q.T. Vol. 1 No. 2
August 1955
Union of South Africa, 1956b:34
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192. Parade and Blighty No. 1040
14 November 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
193. Paris Life Vol. 4 No. 34
September 1958
Union of South Africa, 1959b:27
194. Paris-Hollywood Union of South Africa, 1957e:11
195. Paris-Hollywood Nus Couleurs No. 100 Union of South Africa, 1956c:26
196. Peek August 1941 Union of South Africa, 1956a:19
197. Peep Show Vol. 4 No. 32
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
198. Peep Show Vol. 5 No. 33
February 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958g:10
199. Photo & Body Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
200. Picture Scope Vol. 5 No. 6
September 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
201. Picture Scope Vol. 6 No. 1
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
202. Picture Scope Vol. 6 No. 2
January 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
203. Pin Up No. 12 Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
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204. Pin up [sic] Beauties No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956a:19
205. Pin up [sic] Pack No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956a:19
206. Pin-Up No. 77 Republic of South Africa, 1963m:11
207. Pin-Up No. 79 Republic of South Africa, 1963m:11
208. Pin-Up Magazine Union of South Africa, 1957e:11
209. Pix October 1949 Union of South Africa, 1956a:19
210. Pix Annual Union of South Africa, 1956a:19
211. Playboy Union of South Africa, 1956b:34
212. Pocket Man Vol. 11 No. 5
August 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
213. Q.T.
(The Best of Beauty)
[Also see: QT (The Best of Beauty) and Qt (The Best of
Beauty)]
No. 51 Republic of South Africa, 1963f:8
214. Q.T.
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 52 Republic of South Africa, 1963f:8
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215. Q.T.
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 9 Union of South Africa, 1960c:8
216. QT
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 32 Union of South Africa, 1961b:12
217. Qt
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 11 Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
218. Qt
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 30 Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
219. Qt
(The Best of Beauty)
No. 33 Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
220. Rogue Vol. 7 No. 5
May 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
221. Rogue Vol. 8 No. 7
July 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963l:10
222. Rogue Vol. 5 No. 4
June 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:15
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(Designed for Men)
223. Rogue
(For Men)
Vol. 1 No. 3
April 1956
Union of South Africa, 1959a:15
224. Rogue
(For Men)
Vol. 1 No. 4
June 1956
Union of South Africa, 1959a:15
225. Rogue
(For Men)
Vol. 1 No. 5
August 1956
Union of South Africa, 1959a:15
226. Rogue
(For Men)
Vol. 2 No. 9
December 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958f:16
227. Rogue
(For Men)
Vol. 3 No. 1
January 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958f:16
228. Rugged Vol. 1 No. 4
August 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:17
229. Scamp Vol. 3 No. 6
May 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:15
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230. Scamp Vol. 5 No. 6
May 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962i:9
231. Scene
(for Men)
[Also see: Scene (For Men)]
Vol. 5 No. 5
October 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960a:12
232. Scene
(For Men)
Vol. 6 No. 5
October 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960e:15
233. Secrets July 1953 Union of South Africa, 1956a:22
234. See January 1950 Union of South Africa, 1956a:22
235. See Vol. 16 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1957e:11
236. Showgirls Vol. 1 No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1956a:22
237. Showgirls No. 9
January 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
238. Silk Stocking Stories July 1939 Union of South Africa, 1956a:23
239. Sir Knight Vol. 3 No. 1
January 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962o:9
240. Snappy Vol. 5 No. 40 Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
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November 1960
241. Snappy March 1961 Union of South Africa, 1961c:10
242. Span Vol. 3 No. 33 Union of South Africa, 1958a:18
243. Spic and Span
[Also see: Spick & Span]
No. 9
1957
(Extra) Winter
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
244. Spick Vol. 3 No. 31
June 1956
Union of South Africa, 1957e:11
245. Spick Vol. 4 No. 42
May 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958a:18
246. Spick & Span No. 7
1957
Summer
Union of South Africa, 1958a:18
247. Stag June 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:24
248. Stare Magazine April 1953 Union of South Africa, 1956a:24
249. Sunbathing for Health Vol. 8 No. VI
November 1954
Union of South Africa, 1956a:24
250. Sunbathing for Health Vol. 10 No. 11
July 1956
Union of South Africa, 1958b:18
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251. Sunshine and Health No. 3
March 1954
Union of South Africa, 1957f:13
252. Swank Vol. 2 No. 3
July 1955
Union of South Africa, 1958g:11
253. Swank Vol. 5 No. 2
March 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958f:16
254. Swank Vol. 6 No. 4
August 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960b:53
255. Swank Vol. 6 No. 6
January 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960b:53
256. Swank Vol. 9 No. 2
May 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962o:9
257. T.V. Girls and Gags Vol. 4 No. 6
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
258. T.V. Girls and Gags Vol. 5 No. 1
April 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
259. T.V. Girls and Gags Vol. 6 No. 5
September 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960d:27
260. Tempo Vol. 5 No. 16
27 December 1955
Union of South Africa, 1957b:12
261. Tempo Vol. 12 No. 5 Union of South Africa, 1960c:9
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September 1949
262. Tempo Vol. 12 No. 8
March 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960c:9
263. Tempo Vol. 12 No. 12
November 1960
Union of South Africa, 1961b:12
264. Tempo Vol. 13 No. 5
September 1961
Republic of South Africa, 1961c:10
265. The Best from Playboy
[Also see: The Best From Playboy]
1954 Union of South Africa, 1957c:15
266. The Best From Playboy Union of South Africa, 1957e:9
267. The Dude No. 3 Union of South Africa, 1960e:12
268. The Dude No. 6 Union of South Africa, 1960e:12
269. The Dude Vol. 2 No. 2
November 1957
Union of South Africa, 1958c:8
270. The Dude Vol. 2 No. 3
January 1958
Union of South Africa, 1958c:8
271. The Dude Vol. 4 No. 4
March 1960
Union of South Africa, 1961a:63
272. The Dude Vol. 6 No. 6
July 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1962l:6
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273. The Gent Vol. 6 No. 5
June 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1963j:3
274. The Gent Vol. 7 No. 5
June 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1963k:4
275. The Male Point of View
[Also see: Male Point of View]
March 1956 Union of South Africa, 1956b:33
276. The Men’s Digest Vol. 3 No. 5 (Issue 17)
June 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:26
277. The Stocking Parade March 1939 Union of South Africa, 1956a:24
278. Tid Bits [sic] of Beauty 1945
Summer
Union of South Africa, 1956a:25
279. Tidlösa No. 1 Union of South Africa, 1958h:9
280. Tidlösa No. 10
1955
Union of South Africa, 1957f:13
281. Titter 1945
Winter
Union of South Africa, 1956a:25
282. Venus April 1952 Union of South Africa, 1956a:27
283. Vue December 1954 Union of South Africa, 1956a:27
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284. Wink 1945
Summer
Union of South Africa, 1956a:28
285. Zest Vol. 8 No. 1
November 1959
Union of South Africa, 1960c:9
286. Zest Vol. 8 No. 2
January 1960
Union of South Africa, 1960d:27
287. Zon en Charme No. 1
1955
Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
288. Zonne Vrienden
[Also see: Zonnevrienden]
No. 4 Union of South Africa, 1958c:9
289. Zonnevrienden No. 36 Union of South Africa, 1957e:12
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Appendix B – Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently proscribed in South Africa, 1964 to (mid-April) 1975
- Magazines’ subheadings in (rounded brackets);
- Notes in [square brackets];
- South African magazines in bold.
Title
Issue/Volume/Edition
(where available) Source
1. Adam Vol. 36 No. 3
February 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
2. Adam Vol. 18 No. 19 Republic of South Africa, 1974u:13
3. Adam No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1975g:6
4. Adam 820 Vol. 6 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1971b:6
5. Alpha No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1974n:10
6. American Nudism
(Sun and Health Review)
Republic of South Africa, 1965l:4
7. American Nudism Republic of South Africa, 1968k:29
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(Sun and Health Review)
8. Amigo
(Homosexual Magazine)
[Also see: Amigo (The Homosexual Magazine)]
No. 16 Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6
9. Amigo
(The Homosexual Magazine)
Republic of South Africa, 1964e:10
10. Beautiful Britons
[Also see: Beautiful Britons (The Magazine of Appeal)]
Vol. 11 No. 127
June 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1966e:5
11. Beautiful Britons Vol. 14 Nos. 160-167
March-October 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
12. Beautiful Britons Vol. 15 Nos. 170-171
January-February 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
13. Beautiful Britons Vol. 15 Nos. 173-177
April-August 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
14. Beautiful Britons Vol. 16 No. 181
December 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
15. Beautiful Britons Vol. 16 No. 183
February 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1973x:22
16. Beautiful Britons Vol. 10 No. 116 Republic of South Africa, 1965h:3
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(The Magazine of Appeal) July 1965
17. Best for Men Vol. 2 No. 4
August 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
18. Best of Bondage Vol. 1 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1973f:3
19. Best of Bondage Vol. 1 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1973y:5
20. Bi
(Das Besondere St. Pauli)
No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1975f:166
21. Bizarre Life Vol. 1 No. 1
April-May 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1969f:22
22. Body Beautiful No. 32 Republic of South Africa, 1966g:5
23. Bondage
(Rubber Leather, Janus Special)
No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1975e:30
24. Bondage Kaptives [sic] Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1974p:120
25. Caballero Republic of South Africa, 1968i:3
26. Caballero No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1969i:29
27. Caballero Republic of South Africa, 1969n:10
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28. Candid Pinups
(Featuring South African and International Beauties)
Nos. 14-18 Republic of South Africa, 1965f:2
29. Caper Vol. 6 No. 6
November 1960
Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
30. Caper Vol. 6 No. 6
November 1960
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
31. Carnival September Republic of South Africa, 1970q:13
32. Carnival September 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1971m:8
33. Carnival October 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1971m:9
34. Carnival November 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1971q:7
35. Carnival May 1969 Republic of South Africa, 1973q:108
36. Carnival March 1973 Republic of South Africa, 1973w:10
37. Cavalier Vol. 13 No. 124
October 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6
38. Cavalier Vol. 13 No. 125
November 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
39. Cavalier Vol. 13 No. 126 Republic of South Africa, 1964c:14
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December 1963
40. Cavalier Vol. 14 No. 127
January 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964c:14
41. Cavalier Vol. 14 No. 128
February 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964g:10
42. Cavalier Vol. 14 No. 129
March 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964g:10
43. Cavalier Vol. 12 No. 110
August 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
44. Cavalier Vol. 12 No. 110
August 1962
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
45. Chérie No. 50 Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12
46. Chérie No. 52 Republic of South Africa, 1969h:9
47. Cinema X Vol. 1 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1969d:12
48. Cinema X Vol. 1 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1970h:14
49. Cinema X Vol. 1 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1970t:14
50. Cinema X Vol. 2 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1971f:2
51. Cinema X Vol. 3 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1971l:32
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52. Cinema X Vol. 3 No. 10 Republic of South Africa, 1972p:11
53. Cinema X Vol. 4 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1972v:10
54. Cinema X Vol. 5 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1974o:17
55. Climax Vol. 13 No. 2
November 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6
56. Climax Vol. 13 No. 4
January 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
57. Climax Vol. 16 No. 8
August 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970x:4
58. Climax Vol. 16 No. 8
August 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1971o:10
59. Cloud 9 Republic of South Africa, 1965n:11
60. Club No. 1
1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970i:9
61. Club June 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1970m:13
62. Club August 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1970n:5
63. Club September 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1970p:3
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64. Club November 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1970aa:6
65. Club Herrenmagazin No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12
66. Club International November 1967 Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12
67. Club International Vol. 1 No. 2
August 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1972m:5
68. Club International Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1972u:7
69. Clyde
(Reflection and Whimsey for Men)
Republic of South Africa, 1966i:5
70. Color Climax No. 46 Republic of South Africa, 1973c:108
71. Coq Vol. 1 No. 5
May 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974q:8
72. Cutey Gaho No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1973k:12
73. Cutey Gaho No. 10 Republic of South Africa, 1973u:12
74. Daily Girl Vol. 1 No. 4
June 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1972f:6
75. Daily Girl Vol. 2 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1972g:6
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76. Daily Girl Vol. 2 No. 10 Republic of South Africa, 1972g:6
77. Daring Vol. 10 No. 3
June 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973z:7
78. Daring Vol. 10 No. 1
February 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974ee:2
79. Dream Gaho No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1973k:12
80. Dream Gaho No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1973u:12
81. Du & Ich No. 9
September 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974r:5
82. Easy Riders
[Also see: Easyriders]
Vol. 2 No. 2
April 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1972e:3
83. Easy Riders Vol. 3 No. 2
March 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973q:108
84. Easyriders Vol. 3 No. 1
February 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973i:7
85. Ele Ela October 1974 Republic of South Africa, 1974x:21
86. Eros Vol. 1 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1974o:17
87. Escapade Vol. 6 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
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December 1960
88. Escapade Vol. 6 No. 1
December 1960
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
89. Escort Magazine July Republic of South Africa, 1968g:4
90. Female Impersonators
[Also see: The Female Impersonator]
Summer Republic of South Africa, 1969f:22
91. Female Mimics Vol. 1 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1969f:22
92. Fib-Aktuellt No. 8
20 February 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968j:23
93. Fiesta Vol. 5 No. 6
August 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1973r:4
94. Fizeek Art Quarterly Republic of South Africa, 1967c:4
95. Flair No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
96. Flame Republic of South Africa, 1966c:6
97. Flame Republic of South Africa, 1972l:8
98. Flirt No. 18 Republic of South Africa, 1968l:7
99. For Men Only Vol. 11 No. 1
January 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1970r:11
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100. Fotostrip No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1970z:10
101. Foxylady
(Entertainment for Women)
Vol. 1 No. 1
January 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1975a:3
102. Freies Leben
(Zeitschrift für Naturismus und Lebensreform)
Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6
103. Frivol No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1972r:4
104. Frivol No. 30 Republic of South Africa, 1974z:8
105. Gallery Vol. 1 No. 5
March 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973v:10
106. Gallery
(Sophisticated Entertainment for Men)
Vol. 2 No. 11
December 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31
107. Game Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1974e:3
108. Game Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1974f:4
109. Genesis
(For Men)
Vol. 2 No. 5
December 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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110. Gentleman Vol. 3 No. 6
June 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964g:10
111. Gentleman Republic of South Africa, 1965n:11
112. Girl Illustrated Vol. 2 No. 22 Republic of South Africa, 1968h:19
113. Girl Illustrated Vol. 2 No. 23 Republic of South Africa, 1968l:7
114. Girl Illustrated Vol. 2 No. 18 Republic of South Africa, 1969m:21
115. Girl Illustrated
(A Kaleidoscope of International Beauty and Colour)
Republic of South Africa, 1970c:15
116. Gondel No. 236
1 November 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1969e:6
117. Gondel October 1974 Republic of South Africa, 1974y:20
118. Grecian Guild Pictorial No. 64
September 1967
Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14
119. Gymnos Republic of South Africa, 1965m:30
120 Gymnos
(Special Edition)
No. 1
1965
Republic of South Africa, 1965l:4
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121. Gymnos Sundeck Republic of South Africa, 1965d:6
122. Health and Efficiency No. 825
January 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970y:4
123. Health and Sunshine
(Bright Sun Savage Scenery)
Republic of South Africa, 1967e:20
124. Health and Sunshine
(Naturism by the Sea)
Special Edition XII Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
125. Health and Sunshine
(Naturist Youth at the French Coast)
Republic of South Africa, 1967e:20
126. Health and Sunshine
(Summertime)
Special Edition IX Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
127. Health and Sunshine
(Sun, Sand and Ocean at Montalivet)
Special Edition X Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
128 Health and Sunshine
(Young and Joyful – La Chataigneraie)
Special Edition XL Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
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129. Helios No. 166 Republic of South Africa, 1971n:6
130. Holiday Naturist No. 4
1973
Summer
Republic of South Africa, 1973bb:114
131. Homo
(International Magazine)
Republic of South Africa, 1967f:9
132. Hymy 2 1973 Republic of South Africa, 1973aa:7
133. International Nudist Sun Republic of South Africa, 1966g:5
134. International Playmen Vol. 1 No. 1
June 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968d:25
135. Jaguar Vol. 4 No. 9
August 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970x:4
136. Janus Vol. 1 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1974g:7
137. Janus Vol. 3 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1974h:7
138. Jeremy Vol. 1 No. 1
1969
Republic of South Africa, 1969k:5
139. Jeremy Vol. 1 No. 3
1969
Republic of South Africa, 1970k:3
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140. Jeremy Vol. 1 No. 6
1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970w:3
141. Jeremy Vol. 1 No. 6
1970
Republic of South Africa, 1971o:10
142. Kaptive [sic] Beauties Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1974p:120
143. King
(Italian Magazine)
Republic of South Africa, 1967d:13
144. King
(The Man’s Magazine)
Vol. 1 No. 1
1964
Winter
Republic of South Africa, 1965c:2
145. Knave Vol. 5 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1973s:19
146. Knave Vol. 5 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1974o:17
147. Knickers
(Suspenders Stocking – Janus Special)
No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31
148. Knight
(The Magazine for the Adult Male)
Republic of South Africa, 1965n:11
149. Kunst im Naturismus Republic of South Africa, 1967b:12
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150. Late Night Extra No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1975g:6
151. Lektyr No. 52
21-27 December 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1972j:85
152. Lektyr No. 1
28 December-January 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1972s:84
153. Lesbian Climax Republic of South Africa, 1972g:6
154. Licht und Schönheit
(Blätter für Freikörperkultur)
Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6
155. Lui No. 55
July 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968g:4
156. Lui No. 76
May 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970m:13
157. Lui No. 89
June 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1971k:18
158. Lui No. 84
January 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1972g:6
159. Lui No. 94
November 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1972h:2
160. Lui No. 95 Republic of South Africa, 1972h:2
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December 1971
161. Lui No. 106
November 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1973h:5
162. Lui No. 119
December 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974hh:6
163. Male Classics No. 38 Republic of South Africa, 1966j:5
164. Man Vol. 55 No. 3
February 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
165. Man Annual 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1973c:108
166. Man Jr. Annual 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1973c:108
167. Man Junior Vol. 20 No. 6
February 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
168. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 11 Republic of South Africa, 1964a:6
169. Man’s Magazine Vol. 11 No. 12
December 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
170. Man’s Magazine Vol. 12 No. 1
January 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
171. Man’s Magazine Vol. 12 No. 2
February 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964d:14
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172. Man’s Magazine Vol. 12 No. 3
March 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964f:9
173. Man’s Magazine Vol. 12 No. 4
April 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
174. Man’s Magazine Vol. 12 No. 4
April 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
175. Mayfair Magazine Republic of South Africa, 1967f:9
176. Men Only Vol. 83 No. 332
1963
Winter
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
177. Men Only March 1964 Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
178. Men Only January 1964 Republic of South Africa, 1965b:6
179. Men Only May 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1970l:8
180. Men Only March 1964 Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
181. Men Only Vol. 36 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1971p:19
182. Men Only May 1969 Republic of South Africa, 1972g:6
183. Men Only Vol. 39 No. 10
1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974cc:14
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184. Men Only Vol. 39 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1975a:3
185. Mini Sex No. 11
1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974z:8
186. Modern Adonis No. 28
November 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1965k:18
187. Modern Adonis No. 31 Republic of South Africa, 1966g:5
188. Modern Man Vol. 21 No. 4
April 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1972b:89
189. Modern Man
(Yearbook of Queens)
Vol. 26
1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964b:3
190. Modern Man Annual Republic of South Africa, 1965a:7
191. Modern Man Quarterly Republic of South Africa, 1964j:10
192. Modern Man Quarterly Republic of South Africa, 1970u:6
193. Modern Sunbathing
(The Nudist Picture News)
Vol. 33 Nos. 2-188 Republic of South Africa, 1965a:7
194. Mr. Vol. 9 No. 7
May 1965
Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6
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195. Mr. Annual 1972
Spring
Republic of South Africa, 1974t:12
196. Muscleboy Vol. 3 No. 3
July-August 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1966f:10
197. National Nudist Vol. 2 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
198. National Nudist Vol. 2 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
199. Naturism in Austria
(Special Edition)
No. 105 Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
200. Naturism in the Mediterranean
(Special Edition)
No. 104 Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
201. New Direction Vol. 2 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1972o:10
202. New Direction Vol. 2 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1972q:11
203. New Direction Vol. 2 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1972x:4
204. New QT Vol. 1 No. 1
1974
Republic of South Africa, 1975a:3
205. Nude Living Republic of South Africa, 1965d:6
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206. Nudist Newsfront Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
207. Nudist Newsfront Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
208. Nudist Today
(Official Journal of the American Sunbathing Assocation)
Republic of South Africa, 1965d:6
209. Nudist Views 1959
Fall
Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
210. Nudist Views 1959
Fall
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
211. Ortil’s Naturist Youth in Greece
(Special Edition)
No. 104 Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
212. Oui Vol. 1 No. 1
October 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1972w:11
213. Parade Magazine Republic of South Africa, 1964e:10
214. Penthouse Vol. 4 No. 4
December 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1973g:12
215. Penthouse Vol. 4 No. 7
March 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973g:12
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216. Penthouse Vol. 8 No. 1
1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973v:10
217. Penthouse Vol. 4 No. 7
April 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973v:10
218. Penthouse Vol. 5 No. 9
1970
Republic of South Africa, 1974s:16
219. Penthouse Vol. 4 No. 3
November 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1974bb:13
220. Penthouse
(The International Magazine for Men)
Vol. 6 No. 2
1971
Republic of South Africa, 1974t:12
221. Penthouse
(The International Magazine for Men)
Vol. 6 No. 2
October 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974u:13
222. Penthouse
(The Magazine for Men)
Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1965e:1
223. Penthouse
(The Magazine for Men)
Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1965j:11
224. Physique Pictorial Vol. 14 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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October 1964
225. Physique Pictorial Vol. 15 No. 3
June 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14
226. Pin Up No. 29 Republic of South Africa, 1973c:108
227. Pin Up [sic] Girls No. 14 Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12
228. Pin-up Glamour Republic of South Africa, 1969b:5
229. Pin-up Parade Spring Republic of South Africa, 1971a:6
230. Playboy Vol. 10 No. 10
October 1963
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
231. Playboy August 1972 Republic of South Africa, 1973i:7
232. Playboy
[German Edition]
No. 12
December 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1973p:5
233. Playboy
[Italian Edition]
No. 9
September 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974v:12
234. Playboy
[Italian Edition]
No. 10
October 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974w:13
235. Playboy Bunnies Republic of South Africa, 1973j:12
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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236. Playboy Playmate Datebook 1974 Republic of South Africa, 1974a:94
237. Playboy Plays With Words Republic of South Africa, 1972n:10
238. Playboy’s Executive Reader Republic of South Africa, 1971i:2
239. Playboy’s Girls of the World Republic of South Africa, 1971h:5
240. Playboy’s Holiday Album Republic of South Africa, 1972i:5
241. Playboy’s Phil Interlandi Republic of South Africa, 1971j:3
242. Playboy’s Sex in Cinema 2 Republic of South Africa, 1973b:125
243. Playgirl No. 26 Republic of South Africa, 1969g:12
244. Playgirl
(The magazine for women)
[Also see: Playgirl (The Magazine for Women)]
Vol. 1 No. 1
June 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973e:9
245. Playgirl
(The Magazine for Women)
Vol. 1 No. 2
July 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973v:10
246. Playmen No. 3
March 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968f:19
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247. Playmen Vol. XI No. 12
December 1972
Republic of South Africa, 1973o:89
248. Pocket Man Vol. 20 No. 6
March 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964i:9
249. Pocket Playboy
[Also see: The Pocket Playboy]
No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1974j:5
250. Pornography in Color, Color Climax No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1971n:6
251. Pornography in Color, Color Climax No. 11 Republic of South Africa, 1971n:6
252. Privat Herrenmagazin Republic of South Africa, 1971n:6
253. Punch Goes Playboy Vol. 261 No. 6844
10-16 November 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1971e:4
254. Rascal Vol. 2 No. 4
November 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1965g:6
255. Reeperbahn Sex Illustrierte 9 August 1973 Republic of South Africa, 1974gg:2
256. Regency Vol. 1 No. 3
October 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974c:9
257. Rogue Vol. 9 No. 1
January 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964c:14
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258. Rogue Vol. 4 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
259. Rogue Vol. 4 No. 9
December 1959
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
260. Romp Vol. 6 No. 54
July 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1970t:14
261. Rope, Garters and Gags Vol. 1 No. 2
1974
Republic of South Africa, 1975d:31
262. Schlüsselloch No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1972j:85
263. Schlüsselloch No. 14 Republic of South Africa, 1972j:85
264. Schlüsselloch No. 16 Republic of South Africa, 1972s:84
265. Scope [sic] Vol. 4 No. 11
30 May 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1969a:8
266. Scope [sic] Vol. 5 No. 10
15 May 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970d:9
267. Scope [sic] Vol. 5 No. 12
26 June 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970e:4
268. Scope [sic] Vol. 5 No. 13
10 July 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970e:4
269. Scope [sic] Vol. 5 No. 18 Republic of South Africa, 1970f:4
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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4 September 1970
270. Scope [sic] Vol. 5 No. 20
2 October 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1970g:11
271. Scope [sic] Vol. 6 No. 19
27 August 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1971d:7
272. Scope [sic] 21 April 1972 Republic of South Africa, 1972c:7
273. Scope [sic] Vol. 8 No. 13
30 March 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973d:5
274. Scope [sic]
[Supplement: City, 8 November 1968]
Vol. 3 No. 23
15 November 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968a:12
275. Sexpert Vol. 1 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1975a:3
276. Span Vol. 14 Nos. 166-167
June-July 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
277. Span Vol. 15 No. 169
September 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
278. Span
[Also see: Span (People in the Pictures)]
Vol. 15 Nos. 171-178
January-June 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
279. Span Vol. 15 Nos. 180-181
August-September 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
280. Span Vol. 16 No. 183 Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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November 1969
281. Span Vol. 16 No. 188
April 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
282. Span Vol. 16 No. 190
June 1970
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
283. Span
(People in the Pictures)
Vol. 12 No. 135
November 1965
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
284. Span
(People in the Pictures)
Vol. 12 No. 136
December 1965
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
285. Span
(People in the Pictures)
Vol. 12 No. 138
February 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
286. Spick Vol. 13 No. 145
December 1965
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
287. Spick Vol. 13 No. 147
February 1966
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
288. Spick Vol. 15 Nos. 179-180
October-November 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
289. Spick Vol. 16 No. 181
December 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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290. Spick Vol. 16 No. 184
March 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
291. Spick Vol. 16 No. 184
March 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
292. Spick Vol. 16 No. 187
June 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
293. Spick Vol. 16 No. 189
August 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
294. Spick Vol. 16 No. 191
October 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
295. Spick Vol. 17 No. 193
December 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1973m:6
296. St. Pauli Nachrichten No. 5
22 January 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1971c:20
297. St. Pauli Zeitschrift No. 6
25 March 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1973t:7
298. St. Pauli Zeitung 8 January 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1971n:7
299. St. Pauli Zeitung 29 January 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1971n:7
300. Suck No. 1
October 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1970s:11
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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(First European Sexpaper)
301. Sun and Health
(International Edition)
Vol. 31 No. 323
June 1967
Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
302. Sun Era Vol. 1 No. 10
March 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
303. Sun Seeker No. 143 Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
304. Sun Seeker
(Corsican Naturism – Special Edition)
No. 103 Republic of South Africa, 1967a:23
305. Suntrails Vol. 1 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1970v:14
306. Supersex 30 August 1967 Republic of South Africa, 1972b:89
307. Swank Vol. 16 No. 6
August 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1971o:10
308. Tab
(The Pocket Picture Magazine)
[Also see: TAB (The Pocket Picture Magazine)]
Republic of South Africa, 1964j:10
309. TAB Republic of South Africa, 1970u:6
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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(The Pocket Picture Magazine)
310. The Bedside Playboy Republic of South Africa, 1966a:16
311. The Best from Playboy No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1970o:9
312. The Best from Playboy No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1971j:3
313. The Best from Playboy No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1972f:6
314. The Best from Playboy No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1974d:49
315. The Female Impersonator
[Also see: Female Impersonators]
Vol. 5 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1974m:4
316. The Male Figure Vol. 33 Republic of South Africa, 1966h:7
317. The New Man’s Pleasure Vol. 1 No. 1
December
Republic of South Africa, 1972t:5
318. The New Men Only Vol. 36 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1971l:32
319. The New Men Only Vol. 36 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1972d:12
320. The New Men Only Vol. 36 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1972p:11
321. The Playboy Advisor Republic of South Africa, 1970k:3
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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322. The Pocket Playboy
[Also see: Pocket Playboy]
No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1974i:6
323. The Pocket Playboy No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1974i:6
324. The Twelfth anniversary Playboy Reader Republic of South Africa, 1966b:16
325. Tomorrow’s Man Vol. 12 No. 12
November 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14
326. Tuk No. 58
June-July 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974z:8
327. Tuk No. 57
May-June 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974aa:9
328. Twen No. 7
July 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968e:32
329. Twen No. 11
November 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1969l:7
330. Urban Nudist Vol. 1 No. 11
April 1964
Republic of South Africa, 1964h:9
331. Vibrations Vol. 2 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1974g:7
332. Vibrations Vol. 2 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1974v:12
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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333. VIP
(The Playboy Club Magazine)
No. 8
1965
Holiday Issue
Republic of South Africa, 1966d:4
334. VIP
(The Playboy Club Magazine)
No. 37
1973
Spring
Republic of South Africa, 1973l:4
335. VIP
(The Playboy Club Magazine)
1973
Fall
Republic of South Africa, 1973n:10
336. Viva Vol. 1 No. 2
November 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1974ff:9
337. Weekend Sex No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1975b:4
338. Wildcat Vol. 9 No. 7
January 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1974dd:29
339. Wildcat 1972
Fall
Republic of South Africa, 1975c:7
340. Young Guys No. 15
February 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968c:14
341. Young Naturist No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1973t:7
342. Zeta Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1968b:18
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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October 1967
343. Zeta Vol. 1 No. 6
April 1968
Republic of South Africa, 1968l:7
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Appendix C – Pornographic magazines seized and subsequently proscribed in South Africa, (mid-April) 1975 to 1989
- Magazines’ subheadings in (rounded brackets);
- Notes in [square brackets];
- South African magazines in bold.
Title
Issue/Volume/Edition
(where available) Source
1. Adonis No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:2
2. Aktueel No. 83/42
22 October 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984c:2
3. Alle Menn No. 37
12 September 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:2
4. Alle Menn No. 47
21 November 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:2
5. Alle Menn No. 37
12 September 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:22
6. Anal Love Vol. 1 No. 2
August 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1983:2
7. Bikers 1976 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:10
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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8. Blueboy Vol. XIV
November 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:12
9. Blueboy Vol. 40
February 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
10. Bona Vol. 1 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
11. Bouncy Babes No. 7
1970
Spring
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:12
12. Bunny Girl Vol. 1 No. 5
May 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984l:1
13. Bunny Girl Vol. 2 No. 2
February 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1985c:1
14. Bunny Girl Vol. 3 No. 1
January-February 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986f:2
15. Bunny Girl March-April 1986 Republic of South Africa, 1986i:1
16. Bunny Girl Vol. 3 No. 4
August 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986l:3
17. Bunny Girl Vol. 3 No. 6
October 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986n:2
18. Bunny Girl November-December 1986 Republic of South Africa, 1987a:2
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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19. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 1
January 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987b:1
20. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 4
April 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987f:2
21. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 6
June 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987j:2
22. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 7
July 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987k:2
23. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 9
September 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987m:2
24. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 10
October 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987n:2
25. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 11
November 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987o:1
26. Bunny Girl Vol. 4 No. 12
December 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987p:2
27. Bunny Girl Vol. 5 No. 1
January 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988a:2
28. Bunny Girl Vol. 2 No. 1
November 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1989a:2
29. Bunny Girl February 1989 Republic of South Africa, 1989a:2
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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30. Bunny Girl August 1989 Republic of South Africa, 1989f:3
31. Bunny Girl August 1989 Republic of South Africa, 1989i:3
32. Candid No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:4
33. Candid No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
34. Caper Vol. 20 No. 6
November 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:126
35. Chance International No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:15
36. Cleo No. 87
January 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:4
37. Cleo Nos. 96-98
October-December 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:4
38. Cleo Nos. 100-101
February-March 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1982:4
39. Climax No. 43 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
40. Climax No. 43 Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
41. Club Vol. 5 Issue 10
November
Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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42. Club International Vol. 7 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:126
43. Club International Vol. 8 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:26
44. Club International Vol. 3 No. 12
December 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
45. Club International Vol. 7 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
46. Club International Vol. 7 Nos. 7-9 Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
47. Club International Vol. 8 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1982:23
48. Club International Vol. 2 No. 10
October 1973
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:18
49. Club International Vol. 13 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1985h:26
50. Color-Scala No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
51. Continental Film Review April-June 1968 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
52. Continental Film Review January-February 1969 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
53. Continental Film Review April 1969 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
54. Continental Film Review April-October 1970 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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55. Continental Film Review January-June 1971 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:5
56. Dapper Vol. 3 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:22
57. Debonair Vol. 3 No. 12
December 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:22
58. Debonair Vol. IV No. 1
January 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:22
59. Die Schönsten Playmates des Playboy Vol. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
60. Easyriders Vol. 12 No. 109
July 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:18
61. Easyriders Vol. 13 No. 119
May 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984j:8
62. Easyriders Vol. 13 No. 121
July 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984j:8
63. Easyriders Vol. 13 Nos. 123-124
September-October 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984j:8
64. Elite Vol. 5 No. 2
January 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:7
65. Escort Vol. 7 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1987h:2
66. Escort Vol. 7 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1987l:1
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Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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67. Euro Girls ’75 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:129
68. Fiesta Vol. 12 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:7
69. Fiesta Vol. 13 Nos. 9-10 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:7
70. Fiesta Vol. 14 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:7
71. Forum Vol. 2 Nos. 9-12 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:33
72. Forum Vol. 3 Nos. 1-4 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:33
73. Forum Vol. 9 Nos. 2-3
February-March 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1982:6
74. Forum Vol. 21 No. 3
1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988g:1
75. Gallery Vol. 7 No. 2
February 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:8
76. Gallery March 1973 Republic of South Africa, 1985l:20
77. Gallery International Vol. 1 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:118
78. Gazellé Vol. 1 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1986a:1
79. Gazellé April-May 1986 Republic of South Africa, 1986g:2
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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80. Gazellé Vol. 2 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1986m:2
81. Gazellé Vol. 2 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1987g:2
82. Gazellé Vol. 2 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1987o:1
83. Gazellé February-March Republic of South Africa, 1988b:3
84. Gazellé April-May 1988 Republic of South Africa, 1988d:1
85. Gazellé June-July 1989 Republic of South Africa, 1989d:1
86. Gazellé August/September 1989 Republic of South Africa, 1989f:3
87. Health & Efficiency
[Also see: Health and Efficiency.]
No. 848
December 1971
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:131
88. Health and Efficiency No. 942
23 August 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:39
89. Health and Efficiency and Sun Bathing Review Vol. XXXI Nos. 2-3, 5 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:39
90. High Society Vol. 3 No. 12
May 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:9
91. High Society 2/82
May-June 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1989g:4
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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92. High Society No. 1
January 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1989g:4
93. High Society No. 2
February 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1989g:4
94. Hogtie Vol. 3 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:40
95. Holland Boys No. 16 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:28
96. Hustler [sic] Vol. 2 No. 11
May 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:42
97. Hustler [sic] Vol. 2 No. 12
June 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:42
98. Hustler [sic] Vol. 6 No. 10
April 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:9
99. Hustler [sic] Vol. 4 Nos. 11-12
May-June 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:25
100. Hustler [sic] Humor Vol. 1 No. 1
1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:9
101. International Cover Models No. 17
December 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:10
102. International Cover Models No. 18
February 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:10
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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103. Interviu Vol. 2 No. 75
20-26 October 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:10
104. Interviu Vol. 3 No. 135
14-20 December 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:26
105. Interviu Vol. 4 No. 164
5-11 July 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:26
106. Interviu Vol. 5 No. 192
1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:26
107. Interviu No. 652
8 November 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988k:2
108. Iron Horse Vol. 1 No. 1
January 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:46
109. Iron Horse Vol. 4 No. 21
May 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:7
110. Iron Horse Vol. 5 Issue 33
June 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:7
111. Iron Horse Issue 33
June 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984j:8
112. Janus Vol. 5 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:24
113. Janus Vol. 6 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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114. Janus Vol. 7 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
115. Knave Vol. 10 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:11
116. Knave Vol. 10 Nos. 8-9 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
117. Knave Vol. 10 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
118. Knave Vol. 11 Nos. 6-7 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
119. Knave Vol. 12 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1982:27
120 Knave Vol. 14 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1983:10
121. Knave Vol. 14 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1984a:20
122. Le Chics
(The World’s Top Glamour Models)
No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1987d:1
123. Le Ore 2 November 1983 Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5
124. Lovebirds No. 25 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:24
125. Lui No. 3
1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:55
126. Lui No. 20 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:55
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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August 1978
127. Lui No. 11
November 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
128 Lui No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1988e:2
129. Lui No. 12
December 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
130. Lui No. 4
April 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
131. Lui No. 10
October 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
132. Lui No. 7
July 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
133. Male Vol. 1 No. 5
November 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
134. Man To Man Quorom Vol. 3 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5
135. Man To Man Quorom Vol. 3 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
136. Man To Man Quorom Vol. 4 Nos. 2-3 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
137. Maxim No. 1
1976
Republic of South Africa, 1982:10
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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138. Mayfair Vol. 8 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:29
139. Mayfair Vol. 13 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:29
140. Mayfair Vol. 15 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:29
141. Mayfair Vol. 7 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
142. Mayfair Vol. 9 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
143. Mayfair Vol. 10 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
144. Mayfair Vol. 13 Nos. 3-4 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
145. Mayfair Vol. 13 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
146. Mayfair Vol. 13 Nos. 9-12 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
147. Mayfair Vol. 14 Nos. 2-3 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
148. Mayfair Vol. 14 Nos. 6-9 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
149. Mayfair Vol. 15 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
150. Mayfair Vol. 15 No. 7 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
151. Mayfair Vol. 17 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1986e:2
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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152. Men Only Vol. 39 No. 2
February 1974
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:58
153. Men Only Vol. 42 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
154. Men Only Vol. 42 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
155. Men Only Vol. 43 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
156. Men Only Vol. 43 Nos. 9-10 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
157. Men Only Vol. 43 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
158. Men Only Vol. 44 Nos. 2-3 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
159. Men Only Vol. 45 Nos. 4-5 Republic of South Africa, 1982:28
160. Men Only Vol. 42 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1983:25
161. Mike Arlen’s Guy
[Also see: Mike Arlen’s Guys]
Vol. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5
162. Mike Arlen’s Guys Vol. 1-3 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
163. Mister Vol. 2 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5
164. Mister Vol. 2 Nos. 5-7 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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165. Model Directory Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:13
166. Model Directory Vol. 1 No. 2
March 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:13
167. Model Directory Vol. 1 No. 3
May 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:13
168. More Euro Girls Republic of South Africa, 1981a:60
169. Naturist und Welt No. 66 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:119
170. New Chance Vol. 4 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:14
171. New Cunts No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:64
172. New Direction Republic of South Africa, 1982:29
173. New Direction Vol. 9 No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1982:29
174. New Zealand Naturist No. 121
June 1987
Republic of South Africa, 1987n:2
175. Oui Vol. 7 No. 7
July 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
176. Oui Vol. 8 No. 10
October 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:29
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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177. Oui Vol. 4 No. 11
November 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
178. Oui Vol. 7 No. 10
October 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
179. Oui Vol. 8 No. 1
January 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
180. Oui Vol. 8 No. 3
March 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
181. Oui Vol. 8 No. 7
July 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
182. Oui Vol. 9 No. 5
May 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
183. Parade Vol. 1 No. 9 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:24
184. Parade March 1987 Republic of South Africa, 1987e:3
185. Park Lane No. 38 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:24
186. Penthouse No. 5
August 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:73
187. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 10
1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:142
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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188. Penthouse December 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
189. Penthouse Vol. 14 No. 11
1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
190. Penthouse Vol. 12 No. 7
1977
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
191. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 1
1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
192. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 3
1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
193. Penthouse Vol. 13 Nos. 5-6
1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
194. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 8
1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
195. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 10
1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
196. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 12
1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
197. Penthouse Vol. 14 Nos. 1-3
1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
198. Penthouse Vol. 14 No. 5
1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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199. Penthouse Vol. 15 No. 1
1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
200. Penthouse October-December 1978 Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
201. Penthouse May 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
202. Penthouse October-November 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
203. Penthouse April 1980 Republic of South Africa, 1982:30
204. Penthouse Vol. 18 No. 5
1983
Republic of South Africa, 1986c:2
205. Penthouse December 1980 Republic of South Africa, 1988j:3
206. Penthouse Vol. 10 No. 6
February 1989
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
207. Penthouse Nos. 5-6
May-June 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
208. Penthouse No. 8
August 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
209. Penthouse Nos. 2-3
February-March 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
210. Penthouse Vol. 16 No. 6
February 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
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211. Penthouse No. 12
December 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
212. Penthouse No. 7
July 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
213. Penthouse Vol. 9 No. 10
1974
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
214. Penthouse Vol. 13 No. 7
March 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1989g:4
215. Penthouse Photo World Vol. 1 No. 1
April-May 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:73
216. Penthouse Photo World No. 3
August-September 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:73
217. Penthouse Variations October 1980 Republic of South Africa, 1982:13
218. Penthouse: Loving Couples No. 2
1978
Summer
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
219. Pin Up Vol. 25 No. 5
February 1969
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
220. Play Dames Vol. 3 No. 11 Republic of South Africa, 1984a:11
221. Playbirds Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:120
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212
222. Playbirds Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:142
223. Playbirds No. 28 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
224. Playbirds Nos. 40-41 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
225. Playbirds
(Erotic Film Guide)
No. 11 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:15
226. Playboy Vol. 25 No. 8
August 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:142
227. Playboy June 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:16
228. Playboy Vol. 26 No. 10
October 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
229. Playboy Vol. 27 No. 2
February 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
230. Playboy Vol. 27 No. 3
March 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
231. Playboy Vol. 24 No. 11
November 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
232. Playboy Vol. 25 No. 5
May 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
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233. Playboy Vol. 25 Nos. 7-10
July-October 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
234. Playboy Vol. 25 No. 12
December 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
235. Playboy Vol. 26 Nos. 5-7
May-July 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
236. Playboy Vol. 26 No. 11
November 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
237. Playboy Vol. 27 No. 1
January 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
238. Playboy Vol. 27 Nos. 5-8
May-August 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
239. Playboy Vol. 28 No. 2
February 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:21
240. Playboy November 1982 Republic of South Africa, 1984d:10
241. Playboy August 1983 Republic of South Africa, 1984o:5
242. Playboy October 1983 Republic of South Africa, 1984o:5
243. Playboy June 1983 Republic of South Africa, 1984o:5
244. Playboy Vol. 20 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1984o:5
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January 1984
245. Playboy No. 1
September 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
246. Playboy No. 3
March 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
247. Playboy No. 1
January 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
248. Playboy
[Chinese Edition]
April 1988 Republic of South Africa, 1988h:2
249. Playboy
(Edition Française)
Vol. 3 No. 4
April 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
250. Playboy
(Edition Française)
Vol. 3 No. 8
August 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
251. Playboy Story Republic of South Africa, 1981b:16
252. Playboy’s Bunnies No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
253. Playboy’s Bunnies Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
254. Playboy’s Girls of the World No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
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255. Playboy’s Holiday Book Republic of South Africa, 1981a:75
256. Playboy’s Laughing Lovers Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
257. Playboy’s Playmate Review Republic of South Africa, 1987i:3
258. Players Vol. 4 No. 3
August 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
259. Players Girls Pictorial Vol. 1 No. 7
September 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
260. Playgirl
(New Series)
Nos. 10-12 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
261. Playgirl Vol. VI No. 5
October 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:31
262. Playgirl Vol. 3 No. 2
July 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
263. Playgirl Vol. 6 Nos. 1-2
June-July 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
264. Playgirl Vol. 6 No. 4
September 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
265. Playgirl Vol. 6 No. 6
November 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
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266. Playgirl Vol. 6 No. 11
April 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
267. Playgirl Vol. 7 No. 10
March 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1982:31
268. Playgirl September 1975 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
269. Playgirl Vol. III No. 9
February 1976
Republic of South Africa, 1989j:2
270. Playgirl
(The First Five Years)
Vol. 1 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
271. Playgirl Advisor Vol. 11 No. 7
July 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
272. Playgirl Couples December 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
273. Playgirl Presents Fantasies April 1979 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
274. Playgirl’s Men
[Also see: Playgirls’ Men]
Vol. IV Republic of South Africa, 1984f:2
275. Playgirls’ Men Vol. IV
1977/1978
Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
276. Playguy No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1984i:7
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217
277. Playguy Vol. 6 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
278. Playguy Nos. 6-7 Republic of South Africa, 1984m:4
279. Playguy Nos. 9-11 Republic of South Africa, 1984m:4
280. Playmate No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
281. Playmate No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
282. Playmate No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
283. Playmen & High Society 1/82
June-August
Republic of South Africa, 1989e:3
284. Pocket-Porno No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:120
285. Prank
(Magnificent Girlie Posters)
[Also see: Prank! (Magnificent girlie posters)]
No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1989b:2
286. Prank!
(Magnificent girlie posters)
Republic of South Africa, 1987j:2
287. Private Issue 54 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:25
288. Private International No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:78
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218
289. Q International Issue 35 Republic of South Africa, 1984f:2
290. Q International Vol. 3 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1984h:5
291. Q International Vol. 3 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
292. Rapier Vol. 1 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:16
293. Rapier Vol. 1 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:16
294. Rapier Vol. 1 No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:16
295. Rits No. 17
29 April 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:82
296. Rogue January 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985a:1
297. Rogue March 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985b:2
298. Rogue April 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985d:1
299. Rogue May 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985f:1
300. Rogue July 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985k:1
301. Rustler Vol. 1 No. 11 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
302. Rustler Vol. 3 No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
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303. Rustler Vol. 3 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
304. Rustler Vol. 3 Nos. 9-10 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
305. SA Naturist Vol. 1 No. 1
December 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:84
306. Sappho Vol. 1 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:17
307. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 11
18 March 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
308. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 13
1 April 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
309. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 14
8 April 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
310. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 21
27 May 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
311. Scope [sic] Vol. 13 No. 45
10 November 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
312. Scope [sic] Vol. 14 No. 29
20 July 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
313. Scope [sic] Vol. 14 No. 30
27 July 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:85
314. Scope [sic] Vol. 10 No. 35 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:158
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29 August 1975
315. Scope [sic] Vol. 10 No. 15
11 April 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:160
316. Scope [sic] Vol. 10 No. 16
18 April 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:160
317. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 12
25 March 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:160
318. Scope [sic] Vol. 12 No. 44
4 November 1977
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:160
319. Scope [sic] Vol. 16 No. 27
4 December 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1982:15
320. Scope [sic] Vol. 16 No. 43
23 October 1981
Republic of South Africa, 1982:40
321. Scope [sic] Vol. 17 No. 17
23 April 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1983:15
322. Scope [sic] Vol. 17 No. 43
22 October 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1983:15
323. Scope [sic] Vol. 17 No. 42
15 October 1982
Republic of South Africa, 1983:33
324. Scope [sic] Vol. 18 No. 21
27 May 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:12
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325. Scope [sic] Vol. 18 No. 28
15 July 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:25
326. Scope [sic] Vol. 18 No. 38
23 September 1983
Republic of South Africa, 1984a:25
327. Scope [sic] Vol. 19 No. 7
17 February 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984e:2
328. Scope [sic] Vol. 19 No. 10
9 March 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984g:1
329. Scope [sic] Vol. 19 No. 29
20 July 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984p:1
330. Scope [sic] Vol. 20 No. 16
19 April 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1985e:1
331. Scope [sic] Vol. 20 No. 20
17 May 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1985g:1
332. Scope [sic] 21 June 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985j:1
333. Scope [sic] Vol. 21 No. 21
23 May 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986j:1
334. Scope [sic] Vol. 23 No. 7
25 March 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988c:1
335. Scope [sic] Vol. 23 No. 8
April 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988d:1
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336. Scope [sic] Vol. 23 No. 9
22 April 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988f:1
337. Scope [sic] Vol. 23 No. 16
29 July 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988i:1
338. Scope [sic] Vol. 24 No. 9
5 May 1989
Republic of South Africa, 1989c:1
339. Scope [sic] Vol. 29 No. 16
25 August 1989
Republic of South Africa, 1989f:3
340. Scope [sic] Vol. 30 No. 17
8 September 1989
Republic of South Africa, 1989h:3
341. Screw No. 499
25 September 1978
Republic of South Africa, 1982:33
342. Se No. 1
3 January 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1981b:25
343. Sex Fantasy Vol. 1 No. 10 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:87
344. Sex Fantasy Vol. 2 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:87
345. Solaire Universelle Nudisme Vol. 6 No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:91
346. Solaire Universelle Nudisme Vol. 6 No. 6 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:91
347. Solaire Universelle Nudisme Vol. 9 No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:91
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348. Solaire Universelle Nudisme Vol. 10 Nos. 6-7 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:91
349. Solaire Universelle Nudisme Vol. 10 Nos. 9-10 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:91
350. Squire May 1984 Republic of South Africa, 1984l:1
351. Squire June 1984 Republic of South Africa, 1984n:1
352. Squire February 1985 Republic of South Africa, 1985a:1
353. Stag Vol. 3 No. 3
February 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984b:1
354. Stag Vol. 3 No. 7
June 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984n:1
355. Stag Vol. 3 No. 9
August 1984
Republic of South Africa, 1984p:1
356. Stag Vol. 4 No. 7
June 1985
Republic of South Africa, 1985i:2
357. Stag Set No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1986b:1
358. Stag Vol. 5 No. 3
February 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986d:2
359. Stag Vol. 5 No. 4
March 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986e:2
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224
360. Stag Vol. 5 No. 9
August 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1986k:1
361. Stag Vol. 7 No. 4
April 1988
Republic of South Africa, 1988d:1
362. Stag’s Art Collection No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1986h:2
363. Stag’s World Famous Topless Models Republic of South Africa, 1986b:1
364. Sun Vol. 10 No. 12 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:98
365. Sun Bathing Review Vol. 22 No. 86 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:98
366. Sunshine and Health Vol. XXX No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:99
367. Supercycle [sic] No. 63
September 1986
Republic of South Africa, 1987c:1
368. Teenage Sex No. 12
December 1979
Republic of South Africa, 1983:17
369. Teenage Sex No. 14
April 1980
Republic of South Africa, 1983:17
370. Teenage Sex No. 5 Republic of South Africa, 1989c:1
371. The Best from Playboy No. 8 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:9
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225
372. The Best of Penthouse Girls Vol. 3 No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1985n:46
373. The Best of Penthouse Girls No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1985p:2
374. The Best of Penthouse Girls No. 3 Republic of South Africa, 1986c:2
375. The Best of Playgirl Vol. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:9
376. The Girls of Playboy Republic of South Africa, 1981a:36
377. The Girls of Playboy No. 2 Republic of South Africa, 1984a:6
378. The Pocket Playbook No. 1 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:76
379. Titbits Nos. 4647-4650
3-30 April 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
380. Titbits No. 4658
19-25 June 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
381. Titbits Nos. 4660-4663
3-30 July 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
382. Titbits Nos. 4665-4666
7-20 August 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
383. Titbits
(Pubgoers’ Special)
1975 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
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384. Titbits
(Summer Special)
1975 Republic of South Africa, 1981a:102
385. Vi Menn No. 22
27 May 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:108
386. Vi Menn No. 23
3 June 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:108
387. Vi Menn No. 24
10 June 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:108
388. Vi Menn No. 25
17 June 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:108
389. Vi Menn No. 26
24 June 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:109
390. Vi Menn No. 27
1 July 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:109
391. Vi Menn No. 28
8 July 1975
Republic of South Africa, 1981a:109
392. Vulcan Issue 21 Republic of South Africa, 1985m:45
393. Vulcan No. 21 Republic of South Africa, 1985o:44
394. Week-end [sic] sex No. 4 Republic of South Africa, 1982:20
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395. Whitehouse Nos. 18-19 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:22
396. Whitehouse No. 35 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:22
397. Whitehouse No. 46 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:22
398. Whitehouse No. 36 Republic of South Africa, 1982:35
399. Zipper Issue 12 Republic of South Africa, 1981b:23
400. Zipper Issue 8 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
401. Zipper No. 19 Republic of South Africa, 1984k:5
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Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.25. Government Gazette No.
1203, 20 August: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1965j. Customs Act, 1955. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.18. Government Gazette No. 1203, 20
August: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1965k. Customs Act, 1955. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.26. Government Gazette No. 1214, 3
September: 18.
Republic of South Africa. 1965l. Customs Act, 1955. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.20. Government Gazette No. 1240, 1 October: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1965m. Customs Act, 1955. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.21. Government Gazette No. 1268, 29
October: 30.
Republic of South Africa. 1965n. Customs Act, 1955. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.23. Government Gazette No. 1291, 3
December: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1966a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.38. Government Gazette No.
1484, 8 July: 16.
Republic of South Africa. 1966b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.44. Government Gazette No.
1569, 21 October: 16.
Republic of South Africa. 1966c. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.34. Government Gazette No. 1407, 25 March: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1966d. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.36. Government Gazette No. 1443, 13 May: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1966e. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.39. Government Gazette No. 1506, 5 August: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1966f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.40. Government Gazette No. 1528, 2
September: 10.
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Republic of South Africa. 1966g. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.25. Government Gazette No. 1370, 11
February: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1966h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.27. Government Gazette No. 1407, 25 March: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1966i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.28. Government Gazette No. 1438, 6 May: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1966j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.32. Government Gazette No. 1506, 5 August: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1967a. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.57. Government Gazette No. 1857, 29
September: 23.
Republic of South Africa. 1967b. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.61. Government Gazette No. 1933, 29
December: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1967c. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.40. Government Gazette No. 1700, 31 March: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1967d. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.41. Government Gazette No. 1720, 28 April: 13.
Republic of South Africa. 1967e. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.42. Government Gazette No. 1733, 12 May: 20.
Republic of South Africa. 1967f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.44. Government Gazette No. 1830, 1
September: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1968a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.86. Government Gazette No.
2227, 6 December: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1968b. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.62. Government Gazette No. 1961, 26
January: 18.
Republic of South Africa. 1968c. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.69. Government Gazette No. 2089, 7 June: 14.
Republic of South Africa. 1968d. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.73. Government Gazette No. 2141, 9 August: 25.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1968e. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.74. Government Gazette No. 2149, 23
August: 32.
Republic of South Africa. 1968f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.75. Government Gazette No. 2161, 20
September: 19.
Republic of South Africa. 1968g. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.76. Government Gazette No. 2178, 4 October: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1968h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.77. Government Gazette No. 2192, 18
October: 19.
Republic of South Africa. 1968i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.48. Government Gazette No. 1975, 9
February: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1968j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.51. Government Gazette No. 2071, 10 May: 23.
Republic of South Africa. 1968k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.56. Government Gazette No. 2149, 23
August: 29.
Republic of South Africa. 1968l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.58. Government Gazette No. 2209, 8
November: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1969a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.101. Government Gazette
No. 2450, 27 June: 8.
Republic of South Africa. 1969b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.104. Government Gazette
No. 2495, 1 August: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1969c. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.110. Government Gazette
No. 2517, 12 September: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1969d. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.114. Government Gazette
No. 2547, 24 October: 12.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
246
Republic of South Africa. 1969e. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.83. Government Gazette No. 2260, 10
January: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1969f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.86. Government Gazette No. 2280, 21
February: 22.
Republic of South Africa. 1969g. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.88. Government Gazette No. 2294, 14 March: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1969h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.94. Government Gazette No. 2423, 6 June: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1969i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.98. Government Gazette No. 2467, 4 July: 29.
Republic of South Africa. 1969j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.110. Government Gazette No. 2556, 7
November: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1969k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.113. Government Gazette No. 2572, 5
December: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1969l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.61. Government Gazette No. 2260, 10
January: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1969m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.62. Government Gazette No. 2280, 21
February: 21.
Republic of South Africa. 1969n. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.68. Government Gazette No. 2499, 8 August: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1970a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.122. Government Gazette
No. 2606, 16 January: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1970b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.123. Government Gazette
No. 2621, 13 February: 12.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
247
Republic of South Africa. 1970c. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.129. Government Gazette
No. 2715, 29 May: 15.
Republic of South Africa. 1970d. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.130. Government Gazette
No. 2739, 26 June: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1970e. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.143. Government Gazette
No. 2768, 14 August: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1970f. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.149. Government Gazette
No. 2829, 25 September: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1970g. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.155. Government Gazette
No. 2909, 30 October: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1970h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.119. Government Gazette No. 2673, 26
March: 14.
Republic of South Africa. 1970i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.123. Government Gazette No. 2732, 12 June: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1970j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.126. Government Gazette No. 2747, 3 July: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1970k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.128. Government Gazette No. 2754, 17 July: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1970l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.129. Government Gazette No. 2761, 31 July: 8.
Republic of South Africa. 1970m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.132. Government Gazette No. 2776, 21
August: 13.
Republic of South Africa. 1970n. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.133. Government Gazette No. 2785, 28
August: 5.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1970o. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.135. Government Gazette No. 2810, 11
September: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1970p. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.137. Government Gazette No. 2829, 25
September: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1970q. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.142. Government Gazette No. 2909, 30
October: 13.
Republic of South Africa. 1970r. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.75. Government Gazette No. 2606, 16
January: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1970s. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.77. Government Gazette No. 2636, 27
February: 32.
Republic of South Africa. 1970t. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.78. Government Gazette No. 2673, 26 March: 14.
Republic of South Africa. 1970u. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.79. Government Gazette No. 2701, 8 May: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1970v. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.80. Government Gazette No. 2715, 29 May: 14.
Republic of South Africa. 1970w. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.83. Government Gazette No. 2754, 17 July: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1970x. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.86. Government Gazette No. 2768, 14
August: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1970y. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.89. Government Gazette No. 2823, 18
September: 2.
Republic of South Africa. 1970z. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.91. Government Gazette No. 2909, 30
October: 10.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1970aa. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.92. Government Gazette No. 2915, 6
November: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1971a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.169. Government Gazette
No. 3007, 5 March: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1971b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.178. Government Gazette
No. 3089, 7 May: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1971c. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.195. Government Gazette
No. 3237, 27 August: 20.
Republic of South Africa. 1971d. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.199. Government Gazette
No. 3254, 17 September: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1971e. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.212. Government Gazette
No. 3326, 10 December: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1971f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.152. Government Gazette No. 2987, 5
February: 2.
Republic of South Africa. 1971g. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.153. Government Gazette No. 2990, 12
February: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1971h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.169. Government Gazette No. 3141, 11 June: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1971i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.179. Government Gazette No. 3226, 13
August: 2.
Republic of South Africa. 1971j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.183. Government Gazette No. 3248, 10
September: 3.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1971k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.186. Government Gazette No. 3269, 1
October: 18.
Republic of South Africa. 1971l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.187. Government Gazette No. 3279, 8
October: 32.
Republic of South Africa. 1971m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.198. Government Gazette No. 3339, 24
December: 8-9.
Republic of South Africa. 1971n. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.102. Government Gazette No. 3240, 3
September: 6-7.
Republic of South Africa. 1971o. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.109. Government Gazette No. 3313, 26
November: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1971p. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.110. Government Gazette No. 3333, 17
December: 19.
Republic of South Africa. 1971q. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.111. Government Gazette No. 3351, 31
December: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1972a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.224. Government Gazette
No. 3424, 24 March: 27.
Republic of South Africa. 1972b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.225. Government Gazette No.
3433, 30 March: 89.
Republic of South Africa. 1972c. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.231. Government Gazette
No. 3494, 12 May: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1972d. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.236. Government Gazette
No. 3584, 23 June: 12.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
251
Republic of South Africa. 1972e. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.238. Government Gazette
No. 3601, 7 July: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1972f. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.246. Government Gazette
No. 3644, 8 September: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1972g. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.257. Government Gazette
No. 3694, 3 November: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1972h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.202. Government Gazette No. 3366, 21
January: 2.
Republic of South Africa. 1972i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.206. Government Gazette No. 3383, 18
February: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1972j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.213. Government Gazette No. 3453, 7 April: 85.
Republic of South Africa. 1972k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.216. Government Gazette No. 3483, 5 May: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1972l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.217. Government Gazette No. 3494, 12 May: 8.
Republic of South Africa. 1972m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.230. Government Gazette No. 3635, 25
August: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1972n. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.231. Government Gazette No. 3640, 1
September: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1972o. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.235. Government Gazette No. 3662, 29
September: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1972p. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.238. Government Gazette No. 3681, 20
October: 11.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
252
Republic of South Africa. 1972q. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.246. Government Gazette No. 3734, 15
December: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1972r. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.115. Government Gazette No. 3383, 18
February: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1972s. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.121. Government Gazette No. 3453, 7 April: 84.
Republic of South Africa. 1972t. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.123. Government Gazette No. 3494, 12 May: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1972u. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.130. Government Gazette No. 3644, 8
September: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1972v. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.132. Government Gazette No. 3681, 20
October: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1972w. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.133. Government Gazette No. 3717, 1
December: 11.
Republic of South Africa. 1972x. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.134. Government Gazette No. 3741, 22
December: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1973a. Kommissie van ondersoek insake die
Wysigingswetsontwerp op Publikasies en Vermaaklikheide. Available: The
J.D.duP. (Japie) Basson Collection, Document Centre, J.S. Gericke Library,
Stellenbosch University, 319.Se.1(17).
Republic of South Africa. 1973b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.272. Government Gazette
No. 3785, 23 February: 125.
Republic of South Africa. 1973c. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.279. Government Gazette
No. 3842, 5 April: 108.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1973d. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.281. Government Gazette
No. 3868, 19 April: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1973e. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.292. Government Gazette
No. 3956, 29 June: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1973f. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.301. Government Gazette
No. 3998, 17 August: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1973g. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.313. Government Gazette
No. 4052, 19 October: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1973h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.249. Government Gazette No. 3757, 12
January: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1973i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.254. Government Gazette No. 3779, 9
February: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1973j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.258. Government Gazette No. 3796, 9 March: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1973k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.273. Government Gazette No. 3926, 15 June: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1973l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.274. Government Gazette No. 3937, 22 June: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1973m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.278. Government Gazette No. 3980, 20 July: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1973n. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.312. Government Gazette No. 4098, 7
December: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1973o. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.135. Government Gazette No. 3754, 5
January: 89.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
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Republic of South Africa. 1973p. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.137. Government Gazette No. 3782, 16
February: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1973q. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.138. Government Gazette No. 3842, 5 April: 108.
Republic of South Africa. 1973r. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.139. Government Gazette No. 3868, 19 April: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1973s. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.140. Government Gazette No. 3874, 27 April: 19.
Republic of South Africa. 1973t. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.141. Government Gazette No. 3910, 30 May: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1973u. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.143. Government Gazette No. 3926, 15 June: 12.
Republic of South Africa. 1973v. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.144. Government Gazette No. 3976, 13 July: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1973w. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.145. Government Gazette No. 3976, 13 July: 10.
Republic of South Africa. 1973x. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. C.146. Government Gazette No. 3982, 27 July: 22.
Republic of South Africa. 1973y. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.150. Government Gazette No. 4004, 24
August: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1973z. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.151. Government Gazette No. 4080, 16
November: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1973aa. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.153. Government Gazette No. 4038, 5
October: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1973bb. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. C.161. Government Gazette No. 4111, 21
December: 114.
Republic of South Africa. 1974a. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.331. Government Gazette
No. 4140, 18 January: 94.
Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za
255
Republic of South Africa. 1974b. Publications and Entertainments Act, 1963.
Undesirable publications and objects: List No. A.337. Government Gazette
No. 4163, 15 February: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1974c. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.318. Government Gazette No. 4137, 11
January: 9.
Republic of South Africa. 1974d. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.328. Government Gazette No. 4178, 1 March: 49.
Republic of South Africa. 1974e. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.335. Government Gazette No. 4244, 5 April: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1974f. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.336. Government Gazette No. 4244, 5 April: 4.
Republic of South Africa. 1974g. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.348. Government Gazette No. 4279, 17 May: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1974h. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.349. Government Gazette No. 4279, 17 May: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1974i. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.352. Government Gazette No. 4286, 30 May: 6.
Republic of South Africa. 1974j. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and
objectionable goods: List No. B.353. Government Gazette No. 4292, 7 June: 5.
Republic of South Africa. 1974k. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.356. Government Gazette No. 4300, 14 June: 7.
Republic of South Africa. 1974l. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
tionable goods: List No. B.359. Government Gazette No. 4318, 28 June: 3.
Republic of South Africa. 1974m. Customs Act, 1964. Indecent, obscene and objec-
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