David Suzuki Foundation 3

Sacred CedarThe Cultural and Archaeological Significance

of Culturally Modified Trees

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A R E P O R T O F T H E P A C I F I C S A L M O N F O R E S T S P R O J E C T

by Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.DVicki Feddema, M.A.

David Suzuki Foundation

The David Suzuki Foundation2211 West Fourth Ave., Suite 219Vancouver, BC Canada V6K 4S2E-mail: coast@davidsuzuki.org

Web: www.davidsuzuki.orgTel: (604) 732-4228 Fax: (604) 732-0752

Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.DArnoud H. Stryd (B.A. Anthropology,Simon Fraser University; Ph.D.Archaeology, University of Calgary) is thepresident of Arcas ConsultingArcheologists Ltd. He directed the pioneering CMT studies on Meares Islandin 1984 and 1985, and has been involvedin CMT studies in Haida Gwaii and elsewhere on the British Columbia coastsince then. Recently he prepared a hand-book on the identification and recordingof CMTs for the Ministry of Forests. Dr.Stryd continues to be an advocate for theprotection of CMTs and for raising publicawareness of CMTs. He lives inCoquitlam with wife Melanie, son Aaronand daughter Zoë.

The Authors

David Suzuki FoundationThe David Suzuki Foundation is a federallyregistered Canadian charity working todesign a vision of Earth in which humanslive within the planet’s productive capacity– and finding and communicating practicalsteps to bring that vision to reality.

Vicki Feddema, M.A.Vicki Feddema (B.A., M.A. Anthropology,University of British Columbia) is a senior archaeologist with ArcasConsulting Archeologists Ltd. Prior tojoining Arcas, she worked for severalyears with a multi-national research teamon an archaeological excavation project insouthern Chiapas, Mexico. Her interestsin paleoethnobotany and the developmentof agriculture resulted in a Master's thesisbased on the analysis of botanical remainsfrom several Early Formative sites inChiapas. Since 1995, she has beeninvolved in the study of CMTs and aboriginal forest utilization practices incoastal regions of British Columbia.

Sections of this report may be reproduced in magazines, journalsand newspapers with written permission from the David SuzukiFoundation. December 1998.

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Introduction

Culturally Modified Trees

The Cultural Significance of CMTs

The Significance of CMTs to British Columbians

Concluding Remarks

Culturally modified tree.

Small dugout canoe.

Bark-stripping a cedar tree.

Gathering bark.

Splitting planks from astanding tree.

An archaeological treasure.

Cutmarks made by a metalaxe on a test-hole tree.

Bark-stripping a cedar tree.

Kwakwakawakw transformation mask;carved in cedar by SimonDick and family.

Planked tree.

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Table of Contents

List of Figures

David Suzuki Foundation 03

Few Canadians know about the archaeological treasures

that lie hidden in the old growth rainforests of coastal British

Columbia. Covered by moss and other vegetation, and

sometimes difficult to reach in the dense forests, these treasures

are the places where aboriginal people long ago felled and

worked the massive cedar trees that were so critical to their way

of life. Only in the last few decades have people become aware

of the existence and importance of these ancient sites and the

culturally modified trees found there.

Figure 1 Culturally modified tree. Photo: National Museum of Canada.

David Suzuki Foundation 03

Few Canadians know about the archaeological treasures

that lie hidden in the old growth rainforests of coastal British

Columbia. Covered by moss and other vegetation, and

sometimes difficult to reach in the dense forests, these treasures

are the places where aboriginal people long ago felled and

worked the massive cedar trees that were so critical to their way

of life. Only in the last few decades have people become aware

of the existence and importance of these ancient sites and the

culturally modified trees found there.

Figure 1 Culturally modified tree. Photo: National Museum of Canada.

04 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 05

was such that the red and yellow cedarseach have their own creation myths(Stewart 1984:27); they are also believedto have special healing and spiritual powers.

Northwest coast peoples knew thecedar tree intimately, and all of its partswere highly valued. The wood was usedto make canoes, paddles, house planks,house posts, crest and mortuary poles,bentwood boxes, bows, masks, bowls anddishes. The fibrous inner bark was fashioned into clothing, hats, mats,masks, rattles, nets, twine, blankets, diapers, towels, and rope. The coarseouter bark was used for roofing material,canoe bailers and canoe covers. The withes, or flexible branchlets that hangdown from the main branches, were valued for making heavy-duty rope, fishtraps, and baskets. Even the roots wereused, to make baskets and cradles (Pojarand MacKinnon 1994; Turner and Efrat1982; Turner et al. 1983; Stewart 1984).

While western red and yellow cedarwere the most important trees to northwestcoast peoples, other species like hemlock,fir, pine, spruce, yew and alder were alsovalued for medicine, wood, dyes, fuel, food,pitch, and bedding (Mobley and Eldridge1992:95; Pojar and MacKinnon 1994;Turner and Efrat 1982; Turner et al. 1983).

Drucker's fear of the dark was not necessarily shared by the aboriginal residents of the area because, breakingthrough the “impenetrable mantle” of theforest practically anywhere along thecoast, one inevitably stumbles (literally,sometimes) across ancient loggingremains: moss-covered stumps with perfectly preserved chisel cut marks, logswith gaping holes where planks werepried off to build the longhouses of thenorthwest coast winter villages, dugoutcanoes in various stages of manufacture,and trees with long scars on their trunkswhere bark was pulled off to make clothingand other items essential to the lives of thenative northwest coast peoples.

Aboriginal peoples of the northwestcoast had an intimate relationship withthe plants and trees in their environment.The most highly valued trees were the

Introduction

majestic western red and yellow cedars.The cedar is known as the “tree of life”by various northwest coast peoples. BillReid, the reknowned Haida artist andcarver, paid special tribute to the cedar inhis foreword to Hilary Stewart's classicbook Cedar: Tree of Life to the NorthwestCoast Indians:

“Oh, the cedar tree! If mankind in hisinfancy had prayed for the perfectsubstance for all material and aestheticneeds, an indulgent god could have provided nothing better.” (Reid 1984:8)

The cedar tree played a vital role in the life and culture of aboriginal peoples.From this tree, they obtained most of theraw materials for their basic needs, likeclothing, shelter, tools and transportationas well as for their artistic, ceremonialand spiritual activities. Their importance

The rainforests of the northwest coast have been an unknown land for

most Europeans since the time of their first arrival. Early European visitors

found the rainforests dark and intimidating, and seldom ventured far

from the coast. As expressed by anthropologist Phillip Drucker,

“The woods, seen from the water, seem to form an impenetrablemantle over the irregular surface of the land. After one finallybreaks through the luxurious growth along the margin, he findshimself in a dark gloomy moss-covered world . . . It is scarcely tobe wondered at, what with the ruggedness of the rockboundmountainous terrain and the dense tangle of vegetation, that thenative population for the most part frequented the woods but little.“ (Drucker 1951:8-9)

The most highly valued trees were the

majestic western red and yellow cedars.

The cedar is known as the "tree of life” by

various northwest coast peoples.

Figure 2 Small dugout canoe located near JohnstoneStrait, Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

04 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 05

was such that the red and yellow cedarseach have their own creation myths(Stewart 1984:27); they are also believedto have special healing and spiritual powers.

Northwest coast peoples knew thecedar tree intimately, and all of its partswere highly valued. The wood was usedto make canoes, paddles, house planks,house posts, crest and mortuary poles,bentwood boxes, bows, masks, bowls anddishes. The fibrous inner bark was fashioned into clothing, hats, mats,masks, rattles, nets, twine, blankets, diapers, towels, and rope. The coarseouter bark was used for roofing material,canoe bailers and canoe covers. The withes, or flexible branchlets that hangdown from the main branches, were valued for making heavy-duty rope, fishtraps, and baskets. Even the roots wereused, to make baskets and cradles (Pojarand MacKinnon 1994; Turner and Efrat1982; Turner et al. 1983; Stewart 1984).

While western red and yellow cedarwere the most important trees to northwestcoast peoples, other species like hemlock,fir, pine, spruce, yew and alder were alsovalued for medicine, wood, dyes, fuel, food,pitch, and bedding (Mobley and Eldridge1992:95; Pojar and MacKinnon 1994;Turner and Efrat 1982; Turner et al. 1983).

Drucker's fear of the dark was not necessarily shared by the aboriginal residents of the area because, breakingthrough the “impenetrable mantle” of theforest practically anywhere along thecoast, one inevitably stumbles (literally,sometimes) across ancient loggingremains: moss-covered stumps with perfectly preserved chisel cut marks, logswith gaping holes where planks werepried off to build the longhouses of thenorthwest coast winter villages, dugoutcanoes in various stages of manufacture,and trees with long scars on their trunkswhere bark was pulled off to make clothingand other items essential to the lives of thenative northwest coast peoples.

Aboriginal peoples of the northwestcoast had an intimate relationship withthe plants and trees in their environment.The most highly valued trees were the

Introduction

majestic western red and yellow cedars.The cedar is known as the “tree of life”by various northwest coast peoples. BillReid, the reknowned Haida artist andcarver, paid special tribute to the cedar inhis foreword to Hilary Stewart's classicbook Cedar: Tree of Life to the NorthwestCoast Indians:

“Oh, the cedar tree! If mankind in hisinfancy had prayed for the perfectsubstance for all material and aestheticneeds, an indulgent god could have provided nothing better.” (Reid 1984:8)

The cedar tree played a vital role in the life and culture of aboriginal peoples.From this tree, they obtained most of theraw materials for their basic needs, likeclothing, shelter, tools and transportationas well as for their artistic, ceremonialand spiritual activities. Their importance

The rainforests of the northwest coast have been an unknown land for

most Europeans since the time of their first arrival. Early European visitors

found the rainforests dark and intimidating, and seldom ventured far

from the coast. As expressed by anthropologist Phillip Drucker,

“The woods, seen from the water, seem to form an impenetrablemantle over the irregular surface of the land. After one finallybreaks through the luxurious growth along the margin, he findshimself in a dark gloomy moss-covered world . . . It is scarcely tobe wondered at, what with the ruggedness of the rockboundmountainous terrain and the dense tangle of vegetation, that thenative population for the most part frequented the woods but little.“ (Drucker 1951:8-9)

The most highly valued trees were the

majestic western red and yellow cedars.

The cedar is known as the "tree of life” by

various northwest coast peoples.

Figure 2 Small dugout canoe located near JohnstoneStrait, Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

David Suzuki Foundation 07

Because of the incredible preservationproperties of the cedar tree, remnants oftrees that were modified hundreds ofyears ago, in the process of removing barkand wood, are still present on the forestfloor where these activities were carriedout. These trees are commonly referred toas “culturally modified trees,” or CMTs. ACMT is usually defined as a tree whichhas been intentionally modified by abo-riginal peoples as part of their traditionaluse of the forest (Stryd and Eldridge1993; Stryd 1997). This definition doesnot include CMTs that are the result ofnon-Native forest use, such as the“springboard notched stumps” left byearly European loggers which often dateback to the late 19th century. Althoughthese are not considered to be CMTs inthe usual sense of the term, they may beof historical and anthropological signifi-cance (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:91).

CMTs are found primarily in oldgrowth cedar stands. Stands marked onforest cover maps as not containing cedartrees can, however, include the occasionalcedar, and these are sometimes modified.CMT stumps (and more rarely, CMT logs)can be found in clear-cuts and second-growth forests if they were not removedduring commercial logging. Non-cedarCMTs are of course found in settingsother than cedar stands.

Bark-stripped trees are characterizedby distinctive scars where the bark wasremoved from the tree, exposing theunderlying wood. Depending on what thebark was to be used for, and the methodby which it was removed, the resultingscars are either long and tapered inshape, or shorter and rectangular.

Tapered bark scars are usually found onwestern red or yellow cedar. They resultfrom the procurement of the soft, pliantinner bark that was valued for its fibrousproperties and use in making clothing,ropes, blankets, and so on. A horizontalcut was made through the bark near thebase of a tree, and the loosened bark waspulled away from the tree until the upperend tapered to a point and broke away(Stryd 1997:18-20). Tapered bark-strippedtrees are extremely common all along thenorthwest coast, and are often locatedlong distances inland and at high eleva-tions (particularly yellow cedar, whichwas highly valued for the exceptionalstrength and flexibility of its inner bark).

Rectangular bark scars result fromthe removal of large slabs of outer bark(sometimes called “bark boards” or “barkplanks”) from western red cedar trees forsuch uses as roofing material for housesand for covering canoes under construc-tion in the forest. Horizontal cuts weremade through the bark at the bottom andtop of the desired length, and the slabwas then pried from the tree (Stryd1997:24-25). Rectangular bark-strippedtrees are found primarily in coastalareas, including Haida Gwaii (QueenCharlotte Islands). In some of theseareas, traditional dwelling structureswere roofed with bark boards, whereas inmore southerly coastal areas where large hewn-plank houses were used, rectangu-lar bark-strip scars are absent and plank-stripped trees and logs are morecommon (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:96)(see below).

Bark was also collected from speciessuch as western hemlock, spruce,

06 Sacred Cedars

The use by aboriginal peoples on

the northwest coast of products

from cedar and other species of

trees dates back at least 3,000

years (and probably for much

longer), as indicated by wood

and bark-working tools recovered

from dated archaeological sites.

CulturallyModified

Trees

Figure 3 Bark stripping a cedar tree. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

“Analysis of plant pollen suggests that red cedar became a common forest species in southwestern BritishColumbia about 6,000 years ago, andon the north-central coast between4,000 and 5,000 years ago.” (Mathewes 1991:384).

David Suzuki Foundation 07

Because of the incredible preservationproperties of the cedar tree, remnants oftrees that were modified hundreds ofyears ago, in the process of removing barkand wood, are still present on the forestfloor where these activities were carriedout. These trees are commonly referred toas “culturally modified trees,” or CMTs. ACMT is usually defined as a tree whichhas been intentionally modified by abo-riginal peoples as part of their traditionaluse of the forest (Stryd and Eldridge1993; Stryd 1997). This definition doesnot include CMTs that are the result ofnon-Native forest use, such as the“springboard notched stumps” left byearly European loggers which often dateback to the late 19th century. Althoughthese are not considered to be CMTs inthe usual sense of the term, they may beof historical and anthropological signifi-cance (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:91).

CMTs are found primarily in oldgrowth cedar stands. Stands marked onforest cover maps as not containing cedartrees can, however, include the occasionalcedar, and these are sometimes modified.CMT stumps (and more rarely, CMT logs)can be found in clear-cuts and second-growth forests if they were not removedduring commercial logging. Non-cedarCMTs are of course found in settingsother than cedar stands.

Bark-stripped trees are characterizedby distinctive scars where the bark wasremoved from the tree, exposing theunderlying wood. Depending on what thebark was to be used for, and the methodby which it was removed, the resultingscars are either long and tapered inshape, or shorter and rectangular.

Tapered bark scars are usually found onwestern red or yellow cedar. They resultfrom the procurement of the soft, pliantinner bark that was valued for its fibrousproperties and use in making clothing,ropes, blankets, and so on. A horizontalcut was made through the bark near thebase of a tree, and the loosened bark waspulled away from the tree until the upperend tapered to a point and broke away(Stryd 1997:18-20). Tapered bark-strippedtrees are extremely common all along thenorthwest coast, and are often locatedlong distances inland and at high eleva-tions (particularly yellow cedar, whichwas highly valued for the exceptionalstrength and flexibility of its inner bark).

Rectangular bark scars result fromthe removal of large slabs of outer bark(sometimes called “bark boards” or “barkplanks”) from western red cedar trees forsuch uses as roofing material for housesand for covering canoes under construc-tion in the forest. Horizontal cuts weremade through the bark at the bottom andtop of the desired length, and the slabwas then pried from the tree (Stryd1997:24-25). Rectangular bark-strippedtrees are found primarily in coastalareas, including Haida Gwaii (QueenCharlotte Islands). In some of theseareas, traditional dwelling structureswere roofed with bark boards, whereas inmore southerly coastal areas where large hewn-plank houses were used, rectangu-lar bark-strip scars are absent and plank-stripped trees and logs are morecommon (Mobley and Eldridge 1992:96)(see below).

Bark was also collected from speciessuch as western hemlock, spruce,

06 Sacred Cedars

The use by aboriginal peoples on

the northwest coast of products

from cedar and other species of

trees dates back at least 3,000

years (and probably for much

longer), as indicated by wood

and bark-working tools recovered

from dated archaeological sites.

CulturallyModified

Trees

Figure 3 Bark stripping a cedar tree. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

“Analysis of plant pollen suggests that red cedar became a common forest species in southwestern BritishColumbia about 6,000 years ago, andon the north-central coast between4,000 and 5,000 years ago.” (Mathewes 1991:384).

David Suzuki Foundation 09

been involved in felling an entire tree.This practice conserved, on the one hand,a great deal of time and energy and, on theother, the life of a tree. Good-qualitywindfall trees would not always have beenavailable, or may not have been suitablefor canoes, mortuary poles, house con-struction and so on. At such times, itwould have been necessary to fell trees.The best trees for these purposes werelarge-diameter, straight, western red cedarwith clear-grained wood and few branches(for relatively knot-free wood). Because ofthe work involved in skidding log sectionsor partially-finished canoes to the water,suitable trees were generally located relatively close to the shore of a navigablewaterway, although logged CMTs aresometimes found long distances inland.

Evidence of felled trees is plentiful incoastal forests. A felled tree consists of a

08 Sacred Cedars

before crosscut saws and chainsaws, anenormous amount of energy was requiredto fell these massive, ancient trees, andthe process probably involved work par-ties of several people, lasting several days.Before beginning work on a tree, there-fore, loggers would want to be certainthat the selected tree was suitable for theintended purpose. Canoemakers rituallyfasted and prayed that they would selectthe right tree. Before they began to fellthe tree, they prayed to the spirit of thetree and asked that it fall in the rightdirection (Stewart 1984:39).

There are other types of standing“logged” trees. One is an “undercut” tree,which has a wedge-shaped area of missing wood and bark that was removedas part of the initial stage of felling thetree. For some reason, the work wasabandoned after the undercut was made

Figure 4 Gathering bark. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart.

In the days before crosscut saws and chainsaws, an

enormous amount of energy was required to fell these

massive, ancient trees, and the process probably involved

work parties of several people, lasting several days.

called “aboriginally-logged trees,”although not all “logged” trees were actually cut down. For example, a “test-hole” tree is a standing tree with one ormore rectangular holes chopped into thetrunk. It is thought that these holes weremade to determine the soundness of theheartwood and the suitability of the treefor use as a canoe, house post, totempole, house planks, and so on. In the days

and the tree was left partially chopped,but still alive and standing. Another typeis a “planked” tree, where notches werechopped in the trunk at the bottom andtop of the desired length of a plank, andthe plank was then pried or levered offwith wedges and/or crossbars. It was alsoa common practice to take planks fromwindfall trees, which is not surprising,considering the work that would have

Douglas fir, yew, and some deciduousspecies, and used for a diversity ofpurposes including: food, medicine, dye, and fuel. CMTs of these species are relatively rare because, compared tocedar, they have lower resistance toinfection and shorter life spans. Thescars on CMTs from these varieties are

mainly small rectangular scars that healto oval or lenticular shapes (Stryd1997:27).

The second main group of CMTs con-sists of trees which have been modified bynative people as part of the traditionalprocurement of logs, posts, planks, canoesand other pieces of wood. They are often

David Suzuki Foundation 09

been involved in felling an entire tree.This practice conserved, on the one hand,a great deal of time and energy and, on theother, the life of a tree. Good-qualitywindfall trees would not always have beenavailable, or may not have been suitablefor canoes, mortuary poles, house con-struction and so on. At such times, itwould have been necessary to fell trees.The best trees for these purposes werelarge-diameter, straight, western red cedarwith clear-grained wood and few branches(for relatively knot-free wood). Because ofthe work involved in skidding log sectionsor partially-finished canoes to the water,suitable trees were generally located relatively close to the shore of a navigablewaterway, although logged CMTs aresometimes found long distances inland.

Evidence of felled trees is plentiful incoastal forests. A felled tree consists of a

08 Sacred Cedars

before crosscut saws and chainsaws, anenormous amount of energy was requiredto fell these massive, ancient trees, andthe process probably involved work par-ties of several people, lasting several days.Before beginning work on a tree, there-fore, loggers would want to be certainthat the selected tree was suitable for theintended purpose. Canoemakers rituallyfasted and prayed that they would selectthe right tree. Before they began to fellthe tree, they prayed to the spirit of thetree and asked that it fall in the rightdirection (Stewart 1984:39).

There are other types of standing“logged” trees. One is an “undercut” tree,which has a wedge-shaped area of missing wood and bark that was removedas part of the initial stage of felling thetree. For some reason, the work wasabandoned after the undercut was made

Figure 4 Gathering bark. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart.

In the days before crosscut saws and chainsaws, an

enormous amount of energy was required to fell these

massive, ancient trees, and the process probably involved

work parties of several people, lasting several days.

called “aboriginally-logged trees,”although not all “logged” trees were actually cut down. For example, a “test-hole” tree is a standing tree with one ormore rectangular holes chopped into thetrunk. It is thought that these holes weremade to determine the soundness of theheartwood and the suitability of the treefor use as a canoe, house post, totempole, house planks, and so on. In the days

and the tree was left partially chopped,but still alive and standing. Another typeis a “planked” tree, where notches werechopped in the trunk at the bottom andtop of the desired length of a plank, andthe plank was then pried or levered offwith wedges and/or crossbars. It was alsoa common practice to take planks fromwindfall trees, which is not surprising,considering the work that would have

Douglas fir, yew, and some deciduousspecies, and used for a diversity ofpurposes including: food, medicine, dye, and fuel. CMTs of these species are relatively rare because, compared tocedar, they have lower resistance toinfection and shorter life spans. Thescars on CMTs from these varieties are

mainly small rectangular scars that healto oval or lenticular shapes (Stryd1997:27).

The second main group of CMTs con-sists of trees which have been modified bynative people as part of the traditionalprocurement of logs, posts, planks, canoesand other pieces of wood. They are often

David Suzuki Foundation 11

cut or modify the trees. Prior toEuropean contact, the main tools werechisels, adzes, wedges and hammers.Chisels and adzes had bits made ofstone, bone or shell. Cobbles and stonehandmauls were used as hammers.Wedges were made of wood, bone andantler. By the 16th Century (and possi-bly earlier), metal was available in someareas and became the preferred materialfor chisel bits, but the basic technologiesdid not change until the mid to late 19thCentury when the steel axe and knifewere introduced. Later, the crosscut sawand backcut-undercut felling methodswere used.

10 Sacred Cedars

stump and/or a log. Sometimes the logdisplays no sign of modification, otherthan at its butt end where it waschopped. In other cases, the log was cutinto two or more sections: sometimesnotches were chopped into the log or logsections (usually representing either thefirst stage of plank removal or furthersectioning of the log, or sometimesplanks were removed from them.Frequently, a section of log was hauledaway from the logging site, presumablyfor use as a canoe, a housepost, or a pole.In rare cases, a “canoe blank” (a log orlog section in the initial or intermediatestage of shaping into a canoe) is present.It has been suggested that large numbersof abandoned logs and canoes may berelated to epidemics of smallpox andother European-introduced diseases thatdecimated aboriginal populations in the

Groups of CMTs are known by the archaeological term

‘forest utilization sites’ since they constitute physical

evidence of the traditional aboriginal activities of wood

and bark procurement.

19th century (Arcas ConsultingArcheologists Ltd 1991:31).

There are several different types ofCMT stumps, depending on the techniquethat was used to fell the tree. For exam-ple, “flat-topped” and “basin-topped”stumps are the result of a traditionalfelling technique that involved the com-plete girdling of the tree with chisels,wedges and stone mauls, sometimes by

large numbers of slave labourers (Stewart1984:40). A second technique involved amassive unidirectional undercut in thetree at a relatively steep angle to producea flat-bottomed hole with a sloping top.The tree was then left to fall of its ownvolition, leaving a spire of sheared woodalong the part of the trunk that was notcut; the resulting stump is often called a“barberchair” stump (Stryd 1997). Athird felling technique involved an ini-tial undercut and then a backcut (similarto modern logging techniques), resultingin a “stepped” stump, with two relativelylevel planes separated by a vertical step.Fire was sometimes used to help fell atree, either by setting hot rocks in achiseled-out cavity, or by setting fire tothe base of the tree and putting wet clayon the trunk above the fire to prevent itfrom spreading (Stewart 1984:39).

Because the trees were cut above the rootflare, ladders or scaffolding platformswere often used to elevate the workersto the required height. The resultingstumps are generally two to three metresabove the ground surface, making themeasily visible on the forest floor.

Many CMTs have cuts, striations andother marks that indicate the types oftools and technologies that were used to

The third group of CMTs includestrees that were modified for purposesother than bark and wood collection,such as the collection of kindling, pitchand small pieces of wood suitable formaking tools. Some trees were modifiedfor ceremonial and spiritual purposes,while others were modified to marktrails, assert tree ownership, facilitatepassage on streams, serve as supportposts for shelters and food drying frames,and provide alcoves for the placement oftrapsets in winter.

Groups of CMTs are known by thearchaeological term ‘forest utilization sites’since they constitute physical evidence of

Figure 5 Splitting planks from a standing tree. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart.

David Suzuki Foundation 11

cut or modify the trees. Prior toEuropean contact, the main tools werechisels, adzes, wedges and hammers.Chisels and adzes had bits made ofstone, bone or shell. Cobbles and stonehandmauls were used as hammers.Wedges were made of wood, bone andantler. By the 16th Century (and possi-bly earlier), metal was available in someareas and became the preferred materialfor chisel bits, but the basic technologiesdid not change until the mid to late 19thCentury when the steel axe and knifewere introduced. Later, the crosscut sawand backcut-undercut felling methodswere used.

10 Sacred Cedars

stump and/or a log. Sometimes the logdisplays no sign of modification, otherthan at its butt end where it waschopped. In other cases, the log was cutinto two or more sections: sometimesnotches were chopped into the log or logsections (usually representing either thefirst stage of plank removal or furthersectioning of the log, or sometimesplanks were removed from them.Frequently, a section of log was hauledaway from the logging site, presumablyfor use as a canoe, a housepost, or a pole.In rare cases, a “canoe blank” (a log orlog section in the initial or intermediatestage of shaping into a canoe) is present.It has been suggested that large numbersof abandoned logs and canoes may berelated to epidemics of smallpox andother European-introduced diseases thatdecimated aboriginal populations in the

Groups of CMTs are known by the archaeological term

‘forest utilization sites’ since they constitute physical

evidence of the traditional aboriginal activities of wood

and bark procurement.

19th century (Arcas ConsultingArcheologists Ltd 1991:31).

There are several different types ofCMT stumps, depending on the techniquethat was used to fell the tree. For exam-ple, “flat-topped” and “basin-topped”stumps are the result of a traditionalfelling technique that involved the com-plete girdling of the tree with chisels,wedges and stone mauls, sometimes by

large numbers of slave labourers (Stewart1984:40). A second technique involved amassive unidirectional undercut in thetree at a relatively steep angle to producea flat-bottomed hole with a sloping top.The tree was then left to fall of its ownvolition, leaving a spire of sheared woodalong the part of the trunk that was notcut; the resulting stump is often called a“barberchair” stump (Stryd 1997). Athird felling technique involved an ini-tial undercut and then a backcut (similarto modern logging techniques), resultingin a “stepped” stump, with two relativelylevel planes separated by a vertical step.Fire was sometimes used to help fell atree, either by setting hot rocks in achiseled-out cavity, or by setting fire tothe base of the tree and putting wet clayon the trunk above the fire to prevent itfrom spreading (Stewart 1984:39).

Because the trees were cut above the rootflare, ladders or scaffolding platformswere often used to elevate the workersto the required height. The resultingstumps are generally two to three metresabove the ground surface, making themeasily visible on the forest floor.

Many CMTs have cuts, striations andother marks that indicate the types oftools and technologies that were used to

The third group of CMTs includestrees that were modified for purposesother than bark and wood collection,such as the collection of kindling, pitchand small pieces of wood suitable formaking tools. Some trees were modifiedfor ceremonial and spiritual purposes,while others were modified to marktrails, assert tree ownership, facilitatepassage on streams, serve as supportposts for shelters and food drying frames,and provide alcoves for the placement oftrapsets in winter.

Groups of CMTs are known by thearchaeological term ‘forest utilization sites’since they constitute physical evidence of

Figure 5 Splitting planks from a standing tree. Illustration courtesy of Hilary Stewart.

David Suzuki Foundation 13

Figure 6 An example of the third type of CMT. An archaeological treasure from the Mamalilaculla Village, off the north coast ofVancouver Island. Photo courtesy of G.W. McIntyre.

12 Sacred Cedars

to modify trees as part of their traditionaluse of the forest.

CMTs have certain limitations thatother types of archaeological remains donot have, or at least not to the same degree.In particular, they lack the age of othertypes of archaeological materials, whichcan be many thousands of years old. Onthe one hand, they generally occur in old-growth forests which are increasinglyencroached upon by the logging industry;on the other, they cannot be preservedindefinitely because of their natural lifespans and subsequent decay.

Aboriginal people continue to use thetrees of coastal British Columbia for traditional purposes, and continue to createnew CMTs. Most noticeable are bark-stripped cedars where modern bark collectors obtain their weaving material.Traditional canoe making also is practiced,but chainsaws and modern felling methodsare now largely used, leaving stumps andlog remnants difficult or impossible todistinguish from the remains of otherkinds of forest activities by either aboriginal or non-aboriginal people.

The CulturalSignificanceof CMTs

the traditional aboriginal activities ofwood and bark procurement. Like othertypes of archaeological sites in BritishColumbia, forest utilization sites are protected by the Heritage ConservationAct (1996) if one or more of the CMTswere modified prior to 1846 or, if the agesof the CMTs are not known, there is a reasonable possibility that some of theCMTs date to 1846 or earlier. British sovereignty over British Columbia wasestablished by the Oregon Boundary Treatyof 1846; the date of this event was arbitrar-ily chosen as the “cut off” point betweenprotected and unprotected archaeologicalsites when the Heritage Conservation Actwas revised in the 1980s.

In many cases, the date of modifica-tion can be established through tree-ringdating. The exact year of modification canbe determined on some living CMTs(such as bark-stripped, planked or test-hole trees) but, even after death, mini-mum ages can be obtained by countingannual rings on trees that take root andgrow on CMT stumps or logs. CMTs inBritish Columbia have been dated as farback as 1137 AD (Eldridge 1997a), andcontemporary aboriginal peoples continue

Aboriginal people

continue to use the trees

of coastal British

Columbia for traditional

purposes, and continue

to create new CMTs.The coastal rainforest is a living testimony to the strength, skill and knowledge

of aboriginal woodworkers and barkworkers of the northwest coast. In a sense,

it is a living museum that displays evidence of the tools, technology, and raw

materials that shaped the lives of the people who used them. These remains,

and the forests within which they are situated, have special significance for the

descendants of the people who created them.

David Suzuki Foundation 13

Figure 6 An example of the third type of CMT. An archaeological treasure from the Mamalilaculla Village, off the north coast ofVancouver Island. Photo courtesy of G.W. McIntyre.

12 Sacred Cedars

to modify trees as part of their traditionaluse of the forest.

CMTs have certain limitations thatother types of archaeological remains donot have, or at least not to the same degree.In particular, they lack the age of othertypes of archaeological materials, whichcan be many thousands of years old. Onthe one hand, they generally occur in old-growth forests which are increasinglyencroached upon by the logging industry;on the other, they cannot be preservedindefinitely because of their natural lifespans and subsequent decay.

Aboriginal people continue to use thetrees of coastal British Columbia for traditional purposes, and continue to createnew CMTs. Most noticeable are bark-stripped cedars where modern bark collectors obtain their weaving material.Traditional canoe making also is practiced,but chainsaws and modern felling methodsare now largely used, leaving stumps andlog remnants difficult or impossible todistinguish from the remains of otherkinds of forest activities by either aboriginal or non-aboriginal people.

The CulturalSignificanceof CMTs

the traditional aboriginal activities ofwood and bark procurement. Like othertypes of archaeological sites in BritishColumbia, forest utilization sites are protected by the Heritage ConservationAct (1996) if one or more of the CMTswere modified prior to 1846 or, if the agesof the CMTs are not known, there is a reasonable possibility that some of theCMTs date to 1846 or earlier. British sovereignty over British Columbia wasestablished by the Oregon Boundary Treatyof 1846; the date of this event was arbitrar-ily chosen as the “cut off” point betweenprotected and unprotected archaeologicalsites when the Heritage Conservation Actwas revised in the 1980s.

In many cases, the date of modifica-tion can be established through tree-ringdating. The exact year of modification canbe determined on some living CMTs(such as bark-stripped, planked or test-hole trees) but, even after death, mini-mum ages can be obtained by countingannual rings on trees that take root andgrow on CMT stumps or logs. CMTs inBritish Columbia have been dated as farback as 1137 AD (Eldridge 1997a), andcontemporary aboriginal peoples continue

Aboriginal people

continue to use the trees

of coastal British

Columbia for traditional

purposes, and continue

to create new CMTs.The coastal rainforest is a living testimony to the strength, skill and knowledge

of aboriginal woodworkers and barkworkers of the northwest coast. In a sense,

it is a living museum that displays evidence of the tools, technology, and raw

materials that shaped the lives of the people who used them. These remains,

and the forests within which they are situated, have special significance for the

descendants of the people who created them.

David Suzuki Foundation 15

For many aboriginal people, CMTsites have spiritual significance. In Nuu-chah-nulth culture on Vancouver Island,for example, the connection to the land isthe foundation of their spiritual identity;activities that are carried out on the land-scape (such as the harvesting of cedarbark and wood) are part of that connection(Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel1995:67-68). For the Heiltsuk FirstNation near Bella Bella, resource gatheringsites (including CMT sites) are of spiritualsignificance because the resources werebelieved to be a gift from the Creator(Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1994; MillenniaResearch Ltd 1997:112). Some CMTs areassociated with sacred and spiritual prac-tices. The Ahousaht of Clayoquot Soundconsider some planked and burned treesto have been used for sacred purposes(Atleo 1997), and the Huu-ay-aht ofBarkley Sound have indicated that spiri-tual bundles used in certain rituals werestored in cedar trees, and cedar bark wasused in cleansing bathing rituals. Cedarbark was also considered to have supernatural qualities (Neary 1997).

CMTs are considered to be an important source of knowledge for wood-working procedures and techniques. CMTsites can provide information on thetypes of cedars that were chosen forcanoes, the methods of felling a tree tocause the least damage to the log, andspecific techniques used in canoe build-ing (Guujaaw 1990; Guujaaw andWanagun 1991). Except for oral tradi-tions, CMTs are often the only source ofknowledge of certain techniques. OnHaida Gwaii, Guujaaw studied canoesabandoned in various stages of completion

in an attempt to learn the ancient craft ofcarving canoes from cedar trees. As hedescribes, “I was instrumental in estab-lishing the design, choosing the cedarlog, and laying out the initial carvingplan of the canoe “Luutaas”. Luutaas is aseaworthy craft, that has been taken onmany voyages, including a well-publishedtrip on the River Seine, in Paris, as partof the 1989 Bi-Centennial celebration ofthe French Revolution. I would not havebeen able to accomplish any of that if Ihad not had the opportunity to study theremains of partially built canoes found inthe culturally modified cedar tree groveson Haida Gwaii.” (Guujaaw 1990:8).

In addition to their value as teachingtools for carvers, CMT sites are also considered to be important places fordemonstrating the cultural achievementsof their ancestors to school children andadults, and instrumental for passing onknowledge of their culture to future generations. As Wanagun stated, “whilecedar archaeology is still alive we have achance to record the knowledge . . . afterall it is our history.” (Wanagun 1983). Inparticular, sites that have high densitiesof CMTs and are easily accessible for students, adults and elders are consid-ered to be good for teaching purposes(Guujaaw 1990:10). Because so manysites have been destroyed, and so muchinformation has already been lost, theremaining sites are considered to be highly significant. Most First Nationsbelieve that they have an obligation totheir ancestors to protect their land andheritage, as expressed in their traditionaluse sites.

14 Sacred Cedars

Statements made by aboriginal people regarding the significance of thesearchaeological treasures often stress the link between CMTs, their ancestors, andliving aboriginal culture. For Guujaaw, a Haida carver from Massett, CMT sites aresacred memorials to “. . . our ancestors who worked in the forests and created thecanoes and totem poles for which the Haidas are known worldwide”, and theyprovide “. . . a sense of communion with the old canoe makers.” (Guujaaw 1990:2,6). The CMTs at the S’yaal (Collison Point) site on Haida Gwaii are considered to be “. . . ‘living archaeology’ [that] presents a unique opportunity to get close to the activities of our ancestors in a live and dynamic setting” and “to our people the spiritual effects of being in the footsteps of our ancestors is the primary significance of the site.” (Guujaaw and Wanagun 1991:2).

Figure 7 Example of cutmarks made by a metal axe on a test-hole tree. Located near Rugged Point, KyuquotSound on the west side of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

David Suzuki Foundation 15

For many aboriginal people, CMTsites have spiritual significance. In Nuu-chah-nulth culture on Vancouver Island,for example, the connection to the land isthe foundation of their spiritual identity;activities that are carried out on the land-scape (such as the harvesting of cedarbark and wood) are part of that connection(Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel1995:67-68). For the Heiltsuk FirstNation near Bella Bella, resource gatheringsites (including CMT sites) are of spiritualsignificance because the resources werebelieved to be a gift from the Creator(Heiltsuk Tribal Council 1994; MillenniaResearch Ltd 1997:112). Some CMTs areassociated with sacred and spiritual prac-tices. The Ahousaht of Clayoquot Soundconsider some planked and burned treesto have been used for sacred purposes(Atleo 1997), and the Huu-ay-aht ofBarkley Sound have indicated that spiri-tual bundles used in certain rituals werestored in cedar trees, and cedar bark wasused in cleansing bathing rituals. Cedarbark was also considered to have supernatural qualities (Neary 1997).

CMTs are considered to be an important source of knowledge for wood-working procedures and techniques. CMTsites can provide information on thetypes of cedars that were chosen forcanoes, the methods of felling a tree tocause the least damage to the log, andspecific techniques used in canoe build-ing (Guujaaw 1990; Guujaaw andWanagun 1991). Except for oral tradi-tions, CMTs are often the only source ofknowledge of certain techniques. OnHaida Gwaii, Guujaaw studied canoesabandoned in various stages of completion

in an attempt to learn the ancient craft ofcarving canoes from cedar trees. As hedescribes, “I was instrumental in estab-lishing the design, choosing the cedarlog, and laying out the initial carvingplan of the canoe “Luutaas”. Luutaas is aseaworthy craft, that has been taken onmany voyages, including a well-publishedtrip on the River Seine, in Paris, as partof the 1989 Bi-Centennial celebration ofthe French Revolution. I would not havebeen able to accomplish any of that if Ihad not had the opportunity to study theremains of partially built canoes found inthe culturally modified cedar tree groveson Haida Gwaii.” (Guujaaw 1990:8).

In addition to their value as teachingtools for carvers, CMT sites are also considered to be important places fordemonstrating the cultural achievementsof their ancestors to school children andadults, and instrumental for passing onknowledge of their culture to future generations. As Wanagun stated, “whilecedar archaeology is still alive we have achance to record the knowledge . . . afterall it is our history.” (Wanagun 1983). Inparticular, sites that have high densitiesof CMTs and are easily accessible for students, adults and elders are consid-ered to be good for teaching purposes(Guujaaw 1990:10). Because so manysites have been destroyed, and so muchinformation has already been lost, theremaining sites are considered to be highly significant. Most First Nationsbelieve that they have an obligation totheir ancestors to protect their land andheritage, as expressed in their traditionaluse sites.

14 Sacred Cedars

Statements made by aboriginal people regarding the significance of thesearchaeological treasures often stress the link between CMTs, their ancestors, andliving aboriginal culture. For Guujaaw, a Haida carver from Massett, CMT sites aresacred memorials to “. . . our ancestors who worked in the forests and created thecanoes and totem poles for which the Haidas are known worldwide”, and theyprovide “. . . a sense of communion with the old canoe makers.” (Guujaaw 1990:2,6). The CMTs at the S’yaal (Collison Point) site on Haida Gwaii are considered to be “. . . ‘living archaeology’ [that] presents a unique opportunity to get close to the activities of our ancestors in a live and dynamic setting” and “to our people the spiritual effects of being in the footsteps of our ancestors is the primary significance of the site.” (Guujaaw and Wanagun 1991:2).

Figure 7 Example of cutmarks made by a metal axe on a test-hole tree. Located near Rugged Point, KyuquotSound on the west side of Vancouver Island. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

CMTs often have great time depth,and are therefore of value in providingeasily accessed information about thenature of aboriginal society (Yahgulanaas1998). As the Heiltsuk Tribal Councilpoints out, CMTs preserve a partial, butcompelling, record of aboriginal presenceon the land and utilization of forestresources. In essence, they are “. . . a timecapsule – one of the few remaining windows on a rich cultural heritage andancient historical past” (Heiltsuk TribalCouncil 1984). They can also provideinformation about events that may haveoccurred in more recent times, asGuujaaw suggests: “It appears to me thatthe dates when many of the canoes wereleft unfinished correspond to the dates ofthe smallpox epidemics which decimatedthe population of Haida people in thenineteenth century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6).

16 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 17

An understanding of traditional forestuse has a great deal of potential toshed light on other aspects of nativeculture, such as the ways in whichsocieties were, and are, organized atthe social, political and economic levels,and how this organization may havechanged over time.

CMTs are also of interest to

non-native British Columbians,

even though there may not

be any direct link with the

people who created them. For

anthropologists, archaeologists

and other students of aboriginal

culture, they provide a means

of understanding the history and

nature of traditional forest use,

an aspect of aboriginal culture

that is not well documented in

existing anthropological reports.

Significanceof CMTs to

BritishColumbians

“It appears to me that

the dates when many of

the canoes were left

unfinished correspond to

the dates of the smallpox

epidemics which decimated

the population of Haida

people in the Nineteenth

Century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6).

Figure 8 Bark stripping a cedar tree. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

Because of their ability to provideprecise dates, CMTs have the potential to play a very important role in helping First Nations establish claims to bothaboriginal rights and aboriginal title.

CMTs often have great time depth,and are therefore of value in providingeasily accessed information about thenature of aboriginal society (Yahgulanaas1998). As the Heiltsuk Tribal Councilpoints out, CMTs preserve a partial, butcompelling, record of aboriginal presenceon the land and utilization of forestresources. In essence, they are “. . . a timecapsule – one of the few remaining windows on a rich cultural heritage andancient historical past” (Heiltsuk TribalCouncil 1984). They can also provideinformation about events that may haveoccurred in more recent times, asGuujaaw suggests: “It appears to me thatthe dates when many of the canoes wereleft unfinished correspond to the dates ofthe smallpox epidemics which decimatedthe population of Haida people in thenineteenth century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6).

16 Sacred Cedars David Suzuki Foundation 17

An understanding of traditional forestuse has a great deal of potential toshed light on other aspects of nativeculture, such as the ways in whichsocieties were, and are, organized atthe social, political and economic levels,and how this organization may havechanged over time.

CMTs are also of interest to

non-native British Columbians,

even though there may not

be any direct link with the

people who created them. For

anthropologists, archaeologists

and other students of aboriginal

culture, they provide a means

of understanding the history and

nature of traditional forest use,

an aspect of aboriginal culture

that is not well documented in

existing anthropological reports.

Significanceof CMTs to

BritishColumbians

“It appears to me that

the dates when many of

the canoes were left

unfinished correspond to

the dates of the smallpox

epidemics which decimated

the population of Haida

people in the Nineteenth

Century.” (Guujaaw 1990:6).

Figure 8 Bark stripping a cedar tree. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

Because of their ability to provideprecise dates, CMTs have the potential to play a very important role in helping First Nations establish claims to bothaboriginal rights and aboriginal title.

18 Sacred Cedars

The study of CMTs, undertaken withthe cooperation and support of contem-porary First Nations peoples, may yieldsuch information, and may do so in amuch less destructive and costly mannerthan archaeological excavation, which isthe more traditional means of collectinginformation on past human culture andsociety. An increased understanding oftraditional resource use and management,which was based on selective and sustainable logging, could also have possible implications for current forestrypractices.

Because there was no written lan-guage in pre-contact times, aboriginal oral histories are an essential tool for research-ing the past. CMTs have the potential tocorroborate oral histories that may con-tain descriptions of trail and traditional-use locations. In addition, theycan help clarify inaccurately mapped loca-tions of trails and sites documented inearly historical times. Until relativelyrecently, it was thought that most activi-ties of coastal First Nations peoples tookplace either on the ocean, on the shore, orat river mouths. CMTs demonstrate theextensive use that native peoples alsomade of inland areas. Because CMTs areoften highly visible and easily recogniza-ble, they may help in locating other typesof less visible inland archaeological sites,which sometimes occur in associationwith CMTs.

One of the most significant propertiesof CMTs, in a scientific sense, is theirability to be dated. Precise dates can beused to establish when specific lands wereoccupied and used. Dates of occupation and use are also of great

importance in addressing research ques-tions concerning changing demographicand settlement patterns. They can providepotential information about when population shifts occurred, when villagesmay have been settled or abandoned, andpossible correlation of these events withoutbreaks of smallpox and other diseases.Studies of aboriginal tree use on MearesIsland in Clayoquot Sound (ArcasAssociates 1984, 1986) provided a total of485 tree-ring dates spanning a 350-yearperiod between AD1642 and 1984. Thedates indicate that the trees of MearesIsland were used almost continuouslyduring this time, but that tree use variedin intensity. Periods of low intensity usemay be linked to decreased bark andwood procurement as a result of accultur-ation and/or local depopulation; highintensity use may indicate greaterdemands for bark and wood for competi-tive potlatches, larger populations, or theresurgence of traditional ceremonies andother activities (Stryd and Eldridge1993:218).

Specific dates can also be linked totechnological innovations. They haveshown, for example, that iron and othermetals were being used in woodworkingtools on the northwest coast well beforethe first Europeans actually made theirappearance, as demonstrated by cutmarks made by metal chisels on CMTsdating to pre-contact times. They havealso shown that aboriginal people, whilequick to adopt metal as a material formaking tools, were not as keen to adoptEuropean technology and continued touse traditional methods of felling andmodifying trees.

David Suzuki Foundation 19

From CMT dates, we have a recorded861-year history of aboriginal forest utilization on the northwest coast whileartifacts related to wood- and bark-working activities push this historyback to at least 3,000 years. Aboriginalcultures have experienced profoundchange during this period, particularlyafter the arrival of the Europeans in the18th century. CMTs therefore representa means of investigating traditional aboriginal lifeways before, during, andafter this extreme cultural upheaval,reflecting a continuum of aboriginal culture and forest use.

The general public has also demon-strated interest in achieving a betterunderstanding of aboriginal culture. Thehigh profile of native art (paintings,masks, sculpture, and jewelry, for exam-ple) in contemporary society indicatesthat the more non-native people learn andunderstand of native culture, the morethey appreciate it. At this time, the publicat large knows little or nothing about forestutilization sites and their importance to

First Nations, scientists, and others. Thevisibility of CMTs gives them high inter-pretative value and makes them ideal forteaching purposes. As people becomeaware of CMTs and what they represent,they will undoubtedly come to admire theingenuity of their creators and the qualityof their workmanship. They will also bemore inclined to respect the desire of FirstNations peoples to remain close to theirancestors and their culture.

Stanley Park, in the heart of downtownVancouver, contains numerous CMTs,although very few people are aware of thefact that native loggers used that forest longbefore the historic settlement and loggingof Vancouver. Forest utilization sites suchas this are easily accessible and contain anumber and variety of well-preservedCMTs. They have high potential for devel-opment as tourist sites, with possible economic benefits to the adjacent commu-nities through such things as guided tours,boat access, trail creation and maintenance,and local accommodation.

Figure 9 Kwakwakawakw transformation mask; carved in cedar by Simon Dick and family. Photo courtesy: D. Taylor.

18 Sacred Cedars

The study of CMTs, undertaken withthe cooperation and support of contem-porary First Nations peoples, may yieldsuch information, and may do so in amuch less destructive and costly mannerthan archaeological excavation, which isthe more traditional means of collectinginformation on past human culture andsociety. An increased understanding oftraditional resource use and management,which was based on selective and sustainable logging, could also have possible implications for current forestrypractices.

Because there was no written lan-guage in pre-contact times, aboriginal oral histories are an essential tool for research-ing the past. CMTs have the potential tocorroborate oral histories that may con-tain descriptions of trail and traditional-use locations. In addition, theycan help clarify inaccurately mapped loca-tions of trails and sites documented inearly historical times. Until relativelyrecently, it was thought that most activi-ties of coastal First Nations peoples tookplace either on the ocean, on the shore, orat river mouths. CMTs demonstrate theextensive use that native peoples alsomade of inland areas. Because CMTs areoften highly visible and easily recogniza-ble, they may help in locating other typesof less visible inland archaeological sites,which sometimes occur in associationwith CMTs.

One of the most significant propertiesof CMTs, in a scientific sense, is theirability to be dated. Precise dates can beused to establish when specific lands wereoccupied and used. Dates of occupation and use are also of great

importance in addressing research ques-tions concerning changing demographicand settlement patterns. They can providepotential information about when population shifts occurred, when villagesmay have been settled or abandoned, andpossible correlation of these events withoutbreaks of smallpox and other diseases.Studies of aboriginal tree use on MearesIsland in Clayoquot Sound (ArcasAssociates 1984, 1986) provided a total of485 tree-ring dates spanning a 350-yearperiod between AD1642 and 1984. Thedates indicate that the trees of MearesIsland were used almost continuouslyduring this time, but that tree use variedin intensity. Periods of low intensity usemay be linked to decreased bark andwood procurement as a result of accultur-ation and/or local depopulation; highintensity use may indicate greaterdemands for bark and wood for competi-tive potlatches, larger populations, or theresurgence of traditional ceremonies andother activities (Stryd and Eldridge1993:218).

Specific dates can also be linked totechnological innovations. They haveshown, for example, that iron and othermetals were being used in woodworkingtools on the northwest coast well beforethe first Europeans actually made theirappearance, as demonstrated by cutmarks made by metal chisels on CMTsdating to pre-contact times. They havealso shown that aboriginal people, whilequick to adopt metal as a material formaking tools, were not as keen to adoptEuropean technology and continued touse traditional methods of felling andmodifying trees.

David Suzuki Foundation 19

From CMT dates, we have a recorded861-year history of aboriginal forest utilization on the northwest coast whileartifacts related to wood- and bark-working activities push this historyback to at least 3,000 years. Aboriginalcultures have experienced profoundchange during this period, particularlyafter the arrival of the Europeans in the18th century. CMTs therefore representa means of investigating traditional aboriginal lifeways before, during, andafter this extreme cultural upheaval,reflecting a continuum of aboriginal culture and forest use.

The general public has also demon-strated interest in achieving a betterunderstanding of aboriginal culture. Thehigh profile of native art (paintings,masks, sculpture, and jewelry, for exam-ple) in contemporary society indicatesthat the more non-native people learn andunderstand of native culture, the morethey appreciate it. At this time, the publicat large knows little or nothing about forestutilization sites and their importance to

First Nations, scientists, and others. Thevisibility of CMTs gives them high inter-pretative value and makes them ideal forteaching purposes. As people becomeaware of CMTs and what they represent,they will undoubtedly come to admire theingenuity of their creators and the qualityof their workmanship. They will also bemore inclined to respect the desire of FirstNations peoples to remain close to theirancestors and their culture.

Stanley Park, in the heart of downtownVancouver, contains numerous CMTs,although very few people are aware of thefact that native loggers used that forest longbefore the historic settlement and loggingof Vancouver. Forest utilization sites suchas this are easily accessible and contain anumber and variety of well-preservedCMTs. They have high potential for devel-opment as tourist sites, with possible economic benefits to the adjacent commu-nities through such things as guided tours,boat access, trail creation and maintenance,and local accommodation.

Figure 9 Kwakwakawakw transformation mask; carved in cedar by Simon Dick and family. Photo courtesy: D. Taylor.

20 Sacred Cedars

Culturally modified trees were defined earlier as trees which

have been intentionally modified by aboriginal peoples as part of

their traditional use of the forest. They are a true archaeological

treasure of the northwest coast rainforest, one that is finite in

numbers, non renewable in nature, and subject to continued impacts

from commercial logging, park development, and other activities.

The CMTs in the remaining old growth cedar forests need to be

located and managed appropriately if significant numbers of these

archaeological trees are to be saved for future generations.

Strategies for managing CMTs are stillbeing developed. For forest manage-ment purposes, CMTs are often ratedin terms of their perceived significanceto the scientific community. For severalreasons, some First Nation peoples andothers are uncomfortable with thispractice (Eldridge 1997b). First, many aboriginal people consider all CMTsto be highly significant because theyrepresent their ancestors’ presence.

ConcludingRemarks

David Suzuki Foundation 21

Second, the act of ranking individualCMTs or CMT sites obscures the unique inter-relationships of archaeo-logical sites to each other and to theland. We believe a more holisticapproach is needed, one that viewsCMTs, the lands they are on, and the people who created them, as beinginterrelated. Third, CMTs may alsoconstitute legal evidence in casesdealing with land claims, aboriginalrights and aboriginal title. By rankingsome CMTs as less significant thanothers, there is a possibility that theymay be cut down and potentiallyuseful evidence will be lost.

Figure 10 Planked tree. Located near Work Channelon the north coast of British Columbia. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

The full significance of CMT sites isstill not completely understood, nor can itbe understood solely on the basis of thephysical remains in the rainforest. Thereis another source of data that should beconsulted, one that Michael NicollYahgulanaas (1998) calls “kitchen tableculture”, or the trans-generationalexchange within kin groups of informationthat is relevant to members of the group.An understanding of the cultural valuesattached to CMTs helps put scientific values in perspective and provides a better understanding of First Nationspeople and cultures. To achieve thisunderstanding, it is essential that we recognize the importance and relevanceof the discussions taking place at the“kitchen table”. By connecting living aboriginal culture with archaeologicalsites, we will, as Yahgulanaas eloquentlystates, arrive at “… a more sophisticatedunderstanding of Indigenous sciences[that] will pull us away from the imaginary Indian, a contemporarymythology carried aloft by those whodon’t sit around the table, yet are anxiousto describe the texture and flavour of ourmeals” (Yahgulanaas 1998:7-8).

20 Sacred Cedars

Culturally modified trees were defined earlier as trees which

have been intentionally modified by aboriginal peoples as part of

their traditional use of the forest. They are a true archaeological

treasure of the northwest coast rainforest, one that is finite in

numbers, non renewable in nature, and subject to continued impacts

from commercial logging, park development, and other activities.

The CMTs in the remaining old growth cedar forests need to be

located and managed appropriately if significant numbers of these

archaeological trees are to be saved for future generations.

Strategies for managing CMTs are stillbeing developed. For forest manage-ment purposes, CMTs are often ratedin terms of their perceived significanceto the scientific community. For severalreasons, some First Nation peoples andothers are uncomfortable with thispractice (Eldridge 1997b). First, many aboriginal people consider all CMTsto be highly significant because theyrepresent their ancestors’ presence.

ConcludingRemarks

David Suzuki Foundation 21

Second, the act of ranking individualCMTs or CMT sites obscures the unique inter-relationships of archaeo-logical sites to each other and to theland. We believe a more holisticapproach is needed, one that viewsCMTs, the lands they are on, and the people who created them, as beinginterrelated. Third, CMTs may alsoconstitute legal evidence in casesdealing with land claims, aboriginalrights and aboriginal title. By rankingsome CMTs as less significant thanothers, there is a possibility that theymay be cut down and potentiallyuseful evidence will be lost.

Figure 10 Planked tree. Located near Work Channelon the north coast of British Columbia. Photo courtesy of Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd.

The full significance of CMT sites isstill not completely understood, nor can itbe understood solely on the basis of thephysical remains in the rainforest. Thereis another source of data that should beconsulted, one that Michael NicollYahgulanaas (1998) calls “kitchen tableculture”, or the trans-generationalexchange within kin groups of informationthat is relevant to members of the group.An understanding of the cultural valuesattached to CMTs helps put scientific values in perspective and provides a better understanding of First Nationspeople and cultures. To achieve thisunderstanding, it is essential that we recognize the importance and relevanceof the discussions taking place at the“kitchen table”. By connecting living aboriginal culture with archaeologicalsites, we will, as Yahgulanaas eloquentlystates, arrive at “… a more sophisticatedunderstanding of Indigenous sciences[that] will pull us away from the imaginary Indian, a contemporarymythology carried aloft by those whodon’t sit around the table, yet are anxiousto describe the texture and flavour of ourmeals” (Yahgulanaas 1998:7-8).

22 Sacred Cedars

Arcas Associates 1984 Meares Island Aboriginal Tree Utilization Study. Report on file, Culture

Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

1986 Native Tree Use of Meares Island, B.C. (Four volumes). Report on file,Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd1991 Archaeological Impact Assessment, Bligh Island Development Plan. Report on

file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture,Victoria.

Atleo, Shawn Quees-hai-cheetl1997 Ahousaht First Nation Confederacy Culturally Modified Tree (CMT)

Guidelines. Presented to the Ahousaht First Nations Hawiih, Chief andCouncil.

British Columbia Ministry of Forests1997 Culturally Modified Tree Management Procedure. British Columbia Ministry

of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel1995 First Nations’ Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in

Clayoquot Sound. The Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices inClayoquot Sound.

Drucker, Phillip1951 The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. Bureau of American Ethnology,

Bulletin 144. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Eldridge, Morley1997aJulia Passage CMTs: Dendrochronology Dating Analysis. Report on file,

Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

1997b The Significance and Management of Culturally Modified Trees. BritishColumbia Ministry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Guujaaw1990 Affidavit sworn 28 May, 1990, for Massett Band et al., v. Stejack Logging

Limited et al., Supreme Court of British Columbia, Victoria Registry, No.901244.

Guujaaw and Wanagun1991 S'yaal Aboriginal Forest Utilization, Collison Point. Report prepared for the

Ministry of Forests, Queen Charlotte City, B.C.

References

David Suzuki Foundation 23

Heiltsuk Tribal Council1994 Heiltsuk Heritage Policy Draft. Heiltsuk Cultural Education Centre / Heiltsuk

Tribal Council.

Mathewes, Rolf W. 1991 Connections between Palaeoenvironments and Palaeoethnobotany in Coastal

British Columbia. In New Light on Early Farming, Recent Developments inPalaeoethnobotany, edited by J. Renfrew, pp. 378-387. Edinburgh UniversityPress.

Millennia Research Ltd.1997 Heiltsuk Traditional Territory Archaeological Overview Assessment, Volume

3: Final Report Appendices. Report on file, Culture Library, Ministry of SmallBusiness, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

Mobley, Charles M. and Morley Eldridge1992 Culturally Modified Trees in the Pacific Northwest. Arctic Anthropology

29(2):91-110.

Neary, Kevin1997 The Sacred Mountain: A Report Prepared for the Huu-ay-aht First Nations.

Appendix 3 in Assessment of Aboriginal Use in Opening 9692, TFL 44,Spencer Creek Area, Huu-ay-aht Traditional Territory: A Report Prepared forthe Huu-ay-aht First Nations by James C. Haggarty and Kevin Neary,Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc, Victoria.

Pojar, Jim and Andy MacKinnon (compilers and editors)1992 Plants of Coastal British Columbia including Washington, Oregon and

Alaska. British Columbia Ministry of Forests and Lone Pine Publishing,Vancouver.

Reid, Bill1984 Foreword. In Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary

Stewart. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.

Stewart, Hilary1984 Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary Stewart.

Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.

Stryd, Arnoud H. (Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd)1997 Culturally Modified Trees of British Columbia: A Handbook for the

Identification and Recording of Culturally Modified Trees. British ColumbiaMinistry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Stryd, Arnoud H. and Morley Eldridge1993 CMT Archaeology in British Columbia: The Meares Island Studies. B.C.

Studies 99:184-234.

22 Sacred Cedars

Arcas Associates 1984 Meares Island Aboriginal Tree Utilization Study. Report on file, Culture

Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

1986 Native Tree Use of Meares Island, B.C. (Four volumes). Report on file,Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd1991 Archaeological Impact Assessment, Bligh Island Development Plan. Report on

file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture,Victoria.

Atleo, Shawn Quees-hai-cheetl1997 Ahousaht First Nation Confederacy Culturally Modified Tree (CMT)

Guidelines. Presented to the Ahousaht First Nations Hawiih, Chief andCouncil.

British Columbia Ministry of Forests1997 Culturally Modified Tree Management Procedure. British Columbia Ministry

of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel1995 First Nations’ Perspectives Relating to Forest Practices Standards in

Clayoquot Sound. The Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices inClayoquot Sound.

Drucker, Phillip1951 The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes. Bureau of American Ethnology,

Bulletin 144. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Eldridge, Morley1997aJulia Passage CMTs: Dendrochronology Dating Analysis. Report on file,

Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

1997b The Significance and Management of Culturally Modified Trees. BritishColumbia Ministry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Guujaaw1990 Affidavit sworn 28 May, 1990, for Massett Band et al., v. Stejack Logging

Limited et al., Supreme Court of British Columbia, Victoria Registry, No.901244.

Guujaaw and Wanagun1991 S'yaal Aboriginal Forest Utilization, Collison Point. Report prepared for the

Ministry of Forests, Queen Charlotte City, B.C.

References

David Suzuki Foundation 23

Heiltsuk Tribal Council1994 Heiltsuk Heritage Policy Draft. Heiltsuk Cultural Education Centre / Heiltsuk

Tribal Council.

Mathewes, Rolf W. 1991 Connections between Palaeoenvironments and Palaeoethnobotany in Coastal

British Columbia. In New Light on Early Farming, Recent Developments inPalaeoethnobotany, edited by J. Renfrew, pp. 378-387. Edinburgh UniversityPress.

Millennia Research Ltd.1997 Heiltsuk Traditional Territory Archaeological Overview Assessment, Volume

3: Final Report Appendices. Report on file, Culture Library, Ministry of SmallBusiness, Tourism and Culture, Victoria.

Mobley, Charles M. and Morley Eldridge1992 Culturally Modified Trees in the Pacific Northwest. Arctic Anthropology

29(2):91-110.

Neary, Kevin1997 The Sacred Mountain: A Report Prepared for the Huu-ay-aht First Nations.

Appendix 3 in Assessment of Aboriginal Use in Opening 9692, TFL 44,Spencer Creek Area, Huu-ay-aht Traditional Territory: A Report Prepared forthe Huu-ay-aht First Nations by James C. Haggarty and Kevin Neary,Shoreline Archaeological Services, Inc, Victoria.

Pojar, Jim and Andy MacKinnon (compilers and editors)1992 Plants of Coastal British Columbia including Washington, Oregon and

Alaska. British Columbia Ministry of Forests and Lone Pine Publishing,Vancouver.

Reid, Bill1984 Foreword. In Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary

Stewart. Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.

Stewart, Hilary1984 Cedar: Tree of Life to the Northwest Coast Indians, by Hilary Stewart.

Douglas & McIntyre, Vancouver.

Stryd, Arnoud H. (Arcas Consulting Archeologists Ltd)1997 Culturally Modified Trees of British Columbia: A Handbook for the

Identification and Recording of Culturally Modified Trees. British ColumbiaMinistry of Forests, Vancouver Forest Region, Nanaimo.

Stryd, Arnoud H. and Morley Eldridge1993 CMT Archaeology in British Columbia: The Meares Island Studies. B.C.

Studies 99:184-234.

24 Sacred Cedars

Turner, Nancy J.1975 Food Plants of British Columbia Indians: Coastal Peoples. Handbook, British

Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J.1979 Plants in British Columbia Indian Technology. Handbook No. 38, British

Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J. and Barbara S. Efrat1982 Ethnobotany of the Hesquiat Indians of Vancouver Island. Cultural Recovery

Paper No. 2, British Columbia Provincial Museum, Victoria.

Turner, Nancy J., John Thomas, Barry F. Carlson, and Robert T. Ogilvie1983 Ethnobotany of the Nitinaht Indians of Vancouver Island. Occasional Papers

of the British Columbia Provincial Museum, No. 24. Victoria.

Wanagun1983 Council of the Haida Nation Aboriginal Forest Utilization Study. Report on

file, Culture Library, Ministry of Small Business, Tourism and Culture,Victoria.

Yahgulanaas, Michael Nicoll1998 Sitting at the Table. Paper presented at the 31st Annual Conference of the

Canadian Archaeological Association, Victoria.

Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.DArnoud H. Stryd (B.A. Anthropology,Simon Fraser University; Ph.D.Archaeology, University of Calgary) is thepresident of Arcas ConsultingArcheologists Ltd. He directed the pioneering CMT studies on Meares Islandin 1984 and 1985, and has been involvedin CMT studies in Haida Gwaii and elsewhere on the British Columbia coastsince then. Recently he prepared a hand-book on the identification and recordingof CMTs for the Ministry of Forests. Dr.Stryd continues to be an advocate for theprotection of CMTs and for raising publicawareness of CMTs. He lives inCoquitlam with wife Melanie, son Aaronand daughter Zoë.

The Authors

David Suzuki FoundationThe David Suzuki Foundation is a federallyregistered Canadian charity working todesign a vision of Earth in which humanslive within the planet’s productive capacity– and finding and communicating practicalsteps to bring that vision to reality.

Vicki Feddema, M.A.Vicki Feddema (B.A., M.A. Anthropology,University of British Columbia) is a senior archaeologist with ArcasConsulting Archeologists Ltd. Prior tojoining Arcas, she worked for severalyears with a multi-national research teamon an archaeological excavation project insouthern Chiapas, Mexico. Her interestsin paleoethnobotany and the developmentof agriculture resulted in a Master's thesisbased on the analysis of botanical remainsfrom several Early Formative sites inChiapas. Since 1995, she has beeninvolved in the study of CMTs and aboriginal forest utilization practices incoastal regions of British Columbia.

Sections of this report may be reproduced in magazines, journalsand newspapers with written permission from the David SuzukiFoundation. December 1998.

David Suzuki Foundation 3

Sacred CedarThe Cultural and Archaeological Significance

of Culturally Modified Trees

1 2 . 1 9 9 8

A R E P O R T O F T H E P A C I F I C S A L M O N F O R E S T S P R O J E C T

by Arnoud H. Stryd, Ph.DVicki Feddema, M.A.

David Suzuki Foundation

The David Suzuki Foundation2211 West Fourth Ave., Suite 219Vancouver, BC Canada V6K 4S2E-mail: coast@davidsuzuki.org

Web: www.davidsuzuki.orgTel: (604) 732-4228 Fax: (604) 732-0752