a shi'i life cycle according to al-barqi's kitab al-mahasin

A ŠīʿīLife Cycle according to al-Barqī's Kitāb al-MaḥāsinAuthor(s): Roy ViloznySource: Arabica, T. 54, Fasc. 3 (Jul., 2007), pp. 362-396Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25162236 .

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A SF! LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQTS KITAB AL-MAHASW*

PAR

ROY VILOZNY

This

article is an attempt to depict the way early Sfi sources por

tray the life cycle of a Sici believer, from creation to the Afterlife.

Its main focus is the religious aspects of the principal stages through which the believer passes during both his spiritual and physical exis

tence. It is not the intention here to describe the legal aspects of every

day Slci life but rather to offer some comments on the perception of

the world that the believer adopts and develops during his lifetime in

light of his awareness of the SicI tradition. This world perception is

analyzed with reference to the five crucial stages of life:

a. Creation.

b. Birth. c. Existence in this world.

d. Death.

e. The Afterlife.

The main source for this article is Kitdb al-Safwa wa l-JVur wa l-Rahma

(the book of the chosen ones, the light and the mercy) by Ahmad b.

Muhammad al-Barql,1 which constitutes the fourth sub-book in the

published version of Kitdb al-Mahdsin. The reason for choosing this text

is its strong emphasis on religious doctrines and creeds.

* This article is based on my MA thesis which was presented to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in July 2004. The thesis was written under the supervision of Professor

Etan Kohlberg, to whom I am deeply grateful, not only for his professional guidance, but also for his support, encouragement and inspiration at every step of the way. I am

also grateful to Professor Mohammad-Ali Amir-Moezzi for his valuable comments on

a draft of this article and to Mr. Neal O'Donoghue for his careful reading of this arti

cle and for his useful remarks. 1 In Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barqi, Kitdb al-Mahdsin, Najaf, 1964, pp. 99-142.

? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007 Arabica, tome LIV,3 Also available online

- www.brill.nl



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQI'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 363

In a collection of traditions such as this, it would be natural to expect an ideal picture of the world to be drawn. However, a careful study of these traditions reveals the great gap that in reality exists between

doctrines or beliefs and their implementation in everyday life. Where

ideal and reality conflict, an attempt will be made to show some of

the ways in which certain traditions are used in order to resolve such

contradictions. The broad picture, however, is of a stable, well-nigh inflexible world view that is relevant to all stages of life.

Despite the great importance of Kitdb al-Mahdsin within early Srci lit

erature and the fact that it served as a major source for later Sff liter

ature, this work has not received sufficient scholarly attention. Except for Andrew J. Newman, who in the fourth chapter of his book, The

Formative Period of Twelver Shicism?Hadith as Discourse Between Qum and

Baghdad,2 provides an account of al-Barql's biography and briefly describes

the main ideas expressed in the fourth and in the fifth sub-books of

Kitdb al-Mahdsin,3 no western scholar has focused on this book as his

main object of research. Traditions from Kitdb al-Mahdsin are, however,

occasionally cited in western studies of Sic ism.

In his book, Le guide divin dans le shVisme originel: Aux sources de Vesoterisme

en Islam* the author, Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, deals thoroughly with the SlcI perception of the world, the heart of which is the imam.

He examines the SlcI faith while focusing on the role of the imam as

the main axis around which the faith develops and as a necessary con

dition to its very existence. Within his research, Amir-Moezzi also deals

with the different stages of life which this article describes (creation, birth, life in this world and the Afterlife), but the present analysis of these stages will be different in two crucial aspects:

a. The Sf! world perception is presented as it is in the eyes of the

believer, or as the Srcf tradition attempts to portray it for him, i.e.

the believer rather than the imam is the central object of examination. b. Unlike Amir-Moezzi who based his research on a large number of

sources, this article is mainly the result of an in-depth analysis of

the traditions in the fourth sub-book of Kitdb al-Mahdsin.

2 A. J. Newman, The Formative Period of Twelver Shicism?Hadlth as Discourse Between

Qum and Baghdad, Richmond, 2000, pp. 50-66. 3 For the structure and the contents of Kitab al-Mahdsin see also below under: I. Ahmad

b. Muhammad al-Barql and his book Kitab al-Mahdsin. 4 M. A. Amir-Moezzi, Le guide divin dans le shVisme originel: Aux sources de resoterisme en

Islam, Lagrasse, 1992; trans. David Streight, The Divine Guide in Early ShVism: The Sources

of Esotericism in Islam, Albany, 1994.



364 ROY VILOZNY

I. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barqi and his book Kitab al-Mahdsin

According to al-NagasI5 and al-Tusf,6 the family of Ahmad b. Muhammad

b. Halid b. cAbd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. cAlI 1-Barqf hailed from

the city of Kufa, where Ahmad's great-grandfather, Muhammad, was

arrested and later killed by Yusuf b. cUmar al-TaqafT (the governor of

Iraq during the years 120/738-126/744), supposedly for taking part in

the failed rebellion of Zayd b. cAli (Muhammad al-Baqir's half-brother)

against the Umayyads in the year of 122/740.7 Following this event, the family migrated to a small village near Qum called Barq Rud,

which is the putative reason for Ahmad's nisba8.

Muhammad, Ahmad's father, was a disciple of both the eighth imam, cAlf 1-Rida (d. 203/818), and the ninth imam, Muhammad b. cAli (d.

220/835), and seems to have been the first family member to transmit

Slci traditions.9 According to the Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadlm, which differs on this point from other biographical sources, Kitab al-Mahdsin was writ

ten by Ahmad's father and not by Ahmad himself. It is reported that

Muhammad was the author of numerous books, including Kitab al

Mahdsin}0 If true, this would explain why most traditions included in

Kitab al-Mahdsin are ascribed to Ahmad's father.11

What we learn from al-Tusf is that Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barqf was a disciple of both the ninth imam, Muhammad b. cAlf (d. 220/835), and the tenth imam, cAll b. Muhammad (d. 254/868), and was known as a compiler and transmitter of traditions.12 Both al-Nagasf and al

ius! considered Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barqi to be trustworthy (tiqa)

5 Ahmad b. cAli 1-Nagasi, the author of al-Rigal (also known as Kitab al-Rigal), one

of the most often quoted SfT biographical sources, died in 455/1063. See B. S. Amoretti,

EI2, s.v. "cIlm al-Ridial". 6 Muhammad b. al-Hasan, Abu GaTar al-Tusi, an ImamI Sfci scholar, born in

385/995 in Tus, was a disciple of al-Sayh al-Mufid in Baghdad and then of his suc

cessor, al-Sarff al-Murtada, whom he himself, as the latter's principal disciple, succeeded

in 436/1044. al-Tusi died in 459 or 460/1066-7 in Najaf. See M. A. Amir-Moezzi,

EI2, s.v. "al-Tusi". 7 Al-NagasT, Rigdl, Beirut, 1988, I, 204-07; al-Tusi, al-Fihrist, Najaf, 1960, pp. 44-46.

See also: Newman, pp. 51-52; Ch. Pellat, EI2 supplement, s.v. "al-Barkf". 8 Al-Nagasi, p. 205; al-Tusi, p. 44; Newman, p. 51; Pellat, p. 127.

9 Pellat, pp. 127-28.

10 Ibn al-Nadmi, Fihrist, Cairo, 1348h, pp. 309-10; Pellat, pp. 127-28. 11

Newman, p. 53, notes that 739 traditions (28 percent) in Kitdb al-Mahdsin are

ascribed to Ahmad's father. 12 See al-TusT, Rigdl, Najaf, 1961, p. 398, where Ahmad is included among the com

panions of al-Gawad (Muhammad b. cAlr, the ninth imam), and p. 410, where he is

included among the companions of al-Hadr (cAli b. Muhammad, the tenth imam); F. Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Leiden, 1967, I, 538; See also Newman, p. 51.



A S ICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 365

in hadit, in spite of his reliance on weak transmitters (du'qfa*)}* They also agree that he was the author of numerous books, "including Kitab al-Mahdsin and others".14 Apart from his biographical dictionary (al

Rigal),15 al-Barqf is best known for his Kitab al-Mahdsin.

Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barqf's death-date is given as either 274/888 or 280/894. At any rate, he passed away after the occultation of the twelfth imam in 260/873-4.16 This fact is extremely important for the

present discussion, since it means, for instance, that traditions concerned

with such issues as the "expectation" or "return" of al-Qafim could be

understood as referring to the twelfth imam in particular. The second half of the third/ninth century, the period during which

al-Barqi was active in the city of Qum, was crucial for the develop ment of SfcI religious thought and the crystallization of the SfcI corpus of hadit}1 During this time, Slci scholars in Qum (which had replaced Kufa as the major center of Sfl intellectual activity) were making con

siderable efforts in the field of hadit collection and classification. This intellectual endeavor was to reach its peak after two crucial events in the history of Slcism: the great occultation of the twelfth imam in the

year of 329/941 and the coming to power of the Buyid dynasty in the

year of 334/945. The absence of an imam, which highlighted the need for a reliable corpus of hadit, and the Buyid dynasty, which encour

aged Sfl scholars to work freely, proved instrumental for the develop ment of Sfcf thought. Following these events the center of Sfcf religious activity moved from Qum to Rayy and after that to Baghdad. Indeed, most of the classical SfcI hadit compilations are the result of the work of scholars from the Buyid period.18

Kitab al-Mahdsin of al-Barqi presents a different case, since it is a hadit collection that survived from the period prior to the great occul tation and the coming to power of the Buyid dynasty. In fact, due to

13 See G.H.N Juynboll, EI2, s.v. "thiqa", where this term is defined as a "Qualification used in the science of hadith to describe a transmitter as trustworthy, reliable"; see also

J. Robson, EI2, s.v. "al-Djarh wa 1-Tacdll", where it is explained that although a dacif is a person "weak in tradition", he is not rejected as long as his traditions are sup ported elsewhere as well.

14 See note 8. 15 Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Barql, Kitdb al-Rigal, Tehran, 1342h. 16

al-NagasI, pp. 206-07; al-Tusi, Rigdl, p. 398. 17 M. Momen, An Introduction to Shici Islam, New Haven-London, 1985, p. 78. 18 E. Kohlberg, "Shlcr Hadith", Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period,

Cambridge, 1983, pp. 302-03.



366 ROY VILOZNY

the uncertainty regarding the time in which this book was written, the

possibility cannot be excluded that at least parts of it, if not the entire

book, were written even before the smaller occultation. Whatever its

precise date of composition, Kitdb al-Mahdsin is one of the rare sources

to have survived from the third/ninth century. Two other important works which were written before the great

occultation and the coming to power of the Buyid dynasty, and to

which it will be referred more than once in this article, are BasdHr al

Daragdt of Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Saffar al-Qummi (d. 290/903)19 and al-Usul min al-Kdfi of Abu GaTar Muhammad b. Yacqub al-Kulmi

(d. 329/941).

Despite the chronological affinity between these three works, Amir

Moezzi distinguishes Kitdb al-Mahdsin from the other two, saying that one cannot learn directly from Kitdb al-Mahdsin about esoteric aspects of the Imamate or about the Imami doctrine, the two main subjects of his research.20 Indeed, the greater part of Kitdb al-Mahdsin is not con

cerned with doctrines or creeds but rather with juristic aspects of reli

gion. At the same time this study of the fourth sub-book does reveal some details regarding the Imami doctrine, even if these details are not

given to the reader directly and one has to infer them through the

analysis of traditions. As will be seen below, traditions from the fourth

sub-book are cited either verbatim, or with some minor variations, in

the works of al-Saffar al-Qummi and al-Kulfni.

It is worth noting that a large number of traditions from Kitdb al

Mahdsin are cited in Bihar al-Anwar of Muhammad Baqir al-Maglisi

(d. 1110/1700). The fact that al-Maglisi used this book as one of the

sources for his monumental work is further indication of the impor tance and centrality of this source in the eyes of one of the most

influential Slcr scholars of a later era.

In its literary character Kitdb al-Mahdsin is a large collection of tra

ditions ascribed to the imams or to the Prophet. In its original form

this hadit collection seems to have contained above ninety sub-books

(kitdb pi. kutub) on different fields,21 which together formed the main

book of al-Mahdsin. Of these sub-books only eleven have survived and

19 Given al-Qummi's death-date it is also possible that parts of his book too were

written before the smaller occultation; see M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Al-Saffar al-Qumml

(m. 290/902-3) et son Kitab basd'ir al-daragat", Journal Asiatique, 280 (1992), pp. 221-50. 20 M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, p. 21. 21

al-NagasT, pp. 205-06, gives a list of 93 books that were included in al-Mahdsin; al-TusI in his Fihrist, pp. 44-45, lists 97 books.



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 367

are included in the two published versions of Kitab al-Mahdsin22. Each

sub-book within Kitab al-Mahdsin has a title indicating its content. Thus the fourth sub-book, which is the object of this study, is entitled Kitab

al-Sqfwa wa l-Nur wa l-Rahma (the book of the chosen ones, the light and the mercy). In this case, for instance, the term sqfwa included in

the title is significant. Some acquaintance with the term as referring to a

superior category, the pure and the chosen ones, could give the reader

a clue as to the central role that al-Barqi might have designated for

his Kitab al-Safwa wa l-Nur wa l-Rahma.23 Each Kitab is divided into chap ters (bdb pi. abwab), each of which contains numerous traditions ascribed to one or more of the imams and dealing with a certain aspect of that

sub-book's main subject.

The eleven sub-books that survived from the original Kitab al-Mahdsin are:

1. Kitab al-Askal wa TQara^in?"The book of parallels and compar isons" (11 chapters).

2. Kitab Tawab al-Acmal?"The book of the reward for the deeds" (123

chapters). 3. Kitab Lqab al-Acmab?"The book of the punishment for the deeds"

(70 chapters). 4. Kitab al-Sqfwa wa l-Nur wa l-Rahma?"The book of the chosen ones,

the light and the mercy" (47 chapters). 5. Kitab Masabih al-^ulam?"The book of the lights of darkness" (49

chapters).

6. Kitab al-Llal?"The book of causes" (one chapter).24 7. Kitab al-Safar?"The book of journeying" (39 chapters). 8. Kitab al-Ma'akil--"The book of foods" (127 chapters). 9. Kitab al-Ma"?"The book of water" (20 chapters). 10. Kitab al-Manafi?"The book of benefits" (6 chapters). 11. Kitab al-Marafiq?"The book of the household" (16 chapters).

22 There are two printed editions of Kitdb al-Mahdsin', the one upon which this arti cle is based: published in Najaf, 1964, ed. Muhammad Sadiq Bahr al-cUlum, contains one volume, and the other: published in Tehran, 1370/1950-51, ed. Galal al-Dm al

Husaynl Muhaddit Urmawl, contains two volumes, repr. Beirut, unknown year; for a detailed description of al-Mahdsin's contents, see Newman, p. 53; see also A. B. al-Tihranl, al-Darica, Tehran, 1970, XX, 122-23.

23 On the term safwa, its affinity with the concept of segula and the primeval exclu

sivity and superiority these terms express, see S. Pines, "SlvTite Terms and Conceptions in Judah Halevi's Kuzari", JSAI, 2 (1980), pp. 167-72.

24 Kohlberg, "Shff Hadith", pp. 302-03, includes this book in a special branch of Sfl

literature meant to explain the reasons for different juristic decisions.



368 ROY VILOZNY

These sub-books, excluding the fourth and the fifth, are mostly con

cerned with different juristic aspects of the believer's daily life. For

example, the 127 chapters included in "The book of foods" comprise detailed instructions on permitted food stuffs and eating manners the

believer ought to follow in different circumstances.25 As already men

tioned, my reason for deciding to concentrate on the fourth sub-book

is that, unlike the great part of al-Mahdsin's sub-books, it does deal with some doctrinal aspects of the SrcI creed. In light of what one can learn

from the titles of the lost sub-books26 and the fact that Kitdb al-Mahdsin as we know it today combines juristic matters with creeds and doctri nal aspects, the impression one gets is that, originally, this book was

meant as a guide the believer could turn to in search of answers to

both practical and spiritual questions.27 As will be seen below, numerous traditions in the fourth and other

sub-books are exegetical in character. In such traditions a believer may

ask the imam about his commentary to a certain Qur'an verse. This

is the case for instance in tradition no. 94, where someone asks the

imam, GaTar al-Sadiq, who is referred to in the Qur'anic verse: "he

who shall commit a good deed will get [a reward] ten times [greater]"

(Qur'an 6: 160) and GaTar al-Sadiq goes on to say that "this is a virtue

of the believers [i.e. SlcI believers] alone".28 In other cases, the imam

may use a certain Qur'an verse in order to express his view on a specific

issue; it is then possible to understand indirectly what the imam's com

mentary for the verse is. In tradition no. 45, when GaTar al-Sadiq

wishes to emphasize the great value of love for the Prophet's family, he cites the Qur'anic verse: "Say: I do not ask you reward for this,

except love for the kinsmen" (Qur'an 42: 23). It is only logical to con

clude that for him "kinsmen" in this verse is equal to the family of the

25 See for example al-Barqi, Kitab al-Mahdsin, pj>. 271-72, "The chapter of licking the

fingers", tradition no. 316: "... Abu cAbdallah (Ga'far al-Sadiq), peace upon him, con

sidered wiping the hand with a handkerchief, when there are remains of food upon it, bad [manners]. Out of respect to the food, one should lick it [his hand], or in case

there is a child nearby, may he [the child] lick it". 26

Al-NagasI, I, 204-07; al-TusI, pp. 44-46. It is worth noting that most of the books

which are referred to al-Barqi by al-NagasT and al-TusI are in fact titles of sub-books

included (at least today) in Kitab al-Mahdsin. This fact may strengthen the assumption that originally those sub-books were independent texts, see also Newman, p. 63, note 24.

27 See Pellat, pp. 127-28, where he raises the possibility that Kitab al-Mahdsin was

originally some kind of musannaf(a compilation arranged according to different categories) that included every spiritual or practical matter that seemed essential for the Sfl believer.

28 Al-Barqi, pp. 119-20, tradition no. 94; For believers =

Sfa, see M. A. Amir

Moezzi, TTie Divine Guide, index s.v. "iman", "mu*min".



A S ICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 369

Prophet.29 At any rate, traditions of this kind serve to turn Kitab al

Mahdsin into one of the earliest sources for the study of Sfl Qur'an

exegesis.

Most traditions in Kitab al-Sajwa wa TNur wa TRahma are ascribed to the fifth and sixth imams, Muhammad al-Baqir (d. 117/735) and

Gacfar al-Sadiq (d. 148/765) respectively, 80 out of 201 of these tra

ditions (40 percent) having been transmitted to al-Barqi directly by his

father, Muhammad. Three other prominent scholars to have transmit

ted traditions directly to al-Barqi are: (1) Hammad b. Tsa 1-Guhanf, a

disciple of the sixth, seventh and eighth imams and the author of sev

eral books including, among others, Kitab al-Salat, Kitab al-^kat and

Kitab Masa'il al-Tilmid (questions that Hammad b. Tsa referred to GaTar

al-Sadiq). On his way to perform hagg for the fifty first time Hammad

drowned to death in the year of 208/823 or 209/824 at al-Guhfa and

therefore was known as gariq al-Guhfa;30 (2) al-Hasan b. Mahbub al

Sarrad, a disciple of the eighth and the ninth imams, one of the most

influential figures among SlcT scholars in his time, regarded as min al arkan al-arbaca i.e. one of the four most prominent Sfcf persons of his

generation. He was the author of several law books and a Qur'an com

mentary, died in 224/839;31 (3) Abu GaTar Muhammad b. cAlI b.

Mahbub al-Ascan 1-QummI, a trustworthy transmitter of traditions and an important author of law books. Al-NagasI refers to him as "the sayh of Qum in his time".32

II. Creation

An in-depth study of the traditions relating to creation gives one the

impression that their purpose, other than presenting a certain version

of creation, is to form the character of several meaningful relationships

29 Ibid., p. 109, tradition, no. 45.

30 Al-NagasI, I, 337-39, no. 368; for a detailed account of the story of Hammad's

miraculous drowning see: J. Loebenstein, "Miracles in Sfl Thought?A Case Study of the Miracles Attributed to GaTar al-Sadiq", Arabica, 50 (2003), p. 223.

31 Al-Tusi, Fihrist, pp. 71-72, no. 162; Ibn al-NadTm, Fihrist, pp. 309-10. It is worth

mentioning that despite his importance, al-Hasan b. Mahbub is not mentioned by al

Nagasl. 32 Al-NagasT, II, 245, no. 941; al-Tusi, Fihrist, p. 172, no. 624. Despite the great

importance given to Muhammad b. cAlI in these two biographical sources, they supply us with no information regarding the date of his death. Due to this missing piece of information it is impossible to decide with certainty that this is indeed the same

Muhammad b. cAlI from whom al-Barqi heard many of the traditions in his book, although this possibility seems quite reasonable.



370 ROY VILOZNY

in the believer's world. The first among these relationships is the one

between God and the believer, the nature of which is to affect a whole

series of less important, though nonetheless crucial, relationships: between

the believer and the prophets, between the believer and the imams,

among members of the community of believers, and between believers

and unbelievers. This section outlines the role of the traditions in shap

ing all these relationships and thereby the believer's perception of the

world. The SicI creation story will not be discussed, mainly due to the

chronological ambiguity concerning the different stages of creation.33

The materials from which the believer is created seem to have a

highly significant impact on the above-mentioned relationships. It is not

always possible, though, to define the materials from which the believer

is created. According to some traditions, he is created out of abstract

materials; according to others abstract and real materials are mixed

together in creation. Even in the case of real materials the term does

not necessarily mean a substance of the kind that can be grasped. However, as the accent in the present discussion falls principally on

the way these materials affect the believer's world perception as opposed to the physical aspects of creation, these materials will be referred to

as materials in general and the attempt to define them physically or

philosophically will be avoided.

The crucial importance of materials in shaping the believer's world can be demonstrated by delineating two parallel systems: the first is of

the materials out of which the believer is created; the second is of the

relationships derived directly from those materials.

Not surprisingly, the first material in the hierarchy of creation mate

rials is the light of God, or the divine light. That the believer is cre

ated out of God's light would seem to be the reason underlying the

uniquely close, even intimate, relationship between God and the believer.

The title of the first chapter in this book, bdb ma halaqa Alldhu tabdraka

wa-tacald l-mu'min min nurihi (The chapter about how God created the

believer from his own light), conveys something about the importance of this fact in Slcf perception.34

33 For more about the problematic order or disorder within creation traditions see:

M. A. Amir-Moezzi, EIR, s.v. "Cosmogony and Cosmology in Twelver Shfism". 34 Al-Barqi, p. 99. The idea of creation out of light is of course not alien to Sfl tra

dition; cf. al-Barql's contemporaries: Saffar al-Qummi, Basd'ir al-Daragat al-Kubrd, Tabriz,

1380h, pp. 79-80 and al-Kulinl, al-Usul min al-Kdfi, Beirut, 1401h, I, 194-96. See also

U. Rubin, "Pre-Existence and Light: Aspects of the Concept of Nur Muhammad", IOS, 5 (1975), pp. 62-112; M. A. Amir-Moezzi The Divine Guide, p. 30 sqq. and id, EIR, s.v.

"Cosmogony and Cosmology in Twelver Shfism".



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASW 371

Since God stands at the heart of any theistic religion, it strikes one as only natural that the relationship between God and the believer should occupy an axial place in the believer's perception of the world. The character of this relationship might be seen as a very important factor in judging the authenticity of a religion: the closer this relation

ship, the truer the religion. Our being told that "God created the believer out of his own light" not only results in some kind of unique closeness between God and his believer, but also is what, to some

extent, constitutes the basis of an identity between them. Therefore, as

imam GaTar al-Sadiq puts it, "whoever claims against the believer or

rejects him, rejects God on his throne".35

Regarding this unique relationship, we are also informed that "God, may he be praised and blessed, created the believers out of his own

light and daubed them with his mercy", which is why "The believers are brothers from [the same] father and mother, their father is light and their mother is mercy".36 According to this tradition, two abstract materials have been joined together to create a human being.37 Comparing these two elements to biological parents turns the believers into broth

ers, supposedly related by blood, and the community of believers into one big family. The biological character of the relationship among believers has another far-reaching aspect?there is some kind of tele

pathic connection among them, as is well described in a tradition ascribed to Muhammad al-Baqir: "Allah created the believer out of

heavenly clay, then he blew upon him a breath of his spirit; therefore the believers are brothers from [the same] father and mother. And

whenever anything hurts these souls in a certain land, the souls [of all

other believers] feel sorry for them, since they are from the same ori

gin as he".38 The connection between God and the believer is further

35 Al-Barqi, p. 99, tradition no. 3; see Muhammad Baqir al-Maglisi, Bihar al-Anwar,

Tehran, LXVII, 125, tradition no. 24. 36

Al-Barqi, p. 99, tradition no. 1; Saffar al-Qummi, pp. 79-80; cited in Bihar, LXVII, 73, tradition no. 1. See also al-KulInl, II, 14, where in three exegetical traditions to

Qur'an 2: 138 the term sibgat Allah is explained as Islam, and hence "daubing with

mercy" might mean that acquiring Islam is an integral part of the process of creation.

"According to similar traditions (al-Barqi, traditions 2, 10-11), the father of believ ers is "the clay of paradise" and their mother is "the breath of God's spirit"; see also

Bihar, LXVII, 75-76, tradition no. 11. 38

Al-Barqi, pp. 100-101, tradition no. 10; cf. al-KulInl, II, 166, where the last two words are Wannaha minhd instead of minhu, and that makes it possible to translate "because

they are from the same clay".



372 ROY VILOZNY

evidenced by the fact that some qualities of God are passed on to his

believers. For example the "believer's special seeing skill" is something he is born with since he "sees with the divine light of which he was

created".39

One might assume that this unique relationship between God and

the believer would also have its impact on those who do not share it, i.e. the unbelievers, so long as they are aware of its existence. Yet, this

relationship, it would seem, is only ill-appreciated by unbelievers, at

least during this life. An eschatological tradition tells us what this world would have been like, "if only the screen had been removed, and peo

ple could look at what connects God and the believer . . .".40 The wish

made here is extremely important for the present discussion, since to a certain degree it confirms the assumption that what happens in real

ity far from corresponds the exclusive position believers should enjoy due to their special relationship with God.

The materials of creation can also teach us something about the

relationship between believers and imams, and between believers and

prophets. Here we can actually sketch a hierarchy of creation, formed

by the materials out of which each of these three is created. On one

level we find the prophets and the imams, whose souls and bodies are

both created from a certain material. On a lower level are the believ

ers, whose hearts only are created from that material, while their bod ies are created from another, lower, material. The material common

to the bodies and souls of the imams and the prophets and to the

hearts of believers is tinat Hlliyyin (the clay of cilliyyin, one of the high est levels of paradise);41 it creates a special bond between the believer

and the imam or prophet. On the one hand, it connects them in a

unique way: "And their hearts long for us because they were created

from what we are created" (fa-qulubuhum tahwd ilaynd li-annahd huliqat

39 Al-Barqi, p. 99, tradition no. 1; Saffar al-Qumml, pp. 79-80; see also al-KulInl

(Tehran, 1381h), I, 218, tradition no. 3, where the same idea is expressed in imam

Muhammad al-Baqir's commentary to Qur'an 15: 75: 3innafi dalika ay at lil-mutawassimln?

according to him al-mutawassimun are the imams and he bases his argument on the

Prophet's words that "the believer sees with the divine light"; see also Bihar, LXVII,

75; M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in Early Imdml Shiism, Leiden, 1999, p. 144. 40

Al-Barqi, p. 99, tradition no. 4; see also Bihar, LXVII, 73, tradition no. 24. 41

Al-Barqi, pp. 99-100, traditions 5-6; Saffar ai-Qumml, pp. 14-20; al-KulInl, I, 389

90; see also M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Seul l'homme de Dieu est humain. Theologie et

anthropologic mystique a travers l'exegese imamite ancienne (aspects de l'imamologie dodecimaine IV)", Arabica, 45/3 (1998), pp. 200-01 and id, Vie Divine Guide, pp. 38-39; see Qur'an 83: 18; see R. Paret, EI2, s.v. "cIlliyyun".




mimma huliqna minhu)f2 on the other, it illustrates the yawning gulf between them, because, in the case of believers, only their hearts are

made from the "superior" clay, the rest of their bodies being made

from an inferior material. Another dimension of the singular connec

tion between the imams/prophets and the believers that follows from

the first one is that the believer "will never be impure".43 As noted above, the characteristics of the different materials are never

clarified or elaborated upon. It could be claimed that the term "mate

rial" is not even appropriate for the element out of which the believer

is created. How can concepts as abstract as "mercy" or "spirit" be

defined as material? Even when an apparently real substance like tina

(clay) is used, one cannot imagine what kind of material it is. However, in one tradition, ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq, the material called "clay" appears with the adjective mahzuna (stored): "God, may he be blessed and praised, created our party out of stored clay, no one can leave it

or join it till the day of resurrection".44 This characteristic of the "clay" is extremely important as it implies that believers were created out of a predetermined amount of material, a fact that renders the community of believers a closed one that no one can ever leave or join. All believers

share a very basic common denominator?they are created of the same

material, and since this material was a "stored" one, no outsider will

ever be able to become an integral part of the Sfcf community. Another crucial aspect in shaping the relationships mentioned above

is al-mitaq (the pact) that God made with the believers.45 Although this

42 Al-Barqi", pp. 99-100, tradition no. 5. According to al-KulInl, I, 389, tradition

no. 1, this common material is specifically the reason for the "closeness" between the imams and the Sfa, and the tradition ends with the words: wa qulubuhum tahinnu ilayna (And their hearts yearn for us) instead of tahwa of al-Barqr; see also Bihar, LXVII, 78, tradition no. 7 and p. 127, tradition no. 32; The unique connection between the believ ers' hearts and the imams is further developed within the concept of "vision with the

heart", see M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, pp. 51-53. 43

Al-BarqT, pp. 100-01, traditions 7-9, 14-15. According to al-Kuhm, II, 3, tradition no. 3, it is the clay rather than the believer that will never be impure; see also Bihar, LXVII, 78, tradition no. 6 and p. 93 traditions 12-13; about the close-distant relation

ship between the believers and the imams as a result of the material out of which they were created see E. Kohlberg, "Imam and Community in the Pre-Ghayba Period",

Authority and Political Culture in ShVism, ed. Said Amir Arjoumand. New York, 1988, repr. in Belief and Law in Imami ShVism, Aldershot, Variorum, 1991, art. 13, pp. 31-32;

M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Seul l'homme de Dieu est humain", pp. 193-94. 44

Al-BarqT, p. 101, tradition no. 13; see also Bihar, LXVII, 77, tradition no. 1. 45

Al-Barqi, pp. 101-02, traditions 16-19; SafTar al-Qummi, pp. 79-80; M. A. Amir

Moezzi,, "Cosmogony and Cosmology in Twelver Shfism", p. 320; M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Seul l'homme de Dieu est humain", p. 203.



374 ROY VILOZNY

pact, like any pact, is meant to shape the character of the relationship of all sides concerned, it appears it would not have had the same effect

had it been concluded while the believer was in some other material state. According to the traditions relevant to this issue, the pact was

made when the believers were still in the state of darr (tiny particles) or azilla (shadows), that is at the very inception of their existence, long before they became living human beings.46 It was immediately after this

pact was concluded that the believers were presented to the Prophet for the first time, and although they were yet in their pre-human state, he was able to recognize them.47 Naturally, some of the validity of the

pact derives from the preliminary state in which the believers were at

the time. This idea relates also to the above mentioned concept of a

"closed community": obviously anyone who was not a part of the stored

clay of creation, could not be present when the pact was made and

could therefore not become a member of this community. This pact had been made only once and at that very moment the Srci commu

nity was defined for ever.48

Having emphasized the importance of the believer's material state

in relation to the validity of this pact and to the shaping of the closed

character of the community, we may now turn to its content. The con

tent of the pact reaffirms the character of the relationships that derive

from the materials of creation. It defines more clearly the obligation of believers toward God, the prophets and the imams. And it seems this

obligation is directly related to the way in which believers were cre

ated. Their supernatural creation has its benefits, but it cannot be taken

for granted. The obligation of the believer toward God, the Prophet and the imams is on three different levels:

46 According to al-Barqi, pp. 101-02, tradition no. 16, the souls of the believers were

created and presented to the Prophet 2000 years before their bodies were physically created. We are also informed that the believers and Adam were created from the same

clay; and according to Saffar al-Qumml, p. 81, tradition no. 2, the pact was made

when the believers were all particles in Adam's loins. For further information about this

state of "pre-existence," see E. Kohlberg, "Some Shfl Views of the Antediluvian World"

SI, 52 (1980), pp. 41-66, repr. in E. Kohlberg, Belief and Law in Imaml Shlcism, art. 16;

Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, ch. 2, pp. 29-59; M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in

Early Imaml Shiism, pp. 129-40. 47

Al-Barqi, tradition no. 16. In early Sfl exegesis Qur'an 7: 172 is connected directly with the pact, see M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis, p. 132; U. Rubin, "Pre-Existence

and Light", pp. 67-68. 48

Al-Barqi, traditions 17-19; Saffar al-Qumml, pp. 79-80; Bihar, II, 132, tradition no.

21, p. 134, tradition no. 28 and V, 252, tradition no. 47, LXXV, 136, tradition no. 18.




1. Acknowledging God's sovereignty. 2. Acknowledging Muhammad's prophecy. 3. walaya?loyalty

or love towards the imams.49

From all that has been said up to this point one may receive the

impression that the community that developed out of these initial mate

rials is an ideal one: closed, exclusive, related to God and enjoying

extraordinary internal solidarity. But reality turns out to be more com

plicated, and the Sfcf tradition has had to deal with situations that do

not correspond to this idealized picture. How can it be that some peo

ple, who officially belong to this exclusive community, behave as if they did not belong to it, while others, who are officially outsiders, seem

much more worthy of being included? Again, the materials of creation are drawn upon to solve this thorny issue. In a tradition ascribed to

Gacfar al-Sadiq, Gacfar is asked about this disturbing phenomenon. In

answer, he says: "Don't you know that God has taken clay from heaven

and clay from hell, mixed them together and then separated them

again? The honesty, the goodness and the good character that you found among them [the enemies] are the result of the clay of heaven

that stuck to them and they are the outcome of what they were cre

ated from. The dishonesty, the bad character and the wickedness you found among these [the believers] are the result of the clay from hell

that stuck to them and they are the outcome of what they were cre

ated from".50

Despite the elegance of the solution to the difficulty posed, it raises another rather problematic question: Why did God, the almighty, have to mix these two "materials"? Why could he not prevent this undesir

able outcome, which was caused directly by the mix? This question seems like a specific case of a more general question regarding the rea

son for the existence of evil in a world created by an omnipotent God, a question typical not only of SicI Islam but of other monotheistic reli

gions as well.

49 Al-Barqi, tradition no. 16. The concept of waldya will be dealt with below; al

Qummi, Tafsir al-Qummi, Beirut, 1991, p. 248, gives a similar commentary to Qur'an

7: 172 by citing a tradition ascribed to imam Gacfar al-Sadiq who describes the pact between God and the believers as relevant to three levels: "acknowledging God's sov

ereignty, the prophecy of the Apostle of God and the 3imdma of the commander of the faithful and the imams"; see also al-cAyyasi, Tafsir al-cAyyasi, Beirut, 1991, pp. 40-45.

50 Al-Barqi, p. 103, tradition no. 20. For a similar example see also tradition no. 21;

al-Kulini, II, 2-6; Bihar, LXVII, 86, tradition no. 9; M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Seul l'homme de Dieu est humain", p. 203 (ihtildt al-tinatayn).



376 ROY VILOZNY

The following table shows the affinity between the materials out of

which the believer was created and the different relationships in his

world:

The materials of creation The effect of the materials on the

believer's world

1. The divine light Intimacy between God and the

believer.

The believer "sees with the divine

light of which he was created".

2. Light and mercy "The believers are brothers from

[the same] father and mother, their

father is light and their mother is

mercy". 3. The material common to Natural connection between

prophets, imams and to the the believer and the prophet believer's heart (tinat Hlliyyin) or the imam.

Clear separation between the

believer and the prophet or the

imam.

The believer "will never be

impure". 4. The heavenly clay and the The believers are brothers?

breath of God's spirit their father is the heavenly clay and

their mother is the breath of God's

spirit. There is a unique telepathy among believers.

5. Stored clay The community of believers is a

closed one?"no one can leave it or

join it till the day of resurrection".

6. The mix between the clay There is no perfect dualism in

from heaven and the clay the world.

from hell



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASLN 311

III. Birth

Special attention is paid in the book to tib al-mawlid (the purity of birth) of the believer;51 this expression is also used in the title of the ninth

chapter, bdb tib al-mawlid, the chapter in which this issue is discussed.52

Prior to an analysis of any world perception that may be derived from

this chapter, some clarification of the meaning of the term "purity of

birth" is in order. One should bear in mind that the word "birth" in

this context refers not only to the stage in which the newborn is deliv

ered but also, and in particular, to the stage of conception. It is the

nature of conception that determines the purity or impurity of the birth.

In other words, whether one's birth is pure or not, depends wholly on

one's parents' behavior. Although the expression walad zina (the offspring of illicit intercourse) is not specifically mentioned in this chapter, it seems more than likely that this concept lies at the heart of the dis

cussion of birth purity. It certainly is one that was intensely discussed in SfcI tradition and jurisprudence.53 Nasab sahlh (right genealogy) is another expression used in several

traditions in this chapter.54 When used in the general context of pure birth it refers also to the parents' behavior, since it is clear that one

who enjoys "right genealogy" (i.e. his parents are known and so is the

legitimacy of their relationship) is by no means a walad zina and can

only have had a pure birth.

Having clarified the relationship between these three apparently different expressions (tib al-mawlid, nasab sahlh and walad zina), an analy sis of the relevant traditions is called for. The nature of one's birth has

far-reaching effects on the believer's life. Its effects seem to be eternal

and unchangeable, for better or for worse. It alone determines one's

destiny forever?in this world and in the hereafter. With regards to

this world, two inescapable consequences derive entirely from the nature

of one's birth:

1. Whoever had a pure birth will necessarily love the family of the

Prophet. This fact turns "pure birth" into "the first grace" for which

51 About the translation of the word tib as purity, see E. W. Lane Arabic English Lexicon, book I, part 5, London, 1874, p. 1900.

52 Al-Barqi, p. 104.

53 E. Kohlberg "The Position of the walad zind in Imami Strfism," BSOAS, 48 (1985), pp. 237-266, repr. in E. Kohlberg, Belief and Law in Imami ShVism, art. 11.

54 Al-Barqi, p. 105, traditions 30-31; Bihar, XXVII, 152-53, traditions 64-65.



378 ROY VILOZNY

"God should be praised". In contrast, whoever had an impure birth

will necessarily hate the family of the Prophet.55 2. Whoever has a "right genealogy" will necessarily be loyal to the Slca

and will share the singular spirit of solidarity mentioned above. Even

when someone seems to be an enemy, his "genealogy" might reveal

his true face. For example, when someone complained to GaTar al

Sadiq that his house had been unjustly seized from him, GaTar al

Sadiq advised him to look for help from his neighbors?even though

they were apparently Sfa adversaries?only because they had nasab

sahih. The man followed this advice and found it extremely useful.56 In fact, this example may also indicate that whoever has nasab sahih

necessarily conceals his true belief by practicing taqiyya (precaution ary dissimulation), with the result that he is at times considered an

opponent of the Sra.57

The nature of one's birth also determines his fate in the Afterlife in

two very essential aspects:

1. Whoever had a pure birth will enter paradise.58 2. On the day of resurrection, whereas every non-SicI will be called

by his or her mother's name, the Sri believer will be called by his or her father's name?this will be the ultimate proof of their "pure birth" as well as of their "right genealogy".59

The way in which the nature of one's birth affects one's life gives the impression that "those who had pure birth" can be equated with

"those who believe". This equation corresponds also to what was said

earlier about the materials of creation. It seems only natural to expect

that such an exclusive community would be free of unsavory phenomena like impure birth or adultery. Nevertheless, when someone asked

55 Al-Barqi, p. 104, traditions 24-26; Bihar, XXVII, 152, traditions 22-23. For more

on the concept of love for the family of the Prophet see below. 56

Al-Barqi, pp. 105-06, tradition no. 31. 57 On the concept of taqiyya, see E. Kohlberg, "Some Imaml-Shfl Views on Taqiyya,"

JAOS, 95 (1975), pp. 395-402, repr. in E. Kohlberg, Belief and Law in Imaml ShVism, art. 3 and id, "Taqiyya in Shfl Theology and Religion", H. G. Kippenberg and G. G.

Stroumsa (ed.), Secrecy and Concealment, Leiden, 1995, pp. 345-80. 58

Al-Barqi; p. 105, traditions 28-29; Bihar, V, 285-87, traditions 4-5, 10. 59

Al-Barqi, p. 107, traditions 33-34. One may claim that these traditions support the above-mentioned assumption regarding the similarity between birth purity or impu

rity and adultery.



A S ICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQI'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 379

Muhammad al-Baqir for his opinion about a person who, though known to be a walad zind, "knows what we know" (i.e. he is a Slcf believer),

Muhammad al-Baqir said: "If this is in fact the case, a house made of

ice will be built for him in hell, the fire of hell will be held back from

him, and his sustenance will be brought to him".60 This tradition indi

cates that the existence of a Sfci believer whose birth was impure is not an impossibility. The imam, Muhammad al-Baqir, not only gives credence to this possibility, he also knows what will happen to this

believer in the Afterlife. Like anyone whose birth was impure, this

believer is destined to go to hell, but as a believer he will benefit from some measures of protection that will make his stay there less terrible.

Yet the discussion of purity of birth raises another key question, one

that the tradition does not fully address: Why should such an exclu

sive community be concerned with something that should have been

regarded as totally irrelevant to it? The answer, it seems, is implied in

the question. Since it is supposed to be taken as self-evident that the Sfcf community should not be concerned with such a negative issue, the possibility that the issue of birth purity is discussed for positive rea

sons should be given some serious consideration. In other words, purity of birth is presented as another positive characteristic of the Si^f believer, and it has a crucial effect on one's destiny. On the other hand, while

reading these traditions, the opposite conclusion about unbelievers can

not be avoided?impure birth is one of their central characteristics. It is therefore possible to regard the concept of pure birth as a promi nent factor in the dualistic division of the world into SfcTs and non SfcIs. As such, the concept of pure birth is best expressed in the

above-mentioned traditions which describe the day of resurrection. In

those traditions the nature of one's birth is clearly presented as a col lective characteristic, positive when attributed to believers and negative

when attributed to "others" (i.e. unbelievers).61

60 Al-Barqi, p. 113, tradition no. 64. "Sustenance" is my translation of the word rizq

which is usually used to describe the provisions of the inhabitants of Paradise; the trans lation "ice" is based on al-Maglisl's suggestion to read the word sadr (in the original text) as sabar, see Bihar, V, 287.

61 See for example al-Barqi, p. 107, tradition no. 34, where Gacfar al-Sadiq says: "On the day of resurrection all people will be called by their own names and by their

mothers' names because God will hide their [shame], with the exception of Slcat All, peace upon him, as they will be called by their own names and by their fathers' names since there is no adultery among them".



380 ROY VILOZNY

Another question related to the nature of birth and also treated in

two traditions is whether unbelievers can give birth to a believer, and

in case they do, what the legal status of this child would be. Although this question may seem irrelevant, as it definitely does not correspond to the closed character of the Slcf community, we can still find tradi

tions concerned with it62. In this case, it is reasonable to say that these

traditions are the result of a real difficulty the SfT community had to

deal with: the possibility of conversion or joining the Sfcr community. This possibility raises some difficulties on the theological level as well as on the practical juristic level.

That unbelievers would give birth to a believer seems so far-fetched

that only a miracle could make it happen. Such a miracle is described

in a tradition ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq, which deals with this ques tion on the theological level: "When God wishes to create the believer

from the believer and the believer from the unbeliever, he sends an

angel who takes a drop of water from the rain clouds and drips it onto

a leaf, then one of the parents eats of it, and the believer is from

him".63 According to this tradition only one of the parents, the one

who eats of the leaf, is responsible for the newborn's belief regardless of whether he himself is a believer or not. Theoretically, a repetition of this miracle can make possible an extension of the Sfcf community

by including new believers. A second tradition ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq tries to solve the legal

problem by defining the child's legal status: "The semen out of which

the believer [is to be born] rests in the unbeliever's loins, where it is

not harmed until he [the unbeliever] gives birth to him. And when he

[the believer] becomes a human being64 no harm is done to him until

62 Al-Barqi, p. 104, traditions 22-23. Although these two traditions are not included

in the chapter that deals with birth, they seem very relevant to this stage of life; see

al-Kulini, II, 13-14; Bihar, LXVII, 77-78, traditions 4-5. 63

Al-Barqi, p. 104, tradition no. 22. According to al-Kulini, II, 14, muzn is the name

of a tree in heaven, not "rain clouds" as I chose to translate it. According to Saflar al

Qummi, pp. 440-42, this process is very similar to the way in which Gacfar al-Sadiq describes the birth of the imams. The similarity to the story of Zoroaster's birth in the

Denkard is worth noting; see M. Boyce A History of ̂proastrianism, Leiden, 1975, I, 277

79; Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, pp. 56-57 and p. 183, note 289; al-Sahrastani, Kitdb

al-Milal wa l-Mhal, Ed. William Cureton, London, 1846, pp. 185-88. 64 The term "human being" is my translation of the Arabic term basaran sawiyyan in

the text. This term appears in Qur'an 19: 17 where both al-Qurtubi and al-Galalayn

explain it as a man whose creation is completed and who has the form of a human

being, see al-Qurtubi, al-Gdmic li-3Ahkdm al-Qur3dn, Beirut, 1995, VI, 18-19; al-Galalayn,

Tafsir al-Galalayn, Beirut, 1987, p. 366.




he is juristically responsible for his acts".65 This tradition treats the juris tic question by taking into account the following three different periods:

1. The time during which the believer is still in his unbeliever father's

loins in the form of semen?during this time he is safe and is not

harmed by his father's unbelief.

2. From the time of the believer's birth (or from the stage in which

he has the form of a human being) until he becomes juristically

responsible for his acts he is safe from any harm that might befall

him due to his father's unbelief.

3. Although not specifically stated, it seems that when the believer

becomes legally mature, he is no longer safe from the harm that

might befall him due to his father's unbelief. From this stage on he

is responsible for his own acts.

At the end of this section we witness again the tension in the text

between, on the one hand, traditions that represent the theological ideal

according to which the world should function and, on the other hand, traditions that reflect a more pragmatic attitude that adapts itself to

the needs of life and a constantly-changing reality.

IV. This World

Kitab al-Safwa wa TNur wa l-Rahma is not primarily concerned with legal issues, nor does it contain any specific instructions regarding the Sfcf

religious duties in everyday life. This book appears to have another

goal: to shape one's beliefs, ideas and creeds. As such, it concentrates

on basic and essential doctrines that are to guide the believer during his life. From the variety of ideas and doctrines discussed in this book, three stand out as the most important and central: al-walaya?loyalty to the imams; hubb ahl al-bayt?love for the family of the Prophet;66 and

65Al-Barqi, p. 104, tradition 23. In al-Kulini, II, 13, tradition no. 1, there is an inter

esting addition to this idea: "Even if [the semen] is in the womb of a polytheist mother, no harm will be done to her until she gives birth to him". According to this tradition, it is the mother or father, not the newborn believer, to whom no harm is done until the birth of the believer.

66 Despite the affinity that exists between al-waldya and hubb Ahl al-Bayt and the fact

that sometimes these two principles appear to be synonyms, they are analyzed in this section as two independent concepts. For more on the relationship between these two

terms, see M. A. Amir-Moezzi, "Notes a propos de la walaya imamite (aspects de

l'imamologie duodecimaine, X)", JAOS, 122/4 (2002), pp. 735-38.



382 ROY VILOZNY

qabul al-acmdl?God's acceptance of deeds, or the general idea of the

performance of religious duties. These three subjects are discussed in a large number of traditions, which alone points to the importance ascribed to them by the compiler.67

Al-waldya?loyalty to the imams: Although waldya may be regarded as one of the most basic duties of the believer, the first two exegetical traditions in the tenth chapter?the chapter dealing with this topic and

therefore called bdb al-waldya?represent a somewhat different point of

view. In the first tradition, Gacfar al-Sadiq is asked about the mean

ing of the Qur'anic verse: "Only he, who has repented, believed and

acted rightfully, will be rightly guided."68 In his answer GaTar al-Sadiq refers only to the last phrase "will be rightly guided", and he does so

by adding to it two words?ild waldyatind. In other words, "right guid ance" means loyalty to him as imam, and to all other imams. He

explains his answer by referring to the condition laid down by God:

"Do you not see the condition that God has made?", as if this condi

tion alone would suffice for understanding the real meaning of the last

part of the verse. What he is saying, then, is that such is the nobility of the waldya that the one who fulfills God's condition can only be

"rightly guided" to it.69

The second tradition in this chapter suggests a similar explanation for a different Qur'anic verse "And you shall exclaim Allah akbar (wa li-tukabbiru) for what he has rightly guided you to".70 GaTar al-Sadiq

explains the infinitive takblr by the synonym tac?im, meaning glorification, and the infinitive hiddya by the infinitive waldya?as if the two were

synonymous.71

According to these two traditions, waldya is not a duty one should

actively perform but a right or grace that God bestows upon his true

believers when, at least according to the first tradition, they fulfill his

condition by repenting, believing and acting right. These two traditions

are extremely important, as they take one of the fundamental ideas of

67 Al-waldya: traditions 35-37, 60-63; hubb Ahl al-Bayt: traditions 45-48, 66-69; qabul

al-acmdl: traditions 123-31. 68

Qur'an 20: 82, the original verse differs from the quoted one, as it opens with the

words "I forgive the one who has repented ..." 69

Al-Barqi, p. 107, tradition no. 35; see also Bihar, XXVII, 168, tradition no. 7. 70

Qur'an 2: 185. 71

Al-Barqi, p. 107, tradition no. 36. Although the list of transmitters does not go back as far as Gacfar al-Sadiq, the verb rafacahu implies that this tradition was also

ascribed to him.




Islam, al-hidaya (right guidance), and turn it into one of the basic char

acteristics of the Sfca?al-walaya, which is in turn presented as one of

the highest levels of worship to which one can aspire.72 The way tra

ditions are used in order to paint general Islamic principles in Sfci col ors will be further demonstrated below.

Hubb ahl aTbayt?love for the family of the Prophet: In a tradition

ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq, love for the family of the Prophet is regarded as the foundation of Islam: "Everything has its foundation and the foun

dation of Islam is loving us, the family of the Prophet".73 In this unequiv ocal statement, GaTar al-Sadiq stipulates the doctrine of love for the

family of the Prophet as one of the themes that goes to the very root

of Islam. In another tradition by GaTar al-Sadiq he describes love for

the family of the Prophet as afdal cibada?the most excellent worship.74 The conviction that this kind of love is so essential paves the way for

another aspect, according to which this love may be seen as a further

meaningful factor in the dualistic division of the world?those who love the family of the Prophet and those who do not love them. By pro

claiming that "Loving us is belief and hating us is unbelief, Muhammad

al-Baqir takes the love of the Prophet's descendants one step higher and in fact turns it into the very basic condition of faith.75 It is only logical that the Sfcf creed, which sees kinship to the family of the

Prophet as its initial source of legitimacy, will try to present this prin ciple as an essential factor of one's faith.

Despite this general division, we learn from another tradition, attrib uted to the fourth imam, cAll b. al-Husayn, that among each of these two opposite groups there are different levels of love and of hate toward

the family of the Prophet and that the difference in these levels deter mines one's fate in the Afterlife. cAli quotes the Apostle of God: "There are three levels (daragat) in heaven and three [low] levels (darakat) in hell. The highest level in heaven is for those who love us with their heart and support us with their tongue and their hand, at the second level are those who love us with their heart and support us with their

tongue, and at the third level are those who love us with their heart.

72 For more about the concept of waldya as a basic value in Sfi Islam see: M. A.

Amir-Moezzi, "Notes a propos de la waldya imamite", pp. 726-28; M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis, p. 202.

73 Al-Barqi, p. 113, tradition no. 66.

74 Ibid., tradition no. 67.

75 Ibid., tradition no. 68; see also Bihar, XXVII, 91, tradition no. 49.



384 ROY VILOZNY

At the lowest level of hell are those who hate us with their heart and

act against us with their tongue and their hand. At the second-lowest

level are those who hate us with their heart and act against us with

their tongue. At the third-lowest level are those who hate us with their

heart".76 Quoting this tradition demonstrates, once again, the complexity of reality. In real life there is no unadulterated dualism; all believers are not exactly the same, nor are unbelievers; there are different

gradations of belief as well as of unbelief. The above-quoted tradition

tries to deal with this complexity by dividing humanity into very clear

categories.

Qabul al-acmdl?God's acceptance of deeds or the general idea of the

performance of religious duties: Although al-Mahdsin is not a legal text

book, it does refer to one of the most disturbing legal difficulties the

Sfcfs have to face. It is known that there are only minor differences

between SicI and Sunni jurisprudence, and that most religious duties

performed by both Sfcfs and Sunnls are the same. This fact makes the

practical differences between Sfis and Sunnls almost invisible in everyday life. This situation may have caused some believers to wonder about

the way God evaluates their performance of religious duties as com

pared to his evaluation of the same religious duties when performed

by non-SrcIs.

The most remarkable situation in which both believers and unbe

lievers perform exactly the same religious duty is the hagg?the Pilgrimage

to Mecca?and indeed several traditions deal with the difficulty aris

ing from this similarity.77 In one such tradition, Gacfar al-Sadiq responds as follows to someone wondering about the large number of pilgrims in a certain year: "If they wish, let them be many, and if they wish, let them be few, as God accepts from no one but you (the performance of this religious duty) nor does he forgive any one but you".78 This

means that a hagg performed by a believer is desired by God and is

therefore accepted by him, whereas the very same hagg, when performed

by a non-Sfcf, does not count and God does not value it.

76 Al-Barqi, p. 115, tradition no. 67. The resemblance to the concept of "putting

right" (from the verb gayyara) a "wrong" (munkar) should be pointed out. According to

a prophetic tradition named by Michael Cook, "the three modes tradition," a "wrong" can be "put right" by using one of the following organs: the hand, the tongue or the

heart. Doing so with the heart is not only problematic practically, it is also regarded as the "bare minimum of faith". See M. Cook Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in

Islamic Thought, Cambridge, 2000, pp. 33-35. 77

Al-Barqi, p. 126, traditions 125-28. 78

Ibid., tradition no. 128; see also Bihar, XXVII, tradition no. 41.



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KTTAB AL-MAHASIN 385

However, this distinction between the value of a religious duty when

performed by a believer as opposed to a non-Sfcf is not limited to the

duty of pilgrimage; it is relevant to all other duties as well. The same

religious duty may be worth much or may be worth nothing; the decid

ing factor is whether the person who performs it is a SlcI believer or

not. According to GaTar al-Sadiq, even when a person's general reli

gious behavior is better than that of another, what really counts is whether "he knows" (i.e. accepts the Slca) or not. In this spirit he

explains the Qur'anic verse "God shall not accept, but from those who fear God"79 by making clear that the verse does not refer to just any one who fears God but only to "those who know". It is not enough to fear God and abstain from worldly pleasures, it is also necessary to

"know".80

V. Death

Within the discussion on death, three important questions raise their heads:

1. Did the deceased know the imam?81

2. Can the deceased be regarded as a sahid?S2 3. Why is the believer filled with joy upon his death?83

In a chapter devoted to the status of a person who dies without know

ing his imam, we are told several times that this kind of death is equal to mita gahiliyya (pre-Islamic death or even pagan death).84 Again we

witness SicT doctrine being regarded as a basic element of Islam, basic

enough to determine whether one dies as a believer or as a gdhil (an ignorant person). On the other hand, "he who upon his death knows his imam" has the great honor of being "equal to those who will be with al-Qd'im in his tent".85 What is meant by the expression "knowing

79 Qur'an 5: 27.

80 Al-Barqi, p. 126, tradition no. 129; On the importance of knowledge and know

ing in Sfl thought, see M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The divine Guide, index s.v. cilm, calim and M.A. Amir-Moezzi and C. Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le shVisme?, Paris, 2004, index s.v. Connaissance.

81 Ibid., pp. 116-17, traditions 78-85; al-KulInl, I, 180-85.

82 Ibid., pp. 123-24, traditions 115-19; pp. 130-31, traditions 144-51.

83 Ibid., pp. 131-35, traditions 152-62.

84 See for example ibid., p. 116, tradition no. 78, where GaTar al-Sadiq quotes a tra dition ascribed to the Apostle of God; cf. Bihar, VIII, 369, tradition no. 39.

85 Al-Barqi, p. 117, tradition no. 85; cf. Bihar, XXIII, 77, tradition no. 6.



386 ROY VILOZNY

the imam" is not entirely clear, but it seems reasonable to assume that

it means acknowledging him rather than knowing him personally. The

question still to be answered is: What makes knowing the imam at the

moment of death so important? GaTar al-Sadiq provides us with a clue

by saying: "The earth cannot be in order unless there is an imam",86

meaning that the very existence and functioning of the earth is the out

come of the imam's existence. As long as the earth exists, then, no one

has any reason to doubt that there is an imam upon it, and therefore

everyone must know him. In the same tradition, GaTar al-Sadiq remarks:

"And the greatest need to know him [the imam] will be at the point of death".87 One can assume that the importance of knowing the imam

at that particular moment may be related to the idea of sqfaca, i.e.

knowing the imam is necessary in order to benefit from his advocacy after death.

All the traditions in the book that deal with sahada maintain that

every Sfcf believer dies as martyr.88 According to most of these tradi

tions, all the believer has to do to become a sahid is "to die while

believing in this matter" (mata cala hada Tamr), i.e. the SiT belief. This

will be so, says GaTar al-Sadiq, "even if he died in his bed" (wa in

mata cala Jirasihi); he will be considered then to be "alive and provided with sustenance by his lord" (hayy cinda rabbihiyurzaqu).89 GaTar al-Sadiq chooses to use part of a Qur5anic verse that originally refers to "those

who are slain in Allah's way," and by doing so he proclaims that every

believer who dies while believing "in this matter" is equal to a sahid, one who was killed during gihad. In another tradition, GaTar al-Sadiq

specifically says that whoever dies "while believing in this matter" is

equal to anyone "who fights in Allah's way"; as long as he belongs to

the Sfca, he is a sahid, whether "he was devoured by a wild beast, burned in a fire, drowned or killed".90 In other words, adhering to the

86 Al-Barqi, p. 116, tradition no. 79; about this concept see also al-Kulini, I, 178

80, and Saffar al-Qummi, pp. 484-87. 87

Al-Barqi, p. 116, tradition no. 79. "Upon his death" is my translation of the expres sion "idd balagat nqfsuhu hddihi" used by Gacfar al-Sadiq.

88 Al-Barqi, pp. 123-24, traditions 115-19; pp. 130-31, traditions 144-51.

89 Al-Barqi, p. 124, tradition no. 116. The last part quoted from the tradition is a

paraphrase on the Qur'anic verse 3: 169 that specifically refers to "those who were

killed in Allah's way"; see also al-Qummi, Tafsir al-Qummi, I, 134, where GaTar al

Sadiq affirms that this verse refers to the Sici believers (hum wa llahi sic atund); cf. Bihar,

VI, 245, tradition no. 74. 90

Al-Barqi, p. 124, tradition no. 119.



A S ICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQI'S KITAB AL-MAHASIN 387

Sici faith during life and until death is equal to dying in gihdd and it

bestows on the deceased the title sahid, regardless of how he has died.91 In another tradition ascribed to the third imam, Husayn b. cAli, a

different aspect is provided for the notion that anyone who dies while

believing in the SlcI faith is a sahid. According to him, if only those

who died while performing gihdd were to be considered suhadd' (the

plural of sahid), the number of martyrs would have been small.92 Husayn b. cAlI thereby gives a quantitative explanation to the Slci concept of

sahdda described above. He bases his argument on verse 19 of sur at al

Hadid. "Those who believed in God and his messengers are the pious ones and the suhadd* by their God", where suhadd' may indeed be inter

preted as Sfi believers.93 The ambiguity regarding the meaning of sahid in this verse is often discussed by Qur'an commentators. There are two

main difficulties: a) Should the word suhadd* be connected to the first

part of the verse (i.e. those who believed in God and his messengers are suhadd*)? b) Does the word suhadd* in this context mean martyrs, or

does it refer to those who bear witness that there is no god but Allah

and that Muhammad is the Apostle of God (i.e. the term sahid is used

with reference to the sahdda)?94 As one can conclude from the above

mentioned tradition, for Husayn b. cAlI the word suhadd' is connected to

the first part of the verse and its meaning in this context is martyrs. The concept of death is developed further in another series of tra

ditions. According to these traditions, "whoever dies while believing in this matter" is equal to not only someone who fights in Allah's way but also to "those who died as sahids with the Apostle of God", which is clearly the highest form of gihdd one can wish for, even higher than

fighting alongside al-Qcfim when he appears.95 The messianic expectation of the return of al-Qd3im and the com

mitment to stand by his side are also considered an outstanding form

91 For more on the SlcI concept of gihad and especially about the idea that gihdd does not necessarily mean physical fighting against a living enemy, see: E. Kohlberg, "The

Development of the Imaml Shfl Doctrine oi jihad", ?DMG, 126 (1976), pp. 64-86, repr. in his Belief and Law in Imaml Shfism, art. 15.


93 See also al-Barqi, p. 124, tradition no. 117 ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq, where the same Qur'anic verse is used again to support this concept of sahdda.

94 See for example the exegetic discussion in al-Qurtubl, IX, 228-29; about the mean

ing of the word sahid in the Qur'an, see: E. Kohlberg, EI2, s.v "Shahld". 95 See for example al-Barqi, p. 130, traditions 144-46; see also Bihar, XXIV, 37, tra

dition no. 15 and XXVII, 126, tradition no. 116; about al-Qa'im in the Imaml faith see W. Madelung, EI2, s.v. "Ka?im Al Muhammad".



388 ROY VILOZNY

of gihad. It does not matter if the person who committed himself to

support al-Qa'im dies before his return; what matters is the expectation of his return and the commitment to support him. Muhammad al-Baqir uses the following words to comfort a person worried about the possi

bility that he will not live long enough to stand by al-Qa^im: "He among

you who says: 'If I live long enough [till the return of] aTQa'im, I will

support him' is equal to the one who fights for him with his sword; and he who dies as a sahid while fighting for him, gets [a reward equal

ing] two sahddas".96

The detailed discussion of the concept of sahada may be seen as

encouraging gihad among the Sfcis, nevertheless a different interpreta tion may also be suggested. The traditions mentioned above portray sahada as a positive value one should wish for, but at the same time

they offer the believer an alternative way of achieving it, a very con

venient and safe one?just to believe. The believer does not have to

fight or die in battle in order to achieve the nobility of sahada, he has

simply to adhere to his Sfl faith throughout his life. By doing so he

performs the duty of gihad in its highest form, just as if he had died as a sahid, fighting side by side with al-Qa^im or with the Apostle of

God. These traditions, in which physical gihad is compared to spiritual or intellectual gihad, appear to be typical of an attitude advocating a

policy of quietism (qucud). Like other Sfcf concepts, the concept of sahada has a very clear role

in the dualistic division of the world throughout the different stages of

the believer's existence. This desired title can be reached by any Sfcf

believer who adheres to his faith until his death, no matter how he

dies. On the other hand, it is impossible for non-Sicfs to reach it, even

if they die during gihad?1 In the eleven traditions included in a chapter entitled bdb al-igtibat

cinda Twafdt (The chapter of joy upon death), we are told that the

believer is filled with joy at the moment of death.98 The reason is sim

ple: "Death is the only thing that stands between a believer and seeing what will please him"; at the point of death he gets to see all the things


97 Al-Barqi, p. 124, tradition no. 118; For more on the Sici dualism, see M.A. Amir

Moezzi and C. Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le shicisme ?, p. 36-40. 98

al-Barqi, pp. 131-35, traditions 152-62; for a variety of traditions of the same char

acter see also Bihar, VI, 153, tradition no. 8, p. 177, traditions 3-4, p. 183, traditions

12 and 15, p. 184, tradition no. 19, p. 186, tradition no. 21, p. 188, tradition no. 24.



A SICI LIFE CYCLE ACCORDING TO AL-BARQl'S KITAB AL-MAHASLN 389

he desired during his life, while leaving behind him all the things of

which he was terrified.99 Three prominent factors contribute to this joy:

1. The believer enjoys the privilege of knowing before dying what his

destiny after death is going to be. As Muhammad al-Baqir puts it:

"The believer will be happiest about the state in which he is when

he arrives at the edge of the hereafter and this world is cut off from

him. When he reaches this point, he will know that he is headed

toward grace and honor by God and [will receive] the glad tidings about [being on his way to] heaven".100 According to GaTar al

Sadiq's exegesis of the Qur'anic verses 10: 63-64, ("Those who

believe and fear God; For them are glad tidings, in the life of the

present and in the hereafter, no change can there be in the words

of Allah. This is indeed the supreme felicity"), this privilege of the

Sfl believer is stipulated by God in his holy book.101

2. The believer will "be safe from all the things of which he was

afraid".102 The reason is that at the moment of death, he will no

longer be a part of this world and he will be severed from "the

horrors of this world".103

3. The believer has the privilege of meeting the most important figures of the Slca: the Apostle of God, cAlI, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn.104

According to two traditions, the Apostle of God and cAli speak with

the dying person. In the first one, both of them assure him that

"God has protected you from all the things of which you were afraid, and that for which you were hoping is now ahead of you".105 In

the second, the Apostle of God sits by the dying person's head while cAli sits at his feet. At first the Apostle of God approaches him and tells him: "Oh, friend of God, rejoice, I am the Apostle of God and I am [my company is] better for you than the things of the world that you leave behind". Then cAll approaches and tells him: "Oh,

99 Al-Barqi, pp. 131-32, tradition no. 152.

100 Ibid., pp. 134-35, tradition no. 162.

101 Ibid., pp. 133-34, tradition no. 158; see also al-Qumml, Tafsir al-Qumml, I, 314

15, where the expression "the words of Allah" in the verse is interpreted as the imdma which will not be changed; tradition 158 is also cited with minor variants in al-cAyyasI, Tafsir al-Ayyasl, p. 133-34.

102 Al-Barqi, pp. 134-35, tradition no. 162.

103 Ibid., p. 132, tradition no. 156.

104 There are several views as to who exactly the believer gets to meet besides the

Prophet and "All: in tradition no. 152, Hasan and Husayn are mentioned while Fatima is not; in tradition no. 155 all three are mentioned; in tradition no. 156 only Fatima is mentioned; in traditions 157-58 none of them is mentioned.




390 ROY VILOZNY

friend of God, rejoice, I am cAh~ b. Abi Talib, the one you have

loved, I will indeed be of benefit to you".106

All of these factors combine to provide the best proof for the cor

rectness of one's faith: "And he will know with certainty that what he

believes in is the truth and that anyone who opposed his religion was

wrong and will perish".107 Naturally, the imam one follows during one's

life is a major part of one's faith, and if all of the above becomes man

ifest, it means that this imam was "a true imam" (imam sidq).m In

short, at the very edge of the hereafter, a second before passing away,

the true believer receives the most powerful proof of the truthfulness

of the faith to which he has adhered all his life.

As noted earlier, within the dualistic division of humanity into believ ers and unbelievers, when something positive is said about the Sfa, the

contrary is said about their opponents. This dualistic attitude is applic able also with reference to the concept of joy at the time of death.

The other side of the coin, then, is that however much the enemies of

the Slca hate the Sicf faith during their lifetime, their hatred of it will

increase dramatically as the time of their death approaches, while the

joy of the believers in their faith reaches its height.109

VI. The Afterlife

In the context of the Afterlife, safaca?the intercession on the Day of

Judgment?is one of the seminal issues examined in the book.110 Discussion

of the concept is carried out on two levels: the first, which is the usual

one, is the right for advocacy reserved for the Prophet and for the

imams on the Day of Judgment. The second, less familiar, is the right of the believer to intercede on behalf of his family, his friends and his

neighbors in the Afterlife.111



108 Ibid., pp. 131-32, tradition no. 152; On the ways to distinguish a true imam from

a false one, see Saffar al-Qumml, pp. 32-34; on the polarity between a true imam and

his community on one side and a false imam and his community on the other side, see: M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, p. 88.


110 On safdca see al-Barqi, pp. 139-41, traditions 183-93, and p. 142, tradition no.

198; M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis, index s.v "shafd'a". 111 The idea of safdca may also be related to the SlcI concept of sahada, according to

which all believers die as sahid-?, and therefore enjoy this privilege; according to the

Sunna, safdca is reserved only for the Prophet and the sahld-s. See above under "Death."




About the right of intercession reserved for the Prophet and the

imams, we learn the following from GaTar al-Sadiq's exegesis of the words from the famous ay at al-kursl: "Who is he who shall advocate in

front of him [God] only by his permission".112 GaTar al-Sadiq says sim

ply: "We are those who shall advocate".113 This idea does not seem

controversial and may well have been accepted by all SiTs. But when

GaTar al-Sadiq is asked whether the believer advocates on behalf of

his family, he answers: yasfacu fayusfacu (he will indeed advocate and his

advocacy will be accepted, in both the active and the passive forms of

the verb safafa) to emphasize the correctness of his answer.114 Both the

question and the answer seem to indicate that it was not so obvious

that an ordinary believer could enjoy this privilege. The believer's right to intercede on behalf of others is not limited

to his family, but extends to unbelievers sentenced to hell. If he wishes, the believer can rescue someone from hell by ordering one of the angels to release this person.115 The safaca of the believer seems to be a fur

ther central element in creating a perception of the world according to which believers are superior to unbelievers. To concretize this feel

ing, the dramatic scene of an unbeliever in hell seeking help from the

believer is sketched. This eschatological device may reflect an opposite reality?one in which the Sfls are regarded as inferior to others. Under

such circumstances, their only consolation is the expectation that it is

they who will have the upper hand in the Afterlife. As already shown, the destiny of both believer and unbeliever after

death is determined long before death occurs. In fact, all the stages through which one passes during one's existence, from creation through birth and life to death, affect one's destiny in the Afterlife in a very

significant way. Despite the great importance of one's fate in the Afterlife, it seems that one has very little chance of changing it. Like any other

stage, this final stage in the cycle of life plays a crucial role in the dualistic division of humanity: SlTs and all the rest. Eschatological

112 Qur'an 2: 255.

113 Al-Barqi, p. 140, tradition no. 184; for the same concept see also traditions 183,

187; the same idea is also expressed in Tafsir al-cAyydsi in a tradition ascribed to GaTar

al-Sadiq who explains that "we [i.e. the imams] are those who shall advocate", cited in M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis, pp. 185-86.


115 Ibid., tradition no. 192 and tradition no. 193 with some variants; see also Bihar,

VIII, 41-42, traditions 26 and 36.



392 ROY VILOZNY

traditions draw a clear line separating believers from unbelievers in the

hereafter.

According to traditions dealing with this issue, what happens in the

Afterlife can be divided into three distinct periods: The time between

death and resurrection, the eve of resurrection and resurrection itself.

The time between death and resurrection: When GaTar al-Sadiq is asked

about the location of the souls of believers and of unbelievers after

death, he chooses to draw the following mirror image: "The souls of

the believers are in rooms in heaven where they eat of its food and

drink of its beverages. They visit one another there and say: 'Oh, God, make the Hour of Resurrection come, so that you will fulfill for us

what you promised us.' [At the same time the souls of the unbeliev

ers] are in rooms in hell where they eat of its food and drink of its

beverages. They visit each other there and say: 'Oh, God, do not make

the Hour of Resurrection come, so that you will fulfill for us what you

promised us'".116 Anyone reading or listening to this tradition obtains a clear picture of the sharp difference between the two types of souls; the situation can be imagined without difficulty. One can even visual

ize the calm faces of the believers who look forward to the Day of

Resurrection, and the fearful faces of the unbelievers who are terrified

by the prospect of that day. The eve of resurrection: "There are no people who followed their imam

during this world who will not curse him and be cursed by him when

the Day of Resurrection comes, except for you and those who are in

the same state as you".117 Whereas in any other community the con

nection between the leader and his people will be denied by both sides

(since each side fears being held responsible for the deeds of the other), the Sici imam and his followers will remain faithful to one another on

this terrifying day. The way people behave at that time is regarded as

irrefutable proof of the falsehood or correctness of their faith.

Resurrection itself. As the following tradition, ascribed to GaTar al

Sadiq, demonstrates, the difference between the two groups is particu

larly dramatic during the time of resurrection itself: "Our partisans (sic atuna) will emerge from their graves upon white-winged she camels, their shoelaces will be of glittering light, they will be rid of miseries,

they will be supplied with sources of income, their sins will be hidden


117 Ibid., p. 108, tradition no. 42, ascribed to GaTar al-Sadiq.




and their fears will be calmed, they will be given safety and faith, and

all their sorrows will be gone. People [i.e. non-Sffs] will be afraid while

they shall not fear, people will grieve while they shall not grieve, as

they will be in the shadow of the throne of the Merciful [God] where a dining table will be set for them and they will eat of it while peo

ple are being judged".118

Conclusions

The analysis of Kitab al-Safwa wa l-Nur wa l-Rahma reveals two recur

ring themes: first, there is a clear line of separation between SiTs and

all others, based on the perception of Sfcism as the one true faith; sec

ond, reasonable explanation can be given for difficulties that reality may cause. Taken together, they make the superiority and exclusivity of the ShlcIs clear beyond any doubt.

Drawing a clear line of separation between Slcls and all others: The dualis tic perception of humanity as divided into two distinct groups perme ates every stage of life. The contrast between SiTs and non Slcis is

manifested in a number of ways: the materials from heaven out of

which the believer is created, as opposed to those from hell that are

used to create the unbeliever; the purity or impurity of birth that char acterizes each member of the two groups; the difference in life between those who love the family of the Prophet and those who do not, between those who are loyal to their imam and those who are not, and between the value of religious duties when performed by SlcTs as opposed to

their value when performed by others. Death provides a further exam

ple of this contrast: dying as a SiT differs in three essential aspects from

dying as a non-SfcI: the Sfci believer knows the imam, is filled with joy and automatically becomes a sahid. Finally, in the hereafter, the difference between the two groups is depicted in the colorful scene of resurrec

tion, in which the SiT triumph is complete. Providing a reasonable explanation for difficulties that reality may cause: The

ideal perception of the world does not always correspond to reality and sometimes the superiority or exclusivity of the SiT community is not

obvious. Sfcf tradition provides answers that attempt to resolve such

difficulties. Significant examples are the way the tradition deals with two disturbing problems: a Sicf whose character and behavior do not




394 ROY VILOZNY

live up to the ideal Srci standards, and the possibility that this exclu sive society is not free of adultery. In both cases, elegant solutions are

provided to preserve the special status of the SicI community. Ultimately, all the traditions in this book may be seen as building

blocks in the major task of proving that truth lies exclusively with the Sfcf faith. By maintaining, for instance, that certain Sfcf doctrines? such as loving the family of the Prophet or being loyal to the imam? are the fundamental elements of Islam, these traditions exclude from Islam anyone who is not a Sfi. Naturally, the best proofs for the valid

ity of the Sici faith and for the legitimacy of the Imamate are to be found in the eschatological traditions, in which the "real" balance between Sicfs and others, which might not exist in this world, can best be expressed.

In the light of these findings one cannot help wondering about the effect which the gap between ideal and reality has had on the Sici com

munity, particularly given their fate as a persecuted minority (at least

during some significant periods of their history). Could it be that the

Sfis see themselves as wronged not only because of their tragic his

tory but also because to this day they live in a world quite different from that described in their tradition? The question may then be asked as to what kinds of frustration and expectations for change might have

arisen as a result of this gap.

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