Health in Myth: A Survey of Health Themes in Filipino Supernatural and Superstition through the Functionalist Lens

____________________

A Research Paper

____________________

Submitted to Mrs. Suzanna Roldan

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Course

Sociology and Anthropology 112: Health, Culture, and Ecology

by

Benedicto P. Aguilar

September 2013

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS Sentence Outline i Introduction 1

a. Scope of the Study 2 b. Definition of Terms 3

Review of Related Literature 8 Discussion 10 Catalogue of Mythical Creatures 10

Engkanto Tamawo Onglo Tiyanak Kaibaan Duende Matanda sa Punso

Interviews 18

List of Treatments and Diagnostic Methods 19

Langis Pausok Hilot Patawas Luya Papel

Synthesis 22 Works Cited 24 Appendix 25

i

SENTENCE OUTLINE

Health in Myth: A Survey of Health Themes in the Filipino Supernatural and Superstition through the Functionalist Lens

Thesis Statement: Philippine culture is rich in supernatural lore. This research paper studies the immediate and inferred ethnomedical information from secondary and primary sources, and correlates them with known biomedical and social phenomena. This correlation will aid in understanding how participants of the Philippine culture categorize their experience, to facilitate communication with the traditionally-oriented Philippine population.1

I. Introduction A. There are numerous catalogues of Philippine folklore, of various focuses and

scopes; however it remains that little-to-no research has been done correlating folklore and biomedical knowledge.

B. This study conducts a secondary analysis2 of collections of (medical) folklore3; specifically, ethnomedical information from supernatural creatures, non-etiological legends, practices, and folktales. Furthermore, unstructured interviews were conducted of two individuals with unique experiences regarding Philippine endemic ethnomedicine. Aggregating this information triangulates the thesis statement and covers three levels of data as described by Cecil Helman4:

a. Collected practices attest to what people say they do; b. Albularyo interactions exhibit what people actually do; c. And catalogues of supernatural creatures, non-etiological legends,

and folktales imply what people really think or believe. C. The conclusions of the aggregated data are only suggested correlations, as the

researchers are not medical doctors; however the striking resemblance of certain circumstances vis-à-vis biomedical explanations cannot be denied. Furthermore because of the limited capabilities of the researchers, the scope of the research is broad and relatively exhaustive, but is only satisfactory in depth.

II. Discussion A. Catalogued Ethnomedical Folklore B. Albularyo Practices

1 In definitions of Lingustics and Ethnomedicine. Ann McElroy and Patricia Townsend, Medical Anthropology in

Ecological Perspective, 5th

Ed., (Westview Press, 2008). 2 James Henslin, Down to Earth Sociology, (Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University, 1995).

3 CeIil Helﾏaﾐ, さNe┘ ReseaヴIh Methods iﾐ MediIal Aﾐthヴopologyざ, iﾐ Culture, Health, and Illness, (London: Hodder

Education, 2007). 4 Ibid.

ii

III. Synthesis A chart has been created to contract, condense, and compile the various sociological themes and possible biomedical and natural phenomena related with the supernatural lore surveyed.

IV. Research Abstract

This research paper studies twofold: 1) it compiles Philippine folklore and 2) using the functionalist lens examines the compiled information for ethnomedical data. Data was gathered from 1) various written works on Philippine folklore that have been collected and translated by different experts, and 2) interviews with two key informants that have had direct dealings with Philippine supernatural folklore. The study produces a chart compiling the various biomedical and social phenomena that are possibly related with the folklore compiled.

1

INTRODUCTION

Human beings are susceptible to various dangers, including: disease, malaise, or other

threats from nature. That human beings are macroorganisms5 only increases the number of

possible infectious agents. Furthermore, that human beings are the most populous

macroorganisms on earth means that disasters are bound to affect part of the population. Finally,

humans being creatures living in the natural environment means that interaction with other living

organisms that may jeopardize human health and endanger safety is unavoidable.

Over the course of history, however, the creation of the human artifice6 served and

continues to serve as a barrier from nature‟s threats, as buildings replace caves and trees for

shelter, agriculture replaces foraging and hunting for food, and the systematic development of

medicine protects increasingly against infectious agents.

Although in modern times operational definition and rationalization of natural

phenomena is far more favored, in the early society things whose exact workings could not be

easily explained due perhaps to a lack of previously established knowledge were regularly

attributed to supernatural causes. And although the pervading belief of modern society is

unquestionably in the empirical explanations of science the supernatural versions of explaining

phenomena continue to exist in the diagnoses of albularyos, in folk legends, and lore, as seen in

interviews with two individuals with key dealings with Philippine ethnomedical practices.

The examination of legends for their function is an established discipline. In excerpts

from Linda Degh‟s Folk Narrative,

Additional statements emphasize certain attributes of the legend: it is didactic (Theodor Benfrey), it is the archive of the prehistory of a people (Reinhold Kohler), it is a „dramatized

5 Cヴeatuヴes ┗isiHle to the ﾐaked eye. さMaIヴooヴgaﾐisﾏざ, Raﾐdoﾏ House DiItioﾐaヴy ヲヰヱン.

6 Human artifice; that is, the modified natural world, or the artificial world constructed by humans as fruit of their

┘oヴk. Haﾐﾐah Aヴeﾐdt, さLaHoヴ, Woヴk, aﾐd AItioﾐざ, in The Human Condition, (Chicago: The University of Chicago

Press, 1958)

2

superstition‟ (Karl Wehrmann), it belongs to the „naive uncritical learning of the folk in relating an extraordinary experience or event believed to be true‟ (Friedrich Ranke)…

One must agree with Leopold Schmidt who feels the legend has only content. The

Reason for telling a legend is… To educate people, to inform them about an important fact, to arm them against danger within their own cultural environment.

The legend explains an extraordinary phenomenon or a memorable event, it

communicates traditional learning and knowledge to the young and uninitiated, it advises people how to act in critical situations and warns them against doing the wrong thing. This educational essence is dramatized by an example that is the narrative content of the legend. The story does not have to be recited in full from the beginning to the end, for its components are traditionally known in the given community; hence the fragmentary and unfinished form of the legend narrative.7

Thus we delve into this inferred and direct ethnomedical information, to examine how

Filipinos understand health. The study will use the Functionalist Perspective to examine these

instituted superstitions, since the study will be attempting to draw correlations between

established biomedical, sociological, and/or natural phenomena with Filipino superstition.

The discussion will be partitioned according to source of the myth. The three sources are:

creature catalogues, legends (superstitions), and interviews.

Scope of the Study

The study will draw its information from written works cataloguing the various

supernatural creatures and phenomena of the Philippines as stand-alones and as part of folk tales

and legends. It will also study the collected health practices present in literature. Finally

interviews from various individuals with unique dealings with facets of Filipino superstitious

phenomena that relate to health will be discussed.

7 Linda Degh, ed. Richard M. Dorson, Folk Narrative, in Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1972), 53-83.

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Definition of Terms

Functionalist Perspective

Largely advanced by Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Talcott Parsons, and Robert

Merton, an aggregate definition is provided by Mooney, Knox, and Schacht in Understanding

Social Problems:

…society is a system of interconnected parts that work together in harmony to maintain a state of balance and social equilibrium for the whole. For example, each of the social institutions contributes important functions for society: Family provides a context for reproducing, nurturing, and socializing children; education offers a way to transmit a society‟s skills, knowledge, and culture to its youth… and religion provides moral guidance and an outlet for worship of a higher power.8

Simply put, everything in society has a function, or purpose, that serves the society in

some way. Under this perspective, supernatural beliefs, lore, and legends are instituted by society

for a specific purpose.

Ethnomedical Information

McElroy and Townsend describe the discipline of ethnomedical research as

…the attempt to discover the insider‟s knowledge in various systems of healing. Researchers in this subfield are likely to concentrate on traditional healers such as shamans and bonesetters, but studies of contemporary alternative therapies, medical pluralism, and ethnopharmacology reflect the breadth of this approach.9

We assert in our research paper that there are two kinds of ethnomedical information:

immediate and implied ethnomedical information.

Immediate ethnomedical information

- Information about health explicitly for health, obtained directly from a source; i.e.

health practices, remedies, etc.

Implied ethnomedical information

8 Linda Mooney, David Knox, Caroline Schacht, Understanding Social Problems, (Belmont: Cengage Learning, 2013),

9. 9 Ann McElroy and Patricia Townsend, Medical Anthropology in Ecological Perspective, 5

th Ed., (Westview Press,

2008).

4

- Information about health inferred from sources that do not pertain to health, but

have data that can be viewed in light of health. E.g. how a manananggal causes

miscarriages.

With regards to implied ethnomedical information, care has been taken that the

information obtained is relevant, plausible, and specific.

- Relevant: obscure cause-and-effect of a hardly-known mythical creature is not

studied in this research.

- Plausible: analyses in this paper is grounded firmly in the functionalist

perspective to avoid overreading.

- Specific: many supernatural creatures kill people. Only the creatures that inflict

observable phenomena that may be correlated with biomedical information are

included in this research.

Secondary Analysis

Per James Henslin,

Secondary analysis… analyzes data already collected by others. For example, if you were to examine the basic data gathered by the intervieweres who did the national crime survey... you would be doing secondary analysis… [Data] gathered may contain a wealth of information not pertinent to the purposes of those who did the original study. It simply lies there, waiting to be analyzed.10

For example: the Onglo, a Bicolano monster, contributes nothing in terms of

ethnomedicine, on the first level of Helman‟s data. However looking closely we find that the

Onglo, a small hairy creature that causes virulent itching via its hairs, does in fact have medical

value.

Simply put, legends, folklore, and mythical creature catalogues are examined under the

functionalist lens, and the ethnomedical value is extracted.

10

James Henslin, Down to Earth Sociology, (Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University, 1995).

5

Legend

Friedrich Ranke, a German legend scholar, defines the legend:

The legend… is associated with a definite place that happens at a definite time, or in any case at a time not differently constituted than our own; i.e. in historical time; the tale is idealistic in its conduct; the realistically kept legend likes to narrate especially unsuccessful attempts to raise treasure, deliverance, and the like and with a frightful often tragic ending.11

Damiana Eugenio classifies legends into two groups: etiological (explanatory), and non-

etiological legends. Etiological legends include stories of the origins of land formations

(mountains, caves, islands), bodies of water, animals (beasts, birds, fishes, insects), plants (trees,

flowers, fruits), and of place names; also of why things are (plant and animal characteristics).12

Non-etiological legends include “heroic” legends, religious legends, legends of

supernatural beings, and miscellaneous legends.13

Folk Tale

Ranke, again:

…the tale consists of a great number of motifs, or smallest narrative units, which are combined artistically and progresses, in the manner of a novel, to an outcome… the folktale takes place almost always in a fairyland that never and nowhere existed and in an ideal fairytale time.14

Ranke also asserts that the folk tale is usually longer than the legend; formal differences

that are indicative of deeper inherent differences in the nature of the two genres. The legend

gives not only a formal artistic report of the truth; it is, for the narrating folk, nothing less than a

report of some real occurrence. Folk tales also demand belief; it also wishes, at least for the

duration of the narration, to draw the listener into its realm, wishes to be experienced “as if it

were true,” but this truth lies on a plane different from that of the legend: the tale, like a poem, 11

Friedrich Ranke, ed. John Meier, Sage, in Deutsche Volkskunde, (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1926),

193. 12

Damiana L. Eugenio. Philippine Folk Literature: The Legends. (Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines

Press, 1996), xxii. 13

Friedrich Ranke, ed. John Meier, Sage, in Deutsche Volkskunde, (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1926),

193. 14

Ibid.

6

demands truth only in the artistic sense. The truth of a tale, therefore, lies on the plane of art; the

truth of legend on the plane of belief or knowledge.15

Jacob Grimm differentiates in different terms:

Looser, less fettered than legend, the fairy-tale lacks that local habitation, which hampers the legend, but makes it more homelike. The fairy-tale flies, the legend walks, knocks on at your door; the one can draw freely out of the fullness of poetry, the other has almost the authority of history.16

Lore

Refers to knowledge possessed by a specific culture. Possibly not common

knowledge; i.e. this information may only be present within certain repositories such as

elders. However when a member of the culture is asked about the information, that

member readily ascribes ownership of this information by means of their culture.

An example: the angongolod17, a beast of Bicolano lore, is not readily known to

some from Albay. However when the creature was described to a Bicolano respondent its

legend is indeed familiar.

Mythological Creature

A cryptid18; that is, a creature whose legitimacy is not agreed-upon by the general

scientific community. These creatures usually have some striking characteristic, or

supernatural power, or a combination of both. However being part of local legend, these

creatures are believed to exist, to some extent, by the participants of the culture. This

15

Ibid, 194. 16

Ed. And translated by Donald Ward, The German Legends of the Brothers Grimm: Vol. II, (Philadelphia: Institute

for the study of Human Issues, 1981). 17

A cat-like creature that stalks riverbanks. It enjoys eating olod (worms). It can transform someone into a tree by

hugging him. Eden K. Nasayao, Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition, (Arimbay, Legazpi City:

Hablong Dawani Publishing House, 2010), 110. 18

さCヴyptozoologyざ, The “keptiI’s DiItioﾐaヴy, last ﾏodified ヱヰ/ン/ヲヰヱヱ, aIIessed ヲヱ/9/ヱン, http://skepdic.com/crypto.html.

7

paper asserts that some of these creatures may be institutions of society that serve some

function, usually didactic.

Albularyo

From the Western word, herb, this word has come to mean faith healer in Filipino

parlance.

8

Review of Related Literature

Isabelo de los Reyes, a prominent Filipino labor union leader and politician in the

American period wrote a book on Filipino folklore, El Folk-Lore Filipino. Originally written in

Spanish and written in the style of a journal, the scope of its topics is wide in breadth, and the

discussion on each topic is given extensive depth with adequate personal insight by the author.

However the folklore described in the collection often do not have anything to do with each

other; the best term to describe it would be a collage. Still, it remains that valuable information,

i.e. immediate and inferred ethnomedical information can be obtained from this book.

Maximo Ramos, a noted author and poet, was particularly interested in Philippine

supernatural creatures. He wrote various collections of folklore regarding the various

supernatural creatures around the Philippines. His work, Creatures of Lower Philippine

Mythology, describes thoroughly a large number of supernatural creatures. Another one of his

books, The Creatures of Midnight¸ is more like a children‟s book. However, Maximo Ramos is

successful in distilling the essential facts about the creatures he catalogues. Thus the information

in The Creatures of Midnight is of no less value.

The book Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition by Eden Nasayao of

Bicol University is a product of excellent ethnographic research. Responses from hundreds of

Bicolanos are catalogued in this volume: cultural information is complete and in-depth. It

includes medical folklore, as well as a catalogue of Bicolano mythological creatures.

Damiana Eugenio wrote a series of compilations of Philippine literature, including

Philippine Folk Literature: An Anthology,and Philippine Folk Literature: The Legends. Both of

these were used heavily as references in this research. In particular the latter describes in detail

various nuances of Philippine supernatural creatures.

9

Albercio Rotor compiled in his book, Living with Folk Wisdom, various immediate

ethnomedical information from different parts of the Philippines. The grammar in the book is

wanting; however the research does not lack in terms of content

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DISCUSSION

This discussion is in two parts: the study of catalogued ethnomedical folklore (implied

and immediate), and the analysis of interviews conducted with two key informants that have had

experiences with Philippine supernatural folk healing practices.

Catalogue of Ethnomedical Folklore

There are a multitude of written catalogues of Filipino supernatural creatures. Although

not immediately evident, there are relationships between supernatural creatures and health. In

this the supernatural creatures become cultural metaphors for the adverse health effects of actual

natural and biomedical phenomena.19 This section of the discussion will discuss these

relationships further. The information in this section is obtained from the study of collections of

descriptions of the supernatural creatures, as well as legends and folktales involving them.

The functionalistic analysis is conducted, however, with three premises:

- The researchers are undergraduate students. Any correlation between folklore and

ethnomedical or social phenomena are established by comparing two affirmed and

established sources of information.

- The correlation between folklore and biomedicine/sociology is established by the

researchers by describing certain similarities between the two subjects. There was

no attempt to quantify research data, and all correlation is based on qualitative

19

This notion is plausible. Metaphors that use natural phenomena to impart information; e.g. riddles (butong) and

sayings (salawikain) are more heavily used in Philippine literature versus other cultures. Damiana L. Eugenio.

Philippine Folk Literature: An Anthology, 2nd

Edition, (Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press,

2007), xxxv-xxxviii.

11

descriptions and observation; thus it is possible that the correlation may not be

present when evaluated by other individuals.

- In relation with the second, the researchers are outsiders of the cultures studied.

That is, the creatures described within the research, by nature, are believed in by

the participants of their culture. By no means is the correlation established by the

researchers an end-all-be-all explanation of the creatures; it only shows the

similarities between two recorded phenomena.

These three established premises were considered when formulating the discussion, and

should be kept in mind.

Engkanto

Classified by Maximo Ramos as elves, Engkanto/Engkantada (Encanto/Encantada) are:

Fair-skinned, handsome, sometimes blond mythological beings who have been seen singly or in families but seldom as communities. They are usually diminutive but in some instances are taller than the average Filipino. They live in trees and are resentful of man‟s intrusion into their realm. On occasion, they engage in pranks and they often become friendly enough to give human beings useful presents.20

For expediency, in this paper Engkantos will refer to both the male and female variety.

There are various ethnomedical and social phenomena attributable to Engkantos:

A. Engkanto enchantments can cause madness in mortals; subsequent succumbing to the

enchantment of the Engkanto (usually because the Engkanto falls in love with the

human) will cause the human to disappear from the world of men.21

20

Maximo Ramos, The Aswang Syncrasy in Philippine Folklore. (paper presented at the Philippine Folklore Society,

paper no. 3, 1971). 21

Damiana L. Eugenio. Philippine Folk Literature: The Legends, (Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines

Press, 1996), xxxvii-xxxviii.

12

- In synthesis, that Engkantos are often foreign and western-looking, coupled with

the precaution that falling in love with an Engkanto will induce madness and

disappearance, could indicate xenophobia.22 This in turn encourages

ethnocentrism, developed perhaps by participants of a culture to defend the best

interests of their group.23

B. Engkantos are the cause of Albinoism in Bicolano folk belief.24

- This could lead to the social rejection of individuals with albinoism.25

Tamawo

These are Engkanto as called by inhabitants of the Western Visayas region.26 They

purportedly live in trees. They offer black rice and yellow roots for food, which if consumed will

keep the person in the tree-kingdom indefinitely.27

A millipede, common in the Philippines, resembles this description very closely, and can

be considered for correlation.

Generally, in the animal kingdom, black and yellow are warning colors indicating the

creature is poisonous; the phenomena of pigmentation announcing un-palatability is termed

aposematism.28 Ingestion of this millipede (commonly found crawling on the forest floor) might

lead to adverse effects. It requires no stretch of imagination: a boy, lost and hungry from playing 22

That is, if you go with an outsider, you go insane. Jonathan Crush and Sujata Ramachandran, Xenophobia,

International Migration, and Human Development, (United Nations Development Programme Research Paper,

2009). 23

Qingwen Dong, Kenneth D. Day, and Christine M. Collaco, Overcoming Ethnocentrism through Developing

Intercultural Communication, Sensitivity, and Multiculturalism, (Stockton, California: University of the Pacific,

2008), 28-38. 24

Eden K. Nasayao, Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition, (Arimbay, Legazpi City: Hablong Dawani

Publishing House, 2010), 115 25

さThe Paiﾐ of “oIial RejeItioﾐざ, AﾏeヴiIaﾐ PsyIhologiIal AssoIiatioﾐ, last ﾏodified Apヴil ヲヰヱヲ, aIIessed 22/9/2013, http://www.apa.org/monitor/2012/04/rejection.aspx. 26

Ibid. 27

Maximo Ramos, The Creatures of Midnight, (Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, 1990). 28

Luka Kassarov, Is Aposematism A Valid Concept in Predator-Prey Relationships between Birds and Butterflies? A

Different Point of View. (Florida, 2001), 1-15.

13

too long in the woods, decides to stop under a tree; in his hunger he consumes rolled-up yellow-

and-black millipedes, and disorientation as side effect of the arthropods‟ toxicity lead to the

warped perception of time.

Thus the story becomes a didactic instrument formulated by traditional Philippine society

to teach children: do not consume black and yellow rice-looking objects. Although the shape

suggested by the myth points towards millipede, the toxicity of the colors black and yellow are

implied and imprinted into the mind.

Onglo

From Bicolano lore, the Onglo is a short humanoid creature covered in hair. It is detected

even from a distance because of its fetid smell. It has clawed feet, and long sharp fingernails.

Some tell of its upper half being humanoid and its lower half being that of a horse. It feeds on

food left out to dry in the sun, like dried fish. Its most famous characteristic is that a single touch

can cause itching all over the body of a human.29

Caterpillars seem to partially fit this description, and may be the source of part of the

legend. Some caterpillars raise their torsos in an effort to appear larger to predators. This,

coupled with how some caterpillars have false faces to draw predators away from the real head,

may create the half-horse half-humanoid creature of legend. However upon immediate inspection

of the myth a caterpillar‟s size is definitely short of a foot. In fact the largest known caterpillar is

only 6 inches.30 Moreover, caterpillars do have clawed feet, and long sharp fingernails.

29

Eden K. Nasayao, Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition, (Arimbay, Legazpi City: Hablong Dawani

Publishing House, 2010), 115. 30

さCitheronia Regalis Mothざ, aIIessed ヱ9/9/ヱン, http://www3.islandtelecom.com/~oehlkew/Cregalis.htm.

14

But the remaining 6 inches may be attributed to literary hyperbole, similar to the Tall

Tale effect where size is very often exaggerated.31

In this myth the bodily itching and putrid smell will be examined. Caterpillars commonly

possess urticating hairs, which cause extreme itching, skin irritations and damage to eyes and the

respiratory system. These hairs serve as the caterpillar‟s defense during its development stage

before maturing into a butterfly.32

It is interesting to note that physical contact with the caterpillar is not always necessary

for the transmission of *urticating hairs. Even wind in the direction of the person may bring hairs

from the caterpillar to the person.33

The hairiness-to-itchiness of the creature is central to the legend. This could imprint the

association of hair on small creatures being potentially irritating to skin and bodily orifices,

cautioning individuals away from potential irritants.

A catalogued remedy for the itching induced by the Onglo is the usage of long hair to

brush the itchiness away.34 With regards to remedying irritating hair from caterpillars, Albercio

Rotor in his research suggests using melted candle wax on the afflicted area. After hardening the

candle wax encases the caterpillar hair; thus peeling off the wax removes the caterpillar hair as

well.35

31

The Tall Tale Effect is the exaggeration of certain details of a story, for entertainment value. さWhat is a Tall Tale?ざ, WiseGeek.Ioﾏ, last ﾏodified ヲヰヱン, aIIessed ヱ9/9/ヱン, http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-a-tall-tale.htm. 32

さUヴtiIatiﾐg Cateヴpillaヴsざ, PuHliI Health Pest Coﾐtヴol, aIIessed ヱ9/9/ヱン, http://entomology.ifas.ufl.edu/fasulo/vector/chapter_07.htm#four. 33

Eden K. Nasayao, Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition, (Arimbay, Legazpi City: Hablong Dawani

Publishing House, 2010), 115. 34

Ibid, 74. 35

Albercio Rotor, Living with Folk Wisdom, (Manila: UST Publishing House, 2008), 84.

15

Tiyanak

Known throughout the Philippines, the Tiyanak (Tianac, Tianak) disguises itself as a

baby by lying on the forest floor and crying. If picked up it transforms into a hideous creature

that bites the person. Notably some assert that the creature will suck the life force out of you, and

you die.36

The Philippine Long-Tailed Macaque may explain some of the legend. Monkeys are

endemic to all parts of the Philippines, although they have gone extinct in most of their natural

habitats due to deforestation. Although likening a monkey‟s calls to the crying of a baby is a

stretch of the imagination, it is less challenging to imagine a monkey lying on the ground as a

baby.37

Notably, it is possible for monkeys to be vectors of various diseases. Rabies is a likely

candidate for the disease that “sucks the life out” of people. This, and the high mortality rate of

untreated rabies, heightens the importance of preaching caution against the Tiyanak. That

monkeys are found in almost all forested areas of the Philippines strengthens the case of the

Tiyanak being a community-created didactic tool to teach children caution for monkeys, since

legends of Tiyanaks are similarly found across the Philippines. 38

Traditional medicine according to the research of Rotor prescribes garlic as an antiseptic,

particularly for dog bites. Ethnomedicine asserts that garlic specifically kills rabies.39

36

Maximo Ramos, The Creatures of Midnight, (Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, 1990). 37

さLoﾐg-Tailed MaIaケueざ, Pヴiﾏate Iﾐfo Net, last ﾏodified ヲヱ/ヱヱ/ヲヰヱヱ, aIIessed ヱ9/9/ヱン, http://pin.primate.wisc.edu/factsheets/entry/long-tailed_macaque. 38

Maximo D. Ramos, The Creatures of Midnight, (Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, 1990). 39

Albercio Rotor, Living with Folk Wisdom, (Manila: UST Publishing House, 2008), 94.

16

Kaibaan

Of Ilocano origin, the Kaibaan (Kibaan) is described as having inverted feet, long hair,

and invisibility. It is said to inhabit thickets. It falls in love with, serenades, and woos women,

but it is also known to woo men for friendship. Most notably, the Kaibaan is always the cause of

skin disease. Kaibaan when aggravated (spurning its friendship, or bothering it in the thickets)

blows a powder that causes an incurable skin disease. The only remedy is to return to the thicket

from where the person came to ask for forgiveness.40

Medical parlance may term this skin disease as dermatitis, although the nature of the skin

disease inflicted by the Kaibaan is not described in the literature thus any diagnoses is

necessarily rudimentary. However it remains that one of the most common causes of contact

dermatitis is poisonous plants. Thus it stands to sense that passing through a thicket may cause

contact dermatitis since the person passing risks coming into contact with these poisonous

plants.41

In summary, when someone is inflicted a disease by the Kaibaan, it may be that the

disease is some form of dermatitis caused by skin contact with a poisonous plant. Thus it may

help to return to where the person came into contact with the plant, as knowing what plant

caused the dermatitis may aid in administering a remedy.

Duende

Although the concept of dwarves, as duende (dwende) are characterized by Maximo

Ramos42, is not endemic to the Philippines, it is useful to note how Filipinos treat these creatures,

40

Isabelo de los Reyes, El Folk-Lore Filipino, translated by Salud Dizon and Maria Elinora Imson (Diliman, Quezon

City: University of the Philippines Press, 1994), 46-47. 41

さRash, Age ヱヲ aﾐd Oldeヴ: TopiI O┗eヴ┗ie┘ざ, WebMD, last modified 20/7/2010, accessed 21/9/13,

http://www.webmd.com/skin-problems-and-treatments/tc/rash-age-12-and-older-topic-overview. 42

Ibid.

17

as it is possible that duende are actually humans with dwarfism that are shunned by the

community.

If in fact duende as observed by early Filipino society are actually ostracized individuals

with dwarfism, then this has serious health implications on both the duende and the community

that ostracized the individual.

A human without a nurturing environment or at the very least a society to live in will

develop differently from a normal human, and the effect is almost certainly adverse. In this case,

that there are accounts of duende that socialize directly with humans lend credence to the theory

that duende may be ostracized humans. 43

This theory is admittedly rather far-fetched. But it remains that duende are most often

ugly, old, and male, and most certainly ascribes to the theory of social rejection, as any human

who may incidentally be ugly, male, old, and have dwarfism may experience social rejection.44

Matanda sa Punso (Nuno sa Punso)

Nuno sa Punso are classified by Maximo Ramos as varieties of Philippine dwarves, or

under duende. Nuno live in punso, or dirt mounds. Described in a legend:

…the punso or heap of earth was about three feet high and about six feet across; and it was oval. It had only a very small opening on one side. The only peculiarity it had was that the ground around it was always clean, as if someone had really swept the place.45

Nuno, generally malevolent, are said to be the cause of stiff necks, sore and swollen

limbs, inability to move upon waking, and accidents resulting to injuries. In fact, in some

43

さThe Paiﾐ of “oIial RejeItioﾐざ, AﾏeヴiIaﾐ PsyIhologiIal AssoIiatioﾐ, last ﾏodified Apヴil ヲヰヱヲ, aIIessed 22/9/2013, http://www.apa.org/monitor/2012/04/rejection.aspx. 44

Ibid. 45

It is of note that in this legend the nuno is female; similarly her motivations and activities are stereotypically

feminine (cleaning, laundry, etc.), as compared to male nuno that are usually driven by lust.

18

localities in the Philippines these afflictions are termed, namatanda.46 In this light nuno are of

special importance because they are the variety of duende that cause illness.

Common to all stories of the nuno is that they live in a punso, or mound. Notably, ants

and termites live in mounds. This, and that they cause swelling of the limbs, paints a picture: a

man, upon kicking an anthill, gets bitten by the inhabitants of the anthill (probably ants), and an

allergic reaction occurs resulting in the swelling of the foot.47 This, however, could not be

correlated by the researchers to sleep paralysis, stiff neck, and joint pain.

Interviews

For the purposes of this research, interviews from two informants with firsthand

experiences with traditional Filipino healers were collected for examination of the health

practices, to classify them thematically and correlate them with biomedical information.

Rubelyn Braga, Female of age undisclosed, works at a photocopy station at the Rizal

library of Ateneo de Manila University. She had experiences with both institutionalized and

traditional forms of medical treatment after her lower abdominal area expanded to 88cm.

Her experience with biomedicine left her wanting, as she was hospitalized for 15 days

without progress in her condition. She decided then to seek treatment elsewhere. Her friends

advised her to go to an albularyo, since she experienced no pain.

She consulted with four separate albularyos, each with their different diagnoses and

treatments.

46

Damiana L. Eugenio. Philippine Folk Literature: An Anthology, 2nd

Edition, (Diliman, Quezon City: University of the

Philippines Press, 2007), xxxix 47

さAlleヴgies to IﾐseIt “tiﾐgsざ, WeHMD, aIIessed ヲヲ/9/ヱン, http://www.webmd.com/allergies/guide/insect-stings.

19

Monalisa Ceba had albularyo grandparents and aunts. She says that the healing gift is

inherited. She describes in detail the various remedies and methods of her grandparents with

whom she had extensive dealings with, before they relocated to the province after their house

here was washed away during Ondoy.

List of Treatments and Diagnostic Methods

Langis

The affected area is rubbed with oil. This may have the same effect as topical pain-relief

ointments, such as Efficascent Oil, or Vick‟s Vapor Rub. Once the symptoms are masked, the

malady will appear cured to the patient.48

Pausok (Suob)

The patient is exposed to smoke from incense, bound palm leaves, or some other

flammable material, usually consisting of biomass. The smoke supposedly banishes the evil

spirits from the patient. A method analogous to this is that of fumigation, wherein a certain

exposed object is subjected to fumes that may have pesticidal properties. In this, it is possible

that the incense used to execute Pausok may have insect- and pest-repellent properties, that may

alleviate some illnesses or irritations caused by said malady vectors.49

Hilot

Hilot, Filipino for Massage, is the kneading of superficial layers of human flesh,

supposedly to remove kinks in muscles, remove any “cold” that might have entered the body,

48さEffiIasIeﾐt Oilざ, EffiIasIeﾐt oil, Last Modified ヲヰヱン, AIIessed ヲヲ/9/ヱン, http://www.efficascent.com/. 49

Questions & Answers Regarding Fumigation, State of California Department of Pesticide Regulation, 2005.

20

and set bones.50 Of course in traditional Filipino ethnomedical practice, according to Mona the

act of hilot is accompanied by spiritual exercises such as prayer and chanting.

Hilot as Massage does have biomedical bases; an in-depth study done by Weerapong,

Hume, and Kolt explains the various biomechanical effects of massage and its effects on

performance, muscle recovery, and injury prevention.51

Patawas

Candle wax is made to drip in a basin of water; the patterns formed are interpreted. The

interpretations supposedly tell of the disease. Although this has no direct correlation to

biomedicine, it is one of the Traditional Filipino methods of diagnoses, and is worth noting.

Luya (Luy-a)

A stick of ginger was cut in half; the patterns inside were used to diagnose. When Mona

had fever, she remembers that her grandparents would rub ginger on her forehead, recite a

prayer, and blow on her forehead while holding the ginger against it.

In this instance, ginger acts as a topical antipyretic. Its efficacy may follow the mold of modern

products such as KoolFever, that lend fever relief due to cooling sensation. Koolfever has proven

antipyretic capabilities, although the efficacy of ginger as a topical antipyretic has not been

measured empirically, and evidence for this is only anecdotal.52

Papel

50

Similar to bonesetters as described by McElroy and Townsend. Ann McElroy and Patricia Townsend, Medical

Anthropology in Ecological Perspective, 5th

Ed., (Westview Press, 2008). 51

Pornratshanee Weerapong, Patricia A. Hume, and Gregory S. Kolt, The Mechanisms of Massage and Effects on

Performance, Muscle Recovery, and Injury Prevention, (New Zealand: Institute of Sport and Recreation Research,

2005), 238-245. 52

KoolFever, accessed 22/9/13, http://www.mykoolfever.com/.

21

A piece of paper was dropped into a basin of water. After removing the piece of paper,

writing was found on the paper, which the albularyo interpreted.53 Again, there is no immediate

ethnomedical information to be gleaned from this, and it would be a stretch to infer any

ethnomedical information either. However, the relationship between the Albularyo and the

patient is highlighted in this example, and in the previous examples with Patawas and Luya: the

albularyo as being more knowledgeable, thus of higher status in this relationship, than the

patient. That the patient often has no idea what the diagnostic tools indicate, similar to how in

biomedicine certain medical terms are often obscure scholarly nomenclatures that need extensive

scientific training to interpret.54

53

Rubelyn seemed especially impressed by this. 54

“usaﾐ Doヴヴ Goold aﾐd MaIk Lipkiﾐ, Jヴ., さThe Doctor-Patient Relationship: Challenges, Opportunities, and

“tヴategiesざ, iﾐ Journal of General Internal Medicine, (Research presented in part at the SGIM Symposium on

Managed Care, Washington DC, 1997), S26-S33.

22

SYNTHESIS

A CATALOGUE OF CORRELATED ETHNOMEDICAL, BIOMEDICAL AND SOCIAL INFORMATION

In closing, the best way to implement the surveyed information is to compile the results.

As a concrete output, the researchers have created a chart including all the aforementioned

ethnomedical phenomena correlated with its biomedical counterparts and/or social implications.

Again, it should be noted that this study is conducted by undergraduates. The diagnoses

and prescriptions that follow should be interpreted only to enhance understanding. The final

verdict on diagnoses and prescription should still fall on the responsibility of a medical doctor.

Ethnomedical Phenomena Biomedical Counterpart, Correlated Social Theories/Implications

Remarks/Remedies

Engkanto/Engkantada Foreigners, Xenophobia, Ethnocentrism, Social Rejection

Tamawo Millipede/Poisonous Creature Consumption

Poison/venom treatment

Onglo Urticating hairs from insects Brush off using long hair, drip wax on affected area then peel wax off when dry

Tiyanak Monkey (may carry rabies) Garlic Kaibaan Allergenic creature, possibly

insect bite or poisonous plant; result is contact dermatitis

Perhaps, antihistamine

Duende Socal Rejection, Dwarfism

Nuno sa Punso Allergic reaction to insect bite Perhaps, antihistamine

Pausok Fumigation

Hilot Massage

Luya Topical Antipyretic, Diagnostic technique

Patawas, Papel, Traditional Diagnostic techniques; Doctor-Patient Relationship (Disparity)

23

Works Cited

American Psychological Association. “The Pain of Social Rejection” Last Modified April 2012. Accessed 22/9/2013. http://www.apa.org/monitor/2012/04/rejection.aspx.

Crush, Jonathan and Sujata Ramachandran. Xenophobia, International Migration, and Human

Development. United Nations Development Programme Research Paper, 2009. “Citheronia Regalis Moth”. accessed 19/9/13.

http://www3.islandtelecom.com/~oehlkew/Cregalis.htm. De los Reyes, Isabelo. El Folk-Lore Filipino. Translated by Salud C. Dizon and Mariana Elinora

P. Imson. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1994. Degh, Linda. Folk Narrative, in Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction. Edited by Richard M.

Dorson. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972. Dong, Qingwen, Kenneth D. Day, and Christine M. Collaco. Overcoming Ethnocentrism through

Developing Intercultural Communication, Sensitivity, and Multiculturalism. Stockton, California: University of the Pacific, 2008.

Eugenio, Damiana L. Philippine Folk Literature: An Anthology, 2nd Edition. Diliman, Quezon

City: University of the Philippines Press, 2007. Eugenio, Damiana L. Philippine Folk Literature: The Legends. Diliman, Quezon City:

University of the Philippines Press, 1996. Helman, Cecil. “New Research Methods in Medical Anthropology.” in Culture, Health, and

Illness. London: Hodder Education, 2007. Henslin, James. Down to Earth Sociology. Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University, 1995. Kassarov, Luka. Is Aposematism A Valid Concept in Predator-Prey Relationships between Birds

and Butterflies? A Different Point of View. Florida. 2001. McElroy, Ann and Patricia Townsend. Medical Anthropology in Ecological Perspective, 5th Ed.

Westview Press, 2008. Mooney, Linda, David Knox, and Caroline Schacht. Understanding Social Problems. Belmont:

Cengage Learning, 2013. Nasayao, Eden K. Bikol Beliefs and Folkways: A Showcase of Tradition. Arimbay, Legazpi City:

Hablong Dawani Publishing House, 2010. Public Health Pest Control. “Urticating Caterpillars”. Accessed 19/9/13,

http://entomology.ifas.ufl.edu/fasulo/vector/chapter_07.htm#four.

24

Ramos, Maximo D., The Aswang Syncrasy in Philippine Folklore. Paper presented at the

Philippine Folklore Society, paper no. 3, 1971. Ramos, Maximo D. The Creatures of Midnight. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, 1990. Ranke, Friedrich. “Sage”. In Deutsche Volkskund. Edited by John Meier. Berlin and Leipzig:

Walter de Gruyter 1926. Rotor, Albercio. Living with Folk Wisdom. Manila: UST Publishing House, 2008. The Skeptic‟s Dictionary. “Cryptozoology”. Last Modified 10/3/2011. Accessed 21/9/13.

http://skepdic.com/crypto.html. Ward, Donald, trans. The German Legends of the Brothers Grimm: Vol. II Philadelphia: Institute

for the study of Human Issues, 1981. WiseGeek.com. “What is a Tall Tale?”. Last modified 2013. Accessed 19/9/13.

http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-a-tall-tale.htm.

25

Appendix 1: Transcript of interview with Monalisa Ceba. My mother‟s family came from the province of Antique. They came to Manila in the 60‟s but

maintain properties and home in the province till today. My grandparents, then eventually my

aunt, mother side, are “albulario” (folk healer). The family believed this ability to be a gift

passed on to generation to certain family members.

I practically grew up experiencing the healing from them, from simple allergies to some severe

sickness.

Some of the “healing” methods they use (that I actually experience) are:

(among all other methods they use)

1. “Hilot”

2. “Luy-a”

3. “Tawas”

4. “Su-ob”

5. Alay or offering

They use these methods on different occasions, I am not definite when but always when we get

sick or have high fever that lasts for days. My mother would say when we call them for healing

and they see us and know what we feel, they probably know already which method would be the

best. Sometimes they do more than one.

“Hilot” (ancient Filipino massage, in so many forms) is what they usually do when we get fever

or influenza without cold. They said, since we were just kids and we move a lot we might have

26

broken or dislocated any bone part or might have traumatized some muscle. They do “Hilot” to

repair or for therapy. They would say some diagnoses such as “naipit na ugat” (some nerve

compression or crushed ligaments), dislocated bone/joints, tensioned or traumatized

muscle, “napasukan ng lamig” (which normally happens on one person‟s back), etc. These they

would know by touching the body and pointing to some suspected parts.

When I get headache or stomach ache, severe or not, but with fever, my “lola” would do “Luy-a”

(from the province local dialect, Kinaray-a). It‟s actually “luya” (Filipino translation for

ginger). Often she would not speak of the diagnosis but after administering this method she

would just say “you‟ll be ok soon”. How it is done? She cuts a piece of ginger (always from her

pocket, I don‟t know why!), then she would pray silently in front of the patient, very closely then

she would whisper on the head (almost forehead), then blow. Then draws cross on body parts

using the ginger while continue whispering prayers or maybe saying some rituals (of which I

could hardly hear & understand) for 5-10minutes. She would always go back to the head and

whisper then blow.

“Tawas” is like X-ray of the western medicine. They perform this when we get sudden sickness,

sudden rash, allergies, inflammation, swelling, etc. that cannot be explained.

With the use of basin, half-filled with water, candle, flame and metal.

She would always start praying or whispering, then heat the metal on the flame, then scratch the

candle (wax) on it so the candle melts and poured into the basin. The candle wax would cool

down and form some figures floating on the water. And from the figures, they would see

“something”. They read the figures and would know what happened to the sick

person. Sometimes they would say something about dwarves or some unknown and unseen

creatures that caused the sickness. And they would even tell the exact place from where it is.

27

Sometimes they would mention some women or men at certain place with some special powers

or say “nabati” or “nausog” or “nabalis” (from Wikipedia search results on “USOG”: Usog or

balis is a topic in psycho-medicine in Filipino Psychology (but considered just as a Filipino

superstition in Western Psychology) where an affliction or psychological disorder is attributed to

a greeting by a stranger, or an evil eye hex. It usually affects an unsuspecting child, usually an

infant or toddler, who has been greeted by a visitor or a stranger.[1] In some limited areas, it is

said that the condition is also caused by the stranger having an evil eye or masamang mata in

Tagalog, lurking around. This may have been influenced by the advent of the Spaniards who

long believed in the mal de ojo superstition.)

Then after the “tawas”, we‟ll be told of the cure. Sometimes, if the sickness is really severe, Lola

would ask us to “offer” something to the ones who caused the sickness. She would say that is an

act of being sorry for the bad thing done to them and if they forgive, after the offering, those

unseen creatures will remove the sickness like as if nothing happened.

“Su-ob” is done with rashes and allergies. We use incense (I remember 3 differently colored

small stones), piece of blessed palms (which is tied particularly in some manner) and fire for

burning them. Grandparents would say the smoke coming from it neutralizes the toxins or if

(again) caused by some unseen creatures, evaporates the bad spirits. Of course, this simple

burning of incense also has to go along with some praying and whisperings.

This practice is also given to women who just gave birth or delivered a baby. They say, it helps

remove all sorts of “cold” (not cold and phlegm) but excess air inside the body.

The sick or the mother would cover the entire body (naked) in a blanket, except the face so she

won‟t breathe in the smoke. And inside, the incense will be placed under the person

standing. The smoke will be absorbed by the body and goes out in the form of perspiration.

28

As for my experience, I‟ve been cured or healed by these methods.

(but of course, due to the influence of education and the western medicine...and in the more

logical way of thinking and understanding things, I can also say that I might have really been

cured by medicine).

However, even up to the present time, we still do and believe in these practices. Even my

cousins abroad, like in the US, when they get sick, they would call my Aunt to perform “tawas”

for them.

The people, I‟ve seen to have consulted my grandparents and even my aunt, mostly are the ones

who believed in these practices. There might be cases of those who do not believe but seemed to

have not much choice, one because of money (albulario, as the cheaper alternative for healing)

and another because of unexplained state of sickness of which albularios would have. (but

remember that even albularios would say no to those sickness that they can‟t really help with and

would encourage the sick to go to the medically educated doctor).