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Vol. 35, no 1 – October |Octobre 2011

Globalization, Powerand Politics

World Congress Now Every Two Years

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October 17

Montreal 2014, Istanbul 2016 – page 19

THE 2009-2012 IPSA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE COMITÉ EXÉCUTIF DE L'AISP 2009-2012

President | PrésidentLeonardo Morlino, Italy

Past President | Présidente sortanteLourdes Sola, Brazil

First Vice-President | Première vice-présidenteHelen Milner, USA

Vice-Presidents | Vice-présidentsWyn P. Grant, United KingdomMarian Sawer, Australia

Other members | Autres membresHyug Baeg Im, KoreaGiliberto Capano, ItalyVincent Hoffmann-Martinot, FranceMikhail Ilyin, RussiaSule Kut, TurkeyKia Lindroos, Finland Francisco José Llera, SpainIrmina Matonyte, LithuaniaJose Alvaro Moises, BrazilLeslie A. Pal, CanadaWerner J. Patzelt, GermanyTeresa Sasinska-Klas, PolandAiji Tanaka, Japan

International Political Science AbstractsDocumentation politique internationalePaul Godt, Editor | ÉditeurSerge Hurtig, Co-Editor | Co-éditeur

International Political Science ReviewRevue internationale de science politiqueYvonne Galligan, Editor | ÉditeurMark Kesselman, Editor | Éditeur

IPSA Online Portal | Portail en ligne AISPMauro Calise, Editor | Éditeur

Program Chair, XXIIst World CongressPrésident, Comité du programme du 22e congrès mondialWyn P. Grant

Research Committees' Liaison RepresentativeAgent de liaison des réseaux de chercheursRainer Eisfeld

IPSA Summer School CoordinatorCoordonnateur des écoles d'été de l'AISPDirk Berg-Schlosser

EDITORIAL OFFICE BUREAU DE RÉDACTION

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Participation is the annual publication of the International Political Science

Association. IPSA is an international non-profit scientific organization founded in

1949 under the auspices of UNESCO. Its objective is to promote the

advancement of political science. Its includes 3,600 individual members, 110

associate members and 52 national and regional associations. IPSA is a member

of the International Social Science Council and has consultative status with

UNESCO and the Global Development Network.

Participation est une publication de l’Association internationale de science poli-

tique (AISP) et paraît une fois par année. L'AISP est une organisation scientifique

internationale sans but lucratif fondée en 1949 sous les auspices de l'UNESCO.

Son objectif est de promouvoir le développement de la science politique. Elle

compte plus de 3600 membres individuels, 110 membres associés et 52 associa-

tions nationales et régionales. L'AISP est membre du Conseil International des

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About Us À propos

Participation Vol. 35, no 1

From the Editor | Éditorial2 Shifting Boundaries

Marian SAWER

Feature | Dossier3 The Dark Side of Globalization

Jorge HEINE Ramesh THAKUR

6 El lado oscuro de la globalizaciónJorge HEINE Ramesh THAKUR

9 Gender, Power and Global SocietyRaewyn CONNELL

12 Radical Right Parties in Europe: What, Who, Why?Cas MUDDE

16 The Power of Hate Speech in a Globalized WorldKatharine GELBER

IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP19 IPSA World Congress of Political Science Now Every Two Years!

Montreal 2014 & Istanbul 2016

20 107th IPSA Executive Committee Meeting (Seoul, South Korea)

IPSA Summer School

21 The IPSA-ECPR Joint Conference - Successful Conference in São Paulo, Brazil

IPSA at the 2011 ISA Convention in Montreal, Canada

22 IPSA Awards

24 IPSR Editor's Choice Collections - Regimes and Regime Change

Winners of the First Meisel-Laponce Award Announced

25 Co-Editor Sought for the International Political Science Review (IPSR)

26 National Association News Nouvelles des associations nationales

27 Research Committee NewsNouvelles des réseaux de chercheurs

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Contents Sommaire

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the redefining of the main ‘threat’ in terms of religion rather thanethnicity. Katharine Gelber looks at regulatory dilemmas posed byan increase in hate speech directed at Muslims and Middle-Easternminorities around the world. The anonymity, accessibility andtransnational character of the Internet make it a convenient platformfor hate speech. Not only is the Internet notoriously difficult to reg-ulate, minorities who feel targeted by anti-terrorism policies are lesslikely to utilise what regulation exists.

Our Participation authors provide a foretaste of the panels beingorganised around the Madrid Congress theme of ‘ReorderingPower, Shifting Boundaries’. IPSA members are becoming familiarwith our Congress logo, designed by Rajafetra Abraham ofMadagascar. It combines the colours of the Spanish flag with a dig-ital display evoking the global communications revolution. One ofthe articles in this issue of Participation is also presented inSpanish, courtesy of former IPSA Vice-President Jorge Heine. Itsignals the way IPSA is reaching out to its Spanish-speaking mem-bers who joined us for the Congress in Santiago de Chile and willbe such an important part of our Madrid Congress.

Of course the Congress is not the only thing happening at IPSA. Inthis issue you will read about the successful conference organisedtogether with the European Consortium for Political Research(ECPR) at the University of Sao Paulo in Brazil. Under the leader-ship of Dirk Berg-Schlosser, IPSA is also conducting summerschools in social research methods in the global south. Two summerschools have now been held in Sao Paulo and one in Stellenboschin South Africa.

There are a record number of new research committees — in theareas of Comparative Public Opinion (RC17), Elections, Citizensand Parties (RC23), Comparative Public Policy (RC30) and Qualityof Democracy (RC34). The new Elections RC is chaired by PippaNorris, co-winner of the Skytte Prize (see p. 8). It is being launchedwith a workshop on the Challenges of Electoral Integrity, immedi-ately before the Madrid Congress. Indicative of the richness ofofferings, it will clash with another workshop organised by IPSA’sthree gender research committees: ‘In this together? Women’smovements and the politics of intersectionality.’

And that’s not all! IPSA has joined the social networking worldwith its Facebook page and Twitter account (www.facebook.com/ipsa.aisp and twitter.com/#!/ipsa_aisp) as has the IPSA Portal(www.facebook.com/ipsaportal and twitter.com/#!/IPSAtweets)! Sowe are now well and truly part of the digital revolution as well asanalysing it. But please remember to get your abstracts/paper pro-posals in for the Congress next year so we can all meet again face-to-face.

Marian SAWERIPSA Vice-President and Chair of the Committee on Publications

Shifting Boundaries

In the run-up to our Madrid Congress next year, Participationhas commissioned articles dealing with the reconfiguring ofpower in a globalized world. As we say in our statement of the

Congress theme, every boundary is both an expression and exerciseof power. Our authors show how boundaries have been shifting notonly in the world but also in the discipline. While the study ofpower has always been central to political science, political scien-tists are now using broader conceptions of power to study phenom-ena such as the dynamics of globalization, the production of thegender order or language as the bearer of power relations.

In this issue Jorge Heine and Ramesh Thakur argue that the com-pression of time and space has yet to be matched by adequate formsof global governance to control its dark side. The spatial dynamicsneed to be understood if the collective action problems are to besolved. Raewyn Connell looks at how globalization reproduces gen-dered relations of power, whether within international relations,international political economy or transnational organizational cul-tures and how it generates feminist resistance in all parts of theworld.

Moving to a more traditional subject for political scientists, CasMudde presents new perspectives on the populist parties of the rad-ical right that have emerged in response to globalization. Theseinclude the relationship between the radical right and religion, and

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expeditions (e.g. the Silk Road). Inter-national trade, as a proportion of total pro-duction in the world econo-my, was about the same inthe 1980s as in the last twodecades of the GoldStandard (1890-1913). Theprocess itself is thus notfundamentally new. Yet, thecurrent era of globalizationis unique in the rapidity ofits spread and the intensityof the interactions in realtime that obtain.

The primary dimension ofglobalization concerns theexpansion of economicactivities across state bor-ders, which has producedincreasing interdependencethrough the growing vol-ume and variety of cross-border flows of finance, investment, goodsand services, and the rapid and widespreaddiffusion of technology. Other dimensionsinclude the international movement ofideas, information, legal systems, organi-zations and people, as well as culturalexchanges.

The Dark Side ofGlobalization

Globalization refers both to the processand to the results or end-state. As a project,it refers to the vision of an idealized end-state and the initiation of particularprocesses in order to hasten the achieve-ment of that end-state by those whoembrace the vision. Thus, globalization isnot a ‘natural’ process; rather, it is broughtabout by human beings for the achieve-ment of certain specific aims. This is whatmakes the political dimension of global-ization so critical and why political scien-tists and political sociologists have madesuch a significant contribution to its study.Among the first, the work of David Held,(see especially his co-authored book withAnthony McGrew, David Goldblatt andJonathan Perraton, Global Transforma-tions: Politics, Economics and Culture(1999); among the latter, Manuel Castellsdeserves special mention. His trilogy onThe Information Age: Economy, Societyand Culture (The Rise of the NetworkSociety, The Power of Identity, and End ofMillennium) has been described as havingdone for the Third Industrial Revolution(that triggered the current wave of global-ization) what Karl Marx’s three volumes ofDas Kapital did for the first, and not with-out reason. Few theorists have captured so

well the underlying dynamics and signifi-cance of an age as Castells has with ours.

Globalization is not uncontrolled. Themovement of people remains tightlyrestricted. The flow of capital is highlyasymmetrical. The benefits and costs of

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Jorge HEINE Ramesh THAKURChair in Global Governance Professor of International Relations Balsillie School of International Asia Pacific College of Diplomacy,Affairs Australian National University

Although we may not have yet reached‘the end of history’, globalization has

brought us closer to ‘the end of geography’as we had known it. The effective, ‘real’cost of a telephone call from New Delhi toDenver is no different from the one madefrom New Delhi to Mumbai. The compres-sion of time and space triggered by theThird Industrial Revolution – roughly,since 1980, when the first personal com-puter and round-the-clock television newsfrom CNN came on the market – haschanged our interactions with the interna-tional environment. Information technolo-gy (IT) and telematics have been bringingthe world closer together and deterritorial-izing it. For many, globalization – theintensified cross-border exchange ofgoods, services, capital, technology, ideas,information, legal systems, and people – isboth desirable and irreversible, as theengine of a rising standard of livingthroughout the world. Others recoil fromglobalizaton as the soft underbelly of cor-porate imperialism that plunders and prof-iteers on the back of rampant con-sumerism.

From one point of view, globalization hasbeen occurring since the earliest trade

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Features | Dossiers Participation Vol. 35, no 1

linking and delinking are unequally dis-tributed. Industrialized countries are mutu-ally interdependent; developing countriesare largely independent in economic rela-tions with one another; and developingcountries are highly dependent on industri-alized countries. Contrary to public per-ceptions, compared to the postwar period,the average rate of growth decelerated dur-ing the age of globalization: from 3.5 percent per annum in the 1960s, to 2.1, 1.3and 1.0 in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s,respectively.

There is also a growing divergence inincome levels between countries and peo-ples, with widening inequality amongand within nations. Assets andincomes are more concentrated. Wageshares have fallen. Profit shares haverisen. Capital mobility alongsidelabor immobility has reduced the bar-gaining power of organized labor.The rise in unemployment and theincrease in informal sector employmenthas generated an excess supply of laborand depressed real wages in many coun-tries.

In the developed countries, too, globaliza-tion has been blamed for the destruction ofthe manufacturing base and a ‘scam’ bycorporations to exploit cheap labor. Thewidespread public anger against top finan-cial and banking executives in 2009–10was rooted in a powerful sense of unfair-ness at the stringent austerity measuresimposed on workers and retirees while thesenior executives continued to awardthemselves lavish bonuses. The result was

that at the January 2010 World EconomicForum gathering in Davos – the very sym-bol and bastion of globalization – some ofthe most powerful delegates challenged thebasic tenets of globalization.

Thus, globalization creates losers as wellas winners. It entails risks as well as pro-viding opportunities. The problems lie notin globalization per se, but, rather, in thewords of an International Labor Organiza-tion (ILO) report, in the ‘deficiencies in itsgovernance’. The deepening of povertyand inequality – prosperity for a few coun-tries and people, marginalization andexclusion for many – has implications for

social and political stability among as wellas within states. The rapid growth of glob-al markets has not seen a parallel develop-ment of social and economic institutions toensure balanced, inclusive and sustainablegrowth. Labor rights have been less sedu-lously protected than capital and propertyrights, and global rules on trade andfinance are inequitable. This has asymmet-ric effects on rich and poor countries.

Even before the global financial crisis(GFC), many developing countries wereworried that globalization would impingeadversely on economic sovereignty, cultur-al integrity and social stability. ‘Interde-pendence’ among unequals translates intothe dependence of some on internationalmarkets that function under the dominanceof others. The GFC confirmed that absenteffective regulatory institutions, markets,states and civil society can be over-whelmed by rampant transnational forces.

Globalization has brought many benefits.The proportion of people under the pover-ty line in the world has dropped consider-ably since 1980. This has been driven inpart by the high rates of growth in Asia –especially, but not only, in the Asian giants,China and India. The rise of these andother emerging powers like Brazil, SouthAfrica, Turkey and Indonesia, is not unre-lated to the capacity of these nations tonavigate the treacherous waters of anincreasingly globalized economy. Thereare countless ways in which the internetand IT have facilitated access and made thelife of peasants and poor people across thedeveloping world easier and better.

There is, however, another side, what wehave chosen to call the ‘dark side’ of glob-alization, that is, the negative forcesunleashed as a result of the compression oftime and space made possible by moderntechnology. The forces of globalizationhave also created the infrastructure of anuncivil society and accelerated theonslaught of transnational flows of terror-ism, drug trafficking, organized crime anddiseases like AIDS. By ‘uncivil society’ werefer to a wide range of disruptive andthreatening elements that have emerged inthe space between the individual and thestate, and that lie outside effective statecontrol. It merges into the ‘dark side of

globalization’ as it becomes transna-tionalized. This is the subject of ourbook, The Dark Side of Globalization(2011). The growth of these transna-tional networks threaten state institu-tions and civil society in many coun-tries.

What to do?What can developing nations do to managethe challenges of globalization?

The outright rejection of globalization anda retreat into autarky is neither practicalnor desirable: who wants to be the nextMyanmar or North Korea? As one wag hasput it, opposing globalization is likeopposing the sun coming up every morn-ing, and about as fruitful. Another extremeis the full embrace of globalization with allit entails, somewhat along the lines of whatcountries like Ecuador and El Salvador didat one point in the early 2000s by adoptingthe US dollar as their national currencyand giving up a monetary policy of theirown. This challenge is not limited tonations of the global South. Who wants tobe the next Iceland, Greece or Ireland? Thenotion that endless liberalization, deregu-lation and relaxation of capital and all bor-der controls (except labor) will assure per-petual self-sustaining growth and prosperi-ty has proven to be delusional. The threeBaltic nations that embarked on this course(Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) – to which,for good measure, they added the flat tax –all had double-digit negative growth in2009. This was followed in 2010 (andagain in 2011) by the repeated debt crisesof Greece that threatened the viability ofthe entire Eurozone.

Most observers would agree with theproposition that to cope effectively withthe forces of globalization, developingnations need policies that are somewherein between those two extremes. Loweringall barriers to the tides of the global econ-omy may end up drowning much of local

...globalization createslosers as well as winners.

5production. Raising barriers that are toohigh may be counterproductive, if notfutile. Countries that find the golden mid-dle, like Chile and Singapore, tend tothrive, channeling the enormous opportu-nities offered by an expanding world econ-

omy for the benefit of their citizens. Thosethat do not, like many in Central andWestern Africa, are marginalized and leftbehind, if not taken over by the ‘dark side’of globalization.

The challenge posed by globalization is adouble one. On the one hand, it is vital fornations today to harness the positive forcesof cross-border flows for their own benefit.Many opportunities that were unavailablebefore have now come to the fore. Micro-states like Antigua and Barbuda, for exam-ple, have found a niche in such specializedand even arcane activity as internet gam-bling, something that did not even exist asrecently as twenty years ago. This entailsfinding the right if difficult balancebetween openness and regulation and tokeep a watchful eye on transborder crimesthat thrive in the interstices of the nationaland the international, and that have beenfacilitated by technological progress.Facilitating trade can also be a way offacilitating smuggling – of guns, illegaldrugs, or people. Illicit trade, accountingfor 10 per cent of global economic productaccording to some estimates, could begrowing at seven times the rate of growthof legal trade.

The growth in transnational flows has notbeen matched by an equivalent growth inglobal governance mechanisms to copewith them and with what they entail. Inaddition to the challenge posed by global-ization to individual states, there is a ‘col-lective action’ problem. No single state canhope to deal successfully with globalwarming or with international crime syndi-cates. And yet the very nature of the struc-ture of globalized networks, which inter-twine global actors and interests, ensuresthat no single power is able to maintain itsposition within this newly emerging globaldisorder without making compromiseswith other global players.

In Africa, home to 36 of the world’s 50least developed countries, state weaknessoften has opened the door to transnationalcrime and terrorism. Garth le Pere andBrendan Vickers highlight six pathologiesthat are particularly prevalent across

Africa: illegal exploitation of naturalresources, terrorism, the drug trade, illegalmigration and human trafficking, gun run-ning, and money laundering. They positthat transnational criminal activity, as wellas terrorism, has ‘become inextricablyinterwoven in the fabric of globalization’.According to some, Guinea Bissau hasalready become the world´s first narco-state.

One response to global governance gapsthat have made these illegal activities pos-sible has been regional governance. Thetransfer of state functions to supranationalforms of regional governance couldenhance the capacity of individual states tocombat uncivil society. The sharing ofexpertise, institutions, policy tools, person-nel and other resources can go a long wayin stemming the tide of unwanted activities.

Human trafficking is among the darkestsides of globalization, turning humanbeings into commodities bought and soldin the international market place. Womenand children are among those mostexposed to it. NGOs from all continentsattempt to cope with this nefarious activityand report on those involved in it.

Southern Africa has witnessed the rise ofelaborate transnational crime organiza-tions. Illegal trafficking in narcotics, min-eral resources, ivory, counterfeit productsand stolen property is thriving. Interna-

tional crime syndicates exploit governmentweaknesses to make huge profits. Illegalmigration and money laundering rob thestate of valuable human and materialresources, in a region that desperatelyneeds them.

A different kind of challenge is posed byinsurgencies that thrive as a result of theinequalities created by globalization. Oneof the countries that has made the most ofthe opportunities offered by IT and telem-atics technology has been India, a worldleader in IT-enabled services, and whose 5per cent yearly growth in the eightiesclimbed to 6 per cent in the nineties and to7 per cent in the 2000s. Yet, this prosperityhas gone hand in hand with an ever greatergap between the prosperity of urban, mid-dle-class Indians and the squalor still seenin many of its 600,000 villages where mostIndians still live. It is this ‘developmentdichotomy’ that has allowed the Naxalitemovement, originally founded in WestBengal in the late 1960s, not only to persistin much of northern and central India, butto grow as it propounds its oddly out-of-date Maoist ideology, a belief system leftbehind even by the People’s Republic ofChina, where it originated. Uprooted fromancestral lands and unable to adapt to thedemands of a modern economy, aboriginalpopulations (adivasis) often see revolu-tionary redemption as the only way out oftheir predicament. The Indian Maoistinsurgency also has parallels in neighbor-ing countries, especially Nepal.

Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers, on the otherhand, may well have been one of the mostglobalized terrorist movements anywhere.Part of the reason for their considerable, ifultimately transient, success was the effec-tive way they relied on the Sri LankanTamil diaspora both to obtain resourcesand to marshal political support for theircause.

It remains to be seen whether the GFC hasbrought to an end globalization as we haveknown it for three decades. But there is lit-tle doubt that the ‘dark side’ of globaliza-tion is here to stay.

Participation Vol. 35, no 1 Features | Dossiers

Jorge Heine holds the Chair in Global Governance at the BalsillieSchool of International Affairs and is a Distinguished Fellow at theCentre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) in Waterloo,Ontario.

Ramesh Thakur is Professor of International Relations at the AsiaPacific College of Diplomacy, Australian National University. Theirbook, The Dark Side of Globalization, from which this essay draws,is published by United Nations University Press 2011.

Human trafficking is among the darkestsides of globalization, turning humanbeings into commodities bought and

sold in the international market place.


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La dimensión fundamental de la global-ización es la de la expansión de actividadeseconómicas transfronterizas. Ello ha cau-sado una creciente interdependencia pormedio del cada vez mayor volumen y var-iedad de flujos internacionales en materialde finanzas, inversiones, bienes y servicios

y de la rápida difusión de tecnología. Aello cabe añadir el flujo internacional deideas, información, sistemas legales, orga-nizaciones y personas, así como los inter-cambios culturales.

La globalización se refiere tanto al procesoen cuestión como al resultado final delmismo. Como proyecto, se refiere a lavisión de una condición final idealizada ya la iniciación de procesos específicos des-tinados a acelerar el llegar a esa meta porlos partidarios de ella. En esos términos, laglobalización no es un proceso ’natural‘.Es algo llevado a cabo por los sereshumanos para lograr ciertos objetivosespecíficos. Es por ello que su análisisrequiere captar su dimensión política,razón por la cual algunos de sus estudiosmás penetrantes han sido llevados a cabopor politólogos y sociólogos políticos.Entre los primeros destaca la obra deDavid Held, particularmente su libro conAnthony McGrew, David Goldblatt yJonathan Perraton, Global Transforma-tions: Politics, Economics and Culture(1999). Entre los segundos, está nadamenos que el ’padre‘ de la noción de’sociedad red‘, Manuel Castells. Sutrilogía La era de la información: econo-mía, sociedad y cultura (El surgimiento dela sociedad red, El poder de la identidad yFin de Milenio, Siglo XXI) ha sido com-parado con los tres tomos de El capital deKarl Marx, en el sentido de haber provistopara la Tercera Revolución Industrial (quegatilló la presente era de la globalización)lo que Marx hizo para la primera. Pocosautores han logrado captar con tanta pre-cisión la dinámica y el sentido de una eracomo lo ha hecho Castells con la nuestra.

La globalización no es descontrolada. Elmovimiento de personas está restringido.

El lado oscuro de la globalización

Los flujos de capital son asimétricos. Losbeneficios y costos de sobrellevar los lazosinternacionales existentes están distribui-dos desigualmente. Los países industrial-izados son interdependientes; los - en víasde desarrollo tienen pocos vínculos eco-nómicos entre sí; estos últimos son alta-

mente dependientes de los indus-trializados. Brasil, China e Indiahan comenzando a cambiar esaecuación. Sin embargo, en con-tra de la percepción pública, encomparación con el período depost-guerra, la tasa de crecimien-to anual cayó durante la así lla-mada era de la globalización, deun 3.5 por ciento al año en los

sesenta, a un 2.1, 1.3 y 1.0 en los setenta,ochenta y noventa, respectivamente.

Hay también una creciente divergencia enniveles de ingreso entre países y pueblos,con una cada vez mayor desigualdad entrey al interior de los países. La propiedad deactivos e ingresos está más concentrada.La proporción de las rentas del trabajo enel producto total ha caído. La de las ganan-cias del capital ha subido. La movilidad delcapital, junto a la inamovilidad del trabajo,ha reducido el poder negociador de lossindicatos.

En los países desarrollados, la global-ización también ha sido acusada de habersocavado la base industrial de las econo-mías y de constituir un truco empresarialpara explotar mano de obra barata. Elresentimiento generalizado del público encontra de los ejecutivos bancarios yfinancieros en el 2009 y 2010 estaba basa-do en la sensación de injusticia ante lasmedidas de austeridad y ajuste impuestas alos trabajadores y jubilados mientras losaltos ejecutivos se seguían asignando a símismos elevados bonos. El resultado fueque en la reunión del Foro EconómicoMundial en Davos en Enero de 2010 - ver-dadero símbolo y emblema de la global-ización - algunos de los delegados másprominentes cuestionaron los principiosfundamentales de la globalización.

La creciente pobreza y desigualdad - pros-peridad para unos pocos, marginalizacióny exclusión para los más - tiene implica-ciones para la estabilidad política y socialentre y al interior de las naciones. El rápi-do crecimiento de los mercados globalesno ha visto el crecimiento paralelo de insti-tuciones económicas y sociales que ase-guren un crecimiento equilibrado, inclu-

Aunque aún no hemos llegado al ‘fin dela historia’, nos hemos acercado al

‘fin de la geografía’. El costo real, efectivode un llamado telefónico de Nueva Delhi aDenver no es distinto al de uno de NuevaDelhi a Mumbai. La compresión del tiem-po y el espacio gatillada por la TerceraRevolución Industrial - grossomodo, desde 1980, cuando elprimer computador personalllegó al mercado y el primercanal de noticias de 24 horas,CNN, irrumpió - ha alteradonuestra relación con el mundo.Para algunos, la globalización -el creciente intercambio trans-fronterizo de bienes, servicios,capital, tecnología, ideas, información, sis-temas legales y personas - es tan deseablecomo irreversible, habiendo impulsado laprosperidad a lo largo y lo ancho delmundo. Para otros, no es sino una expre-sión del imperialismo corporativo quesaquea y se beneficia del consumismorampante.

Desde un punto de vista, la globalizaciónexiste desde las primeras expedicionescomerciales (como la Ruta de la Seda). Elcomercio internacional, como proporcióndel producto mundial, era más o menos elmismo en los ochenta, que en las últimasdos décadas del patrón oro (1890-1913). Elproceso como tal, entonces, no es particu-larmente nuevo. Sin embargo, la actual erade la globalización es sui generis, dada larapidez de su difusión y la intensidad de lasinteracciones en tiempo real que gatilla.

La dimensión fundamental de la globalización es la de la

expansión de actividades económicas transfronterizas.

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El encontrar ese difícil punto de equilibrioentre apertura y regulación requiere unasana dosis de vigilancia sobre la criminali-dad transfronteriza que florece en los inter-sticios de lo nacio-nal y lo internacional.El comercio ilegal, que llega a un diez porciento del producto mundial según algunosestimados, podría estar creciendo a unritmo siete veces superior al del comerciolegal.

El crecimiento de flujos transnacionales noha sido equipa-rado por unc r e c i m i e n t oequivalente delos mecanismosde gobernanzaglobal necesar-ios para regular-los y monitore-arlos. Sin em-bargo, la mismanaturaleza de laestructura de re-

des globalizadas, que enlazan a actores eintereses globales, asegura que ningunapotencia sea capaz de mantener su posi-ción en el desorden global emergente sinllegar a compromisos y transacciones conotros actores globales.

En África, donde están 36 de los 50 paísesmenos desarrollados, la existencia de esta-dos débiles y frágiles ha abierto las puertasal crimen transnacional y al terrorismo. Ennuestro libro, Garth Le Pere y BrendanVickers subrayan seis patologías prevale-cientes en el continente: la explotación ilegal de recursos naturales, terrorismo,tráfico de drogas, personas y de armas, ylavado de dinero. De acuerdo a algunos,Guinea Bissau ya ha pasado a ser el primernarco-estado. Una respuesta a las brechasde gobernanza global que han posibilitadoestas actividades ilegales han sido mecan-ismos de gobernanza regional. La transfer-encia de funciones estatales a expresionessupranacionales de gobernanza globalpodría reforzar la capacidad de los estadospara combatir estas patologías. El compar-tir información, conocimiento, institu-ciones, herramientas de política, personal yotros recursos, puede ayudar a detener estaverdadera marea de actividades nodeseables.

El tráfico de personas es uno de los ladosmás oscuros de la globalización. El mismotransforma a seres humanos en bienestransables. Las mujeres y los niños son losmás vulnerables. ONGs de todos los conti-nentes están dedicadas a combatir estafunesta actividad y a denunciar a losinvolucrados en ella.

yente y sostenible. Los derechos del traba-jo han sido menos protegidos que los delcapital, y las reglas globales sobre comer-cio y finanzas son poco equitativas. Estotiene efectos asimé-tricos sobre los paísesricos y los pobres.

Así, la globalización crea ganadores yperdedores. Implica riesgos y ofrece opor-tunidades. El problema no radica en laglobalización en sí, sino que, en palabras deun informe de la Organización Interna-cional del Trabajo(OIT), en las ‘defi-ciencias en su gober-nanza’. Aun antes dela crisis financieraglobal (CFG), mu-chos países en víasde desarrollo esta-ban preocupados porlos efectos de laglobalización en susoberanía económi-ca, integridad cultur-al y estabilidad social. La ‘interdependen-cia’ entre países desiguales se traduce en ladependencia de algunos de mercados inter-nacionales que operan bajo el dominio deotros. La CFG confirmó que, ante la ausen-cia de instituciones reguladoras efectivas,tanto los mercados como los estados y lapropia sociedad civil, pueden ser pasados allevar por fuerzas transnacionales.

La globalización no ha dejado de traermuchos beneficios. La proporción de per-sonas bajo la línea de pobreza ha caídoconsiderablemente desde 1980. Esto sedebe en parte a las altas tasas de crecimien-to en Asia, especialmente, pero no solo enlos ‘gigantes asiáticos’, China e India. Elsurgimiento de esta y otras potencias comoBrasil, Sudáfrica, Turquía e Indonesia, noestá desvinculado de la capacidad de estospaíses de navegar exitosamente por las agi-tadas aguas de una crecientemente global-izada economía mundial. Hay numerosasmaneras en que el internet y las Tecno-logías de la Información (TI) han facilita-do el acceso al mercado y han mejorado lascondiciones de vida de campesinos y sec-tores de bajos ingresos a lo largo y loancho del Sur global.

Sin embargo, hay también otro lado de esteproceso, que nosotros hemos llamado ‘ellado oscuro’ de la globalización. Este serefiere al de las fuerzas perniciosas desa-tadas como resultado de la compresión deltiempo y el espacio facilitada por la tec-nología. Como resultado de ello hemosvisto el incremento del terrorismo interna-cional, así como del crimen organizado yde epidemias como el SIDA. Ellos son

parte de numerosas actividades que hansurgido en el espacio entre el individuo y elestado y que escapan al control de este últi-mo. Al transnacionalizarse, ellas se con-vierten en ‘el lado oscuro de la global-ización’. Este es el tema de nuestro libro:El lado oscuro de la globalización (2011).El crecimiento de estas redes transna-cionales constituye una amenaza tanto parael estado como para la sociedad civil enmuchos países.

¿Cómo deben los países en desarrolloenfrentar la globalización?El rechazo de plano a ella y el aspirar a unaespecie de autarquía no es viable nideseable. ¿A quién le gustaría pasar a serMyanmar o Corea del Norte? Comoalguien ha señalado, el oponerse a la glob-alización es equivalente a oponerse que elsol salga por las mañanas e igual de fruc-tífero. Por otra parte, sin embargo, ¿quiénquiere pasar a ser la próxima Islandia,Grecia o Irlanda? La noción de que la lib-eralización, desregulación y relajación detodos los controles a la libre circulacióndel capital y todo lo demás (excepto el tra-bajo), constituye una panacea para asegu-rar el progreso y la prosperidad hademostrado ser una quimera. Los tres país-es bálticos que siguieron esa ruta (Estonia,Latvia y Lituania) - a la cual añadieron,para no ser menos, el impuesto plano -tuvieron todos crecimiento negativo de dosdígitos en el 2009.

Para los países en desarrollo, el eliminartodas las barreras a las mareas de la glob-alización puede terminar ahogando granparte de la producción local. A su vez, elestablecer barreras demasiado elevadaspuede ser contraproducente, sino inútil.Países que son capaces de encontrar unasolución intermedia, como Chile y Singa-pur, prosperan y aprovechan al máximo lasenormes oportunidades que ofrece unaeconomía mundial en expansión. Aquellosque no lo hacen, y no logran forjar unainserción internacional adecuada, comomuchos de África Central y Occidental,son marginados y dejados atrás.

7


El crecimiento de flujos transnacionalesno ha sido equiparado por un crecimiento

equivalente de los mecanismos de gobernanza global necesarios

para regularlos y monitorearlos.

En África Austral han surgido sofisticadasorganizaciones dedicadas al crimen trans-nacional organizado. El tráfico interna-cional de drogas, recursos mineros, marfil,y de productos falsificados y robados, estáfloreciendo. Carteles del crimen organiza-do explotan las debilidades de los gobier-nos y hacen enormes ganancias. La emi-gración ilegal y el lavado de dinero le restaa la región valiosos recursos, precisamenteen momentos en que más los necesita.

Un desafío distinto es el planteado por lasinsurgencias y levantamientos que se pro-ducen debido a las desigualdades creadaspor la globalización. Uno de los países queha aprovechado al máximo las oportu-nidades creadas por las TI ha sido India,país líder en servicios telemáticos, y cuyatasa de crecimiento de un 5 por cientoanual en los ochenta subió a un 6 por cien-to en los noventa y a un 7 por ciento en los2000. Sin embargo esta prosperidad ha idode la mano con una creciente brecha entrela India urbana y la rural. Estas ’dico-tomías del desarrollo‘ explican el porquéen India el enorme progreso que se ha dadoa nivel nacional ha ido de la mano con unabrecha aun mayor entre la prosperidad delos sectores medios urbanos y la enormepobreza que aun se ve en las 600,000aldeas donde vive la mayoría de la pobla-

ción. Arrancados por la fuerza de sus tier-ras ancestrales e incapaces de adaptarse alas exigencias de la economía moderna, lapoblación de aborígenes (adivasis), aveces ven la revolución y la lucha armadacomo única alternativa a un presente deses-peranzador y frustrante.

Por otra parte, en Sri Lanka los TigresTamiles, fueron tal vez uno de losmovimientos terroristas más globalizadosque se hayan visto. Parte de la razón de suéxito inicial y por la cual lograron manten-erse combatiendo una guerra civil duranteun cuarto de siglo (entre 1983 y el 2009) sedebió a su efectividad en apoyarse en ladiáspora tamil a lo largo y lo ancho delmundo, tanto para obtener recursos materi-ales como para apoyo político interna-cional.

El verdadero impacto de la Gran Recesiónsobre el proceso de globalización, tal ycomo lo hemos conocido por los últimostreinta años, está por verse. Sin embargo,poca duda cabe que el ’lado oscuro‘ de laglobalización ha llegado para quedarse.

Jorge Heine es Catedrático de GobernanzaGlobal en la Escuela Balsillie de AsuntosInternacionales e Investigador Distinguidoen el Centro para la Innovación en la Go-bernanza Internacional (CIGI), en Water-loo, Ontario. Ramesh Thakur esCatedráti-co de Relaciones Internacio-nales en elColegio de Diplomacia del Asia-Pacíficoen la Universidad de Australia. Su libro, Ellado oscuro de la globalización, en el cualeste ensayo apareció en una versión algodistinta, es publicado por United NationsUniversity Press 2011.


8

Jorge Heine es Catedrático de Gobernanza Global en la EscuelaBalsillie de Asuntos Internacionales e Investigador Distinguido enel Centro para la Innovación en la Gobernanza Internacional (CIGI),en Waterloo, Ontario.

Ramesh Thakur esCatedrático de Relaciones Internacionales en elColegio de Diplomacia del Asia-Pacífico en la Universidad deAustralia. Su libro, El lado oscuro de la globalización, en el cualeste ensayo apareció en una versión algo distinta, es publicado porUnited Nations University Press 2011.

Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart Win the 2011 Johan Skytte Prize

The 2011 Johan Skytte Prize has been awarded to RonaldInglehart (University of Michigan) and Pippa Norris (Harvard

University) in recognition of their innovative ideas on the relevanceand roots of political culture in a global context. The Johan SkyttePrize is among the most prestigious prizes in the political sciencefield, with a cash award of SEK 500,000.

The 2011 Johan Skytte Prize for political science is awarded to tworesearchers who worked closely together to systematically investi-gate and highlight the importance of human values and valuechange for political behaviour and societal life. Ronald Inglehart, aprofessor in sociology at the University of Michigan, and British-born Pippa Norris, a professor of political science at the John F.Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University and now atthe University of Sydney, will share the prize for “contributinginnovative ideas about the relevance and roots of political culturein a global context, transcending previous mainstream approachesof research.”

In three co-authored books and numerous articles, Inglehart andNorris use sophisticated analyses and global material (including amajority of the world´s population) to show that civic values,beliefs and attitudes hold the key to continuity and fluctuations inpolitical participation, and they also determine how and why issuesbecome prioritized. The importance of religion today has been infocus of much of their joint work, together with gender equalityand the role played by global media and information technology inconverging and polarizing values. The process of value formationand change is intimately linked to structural factors such as theshift from industrial to post-industrial production and rests on feel-ings of existential security, which in turn are affected by greaterequality of well-being.

In their research, Norris and Inglehart are known to weave togeth-er their respective theories (and sometimes those of others) andanalyses using uniquely rich and subtle material that allows forsystematic empirical testing and development – but also refutation.Their focus, consequently, is on citizens and their indirect interplaywith elites as well as political and societal institutions.

Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris accepted the prize at a ceremo-ny held in Uppsala on September 24, 2011.

9


In the last two decades there has been awave of murders of women in the city of

Juarez, on the northern border of Mexico;so intense that Mexican activists speak offeminicidio, ‘femicide’. Juarez is one ofthe sites of large-scale foreign investmentcreating maquiladoras, light-industry fac-tories producing goods for export, espe-cially into the huge and wealthy US marketjust to the north. Women are preferred forthis workforce; given rural unemploymentelsewhere, internal migrants, often indige-nous, have flooded into Juarez. Withupheaval in customary gender relations,poor social services, poor transport, littlepolicing, corrupt government, and on topof all, an increasingly violent and hyper-masculine drug trade, a situa-tion was created that has led toappalling levels of violenceagainst women – and almosttotal impunity for the men whohave been killing them.

This is one example - a particu-larly dire one - of an issue thathas attracted increasing interestfrom social scientists, theimpact of ‘globalization’ on the lives ofwomen. There is now research from manyparts of the developing world about theimpact of economic change produced bythe new strategies of global capitalism. Themaquiladoras of Mexico can be matchedelsewhere, for instance in the clothing fac-tories of the ‘south China economic mira-cle’, and the micro-processor assemblyplants of south-east Asia.

It is not only factory work that haschanged. The export agriculture of Chile,

expanded by neoliberalism’s ‘comparativeadvantage’ strategy, drew rural women intopaid labour for the first time. Domesticlabour too has become an export industry.Filipina and Indonesian women havebecome breadwinners for their families asmaids, housekeepers, childcare and elder-care workers in south-east and east Asiaand the Gulf states. Their remittances arenow an important part of economic strate-gy for the home country.

Though women are often preferred asworkers in global industry because they aresupposed more easily controlled than men(quite apart from stereotypes about ‘nimblefingers’ and women’s ability to put up withboredom), active resistance and politicalstruggle does arise in these circumstances.There are attempts at unionization, sup-ported by international union confedera-tions, addressing issues such as poor healthand safety conditions as well as wages.There are local movements concerned withbullying, rape, child care problems, andother aspects of gender politics in the newworkplaces.

‘Gender and globalization’ has alsobecome, in a backhanded way, an issue inneo-conservative politics and internationalrelations. A narrative has been created inwhich globalization is equated with mod-ernization, and a key test of modernization

is supposed to be the position of women.‘Western’ governments, notably those ofthe USA and Britain, and their supporterssuch as the Murdoch television and news-paper empire, have frequently made theemancipation of women from misogynistregimes a justification for military inter-ventions into Muslim countries, notablyAfghanistan and Iraq.

Women are almost completely absent fromthe top economic and military decision-making of the countries launching such

interventions. The invasions are accompa-nied by rhetoric constructing an image ofstrong, protective masculinity for the polit-ical leaders. The irony of men from differ-ent patriarchal regimes killing each other inthe name of women’s rights is almostunbearable.

How do we understand these events?Commonsense understandings usually pic-ture gender as a biological dichotomyresulting in natural differences of psychol-ogy and behaviour between women andmen. This is little help in understandingpolitics; and it is also factually wrong. Avery large body of empirical research inpsychology shows that there are few differ-ences in measurable traits between men asa group and women as a group (or betweengirls and boys). Differences in bodies therecertainly are, and major differences inbehaviour can be found, such as differentrates of involvement in severe violence.But the differences in conduct have more todo with the different situations that menand women are placed in (such as beingmembers of armed forces) than with natu-ral differences of character.

These problems have been greatly clarifiedin the last few decades, as it has come to beunderstood that gender is a social structureas well as a feature of personal life.Gender can be seen, in a first approxima-

tion, as the way a society organ-izes conduct, intereactions andinstitutions in relation to humanreproduction. Gender patternschange historically, and changein major ways. The steering ofthose changes is inherently apolitical process.

There are alternative models ofgender as a social structure, but

all of the influential ones agree in seeingsocial power as a major dimension of gen-der relations. They also agree in seeingpower as woven through a complex terrainof institutions and cultural processes.Gender is in no sense segregated fromother aspects of social life. Every phenom-enon studied in political science, frominternational relations to electoral process-es and bureaucracy, has gender aspects.This was not highly visible when cabinets,armies and managements were all men.But of course an all-masculine institution is

‘Gender and globalization’ has also become, in a

backhanded way, an issue inneo-conservative politics

and international relations.

Gender, Power and GlobalSociety

Raewyn CONNELLProfessor at the University of Sydney

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10highly gendered, and that becomes visiblewhen the first woman walks in the door.

It is now a cliche that the institutionalworld of government, business and mediais a scene of ‘globalization’. The term waspopularized in business journalism in the1980s, to describe the strategies of whatwere then called ‘multinational corpora-tions’ – global sourcing, global financing,and global marketing. In the 1990s theterm became popular in social science, todescribe what was usually seen as a noveland rapid world-wide homogenization ofculture. This was usually explained as aspread of ‘Western’ modernity across theglobe and a blending of elements fromhere and there – Thai food in Sydney,English suits in China, CNN broadcasts inAfrica, etc.

Most accounts of globalization (though notall) played down the continuities with theearlier history of European and NorthAmerican imperialism. Strangely the maincentres of globalized culture happened to

be the old imperial powers, and the oldinequalities of wealth persisted. Withthem, came gender patterns. Historicalresearch in the last thirty years has shownabundantly that imperial expansion was astrongly gendered process, and the colo-nial societies created in its wake were alsomarkedly gendered.

The ruling groups of North Atlanticempires, for instance, were almost entirelymen. Particular patterns of power-orientedmasculinity developed to sustain imperialrule, and colonial versions of femininity tosustain and reproduce the colonizers.Local gender orders in colonized regions

were often radically re-structured, undermissionary pressure or for economicexploitation. The workforces of plantationeconomies with slave or indentured labour,and colonial mines, were gender-divided.Domestic labour for the colonizers’ house-holds was also supplied by a genderedworkforce. Modern race divisions, a distinc-tive feature of the history of imperialism,were produced in close interaction (not justintersection) with gender arrangements.

Resistance to colonialism, too, took gen-dered shapes. Nationalist movements oftenrelied on mobilizing women, but were ledby men; and post-colonial regimes oftentook the form of a re-invigorated patri-archy. This essay is being written inFebruary 2011, at a time of multiple ris-ings against neo-colonial dictatorshipsacross the Arab-speaking world. Every oneof the regimes being rejected by thesemovements is patriarchal, dominated bymen and, with very few exceptions,excluding women from both culturalauthority and access to power.

The gendered character ofthe contemporary worldeconomy and political sys-tem, then, is not accidental.It grows out of a long histo-ry of gendered power rela-tions, embedded in theinstitutional structures ofimperial and post-colonialsocieties. It also grows outof a history of struggle,because none of thesearrangements have beeninstituted without conflict.

It is important to recognizethat the gender arrange-ments on a world scale areconstantly changing. Eco-nomic and political dynam-ics of transnational institu-tions, the struggles over

gender arrangements, are constantly pro-ducing new outcomes, in a continuing his-torical process. These include new institu-tions. ‘Globalization’ is not just a matter ofcultural change. The last half-century hasseen an acceleration of institution-buildingthat goes beyond national boundaries asmuch as the old imperialisms did. Amongkey contemporary institutions are:- transnational corporations, large-scale

organizations with multinational reachwhich are the major players in the worldeconomy and now rival all but thebiggest governments in importance ininternational affairs;

- worldwide markets, including capital

markets, commodity markets, and to alesser extent labour markets, that arecapable of putting tremendous pressureon local political systems via currency,credit and investment strategies;

- transnational communication systems,including the linked telephone and com-puter systems underlying the Internet;also including the bulk transport sys-tems involved in international trade thatpermit the neoliberal ‘comparativeadvantage’ strategy;

- a conflict-ridden but increasingly impor-tant international state, including thelinked military and intelligence systemsof major powers (linked for instance inthe ‘war on terror’), and including theintergovernmental United Nations sys-tem.

These are familiar. Less familiar is the factthat all of them are strongly gendered.Transnational corporations, to take just theone instance, have managements that areoverwhelmingly men, operating withinmasculinized organizational cultures. Butthey employ very large numbers ofwomen, in other gendered roles – forinstance as clerical workers, factory opera-tives, sales personnel and so forth. Andthey employ large numbers of men instrongly gendered positions too, includingoil and transport workers, guards and pri-vate police, technicians and tradesmen.For all the rhetoric about ‘equal opportuni-ty’ and gender equality, gender divisions oflabour on a micro scale persist with greatstrength in both private and public sectors.

Gender arrangements in contemporaryglobal society, thus, are by no means just ahangover of ‘tradition’. Gender arrange-ments are actively produced, in new are-nas, as new institutional patterns come intoexistence. The computer industry, forinstance, is notoriously gender-unequal, afact of importance given its centrality tocontemporary economies. But it hardlyexisted sixty years ago. A whole genderregime on a planetary scale has beenbrought into existence, in two generations.

Research on gender in global institutionshas been increasing, though it is still veryuneven. One body of work has looked atthe construction of gender in globalizedmass media; tracing, for instance, theincreasingly pornographic sexism of com-mercial television (think Berlusconi) and,in a different style, the Internet. Anotherbody of work has looked at gender divi-sions of labour, in sites of internationalinvestment like the maquiladoras, in cross-national labour migration, and in interna-tional organizations like United Nations



11agencies. A third has looked at the gendercomposition and gender dynamics of inter-national interventions, such as peacekeep-ing forces.

There is still only a little research thatlooks at one of the key issues, the genderpatterns at the elite levels of transnationalinstitutions. Top power-holders are, ofcourse, hard to research directly. But theirlives and work leave public traces (deci-sions, media appearances, memoirs) whichcan be studied. Researchers havebegun to use these traces, andstudies of people a little lower inhierarchies of power and wealth,to develop understandings of thegender patterns in the heavily-masculinized elite levels of globalpower.

For instance, interviews can moreeasily be obtained with managersat the level from which future top corpo-rate leadership will be drawn. Thisresearch, now under way in a number ofcountries, is yielding pictures of manageri-al masculinities that throw light on suchproblems as work/life balance, domesticdivisions of labour, managerial style, theshape of corporate careers, the integrationof technology with corporate decisionmak-ing, social control within elite workplaces,and the tensions between expertise andorganizational power. It is still too early tooffer a definitive picture of super-elitemasculinity, but enough has emerged toshow the systematic cultural patternsunderlying the familiar statistics of men’spredominance at the pinnacles of globalwealth and power.

Structures of inequality always generatetension and social conflict, though thisdoes not always take the forms familiar inthe national politics of the global metro-pole. For instance, women’s mobilizationsagainst military bases in Okinawa;women’s campaigns in Africa around theHIV/AIDS pandemic; struggles againstcaste rules in India, struggles againstmen’s monopolizing of aid programmes,and attempts to get communist regimes inVietnam and China to take their own doc-trine of gender equality seriously as theybecome players in international patriarchalcapitalism. Social struggles are constantlyarising in the emerging global genderorder. Many are local in origin, such aslabour struggles in the export-industry fac-tories, though news about them does circu-late and international support networks candevelop. For instance union confederationsand feminist NGOs have both beeninvolved in supporting industrial action by

women in northern Mexico and the small-er countries of Central America. This iscomplex politics; most union confedera-tions are run by men, and women organiz-ing as women are liable to be accused ofundermining labour solidarity.

There is a layer of more systematic andconscious transnational organizing inrecent feminism. Aid programmes todeveloping countries, which grew to sig-nificant size during the Cold War, were

dominated by men and mostly supportedmen’s economic activity. This was subject-ed to feminist critique from the 1970s onand a ‘Women in Development’ strategyemerged in aid-giving institutions such asthe World Bank. This mutated into a‘Gender and Development’ strategy thattried to incorporate men as agents inachieving gender equality, which has beenconroversial among feminists. The strategyof involving men in gender reform waspursued in other arenas, with most successso far in Scandinavia; it has been taken upin other UN forums but with limited effect.Explicitly feminist transnational organiz-ing largely takes a network form, withnodes provided by NGOS. These are usu-ally funded from the global North thoughthe field of operation may be the globalSouth. The ‘NGO-ization of feminism’ isalso controversial, many seeing it as a sell-out to neoliberalism; but so far no signifi-cant alternative for transnational organiz-ing has emerged. Such networks now existin all regions of the world. They have beenimportant in sustaining pressure for genderreform through the worldwide turn of

Biographical Note

Raewyn Connell is University Professor at the University of Sydney,a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia, and one ofAustralia's leading social scientists. Her most recent books areSouthern Theory (2007), about social thought beyond the globalmetropole; Gender: In World Perspective (2009); and ConfrontingEquality (2011), about social science and politics.

political parties towards neoliberalism, abroad policy shift that – despite manyexceptions - advantages men.

The research and analysis underlying thediscussion above mostly comes from fem-inists in the global North. That is wheremost of the funding, skilled labour andinstitutional support for research are locat-ed; however under-resourced universitiesin Europe and North America may feel, thesituation for universities in the developing

world is much worse. The globalNorth is also where most of thegender theory comes from thatcirculates internationally – onwhich I have freely drawn.

But the colonized world too pro-duced intellectuals, and analysesof colonial society and of the col-onizers. This intellectual effortincluded work on gender issues.

There is a global history, not just aNorthern history, of consciousness aboutgender. Thinkers such as Kartini in (whatis now) Indonesia, the May 4th Movementwriters such as Lu Yin in China, MabelDove in West Africa, gender-aware poetssuch as Gabriela Mistral in Chile, are partof this story. In the last half-century explic-it feminist theory has emerged from LatinAmerica, India, sub-Saharan Africa, andAustralia. Feminist writers such as NawalEl Saadawi have global audiences – thoughnot yet the theoretical prestige of counter-parts in France, Britain or the USA. Thepattern is familiar in all the human sci-ences.

To sum this up: gender as social structureis an important part of the political order.Gender as social structure is enmeshedwith the vast processes constructing aglobal society. These dynamics are visible,but are still imperfectly understood, partlybecause the resources for understandinghave been imperfectly used. Political sci-entists have much to learn from this field,and also much to give it.

There is a layer of moresystematic and conscious

transnational organizing inrecent feminism.

Given the dominance of party politics inEurope, political parties have always

been at the forefront of European compar-ative politics. And no group of politicalparties has attracted so much academicinterest as the ‘radical right’. Described bya plethora of terms – ranging from ‘neofas-cist’, ‘extreme right’ and ‘far right’, to‘right-wing populist’ and ‘anti-immigrant’– these parties have been the topic of liter-ally hundreds (if not thousands) of articlesand books in all major languages.

While this academic interest might be dis-proportionate to the political relevance ofthe parties in question, it is matched by thenon-academic interest. Throughout Europejournalists, intellectuals, and politicianshave been debating the ‘rise of the radicalright’ after virtually every electoral victoryof an alleged radical right party in the past

three decades. What has the combinedintellectual labor of at least one hundredpolitical scientists taught us about radicalright parties in Europe? In this short pieceI will address the what, who and why ques-tions on the basis of the state of the art ofthe study of the radical right, with particu-lar reference to my own work, mostnotably Populist Radical Right Parties inEurope (2007).

What are we talking about?It is not surprising that a phenomenon thatgoes under many different names will alsobe defined in many different ways. Andwhile there are definitely widely differentdefinitions out there, today most authorsdefine the ‘radical right parties’ in roughlysimilar ways. This is in part a consequenceof the professionalization of the study ofthe radical right, or perhaps better: theincreasing dominance of social scientificstudies over mainly historic or pseudo-sci-entific studies. For example, today fewauthors still use terms like ‘neofascist’ and‘extreme right’ or argue that the parties inquestion are anti-democratic, racist, or vio-lent.

Radical Right Parties in Europe:What, Who, Why?

So, what are they? In my own work, Idefine these parties as populist radicalright, itself a combination of nativism,authoritarianism, and populism. Nativismentails a combination of nationalism andxenophobia, i.e. an ideology that holds thatstates should be inhabited exclusively bymembers of the native group (‘the nation’)and that nonnative (or ‘alien’) elements,whether persons or ideas, are fundamental-ly threatening to the homogeneous nation-state. Authoritarianism refers to the beliefin a strictly ordered society, in whichinfringements of authority are to be pun-ished severely. Populism, finally, is an ide-ology that considers society to be ultimate-ly separated into two homogeneous andantagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ and‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues thatpolitics should be an expression of thevolonté générale (general will) of the peo-

ple. It is the combination of all three ideo-logical features, however, that makes aparty populist radical right.

Essentially, the populist radical right isdemocratic, in that it accepts popular sov-ereignty and majority rule. It also tends toaccept the rules of parliamentary democra-cy; in most cases it prefers a stronger exec-utive, though few parties support a tooth-less legislature. Tensions exist between thepopulist radical right and liberal democra-cy, in particular arising from the constitu-tional protection of minorities (ethnic,political, religious). In essence, the pop-ulist radical right is monist, seeing the peo-ple as ethnically and morally homoge-neous, and considers pluralism as under-mining the (homogeneous) ‘will of thepeople’ and protecting ‘special interests’(i.e. minority rights).

Who are they?Logically, the question “what they are”influences the answer to the question “whothey are”. In the study of the radical right,however, this is often not the case; authorsusing very different definitions will come

Cas MUDDEProfessor of Political Science at

DePauw University (Indiana, USA)

Essentially, the populist radical right isdemocratic, in that it accepts popular

sovereignty and majority rule.

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Biography

Cas Mudde is a Dutch politi-cal scientist and currentlythe Hampton and EstherBoswell Distinguished Uni-versity Professor of PoliticalScience at DePauw Universi-ty (Indiana, USA). He is theauthor of Populist RadicalRight Parties in Europe(Cambridge University Press,2007), which won the SteinRokkan Prize in 2008, andthe editor of Racist Extrem-ism in Central and EasternEurope (Routledge, 2005).Next year the co-edited vol-ume (with Cristóbal RoviraKaltwasser) Populism inEurope and the Americas:Threat or Corrective toDemocracy? will be pub-lished by Cambridge Univer-sity Press.

up with very similar lists of parties. This islargely the consequence of a lack of atten-tion to the classification of parties. Whilemost authors will devote at least some sen-tences to explaining the choice of term anddefinition, few if any will show on thebasis of secondary, let alone primary,sources that the listed parties indeed sharethe definitional features.

This is in part a consequence of a continu-ing lack of detailed party studies. As hap-pens in other areas, the bulk of the academ-ic writing on radical right parties focusespredominantly on the big European coun-tries: France, Germany, Italy, Poland, andthe United Kingdom. It is clear that thechoice of these countries is not led by thenational relevance of the radical right par-ties, as both Germany and the UnitedKingdom lack strong radical right parties.At the same time, some of the most rele-vant parties that come from smaller coun-tries like Belgium, Denmark, Hungary orSwitzerland, are barely studied outsidetheir own country (and sometimes not evenwithin it). This is undoubtedly in part aconsequence of the economics of publish-ing, which rewards studies of phenomenain big countries.

Table 1 lists the electorally most successfulradical right parties in European Unionmember states since 1980. The averagehighest result of these 13 successful partiesis 12.7 percent, while their average mostrecent result is 9.8 percent. In fact, in onlyfour countries have radical right partiesgained more than 10 percent of the nation-al vote. In two of these countries, Hungaryand the Netherlands, the successful partiesare also very new, and time will tellwhether they will follow the common pat-tern of relative quick disintegration, or therarer path of party establishment and insti-tutionalization.

It is important to note that Table 1 includesjust 12 of the 27 current EU member states.In the other 15 countries radical right par-ties are either electorally unsuccessful,gaining less than 5 percent of the nationalvote (e.g. Czech Republic, Germany,United Kingdom), or they do not contestnational elections at all (e.g. Iceland,Ireland). In addition, there are some politi-cal parties whose radical right status isdebated, that is, some scholars includethem, but others do not. It would go too farto get into a detailed discussion of thesecases here, but the most notably ‘border-line cases’ are the True Finns (PS),Hungarian Civic Union (FIDESZ), ItalianForza Italia (FO) and National Alliance(AN), the Norwegian Progress Party (FP),and the Swiss People’s Party (SVP). All

share some of the features of the populistradical right – nativism, authoritarianismand populism – but not all three. In mostcases the debate is over the questionwhether the nativism (most often anti-immigrant sentiments) is ideological or

opportunistic, i.e. only used strategically inelection campaigns.

Why are they relevant?The last question has two different, if con-nected, meanings here. First, why are radi-cal right parties successful? In a disciplinedominated by ‘why’ questions, even if the‘what’ question has not been answeredcompletely, most scholars of the radicalright study the reasons why radical rightparties have been successful in post-1980Western Europe. Given the many concep-tual, data, and methodological constraintsand differences, it should not be surprising

that different authors come to differentconclusions.

In terms of socio-demographic profile, weknow that white, blue-collar men are dis-proportionately represented within the rad-

ical right electorate. We also know thatradical right voters tend to consider immi-gration more important than the averagevoter, believe there are more immigrantsthan there really are, and want to limitimmigration. At the same time, the major-ity of voters in most countries share thesevalues, so the difference is not so much interms of attitude toward the issue of immi-gration (crime or corruption), but thesalience of the issue to the individual.

Most quantitative analyses look for theusual suspects, that is, the easily availablesocio-demographic and attitudinal data, at

Table 1. Electoral Results of Parliamentary PopulistRadical Right Parties

Country Party Highest Latest Result Result (%) (%)

Austria Alliance for the Future of Austria 10.7 10.7(BZÖ)

Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) 26.9 17.5

Belgium Flemish Interest (VB) 12.0 7.8

Bulgaria National Union Attack (NSA) 9.4 9.4

Denmark Danish People’ Party (DFP) 13.8 13.8

Greece Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS) 5.6 5.6

Hungary Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) 16.7 16.7

Italy Northern League (LN) 10.1 8.3

Latvia National Alliance (NA) 7.7 7.7

Netherlands Party for Freedom (PVV) 15.5 15.5

Romania Greater Romania Party (PRM) 19.5 3.2

Slovakia Slovak National Party (SNS) 11.6 5.1

Sweden Sweden Democrats (SD) 5.7 5.7


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In terms of socio-demographic profile,we know that white, blue-collar men are disproportionately representedwithin the radical right electorate.

the macro (i.e. national) level. Inconclu-sive results exist for the influence of levelsof economic development, (individual)unemployment, (increase in) number ofimmigrants or refugees, etc. While theseare meant to explain the demand side ofradical right politics, institutional variables(like type of electoral and political system)and party variables (like ideological con-vergence) should gauge the supply side.

While much needs to be done to answerthe ‘why’ question convincingly, runningroughly the same problematic data overand over again, but using differentadvanced statistical methods, will notbring us much closer to the truth. Mostscholars now agree that the key is not thedemand side – through a variety of interre-lated processes ‘globalization’ has created,at least since the 1990s, a fertile breedingground for the radical right in Europe.Hence, the real question is: why, given thisfertile breeding ground, are so few radicalright parties able to establish themselves assignificant political actors in their country?

The full answer to this study will require abroader research agenda, combining inno-vative qualitative and quantitative meth-ods, and focusing on a wider range of suc-cessful and unsuccessful cases. It will haveto look more at the supply side, in particu-lar at the role of the radical right party inits own success or failure. Unfortunately,this will mean money- and time-intensivestudies of relatively unknown parties insmall countries, which is not much reward-ed in the contemporary publish-or-perishmarket.

The second part of the ‘why’ question isthe ‘so-what’ question: why are radicalright parties relevant to European politics?To a large extent the relevance question isa direct consequence of the public debate:media and politicians alike are obsessedwith radical right parties. The main reasonfor this public attention is the difficult rela-tionship of radical right parties and liberaldemocracy, discussed above, which isoften (for ideological or opportunistic rea-son) inflated by debaters.

In terms of direct power, i.e. governmentparticipation, radical right parties play afairly secondary role in European politics.Table 2 lists all government participationof radical right parties in European statessince 1990. These cases are fairly equallyspread over the eastern and western partsof the continent, but most East Europeangovernments with radical right participa-tion are of the 1990s, while most West

European governments are of the 21st cen-tury. Still, in mid-2011, only two Europeancountries have governments that include aradical right party: Italy and Switzerland.In addition, two countries have minoritygovernments that are supported by a radi-cal right party: Denmark and theNetherlands.

The political effects of most radical rightparties in government are limited for tworeasons: (1) they tend to be the junior part-

ner in the government; and (2) they arecontrolled by a resilient judicial apparatusthat protects the fundamentals of liberaldemocracy. In most cases radical right par-ties tighten immigration and integrationlegislation and enforce a more strict lawand order agenda; often with clear supportof their senior coalition partner (and some-times with tacit support of the opposition).Yet while countries that have or have hadgovernments with radical right participa-tion or support have some of the strictest

Table 2. Participation in Government by PopulistRadical Right Parties

Country Party Period(s) Coalition Partner(s)

Austria Freedom Party of Austria 2000-2002 ÖVP(FPÖ) 2002-2005 ÖVPAlliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ) 2005-2006 ÖVP

Croatia Croatia Democratic Union 1990-2000(HDZ)

Estonia Estonian National 1992-1995 IsamaaIndependence Party (ERSP)

Italy Northern League (LN) 1994 AN & FI2001-2005 AN & FI

& MDC2008- PdL & MpA

Poland League of Polish Families 2005-2006 PiS & (LPR) Samoorona

Romania Romanian National Unity 1994-1996 PDSR & PSMParty (PUNR)Greater Romania Party (PRM) 1995 PDSR & PSM

Serbia Serbian Radical Party (SRS) 1998-2000 SPS & JUL

Slovakia Slovak National Party (SNS) 1994-1998 HZDS & ZRS2006-2010 HZDS & Smer

Switzerland Swiss People’s Party (SVP) 2004- SPS & FDP & CVP)

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The political effects of most radicalright parties in government are limitedfor two reasons: (1) they tend to be thejunior partner in the government; and(2) they are controlled by a resilientjudicial apparatus that protects the fundamentals of liberal democracy.

immigration laws in Europe, they are notthe only ones. In other words, there is abroader European trend towards tighterimmigration legislation and stricter lawand order policies, which seems at bestonly partially related to the electoral andpolitical strength of radical right parties.

But while political influence is not limitedto government participation, studying theradical right’s indirect influence onEuropean politics is not an easy feat. Firstof all, it is difficult to establish exactly howradical right parties influence other partiesto do things. Do other governing partiesrespond to pressure from radical right par-ties or from the population (and can thesepressures be meaningfully disaggregated)?Second, on many issues we lack longitudi-nal or reliable data, which makes the studyof highly contested issues impossible –like the relationship between the level ofsupport of radical right parties and anti-immigrant sentiments at the mass level orracist violence.

ConclusionRadical right parties are among the moststudied political phenomena in contempo-rary Europe. Consequently, we know moreabout this relatively new party family thanabout established groups like the Christiandemocrats, the social democrats, or the lib-erals; despite the fact that these party fam-ilies still constitute the backbone of mostgovernment coalitions in Europe. Thereremains much to discover, but this willrequire departing from well-beaten pathsand from mainstream comparative politics.Let me finish this short overview by sug-gesting a couple of original research pro-grams on the two aspects of the ‘why’question, which are highly relevant andlong overdue.

First, we still know very little about thecontext of electoral success. While elec-toral success varies between countries, italso differs significantly within countries.Intra-national comparisons can have theadvantage of controlling for various inde-pendent variables, particularly on the sup-ply side (e.g. electoral system, radical rightparty), and are perfectly set for meso levelstudies, which look directly at the immedi-ate political and social context in whichradical right parties flourish or falter.

Second, what is the relationship betweenthe radical right and religion? More specif-ically, with the main ‘enemy’ redefinedfrom ethnonational ‘Turk’ into ethnoreli-gious ‘Muslim’, how has this redefinitionaffected the self-definition of the host

nation (the ‘native’) and the preferred roleof (Christian) religion in political life? Forexample, the FPÖ emerged out of the anti-clerical subculture in Austria, but hasrecently become the most vocal defenderof some orthodox Catholic priests in thecountry. Yet in the Netherlands the PVVseems to be willing to attack long-estab-lished Christian privileges in its struggleagainst Islam.

Third, what exactly are the effects of radi-cal right parties on the various Europeanparty systems, particularly on the way themain political parties structurally interact?And what explains the differences? Forexample, in Belgium the cordon sanitaireagainst the VB has in many cities trans-formed de jure multiparty systems into defacto two-party systems – i.e. all ‘demo-

cratic’ parties are in coalition against theVB. Yet in Italy the LN has been a majorcomponent of the two-block system, inwhich multiple parties are essentially clus-tered into two opposing blocks.

Fourth, and finally, what have been theeffects on European democracy, on theessential features of the liberal democraticpolitical system? This is the key question,as much of the attention paid to radicalright parties as well as opposition to themis a direct effect of their alleged anti-dem-ocratic program. And while there are clear-ly tensions between the monist radicalright ideology and the pluralist essence ofliberal democracy, so far little actual dam-age seems to have been done... or has itsimply not been studied?


15

(...) what is the relationship betweenthe radical right and religion?

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Since the 2001 terrorist attacks in theUnited States, there have been re-ports around the Western world of

increased hate speech against Muslims andpeople of Middle Eastern descent in themedia, reports of authorities tasked withcombating discrimina-tion, by national andinternational non-gov-ernment organizations,and by parliamentaryinquiries. This has hap-pened in the UnitedStates, the UnitedKingdom, throughoutEurope, Asia and inAustralia. The last fewyears have also seenrace-related incidents,often preceded andsparked by hatespeech. These includethe Cronulla riots in Australia in 2005, thethreatening of Romanian refugees inBelfast by neo-Nazis in 2009, and thesending of hate messages to an Islamiccharity shop in Glasgow the same year,before it was later torched.

More recently the pastor of a small, region-al church in Florida, USA, achieved inter-national notoriety by announcing he wouldburn copies of the Koran in protest at theactivities of radical Islamists. His plan wascondemned by US Secretary of State,Hillary Clinton, and in the Middle East.The Daily Star in Lebanon was quoted assaying the event would be ‘likely to ignitea fire of rage that could consume swathesof the globe’.

Political science is often defined as thestudy of power, or more specifically ofinequalities of power. One form of powerthat political scientists have been relativelyslow to engage with is the power of hatespeech. While discourse has become afavourite theme within several sub-fieldsof political science, the content, meaningand force of hate discourse are often eitheroverlooked, or assumed to be much morestraightforward phenomenologically thanthey actually are.

This has left the terrain mainly – but notexclusively – to legal scholars, who tend toemphasize whether certain laws target spe-cific behaviour, or whether laws are con-sistent with international norms or domes-tic constitutional arrangements. Yet there ismuch more to the hate speech debate thanthis. Hate speech has long been recognizedas harmful, and therefore warranting a pol-icy response. In this sense, it is a publicpolicy problem.

The international legal system set up in thepost World War II period by the multilater-al human rights treaty system of the UnitedNations specified the obligations of statesto take action against hate speech on racialand religious grounds. This occurred in theInternational Convention on the Elimina-tion of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,which entered into force internationally in1969, and the International Covenant onCivil and Political Rights, which enteredinto force internationally in 1976. The lat-ter protects freedom of expression in arti-cle 19, but notes that the right is notabsolute, and that it may be restricted solong as those restrictions are by law, andare designed to protect the rights and repu-tations of others.

However, these norms do not enjoy unani-mous support. In the United States, whichis the outlier on speech regulation due tothe First Amendment, hate speech laws ofthe kind that routinely exist in Europe andelsewhere have been declared invalid bythe Supreme Court. The First Amendment(in its contemporary interpretation) meansthat the United States protects free speechto a greater degree than any other country.

In stark contrast, Germany possesses a rangeof criminal prohibitions on hate speech–including for Holocaust Denial, whichdoes not attract the protection normallyaccorded to the freedom to express one’sopinions because it communicates informa-tion that is known to be incorrect. The crim-inal law also prohibits ‘threats to the demo-cratic constitutional state’, including the dis-semination of propaganda or symbols ofunconstitutional organizations, and incite-ment to hatred and violence against minori-ty groups in a manner likely to disturb thepeace.

The German approach– in so far as it crimi-nalizes racial hatredand Holocaust Denial –is not unlike theapproach in manyother European juris-dictions. An exceptionis Hungary, which hasadopted an approach tofree speech protectionthat is unusual amongpost-communist states,and much more likethat of the United

States. Hungary has enacted a law pro-hibiting incitement to hatred, which isreliant upon a ‘clear and present danger’test, adapted from First Amendmentjurisprudence. It also, in a manner moreakin to other European countries, prohibitsthe display of totalitarian symbols. InCanada, a criminal law approach is alsoused to prohibit the incitement of hatredthat is likely to lead to a breach of thepeace, and to prohibit the wilful promotionof hatred.

There are of course differences betweenthese regulatory approaches, differencesthat are of interest because they relate tothe kinds of questions about phenomenol-ogy and meaning that interest political sci-

The Power of Hate Speech ina Globalized World

Katharine GELBERAssociate Professor in the School of

Political Science & InternationalStudies at the University of

Queensland

The international legal system set up in the post World War II period by the

multilateral human rights treaty system of the United Nations speci-fied the obligations of states to takeaction against hate speech on racial

and religious grounds.

Participation Vol. 34, no 1 Here and There | Ici et ailleurs

17


entists. In the case of Holocaust Denial, forexample, simply expressing the idea is suf-ficient for an offence to be deemed to havebeen committed. Those countries that pro-hibit Holocaust Denial do not view such

speech as a serious attempt to enter into adebate about a historical issue, since thehistory of the Holocaust is so well docu-mented. Rather, engaging in HolocaustDenial is regarded as an inherently anti-Semitic act, one that seeks to couch viru-lently anti-Semitic sentiment in the guiseof a historical debate. The role and effectsof Holocaust Denial are widely discussedin the literature in this field.

In relation to other examples of hatespeech, there are two distinct policyapproaches. The first is that for an offenceto be sustained, the expression must haveconstituted incitement in a manner thatconstitutes an imminent threat to thepeace. The second is that an expressionthat promotes ‘hatred’ in and of itself con-stitutes a criminal offence. The differencebetween these two approaches has been thecause of significant and ongoing debateand tension in the literature. This tension isunresolved, and perhaps unresolvable, as itrelies on (often implicit) disagreementabout the meaning and effect of a speechact itself.

The picture is complicated even more bythe existence of an anti-discriminationapproach to hate speech policy in manycountries. This is the case in severalprovinces in Canada, and is also wide-spread in Australia. The kinds of outcomesthat are likely to result from this policyinclude the ordering of an apology, anagreement to desist, or an agreement topublicize a retraction. The thresholdrequired for these kinds of provisions to beinvoked is necessarily lower than thatapplied in the criminal law.

This differentiation in regard to thresholdhas concrete policy implications. Somecommentators regard the civil approach asmore effective, since it can be appliedmore often and to a greater range of

speech. This means that more mundane, ormoderate, expressions may be able to becountered. There is interesting evidence inthe literature that more moderate forms ofhate discourse may in fact be more harm-

ful than the extreme cases. This is because,in being pitched in more moderate terms,they are more likely to be regarded as legit-imate contributions to public debate. Thus,they are likely to contribute over time to aclimate within which prejudice and dis-crimination may flourish.

On the other hand, there are commentatorswho regard the civil approach as far toointerventionist, arguing that where suchlower-level hate speech occurs, there is norole for the state in regulating speech. Theyargue that because freedom of speech is acore liberal democratic value, it ought notto be regulated in response to such matters.Indeed, some argue that even the moreegregious examples of hate speech that aretargeted by criminal penalties ought not tobe regulated by the state. Rather, thesemore mundane expressions (and, accord-ing to some, also the more egregious ones)deserve a community response: theydeserve to be counteracted and contradict-ed by the counterspeech of others. Thissuggestion, while attractive in many waysbecause it supplants the requirement forstate involvement in remedying the harmsof hate speech, is also complex because itin turn raises the question of whether, how,and how effectively, targeted minoritiesmay be able to engage in counterspeech.Where inequalities of power are keenly felt

by marginalized communities, is it appro-priate to expect them to respond sponta-neously to discursive marginalization?This is another strand of discussion withinthe literature, one that also raises questionsabout the appropriate role of governmentand the public/private distinction.

In the end, these policy debates divide onthe question of what constitutes ‘hatespeech’ itself. What exactly is hate speech?When should incitement to racial or reli-gious hatred constitute an offence? Isincitement to violence, or a disturbance tothe peace, necessary? These are perennialquestions in the free speech versus hatespeech debate. Yet new developments inthe globalized era have raised these ques-tions afresh, and increased the complexi-ties involved in answering them. There arethree main points of contention that chal-lenge even scholars who have long beenengaged in this area of work. These are:new modes of communication; regulatoryavoidance; and the emergent counter-ter-rorism context.

New modes of communicationThere is little doubt that the internet hashad both positive and negative effects onthe ability of marginalized communities tospeak and be heard. The internet has creat-ed a new medium where those withoutaccess to the mainstream media can beheard. Many have cited the Zapatistas’internet campaign as an example of thepositive potential of the internet, in permit-ting communities to reach out internation-ally for support. The Wikileaks phenome-non is an example of the claimed power ofthe internet to create open access to infor-mation.

Yet others are much more cautious in theirappraisal of the impact of this new terrain.There is important new work emergingarguing that the anonymity and accessibil-ity of the internet have created new plat-forms for the purveying of hate. There issignificant evidence, for example, thatsome individuals devote their time to post-

The picture is complicated even more by the existence of an

anti-discrimination approach to hate speech policy in many countries.

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18ing hateful messages on blogs, targetinganyone they choose for victimization withgrossly sexist, racist and homophobictaunts and threats. Sometimes their targetsare sites set up to support victims of crime,or community-based activists. There arealso recognizable hate-purveying organi-zations that use the internet to reach wideaudiences much more easily than before.Often, these organizations are well-versedin the relevant anti-hatred laws that apply

in their jurisdictions, and they constructtheir sites in a way that avoids confrontingthe limits of those laws. New research byGail Mason, for example, shows that whitesupremacist organizations are adept at uti-lizing a new ‘discourse of care’ that sug-gests there is a humane side to their racism,and that sidesteps completely any potentiallegal response to their views.

The question of regulating the internet isfraught with difficulty. Of course, the tech-nical difficulties involved in trying to do soare legion, and internet service providersare understandably reluctant to be put inthe position of arbitrating what their cus-tomers can or cannot see, read or hear. Themechanisms for pursuing effective regula-tion, and the cross-jurisdictional applica-bility of national laws are questions thatare not yet settled. There have been somesuccessful prosecutions of the hosts of websites for material downloaded in a jurisdic-tion other than the one the host is locatedin. Yet the transnational character of theinternet can make applying normaldefamation or anti-hatred laws on theinternet extremely difficult. This, com-bined with regulatory avoidance by somevia a shift in language use, is cause forconsiderable concern amongst those com-mitted to combating the effects and conse-quences of hate speech.

Regulatory avoidanceThe reconstructed language of whitesupremacist groups on the internet is notthe only example of regulatory avoidance.In those countries where symbols associat-ed with totalitarianism are banned outright,there is strong evidence that extremist andfar-right organizations deliberately con-struct new symbols to use in their advoca-

cy. These symbols are sufficiently dissimi-lar from the original to avoid prosecutionfor those who display them, yet sufficient-ly similar that the viewpoint they intend toconvey by their use is clear to manyobservers. This has ,been the case inGermany, for example, where Nazi sym-bols are banned and members of far-rightorganizations utilize coded symbols, suchas numbers, in their communications.

The use of codes – whether symbolic orverbal – to achieve regulatory avoidance isan artefact of the criminal prohibition ofwell-known symbols of hatred. To somescholars, such as Peter Molnar, the use ofsuch codes contributes directly to thespread of racist speech rather than itsreduction, and highlights the futility ofprohibiting specific symbols through thecriminal law, rather than engaging in themuch more comprehensive activitiesrequired to change people’s views over thelonger term. These would include wide-spread education campaigns; anti-discrim-ination measures; and community under-standing of, and engagement with, theeffects of hate discourse on both its targetsand the community as a whole.

In this vein, it is also important to note thatsome hate speakers appear actively to pur-sue prosecution. Their motives vary, butcan include a desire to be seen as martyrsto the cause, a strategy to be provided witha platform from which to continue toexpress their views, and an opportunity tomount an absolutist freedom of speechargument in their own defence. Where thishas happened, those concerned with hatespeech are forced to rethink their policyapproaches and their understanding of

what is most beneficial, or harmful, to tar-geted communities, lest the policy out-comes produce worsening inequalities ofpower over time.

Counter-terrorism contextA further new development is the counter-terrorism climate that has emerged global-ly in the last decade. Within this environ-ment, many liberal democracies haveenacted new laws that impinge on freedomof speech and other human rights. This hasbeen recognized in a 2009 report by theInternational Commission of Jurists,Assessing Damage: Urging Action: Reportof the Eminent Jurists Panel on terrorism,counter-terrorism and human rights. Thereport expressed grave concern in relationto speech-limiting provisions, and arguedthat counter-terrorism laws should avoidcapturing a wide range of behaviour invaguely-worded offences.

Yet at the same time as these risks to freespeech are posed, the broader counter-ter-rorism policies pursued in many Westerndemocracies have left Middle Eastern andMuslim minorities feeling more vulnerablethan ever in the face of racial and religioushatred. Their perceptions of vulnerabilityare increased by the pincer-like coexis-tence of two forces. On the one hand therehas been a documented increase in inci-dences of vilification and hatred. On theother, members of these communities feeltargeted by government for suspicion ofterrorist activities, which renders them lesslikely to utilize the policies that exist tohelp them combat hatred. Overall, thiscontext may mean that the current counter-terrorism climate does more to undermineboth freedom of speech and anti-hatredstrategies than any other event of the postWorld War II era.

These ideas will be pursued and debated ata Main Theme Panel at the Madrid WorldCongress in 2012. The panel will be co-chaired by Peter Molnar and KatharineGelber, and will feature key speakers in thefield including Eric Heinze, WayneSumner, Catriona McKinnon and Mary-Kate McGowan.

Biographical note

Katharine Gelber is an Associate Professor in the School of PoliticalScience & International Studies at the University of Queensland andPresident of the Australian Political Studies Association. She hasrecently published Speech Matters (Uni-versity of QueenslandPress, 2011) and is co-editor of Hate Speech and Freedom ofSpeech in Australia (Federation Press, 2007).

Yet the transnational character of theinternet can make applying normaldefamation or anti-hatred laws on

the internet extremely difficult.

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IPSA News Nouvelles de l’AISPIPSA World Congress of Political ScienceNow Every Two Years! Montreal 2014 & Istanbul 2016

Following a decision taken at the last IPSA ExecutiveCommittee meeting in Madrid (October 29-30, 2010), IPSA

will now hold its World Congress of Political Science every twoyears, with Montreal (Canada) and Istanbul (Turkey) selected tohost the 2014 and 2016 congresses, respectively.

After careful consideration, the IPSA Executive Committee hasdecided to hold the IPSA World Congress of Political Scienceevery two years. Several factors contributed to this historic deci-sion. In the last ten years, a growing chorus of members has calledon IPSA to expand its activities. In an effort to respond to theserequests, IPSA initially opted to offer more in the way of interimconferences, such as the Montreal Conference (2008), theLuxemburg Conference (2010) and IPSA-ECPR joint conferencein Sao Paulo in February 2011. Additionaly, however, theExecutive Committee (EC), faced with an exponential surge in par-ticipation and in the quality of proposals, decided to evaluate thepossibility of holding the world congresses more often. Two factors– the overwhelming success of IPSA’s world congresses inFukuoka (2006) and Santiago (2009), and the fact that IPSA hashad a permanent Secretariat since 2006 – weighed heavily in theEC’s final decision to stage world congresses more frequently .

This initiative also speaks to IPSA’s success in pursuing its mission– namely to promote the development of our discipline. Holding aworld congress every two years will allow IPSA to visit more

countries and regions and thus heighten its international profile andcreate new opportunities for collaboration. Consequently, the ECdecided to accept the offer from the Canadian Political ScienceAssociation/Quebec Political Science Association and the TurkishPolitical Science Association to host the 2014 WC in Montreal andthe 2016 WC in Istanbul. IPSA will continue to hold interim con-ferences in 2013 and 2015.

The next world congress will be held in Madrid from July 8 to 12,2012, under the theme “Reordering Power, Shifting Boundaries.”Keynote speakers will include political scientist Elinor Ostrom, co-winner of the 2009 Nobel Prize for Economics. Mark the date inyour calendar and visit the web section regularly for detailswww.ipsa.org/events/congress/madrid2012/congress-theme.

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Sultan Ahmet Mosque (Blue Mosque) built in the

17th century (Istanbul)

Downtown Montreal

PHOTO: LYNE LALONDE

IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP Participation Vol. 35, no 1 Participation Vol. 35, no 1 IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP

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On May 2, Prof.Leslie Pal (EC Mem-ber), Prof. WernerPatzelt (EC Member)and Prof. Wyn Grant(Vice President, Afri-ca and Europe, Pro-gram Chair for theXXII IPSA WorldCongress of PoliticalScience) took part in

an international workshop and special con-ference titled “Prospects for South andNorth Korean Relations after theYeonpyeong Clash,” also held at KoreaUniversity.

The 107th IPSA Executive CommitteeMeeting was held at the ultra modern

Korea University in Seoul, South Koreafrom April 30 to May 1, 2011. The meet-ings were a great success, and details onEC decisions will be announced shortly.

In keeping with IPSA tradition, the meet-ings were held in conjunction with aca-demic activities sponsored by the KoreanPolitical Science Association. On April 30,Prof. Leonardo Morlino, President ofIPSA, delivered a special lecture titled“The Quality of Democracies Compared”(Europe and Latin America), and he wasfollowed by Prof. Hyug Baeg Im (ECMember), who gave a presentation titled“The Development of Quality of Democra-cy in Korea since Democratization in 1987.”

107th IPSA Executive Committee Meeting(Seoul, South Korea)

The Second Editionof the Annual IPSASummer School at the Universityof São Paulo: An even GreaterSuccess!

www.ipsa.org/news/news/second-annual-i p s a - s u m m e r - s c h o o l - u n iv e r s i t y -s%C3%A3o-paulo-another-great-success

Again this year, the annual Sao PauloIPSA Summer School was an unqual-

ified success. Held at the University of SãoPaulo from January 31 to February 11,2011, the Summer School built on thescholarly achievements of the first year, asenrolment surged by almost 50% with theaddition of four new courses. Some 16countries were represented, compared to10 the first year.

The First Edition of the IPSASummer School at StellenboschUniversity

The first summer school in social sci-ence research methods was held in

January 17-28 2011 by the AfricanDoctoral Academy at StellenboschUniversity, in conjunction with IPSA, andunder the leadership of Prof JohannMouton (ADA) and Prof Dirk Berg-Schlosser (IPSA).

The Summer School offered a wide rangeof one- and two-week courses covering theepistemology of the social sciences,designing research, quantitative and quali-tative approaches to social research as wellas a basic course on impact evaluation. Itbrought together 8 instructors from 7 uni-versities in South Africa, Germany,Switzerland and the United States and 90participants from 17 countries. Altogetherit can be considered to have been a verysuccessful international event as testifiedin the highly positive course evaluations bythe participants. In this way, the ground-work has been laid for future events of thiskind and a successful capacity building formethods teaching in the social sciences inSub-Saharan Africa.

www.ipsa.org

Participation Vol. 35, no 1 IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP

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IPSA at the 2011 ISA Convention in Montreal, Canada

The IPSA-ECPR Joint Conference in São Paulo, Brazil

IPSA was active at the International Studies Association’s AnnualConvention in Montreal, Canada, sponsoring three panels on the

topic of global governance.

- Where is the “Global” in Global Governance? Perspectivesfrom China, India and Brazil

- Southern Countries and Global Governance: Their Roles inthe United Nations Systems

- Fragile States and Global Governance: Exploring the Links

The IPSA Secretariat operated a booth for the duration of the con-vention and ensured liaison with ISA delegates by providing infor-mation on the upcoming IPSA World Congress of Political Sciencein Madrid in 2012 and on services offered by IPSA. Available atthe table were membership brochures, Madrid 2012 flyers, copiesof the International Political Science Review, InternationalPolitical Science Abstracts and History of IPSA, as well as promo-tional items. Many participants also took the opportunity to sub-scribe to IPSA’s monthly newsletter.

Among the many IPSA Executive Committee (EC) membersattending the convention were Lourdes Sola, Past President ofIPSA; Helen Milner, First Vice-President, Vice-PresidentAmericas; Leslie Pal, Chair of the Committee on Research and

Training; Bertrand Badie, editor of the upcoming IPSA PoliticalScience Encyclopedia; Hyug Baeg Im, member of the EC; and GuyLachapelle, Secretary General of IPSA. A number of IPSA mem-bers also dropped by to introduce themselves.

The IPSA-ECPR Joint Conference titled“Whatever Happened to North-

South?” wrapped up on Saturday, Febru-ary 26 after three-and-a-half days of panelsdiscussing the continued relevance of theinternational North-South divide. Theevent was hosted by the Brazilian PoliticalScience Association (BPSA) at theUniversity of São Paulo. More than 700participants were welcomed onto thesprawling grounds of the University of SãoPaulo campus. In this first-ever collabora-tion between IPSA and ECPR, participantsfrom Germany to Argentina and (ofcourse) Brazil took part in thought-provok-ing panels grouped under three themes: (1)changing patterns of international rela-

tions/regional integration; (2) politicalregimes, democratic consolidation and thequality of democracy; and (3) economictrends and political, social and culturalchanges.

In particular, we were very pleased that alarge number of local academics attended,taking advantage of the proximity of amajor international conference to shareideas with colleagues from around theworld. IPSA extends a warm word ofthanks to all participants and to ECPR,BPSA and the Local Organising Commit-tee for helping to make this event a greatsuccess.

IPSA World Congress and Event Manager, Yee Fun Wong, atthe IPSA booth at the ISA Convention in Montreal, Canada.

Participation Vol. 35, no 1 IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISPIPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP Participation Vol. 35, no 1

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To reward dedication and excellence in political science, to enhance the quality and diversityof participation in its World Congress of Political Science, and to encourage more women,

graduate students, young scholars and scholars from emerging countries to take part in IPSAactivities, IPSA has created the following awards.

For details on application procedures and criteria for the awards, please visit the “Awards” section at www.ipsa.org.

IPSA AWARDS

Karl Deutsch Award

The purpose of the Karl Deutsch Award is to honour a prominent scholar engaged in thecross-disciplinary research of which Karl Deutsch was a master. The recipient presents

the Karl Deutsch lecture or leads a special session at the IPSA World Congress of PoliticalScience. The award is made on the recommendation of the Committee on Awards. It is sup-ported by the Karl Deutsch fund.

Prize of the Foundation Mattei Dogan awarded by the International Political Science Association for High Achievement in Political Science

The prize is offered to a scholar of high international reputation in recognition of his/hercontribution to the advancement of political science. The prize is awarded at every IPSA

World Congress of Political Science. The recipient is invited to present a prize lecture duringthe IPSA World Congress of Political Science and receives a cash prize from the FoundationMattei Dogan.

Stein Rokkan Award

The Stein Rokkan Award is offered as a travel grant. The purpose of the Stein Rokkan fel-lowships is to assist a small number of graduate students to attend the World Congress

of Political Science by covering their basic travel and accommodation costs. The awards aremade on the recommendation of the Committee on Awards, and they are supported by theStein Rokkan fund.

Francesco Kjellberg Award for Outstanding PapersPresented by New Scholars

The purpose of the Francesco Kjellberg Award is to encourage young, new scholars towrite and present papers at the World Congress of Political Science. The recipient is

offered a complimentary two-year IPSA membership and funding of his/her travel costs to thefollowing World Congress of Political Science. The award is made on the recommendation ofthe Committee on Awards on the basis of nominations by convenors and chairs at the worldcongress and is based on normal criteria of academic excellence.

Wilma Rule Award on Gender and Politics

This award is designed to encourage research in the area of gender and politics. It is givento the best paper on gender and politics presented at the IPSA World Congress. The sub-

ject matter of the paper should include issues relating to women’s participation and repre-sentation in politics and society, especially the identification of entry barriers to decisionmaking arenas.


23

Global South Award

The Global South Award was created to celebrate the achievement of a political sci-entist concerned with issues related to the Global South. The award was offered for

the first time at the 2009 IPSA World Congress of Political Science.

Meisel-Laponce Award

The Meisel-Laponce Award was created by theInternational Political Science Review (IPSR) to honor John

Meisel and Jean Laponce, the first two editors of IPSR. The prize is awarded at every secondWorld Congress of Political Science to the best article published in IPSR in the previous fouryears. The prize is jointly sponsored by IPSA and SAGE Publications. It will be awarded forthe first time in 2012.

Award for Concept Analysis in Political Science

The IPSA Research Committee on Concepts and Methods (RC01-C&M) gives this award atevery IPSA World Congress of Political Science to published scholarly work that covers

concept analysis, concept formation or conceptual innovation as well as the fields of opera-tionalization, measurement, and data collection. It is co-sponsored by C&M and the Centrode Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE) in Mexico City.

Best C&M Working Paper Award

The Committee on Concepts and Methods (RC01-C&M) publishes two highly regardedseries of working papers. Every year, at the Annual Meeting of the American Political

Science Association (APSA), the Committee chooses the best paper published in either of itstwo series during the preceding calendar year.

Charles H. Levine Memorial Book Prize

Every year, IPSA’s Research Committee 27 on the Structure and Organization of Govern-ment (SOG), sponsor of the journal Governance, awards the Charles H. Levine Prize. The

Prize is awarded to a book that makes a contribution of considerable theoretical or practicalsignificance in the field of public policy and administration, takes an explicitly comparative per-spective, and is written in an accessible style. It is named in honor of Charles H. Levine, whowas an accomplished member of the Research Committee and served on the editorial board ofGovernance. The prize is awarded on the recommendation of a distinguished committee.

Ulrich Kloeti Award

The Ulrich Kloeti Award for Distinguished Contributions to the Study of Public Policy,Administration, and Institutions is given in honor of Ulrich Kloeti, a founding member of

IPSA’s Research Committee 27 on the Structure and Organization of Government (SOG) andits co-chair for ten years. It is presented annually to a scholar who has made exceptional con-tributions to research in the field through a sustained career. Awardees must have involvedthemselves significantly within SOG - both with respect to research and leadership.

NEW AWARD

Participation Vol. 35, no 1 IPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISPIPSA News | Nouvelles de l’AISP Participation Vol. 35, no 1

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IPSR Editors' Choice Collections - Regimes and Regime Change

The International Political Science Review (IPSR) is inaugurat-ing a feature to highlight especially noteworthy articles

published in the journal in the past decade on important themeswithin political science. Each year, several themes will be selectedby the journal editors, and made available free to view online athttp://ips.sagepub.com/cgi/collection/regimes.

The first theme in the series is Regimes and Regime Change, a cen-tral focus of scholarly attention in recent decades.

The selected articles are:

Vladimir Gel'manOut of the Frying Pan, into the Fire? Post-Soviet Regime Changesin Comparative Perspective

Javier Rodríguez, and Javier SantisoBanking on Democracy: The Political Economy of InternationalPrivate Bank Lending in Emerging Markets

Doh Chull Shin, and Byong-Kuen JheeHow Does Democratic Regime Change Affect Mass PoliticalIdeology? A Case Study of South Korea in ComparativePerspective

Abraham Diskin, Hanna Diskin, and Reuven Y. HazanWhy Democracies Collapse: The Reasons for Democratic Failureand Success

Jay UlfelderContentious Collective Action and the Breakdown of AuthoritarianRegimes

Staffan I. LindbergForms of States, Governance, and Regimes: Reconceptualizing theProspects for Democratic Consolidation in Africa

In consultation with IPSR’s newly revamped Editorial Board, theeditors have selected the recipient of the first Meisel-Laponce

Award. The award recognizes the best article published in IPSRsince IPSA’s 2009 World Congress.

The winners are Jørgen Møller and Svend-Erik Skaaning for theirarticle, “Beyond the Radial Delusion: Conceptualizing andMeasuring Democracy and Non-democracy” 31:3 (2010). We con-gratulate Professors Møller and Skaaning for considerably advanc-ing our understanding of democratic theory and practice.

The winning article is available on the IPSR home page(http://ips.sagepub.com), as are the five other articles nominated bythe editors. The award will be presented at IPSA’s next WorldCongress in Madrid in July 2012.

Jørgen Møller holds a PhD from theEuropean University Institute in Flo-rence, Italy (2007), and he is currentlyAssociate Professor at the Department ofPolitical Science, Aarhus University,Denmark. His research interests includeconceptualization of democracy, post-communist political change, comparativehistorical analysis of democratizationand state formation, and qualitativemethodology.

Svend-Erik Skaaning holds a PhD fromthe Department of Political Science atAarhus University, Denmark (2007),where he is currently associate profes-sor. His research interests include theconceptualization and measurement ofdemocracy, civil liberties and the rule oflaw, political regime change, statecapacity, and comparative methodology.

Winners of the First Meisel-LaponceAward Announced


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Co-Editor Sought for the InternationalPolitical Science Review (IPSR)

www.ipsa.org/news/news/international-political-science-review-ipsr-editor

The International Political ScienceReview (IPSR), the flagship publication

of the International Political ScienceAssociation, is seeking a co-editor to joinMark Kesselman for a four-year (renew-able) period starting in July 2012. The neweditor will be selected in time for the IPSAWorld Congress in Madrid in July 2012. Atransition period of several months willallow the appointed editor to become famil-iar with the editorial process.

IPSR is a general interest political sciencejournal from SAGE Publications. SAGEpublishes excellent scholarship in all fields related to politi-cal science. Contributors hail from all regions of the world,as the journal actively seeks to promote diversity in both itsauthorship and readership. The journal is quite selective aswell: less than one in five articles submitted are accepted forpublication. Moreover, IPSR’s impact factor has increasedsteadily. Its five-year impact factor was 0.936 in 2009 (upfrom 0.729 in 2008), ranking it 48/122 over a five-year peri-od (2004-09). Its 2009 impact factor was 0.592, up from0.581 in 2008.

Since 2009, IPSR has introduced a number of innovativefeatures to promote the journal and make more of its contentavailable through open access. The new editor will beexpected to support the journal’s efforts to improve the qual-ity of scholarship published and expand its readershipthroughout the world. Mikhail Ilyin, chair of the IPSREditor Search Committee (a sub-committee of the IPSAPublications Committee), and his colleagues will want toknow how the new editor plans to build on this success andfurther heighten the journal’s profile and standing during heror his tenure as co-editor.

The co-editor will be expected to:

• actively acquire manuscripts;

• oversee the peer review process using the ScholarOneManuscripts online management system;

• select appropriate peer reviewers fromIPSR’s reviewer pool to evaluate submis-sions;

• make decisions regarding the publication ofsubmitted manuscripts;

• edit manuscripts to ensure that they arepublished in acceptable English;

• collaborate with key personnel at SAGE,particularly the production editor, market-ing manager and managing editor;

• develop ideas to strengthen the journal’sstanding in political science.

The successful candidate for this position must have:

• a record as a distinguished academic in his or her field;

• a demonstrated commitment to international politicalresearch;

• previous editorial experience and fluency in writtenEnglish;

• familiarity with the work of IPSA and its researchcommittees.

Furthermore, the successful candidate will be expected tobecome an individual member of IPSA, help prepare anannual report and present it in person to the IPSA ExecutiveCommittee, contribute to IPSA’s Publications Committee,and sit on the IPSA Executive Committee (which meetsonce or twice annually) as a non-voting member. The editorwill receive an honorarium and adequate resources to coverexpenses stemming from these commitments.

Enquiries may be forwarded to Mikhail Ilyin([email protected]) and Mark Kesselman([email protected]). Applicants are asked to forwardtheir CV by email to Professor Ilyin, along with a statementdescribing their objectives for taking IPSR forward.

The application deadline is December 1, 2011.

Participation Vol. 35, no 1Participation Vol. 35, no 1

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National Association NewsNouvelles des associations nationalesAustrian PoliticalScience Association(AuPSA)CEPSA Annual Conference 2011, ViennaMultilevel Politics: Intra- and Inter-level Comparative PerspectivesIn conjunction with the IPSA ResearchCommittee 47 meeting27-29 October 2011, Vienna

Programme committeeKrisztina Arató (ELTE University Budapest)Karin Liebhart (University of Vienna)Silvia Mihalikova (Comenius UniversityBratislava)Anton Pelinka (CEU Budapest)

Conference topicAgainst the backdrop of a changed Euro-pean political landscape – a multifacetedinterplay of local, regional, national andsupra-national institutions, actors andstakeholders – the overarching conferencetopic focuses on political agenda-setting,decision-making and the implementationof politics from a comparative perspective.Contact: [email protected]

Organizers• Austrian Political Science Association

(AuPSA)• Central European Political Science

Association (CEPSA)• Department of Political Science,

University of Vienna

SociétéCamerounaise deScience Politique

Monsieur Patrice Bigombe Logo, Se-crétaire Général de la Société Came-

rounaise de Science Politique (SOCASP), aparticipé aux travaux du 4ème Congrès inter-national du Réseau des associations fran-cophones de science politique, à l'Univer-sité Libre de Bruxelles du 20 au 22 avril2011, sur le thème «Être gouverné au 21ème

siècle».

Bigombe Logo a pris part à la secondeconférence plénière du jeudi 21 avril 2011,sur le thème: «Ces hommes et ces femmesque l'on gouverne». Il a fait une présenta-

tion sur le thème: «Citoyen ou sujet ? Lesconfigurations de la condition du gouvernéen Afrique noire subsaharienne». L'Asso-ciation Africaine de Science Politique,quant à elle, était représentée par le Dr.Yves-Alexandre CHOUALA, professeur àl'Institut des Relations Internationales duCameroun (IRIC), Vice-Président pour l'A-frique centrale de l'Association Africainede Science Politique. Il a assuré la modéra-tion d'une conférence plénière sur le thè-me: "Vivre ensemble ? Les fractures multi-ples dans les États pluricommunautaires".

PortuguesePolitical ScienceAssociationCALL FOR PAPERS – VI ConferenceISCSP-UTL, Lisbon, 1-3 March 2012

The Portuguese Political Science Associ-ation (APCP) is accepting submissions

for panels and papers, for presentation at itssixth conference, which takes place atISCSP-UTL, Lisbon, from March 1 to 3,2012. Proposals should be forwarded byemail to [email protected]. The submis-sion deadline is OCTOBER 31, 2011.

Submissions should not exceed 200WORDS and must include the followinginformation:

1. Section number and title of the sub-mission

2. Title of the paper3. Author’s full name4. Author’s institutional affiliation and

position5. Author’s full contact details, includ-

ing postal and email addresses, andtelephone and fax numbers.

6. Short abstract of the submissionProposals should also include a BRIEFCURRICULUM VITAE (max. 150 words).APCP will only accept two proposals perspeaker (one as an individual and one as aco-author).

Panel proposals should include a title, amoderator and the respective papers. Thelatter should include the above require-ments for individual papers.

The conference will include the followingsections (this list may be subject to changedepending on the number of submissionsapproved and the theme of the submis-sions):

Section 1: Portuguese society and politicsSection 2: Portuguese-speaking countriesSection 3: European studiesSection 4: Comparative politicsSection 5: Governance and public policySection 6: International relationsSection 7: Political theory

Submissions are open to all interested par-ties, with the final selection based solelyon academic criteria.

Registration fees are as follows:20 Euros for APCP members70 Euros for non-members30 Euros for accredited students

Registered participants will receive a cer-tificate of attendance at the conference.

Submissions must be forwarded to [email protected] by no later than OCTO-BER 31, 2011. PROPOSALS RECEIVEDAFTER THE DEADLINE WILL NOT BEACCEPTED.

Prize for Best PhD Thesis presented forthe third time by the Portuguese Politi-cal Science Association

The Portuguese Political Science Associa-tion (APCP) will present the third editionof its prize for best Ph.D. Thesis in politi-cal science and international relations.

APCP welcomes Portuguese and non-Portuguese applicants conducting researchat Portuguese institutions or writing disser-tations dealing with Lusophone themes.

APCP will accept theses written in English,French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish.

Submission deadline for applications:November 31, 2011Value of the prize: ! 1500The winner will be announced at the 6th

Congress of the Portuguese PoliticalScience Association, which takes place inLisbon from March 1 to 3, 2012.

For details please write to us at [email protected]


27Research Committee NewsNouvelles des réseaux de chercheurs

Ken Endo – Chair of [email protected] Endo served as advisory expert at the “Cellulede Prospective” (Forward Studies Unit), the in-house think-tank of the European Commission cre-ated by former president Jacques Delors in 1992-1993, and in 1996 he obtained a D.Phil in Politics

from St Antony's College, Oxford. He is currently professor of inter-national politics at Hokkaido University’s School of Law. His publi-cations include The Presidency of the European Commission underJacques Delors: The Politics of Shared Leadership (Macmillan/St.Martin’s, 1999), and he has contributed to various journals, includ-ing International Affairs, the Journal of Common Market Studies,and Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica. Ken Endo recently publishedtwo tomes in Japanese: A History of European Integration (NagoyaUP) and The Frontiers of Global Governance (Toshindo).

Christ'l De Landtsheer – Chair of [email protected]’l De Landtsheer is a professor of politicalcommunication at the University of Antwerp,Belgium. After obtaining her PhD. from the Uni-versity of Ghent, Belgium, she became an associateprofessor at the Amsterdam School of Commu-

nication Research ASCoR, University of Amsterdam, The Nether-lands. She has been received as a visiting scholar at various univer-sities, among them the University of York, (UK), the University ofPadova and University of Perugia (Italy), Lomonosov Moscou StateUniversity (Russia), China University of Mining and Technology(Xuzhou, China), and San Diego State University (USA). Christ’lDe Landtsheer has published a number of international journal arti-cles, special journal issues, books and book chapters. Her researchinterests lie in political communication, political psychology andpolitical socialization. She is director of the Political Communica-tion Research Unit and master’s program at the University ofAntwerp, and chair of IPSA’s Research Committee on PoliticalSocialization and Education (RC21)

Mariel Lucero – Chair of [email protected] Mariel R. Lucero is a professor of contemporaryinternational policy, Argentine foreign policy andthe inter-American system at the Universidad deCongreso in Mendoza, Argentina. A member ofCOFEI (the International Studies Federal Council),

representing the Cuyo region, and of SAAP (the Argentine PoliticalScience Association), she previously worked at the Universidad deBuenos Aires (UBA) and the Universidad del Salvador (USAL) inBuenos Aires. She also teaches at Universidad Nacional de Cuyo(UNCuyo). Basing her research on a critical feminist internationalrelations perspective, Mariel Lucero has published several chaptersand articles on the armed forces and women in Latin America. Sheis currently working on women’s participation in Argentina’s for-eign policy ministry.

At its 18th World Congress in Munich (1970)some 40 years ago, IPSA decided to institu-

tionalize worldwide research activities in our disci-pline by establishing research committees. The rich variety of suchcommittees has proven to be one of IPSA’s greatest assets. In thepast and in this issue, Participation acknowledges their work byintroducing ten scholars currently chairing some of our most vibrantRCs. Presenting a broad spectrum of nationalities across severalcontinents and themes explored and taught under the umbrella ofpolitical science, these portraits speak to IPSA’s global reach andthe sheer scope of our discipline.

Participation’s previous issue introduced Hal Colebatch, Australia(RC32), Sharda Jain, India (RC39), Jim Björkman, Netherlands(RC25), Fred Lazin, Israel (RC5) and Linda Cardinal, Canada (RC50). This issue features John Higley, USA (RC2), Adrian Guelke,United Kingdom (RC14),Ken Endo, Japan (RC3), Christ’l deLandtsheer, Belgium (RC21) and Mariel Lucero, Argentina (RC7).

John Higley – Chair of [email protected] Higley has chaired RC2 (Political Elites) sinceits illustrious founder Mattei Dogan retired. Withcolleagues, Higley has formulated a ‘neo-elitist’theory of politics, highlighted democracy’s elitefoundations, reassessed Schumpeter’s theory of

democratic elitism, and studied Australian, Norwegian, and othernational elites empirically. During his chairmanship, RC2 has spon-sored four inter-congress conferences and produced half a dozenbooks and special journal issues canvassing elites and politics in anarray of countries.

Adrian Guelke – Chair of [email protected] Guelke is a professor of comparative poli-tics and director of the Centre for the Study ofEthnic Conflict at the School of Politics, Interna-tional Studies and Philosophy at Queen’s Universi-ty, Belfast. Recent publications include The New

Age of Terrorism and the International Political System (IB Tauris,2009), Terrorism and Global Disorder (IB Tauris, 2006) andRethinking the Rise and Fall of Apartheid (Palgrave Macmillan,2005), as well as the co-edited second edition of A Farewell toArms? (Manchester University Press, 2006) on the Northern Irelandpeace process. Studies he has edited in the field of politics and eth-nicity include The Challenges of Ethno-Nationalism (PalgraveMacmillan, 2010) and Democracy and Ethnic Conflict (PalgraveMacmillan, 2004). Adrian Guelke has served as chair of theInternational Political Science Association’s Research Committeeon Politics and Ethnicity since 2006. He is also editor of the journalNationalism and Ethnic Politics.

Rainer EISFELDRC Liaison Representative

Representing a Global Community of CommittedScholars: Introducing IPSA RC Chairs (Part 2)

RC’s

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Research Committees News | Nouvelles des réseaux de chercheurs Participation Vol. 35, no 1

RC01 – Committee on Conceptsand Methods: Call for Papers andAward Competition

The next IPSA World Congress of Political Science will be heldin Madrid from July 8 through 12, 2012. Like all other IPSA

research committees, the Committee on Concepts and Methods isentitled to sponsor at least two panels. We encourage all commit-tee members to submit proposals for individual papers on concep-tual or methodological issues. C&M members may submit individ-ual paper proposals through the IPSA 2012 conference website.Deadline: October 17, 2011.

Award CompetitionThe Committee on Concepts and Methods (C&M) is acceptingsubmissions for its 2012 Award for Concept Analysis in PoliticalScience. Co-sponsored by C&M and the Centro de Investigación yDocencia Económicas (CIDE) in Mexico City, the award is pre-sented every three years at the World Congress of the InternationalPolitical Science Association (IPSA). The fourth C&M award willbe presented At IPSA’s 2012 World Congress in Madrid for ascholarly work published between January 1, 2009 and December31, 2011. A formal publication in any category may be submitted,including a book, a book chapter or a journal article. Only English-language publications will be considered.

The notion of “concept analysis” should be understood broadly tocover concept analysis, concept formation, conceptual innovationas well as fields of operationalization, measurement, and data col-lection. The winner will receive a cash award of US$1,000.

Submissions are open to authors, journal editors, and book publish-ers. We encourage self-nominations. When submitting the work ofothers, please make sure you have the author’s express consent.

All submissions must be mailed by December 31, 2011 (date as perpostmark) and must include four paper copies of the work submit-ted, a brief justification (one paragraph), and the author’s mailingaddress, phone, fax and email. Please send one paper copy by stan-dard mail to each member of the 2012 award committee and to theC&M chair:

Professor Bernhard Kittel (chair)Zentrum für Methoden der SozialwissenschaftenAmmerländer Heerstrasse 114-118Carl-von-Ossietzky-Universität OldenburgD-26129 OldenburgGermanyEmail: [email protected]

Professor Amy PoteeteDepartment of Political ScienceConcordia University1455 de Maisonneuve Blvd. WestMontreal, QC H3G 1M8CanadaEmail: [email protected]

Professor Frederic C. SchafferC&M ChairpersonDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Massachusetts AmherstThompson Hall, Hicks WayAmherst, MA 01003USAEmail: [email protected]

RC02 – Political Elites

In collaboration with RC37 (Rethinking Political Development)and its chair, Prof. Zillur Khan, members of RC02 will take part

in a joint workshop on the multifaceted roles of elites and on trans-forming leadership in political development. The workshop takesplace at Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida, from November 7to 8, 2011. Prof. Oxana Gaman-Golutvina of MGIMO Universityin Moscow, currently president of the Russian Political ScienceAssociation, will serve as RC02’s chief representative.

RC03 – European Unification

IPSA RC03 is holding a joint international conference on“European Regulatory Governance: Developments and Change”

together with the Danish Society of European Research. The con-ference takes place at the Copenhagen Business School inDenmark from October 27 to 28, 2011.

Its aim is to identify and analyze the challenges and dynamics atwork in European regulatory governance, based on the followingquestions: What are the major institutional characteristics ofEuropean regulatory governance, and what forces are shapingthese characteristics? What are the consequences of these develop-ments and changes in relation to efficiency, effectiveness and legit-imacy?

Sitting on the international program committee are Ken Endo(Hokkaido University, Japan), Susana Borrás (CopenhagenBusiness School, Denmark), Magali Gravier (CopenhagenBusiness School, Denmark), Carlos Closa Montero (CSIC, Spain),David Levi-Faur (Hebrew University of Jerusalem & the FreieUniversitat Berlin), Patrick Le Galès (Sciences Po, Paris), AdriaanSchout (Clingendael Institute, The Netherlands) and ClaudioRadaelli (Exeter University, UK).

C’s

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Participation Vol. 35, no 1 Research Committees News | Nouvelles des réseaux de chercheurs

RC10 – Electronic Democracy

In June 2011, RC10 presented a workshop on electronic directdemocracy as part of “Twenty Years of Slovenian Statehood,” the

conference held by the Slovenian Association of Political Sciencein Portoroz, Slovenia.

New information and communication technologies can play animportant role in the evolution of public spaces. The Internet haslent renewed impetus to the worldwide growth of direct democra-cy. Political associations in countries like the Czech Republic makeextensive use of online polls for internal democracy. Are newmedia largely a reflection of “symbolic politics”? The analysis ofthe socio-political impact of the Internet and the ensuing debate

raised the following questions: Is there a virtual public sphere fordeliberation? Are online discourses progressing from the expres-sion of personal opinion to real deliberation? Also subject to criti-cal scrutiny were online communications such as weblogs and e-petitions in Asia, America, Europe (Slovenia, Hungary, Russia,Portugal), with mixed results. (http://rc10.ipsa.org/)

RC11 – Call for Participants in aNew Cooperative Project on HigherEducation and Scientific andTechnological Development

In today’s globalized world, all countries recognize the impor-tance of developing a capacity for innovation in science and tech-

nology. Many states are considering new institutions to promotescientific and technological change, therefore, while others areconsidering various reforms.

Universities play a leading role in fostering and maintaining thisinnovative capacity by performing three vital functions. First, asresearch institutions, they give rise to new ideas, concepts andknowledge, all of which culminate in a range of technological out-comes. Second, they train scientists and engineers to design andimplement innovations stemming from research activities. Third,they promote a climate of acceptance and offer recognition andprestige to people practicing innovation.

Not all universities perform these functions well, however. Thereare marked differences in the way universities train scientists andengineers, conduct research, and contribute to an innovation cli-mate. There are issues, as well, surrounding the teaching curricu-lum, and broader questions concerning the kind of professionalswe need to train, and the education our students should receive.

RC11 is organizing several panels on these and other issues for the2012 World Congress, in cooperation with the American PoliticalScience Association’s Science Policy Section and the StandingGroup on Politics and Technology of the European Consortium forPolitical Research. Our goal is to build an epistemic community; ifyou’re interested, please contact me at [email protected]

RC12 – Biology and Politics

RC12 (Biology and Politics) sponsored one panel at theAmerican Political Science Association’s annual meeting in

Seattle from September 1 to 4, 2011. The committee also organizedthree panels for the Association for Politics and the Life Sciencesmeeting in Cincinnati, Ohio from October 14 to 16, 2011.

Representing RC12 were Albert Somit and Steven Peterson, co-editors of a volume in the Emerald Biology and Politics seriestitled Biology and Politics: The Cutting Edge. The book was pub-lished in April 2011 by Emerald Group Publishing, and most of itsauthors are members of IPSA RC12.

RC13 – Democratization inComparative Perspective

The new executive committee members of RC13 – created at abusiness meeting during the 21st IPSA World Congress in

Santiago – have been very busy. Executive committee membersinclude: Professor Mario Sznadjer of the Hebrew University ofJerusalem as chair, and Dr. Chuku Umezurike of the University ofNigeria (Nsukka, Nigeria) as secretary. Other committee membersinclude Professors Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Wolfgang Merkel,Laurence Whitehead, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Anja Mihr, and Dr. AnnaDimitrijevics. These committee members, in particular its chairand secretary, have kept close tabs on the research committee’sactivities.

Our IPSA research committee has a fast-growing membership, andthe new executive committee’s first order of business will be toupdate the membership roll. Members have now been contacted bymail to verify current membership, and efforts to increase member-ship are ongoing. Given that RC13 members do not pay a member-ship fee, the committee continues to look for sources of financingso that it can host panels. When these efforts bear fruit, the execu-tive committee will apply for the stipend normally accruing fromthe IPSA executive. In the meantime, news bulletins have beenissued to sensitize members to the importance of attending confer-ences.

As well, the executive committee is in the final stages of prepara-tion for the 22nd IPSA World Congress in Madrid. Expectations arerunning high, and RC13 hopes to sponsor a number of independentand joint panels.

www.ipsa.org


30RC17 – Comparative Public Opinion

Research Committee 17 on “Comparative Public Opinion” wasconstituted at IPSA’s executive committee meeting in Seoul,

South Korea, in April 2011. This new research committee was thebrainchild of Dr. Marta Lagos, chair of the Global BarometerSurvey Group, and Professor Leonardo Morlino, president ofIPSA, and it was first conceived at the annual meeting of theGlobal Barometer Survey Group in Taipei, Taiwan, in October2010. RC17 is extremely grateful for the support it receives fromAcademia Sinica, the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, theChinese Association of Political Science, the Asian BarometerSurvey and the Global Barometer Survey Group. All helped to pro-vide the resources, infrastructure and inspiring creative environ-ment that held sway at RC17’s founding conference.

Serving as chair of RC17’s executive committee is ProfessorChristian W. Haerpfer, first chair of politics and director of theEuropean Centre for Survey Research at the University ofAberdeen (United Kingdom), and president of the EurasiaBarometer. The committee’s vice-chair is Dr. Marta Lagos, presi-dent of Latinobarometro and chair of the Global Barometer SurveyGroup in Santiago de Chile, and chair of the scientific advisorycommittee of the World Values Survey Association (based inStockholm, Sweden).

RC17’s Asia representative is Sandeep Shastri, pro vice chancellorof Jain University and director of the Centre for Research in SocialSciences and Education in Bangalore, India. Representing EastAsia is Yun-han Chu, professor of political science at NationalTaiwan University, Distinguished Research Fellow at AcademiaSinica, and coordinator of the Asian Barometer in Taipei (Taiwan).Representing Africa is Robert Mattes, professor of political scienceat the University of Cape Town, director of the Democracy inAfrica Research Unit, and coordinator of the Afro Barometer inCape Town and Stellenbosch (South Africa). Representing the AfroBarometer is Michael Bratton, University Distinguished Professorof Political Science at Michigan State University (USA).Representing Southern Europe and the Mediterranean Region isJuan Diez-Nicolas, professor emeritus of sociology atComplutense University, director of ASEP (Madrid, Spain), andpermanent advisor to the executive committee of the World ValuesSurvey Association. Representing Eastern Europe is DavidRotman, professor of sociology at Belarus State University, direc-

tor of the Belarus Sociological “Public Opinion” Service in Minsk(Belarus), and vice president of the Eurasia Barometer.Representing the World Values Survey Association (WVSA) isRonald Inglehart, professor of political science at the University ofMichigan (USA) and president of the World Values SurveyAssociation. And finally, representing the Comparative NationalElections Project (CNEP) is Richard Gunther, professor of politi-cal science at Ohio State University (USA) and international coor-dinator of CNEP in Lisbon, Portugal.

RC21- Political Socialization andEducation: From Krakow to Xuzhou

In spite of the impressive program on psycho-political socializa-tion in the Internet age, not all RC21 members were able to

attend the inter IPSA World Congress meeting at JagiellonianUniversity in Krakow, Poland, from June 23 to 25, 2011. The meet-ing was held at the new Institute of Journalism and SocialCommunication and was hosted in splendid fashion by TeresaSasinska-Klas. In her keynote lecture, the conference chair high-lighted current challenges in political socialization and politicalcommunication. Other lectures were dedicated to new media:Steen Sauerberg (University of Copenhagen, Denmark) gave apresentation titled “The Fall of Censorship: Cell Phones, theInternet and Social Media,” while Arkadiusz Zukowski (Universityof Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, Poland), presented a lecture onthe Internet as a social and political tool in Poland. There were alsopresentations on political education: Lars Monsen (LillehammerUniversity College, Norway) gave a lecture on the struggle for par-ticipative democracy in Norwegian schools, and Ingo Juchler(University of Potsdam, Germany) spoke about freedom, equalityand human rights in the Internet age. On the topic of politicalsocialization, Marion Reiser (University of Frankfurt, Germany)presented “Legislative Socialization of State Deputies.” Robert E.Gilbert (Northeastern University, Boston, Massachusetts) exam-ined the role of leadership in a lecture examining DwightEisenhower’s commitment to peace. Christ’l De Landtsheer(University of Antwerp, Belgium) analyzed “the psychologicalprofiles of populist politicians in the Low Countries.” And, in thearea of public opinion formation, there were presentations byMarceli Burdelski (University of Gdansk, Poland) on the masspropaganda system in North Korea, and by Lieuwe Kalkhoven(University of Antwerp, Belgium) on the imagery of Geert Wilders.The meeting gave rise to a vigorous debate on some burning issues,a debate that continued over dinner with live music at Ariel’sRestaurant in the Jewish Quarter. The closing lecture was given byMaria Magoska, director of the Institute on Media and Politics,Cooperation and Confrontation.

Subsequent RC21 inter World Congress meetings were held inBudapest (Hungary, 2004), Wuppertal (Germany, 2005), Antwerp(Belgium, 2007), Oslo (Norway, 2008), Aalborg (Denmark, 2010),and Krakow (Poland, 2011), and future destinations includeMoscow (Russia, 2012) and Xuzhou (China, September 2013)thanks to Helen Shestopal (Lomonosov Moscow State University)and Song Ying-Fa (China University of Mining and Technology).

RC21 panels at the IPSA World Congress in Madrid (July 8 to 12,2012) will focus on the following themes: international politicalsocialization and its effects; democracy and education in the 21st

century; and political or educational leadership: explanations forsuccesses or failures. Paper proposals are still being accepted untilOctober 17.

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RC21 will continue its fruitful cooperation with RC29 (Psycho-politics) chaired by Paul Dekker (Tilburg University, TheNetherlands).

RC21 is proud to report that the RC21-RC29 journal Politics,Culture and Socialization (Barbara Budrich Publishing), in just itssecond year of publication, has become the leading peer-reviewedjournal in several countries, including Norway and Belgium.

Details on RC21’s activities and on Politics, Culture andSocialization are available at www.politicalsocialization.org

Christ’l De Landtsheer, chair RC21Trond Solhaug, general secretary RC21

RC23 – Elections, Citizens andParties: Challenges of ElectoralIntegrity, Pre-IPSA CongressWorkshop

On Saturday, July 7, 2012 – the eve of the IPSA World Congressin Madrid, which runs from July 8 to 12 – IPSA-ECP is pre-

senting a one-day workshop (also in Madrid) on the “challenges ofelectoral integrity.” The workshop is co-sponsored by InternationalIDEA and the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems.

This workshop has drawn a terrific lineup of leading-edge scholarsin this field of study. The preliminary workshop program and allpaper abstracts are now available on our website at www.ipsa-ecp.com. The workshop sessions will break down as follows. Allsessions are open to the public.

Sat. July 7 Panel Thematic topic

09.30-11.00 1 The concept and measurement of electoral integrity

11.30-01.00 2 The cause of electoral malpractices11.30-01.00 3 Challenges of electoral integrity in Africa01.00-02.00 Buffet lunch02.00-03.00 Keynote address: Professor Stephen

Stedman03.00-04.00 4 The impact on citizens and democracy03.00-04.00 5 Challenges of electoral malpractice in Asia04.15-05.30 6 The implications for public policy

Electoral integrity – orrather, the lack thereof –presents a major challengefor societies throughoutthe world. It can take theform of flaws in the execu-tion of elections, whichraise issues of transparen-cy, accountability, accura-cy and ethical standards.Problems related to integ-rity can influence all stages

of the electoral process from voting procedures, boundary delimi-tation, voter education and registration, party/candidate registra-tion, campaigns, media, financing, and voting and vote counting, tothe final declaration of the results. A growing body of researchfrom scholars and policy analysts has sought to conceptualize thenotion of ethical standards of electoral integrity, examine tech-niques commonly used to manipulate electoral processes, and ana-lyze the consequences for citizens, legitimacy and democracy.

Challenges to electoral integrity stem from a range of malpracticesdeemed to violate international standards, with varying degrees ofseverity; they include practices that fail to respect basic politicalrights and civil liberties; undermine the independence of electoralcommissions; restrict ballot access; repress opposition forces; limitfair and balanced access to campaign finance resources; disenfran-chise citizens; coerce voters; buy votes; manipulate election rules;limit campaign news; generate fraudulent ballot counts; and pre-vent legitimate victors from taking office. While many regimesnow hold elections, contests lacking integrity can give rise to legaldisputes, erode public confidence in democracy, and even, inextreme cases, spark outright violence and conflict.

Further details on this event, including the exact location anddownloadable copies of workshop papers, will be posted at ourwebsite at www.IPSA-ecp.com. Colleagues and students alike arewelcome to attend.

Pippa Norris and Donley Studlar

RC24 – Armed Forces and Society:Visit to Ankara

RC24, Armed Forces and Society, held its triennial meeting inAnkara, Turkey, from June 17 to 19, 2011. A warm word of

thanks goes out to Bilkent University for hosting the event. Some100 scholars presented over 80 papers, and more than 20 panelswere scheduled. Our Turkish scholars – many of whom are newmembers of RC24 – showed courage by taking on the controversialtopic of civil-military relations in Turkey. The Ankara meeting con-tinued the long-standing tradition of holding RC24 meetings allover the world. In the last decade alone, the committee has met inSantiago, Shanghai, Bucharest, and now Ankara. RC24 scholarshiphas focused on theoretical and applied research from regional andnational perspectives, as well as practical research contributing tonational policy.

RC24 scholars continue to be in demand as we address the relevantissues of the day. Look for a strong delegation of RC24 scholars atthe 2012 Madrid World Congress. In the meantime, please visit ourIPSA website to keep up with our active membership(http://rc24.ipsa.org/).

Thanks go out to our outgoing president and chair, David Mares ofthe University of California at San Diego, for his strong leadershipover the last three years, and best wishes to incoming chairMarybeth Ulrich of the U.S. Army War College and the RC24 offi-cers and board members who will move this committee forward.

RC26 – Human Rights: HumanRights Conference in Seoul, SouthKorea

On June 16 and 17, the Research Committee on Human Rights(RC26) held a joint conference with the Korean Association of

International Studies (KAIS) at the Plaza Hotel in downtownSeoul, with the focus on “war, peace and human rights after theCold War.”

On the eve of the official opening, KAIS members hosted a lovelyKorean-style dinner for participants from RC26, thus further con-solidating ties between the two groups.

On Thursday, June 16, Prof. Sung-joo Kim, president of KAIS, andProf. Zehra Arat, chair of RC26, got the conference off to an excel-lent start with their opening remarks. Also offering heartfelt con-gratulations were Dr. In-Taek Hyun, South Korea’s minister of uni-fication, and Prof. Yoshiko Kojthe, president of the JapanAssociation of International Relations.

A total of nine panels were held over two days, and 25 presenta-tions were given by participants from 11 different countries, withabout half given in English and half in Korean. Day 1saw AnjaMihr of Utrecht University chair “Human Rights After the End ofthe Cold War.” She was followed by Chin-Sung Chung of SeoulNational University (chair of “Peace and Human Rights on theKorean Peninsula I”) and Yong Soon Yim of SungkyunkwanUniversity (chair of “Peace and Human Rights on the KoreaPeninsula II”). Thursday’s work sessions culminated in an excel-lent dinner, with congratulatory remarks by Jae-Chang Kim, chairof the Council on Korea-U.S. Security Studies.

Day 2 (Friday, June 17) featured a full day of panels. The incomingchair of RC26, Füsun Türkmen of Galatasaray University in Turkey,chaired “Regional Dynamics and Universal Values: BetweenContradiction and Interaction.” He was followed by Euikon Kim of

Inha University, who chaired “Korea’s Foreign Policy during thePost-Cold War Era: Globalization, Diversification and PublicDiplomacy.” After a delicious luncheon courtesy of KAIS, the after-noon panels saw Tom De Luca of Fordham University chair“Massive Violations: Repair the Past and Preempt the Future”; hewas followed by Hyung Kook Kim of Chung-Ang University, chairof “Korea’s Accommodation of New International RelationsTheories During the Post-cold War Era.” After a well-deserved cof-fee break, RC26 chair Zehra Arat of Purchase College chaired“Human Rights from a Comparative Perspective,” and DalchoongKim of Yonsei University chaired “Peace and Stability on theKorean Peninsula During the Post-Cold War Era.”

That evening, KAIS hosted a fine dinner for conference partici-pants. Both organizations were pleased with the presentations, thework of the discussants and the level of cooperation. RC26 mem-bers thanked the KAIS for graciously hosting the dinner, and a spe-cial word of thanks went to Mikyoung Kim of Hiroshima CityUniversity for her excellent coordinating role. Both groups lookforward to working together again in the future.

RC26’s day did not end there, however, as its executive committeeworked well into the evening on future plans, including participa-tion in next year’s IPSA World Congress of Political Science inMadrid, Spain.


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RC’s

RC28 – Comparative Federalismand Federation

RC28 on Comparative Federalism and Federation will be con-vening the following panels for the XXII IPSA Congress in

Madrid, Spain from July 8 to 12, 2012:

1) “Implications of Public Attitudes for Boundaries of National,Regional and Local Power in Federal and Non-FederalSystems” (chair: John Kincaid, Meyner Center, LafayetteUniversity, USA)

2) “Stability of Federal Systems” (chair: Arthur Benz,Technische Universitat Darmstadt, Germany)

3) ”The Jurisdictions of Federalism or the Politics of Scale:Opportunities for Women’s Activism” (co-organized with RC19) (co-chairs: Melissa Haussman, Carleton University,Canada, and Sonja Walti, American University, USA)

4) “Accommodating Diversity Reconsidered: Shifting Territorial,functional or Cultural Boundaries in Democratic States” (co-chairs: Bettina Petersohn, Technische Universitat Darmstadt,Germany, and Nathalie Behnke, University of Konstanz,Germany)

Other RC28 panel sessions will be added by the RC panel deadlinefor the Congress.

Several RC28 members attended the ECPR congress in Reykjavik,Iceland from August 25 to 27, 2011. Section 43, Panel 603 on “bal-ancing and rebalancing federal systems” featured presentations byRC28 members and was convened and co-chaired by Sonja Waltiand Tom Lancaster of the RC28 executive committee.

Several important co-edited books on federalism and multi-levelgovernance were recently published by RC28 members. Theyinclude John Kincaid (ed.), Federalism, Four Volume Set (SageLibrary of Political Science, 2011); Rekha Saxena (ed.), Varietiesof Federal Governance: Major Contemporary Models (New Delhi:Foundation Books, Cambridge University Press, 2011) and HenrikEnderlein, Sonja Walti and Michael Zurn (eds.), Handbook ofMulti-level Governance (Cheltenham, UK: Edward ElgarPublishing, 2010). A more detailed description of the authors andcontents of these publications is available on the RC28 website(http://ipsarc28.politics.utoronto.ca) under “Featured Publica-tions.”

Finally, in the near future we will be establishing a nominatingcommittee charged with selecting nominees for the new RC28executive committee for 2012 to 2015. It will be chosen via anemail ballot to our paid members shortly after the MadridCongress.

RC30 – Comparative Public PolicyNews

RC30 has been very active since its creation at the IPSA execu-tive meeting in early May. The committee has established a

mailing list and webpage presence at:

http://rc30.ipsa.org/

and a Facebook page at:

www.facebook .com/pages /Resea rch-Commi t t ee -onComparative-Public-Policy-RC30/126634394081943

Persons interested in comparative public policy research are invit-ed to notify us of any events or activities relevant to the researchcommittee. Please contact interim RC30 chair Michael Howlett([email protected]) to join the mailing list and (especially) visit ourFacebook page for updates on events and happenings of interest tothe committee.

RC30 is co-sponsoring a conference in Hong Kong in October2011 on centralization and decentralization dynamics in Asia andelsewhere (see our webpage or Facebook page for details). Thecommittee is also actively preparing for the Madrid 2012Congress. With other IPSA RCs, we will be co-sponsoring severalpanels on comparative development policy and comparative policywork, and we’ve issued several calls for papers and panels on thefollowing topics:

1. Post governance: bringing the state back in again

2. Regulation and the regulatory state

3. Policy work in comparative perspective (jt with RC32)

4. Governance, markets and regulation

5. Re-centering decentralization

6. Policy advisory systems

Paper submissions on these topics will be accepted until IPSA’sOctober 17 deadline.

Please note that conference papers from these panels will be con-sidered for a $500 cash award for “best comparative public policypaper” (presented with the International Comparative PolicyAnalysis Forum). As well, authors are encouraged to publish in thescholarly journals affiliated with IPSA RC30: the Journal ofComparative Policy Analysis (Routledge) and Policy and Society(Elsevier). Please visit the RC30 webpage for details.

Michael HowlettM. RameshGiliberto CapanoDarryl Jarvis

RC30 Interim executive committee

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RC32 – Public Policy andAdministration Conference

RC32 recently held a highly successful conference inDubrovnik, Croatia on “policy development in different cul-

tural contexts.” Hosted by the University of Zagreb’s Centre forAdvanced Academic Studies, located on the outskirts of the OldCity, this event was well attended by scholars from both “transi-tional polities” in the Western Balkans (the former Yugoslavia) andbeyond. A number of scholarly and professional perspectives werepresented. The conference was co-sponsored by RC5 on LocalGovernment, the Russian Political Science Association’s ResearchCommittee on Public Policy and Governance, the CroatianPolitical Science Association, and the Croatian Institute of PublicAdministration.

Discussion topics ranged from analytical constructs to empiricalreports, and local, national and continental perspectives wereexplored. Special focus was placed on policy as a field of special-ized activity and the emergence of “policy analysts” as a profes-sional group. The involvement of non-government groups in thepolicy process was discussed, as was the impact of official recog-nition on the character and mode of operation of so-called policyanalysts.

Several papers focused on the modernization of governmentprocesses in the Western Balkans and the impact of external mod-els on this process – OECD standards, expectations of aid donors,and above all, specific EU requirements for candidate countries:the acquis communitaire.

Detail are available on the conference website www.politologija.hr/hr.konferencije.php?id=34&konf=3

RC34 – Quality of Democracy: NewResearch Committee!

Objectives

This new RC will bring a fresh approach to the empirical analy-sis of democratic quality by giving scholars a new “space” in

which to meet and share methodological and empirical works. Thisapproach is meant to deepen our understanding of democraticmechanisms and processes of change, subversion, anchoring, andso forth. A special workshop and panels will be presented at the2012 IPSA World Congress in Madrid.

Analyses of democratic regimes have long been part of the coreagenda in comparative politics; the last four decades have wit-nessed a far broader and more comprehensive development coin-ciding with the so-called third wave of democratization. Whileresearch on transitions from democracy, favourable and unfa-vourable conditions, and factors for enduring democratic gover-nance has been immeasurably enriched, we are only beginning toexplore quality of democracy as a new area of academic inquiry.

RC34 has examined recurring problems with democratic regimes,including issues related to government accountability, responsivepolicy-making as a tool for more accountable government, and therelationship between equality and freedom. These research ques-tions, recast, have profoundly reshaped the traditional empiricaltheory of democracy, which is largely based on the worldwideexpansion of democracy in the last 60 years, particularly since theearly 1970s. They’ve also sparked renewed interest in classic polit-ical science and in issues related to elections, parties, civil society,institutions and institutional design, decision-making, policies andpolicy implementation.

In a further step, we intend to focus on new questions and perspec-tives: What are the reasons for a declining quality of democracy,and what are the outcomes? What aspects are essential to improv-ing democratic quality? Recent historical and systemic analyses ofdemocratic regimes found common ground in the democratic qual-ity assessment stream. RC34 has adopted an innovative analyticaland methodological approach: as well as integrating qualitative andquantitative analyses into the assessment of democracy, the com-mittee will stand firm in its epistemological commitment to adopta comparative perspective with all types of democracy.

Taking into account the political shift toward democracy since1974, the new research committee will explore potential theoreti-cal developments in an effort to respond to a number of questionswhich have yet to be adequately answered.

RC34 initiatives will cover networking, research coordination, anddissemination. For details please visit http://rc34.ipsa.org/ or con-tact Chairs Marianne Kneuer ([email protected]), Jean-MichelDe Waele ([email protected]), José Álvaro Moisés ([email protected]) or Vice-Chair Daniela Piana ([email protected]).


34

INQUIRIESMathieu St-Laurent [email protected]+ 1 514 848 8745

RC

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RC37 – Rethinking PoliticalDevelopment & RC2 – PoliticalElites Joint IPSA Workshop

Ajoint two-day IPSA workshop sponsored by RC2 and RC37will be hosted by Rollins College, Florida, USA, on

November 7 and 8, 2011. The theme of the workshop is “Rethink-ing Political Development: Multifaceted Role of the Elites andTransforming Leadership in Political Development.”

Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus and Rahul Gandhi,Secretary General of India's ruling Congress Party, have been invit-ed to serve (respectively) as chief guest and inaugural speaker.Rainer Eisfeld, Sushma Yadav, John Higley, Theodore P. WrightJr., Oxana Gaman-Golutvina, Rounaq Jahan, Shelley Feldman andRobert Wirsing have all graciously agreed to present keynotespeeches and/or papers and to serve as panel chair-discussants.Additional keynote addresses will be given by Professor OxanaGaman-Golutvina, president of Russian Political ScienceAssociation, representing RC02, and Zillur R. Khan, chair ofRC37, professor emeritus of political science at the University ofWisconsin and adjunct professor of international affairs at RollinsCollege.

Presenting papers are Yan Vaslanskiy, Mark Farha, HassanMneimneh, Vincent Reyes, Olanrewaju Olaoye, Flavio Gaitan,Neil Padukone, Amna Yousaf Khokar, Deeptima Shukla, DawoodAfzal, Dr. Sharma, Isil Turkananditate, Panji Anugrah Permanaand Albert Ludwigs.

RC38 - Politics and Business:Workshop in Konstanz

RC38 held its mid-congress workshop at the University ofKonstanz, Germany on June 3 and 4, 2011, on the theme of

“business and sustainability.”

Volcker Schneider and Achim Lang served as our generous hosts,with financial support from the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, whichstepped in to support participation by graduate students. The venue– the Bischofsvilla on the shores of the Rhine – was superb, espe-cially as attendance, for many, entailed a pleasant walk through theold city.

Papers were presented on various aspects of corporate sustainabil-ity, including theoretical underpinnings as well as economic, envi-ronmental, social and cultural aspects of sustainability. Presentersincluded Karsten Ronit (University of Copenhagen), Tony Porter,(McMaster University), Aynsley Kellow and Richard Eccleston(University of Tasmania), Claudius Wagemann (L'Istituto Italianodi Scienze Umane), Wyn Grant (Warwick University), VolkerSchneider, Achim Lang and Thomas Malang (Konstanz), HarveyFeigenbaum (George Washington), Nicole Helmerich (Freie Uni-versität Berlin) and Rachel Barlow (Robert Gordon University).

The papers sparked a lively discussion, with more issues raisedthan resolved and RC members vowing to carry the debate forwardto Madrid.

The workshop concluded with an administrative session. On theagenda: plans for the Madrid Congress and the future governanceof the RC, which was assisted greatly by the presence of WynGrant, program chair for Madrid 2012.

RC47 Local-Global Relations

New RC47 Vice-Chair

The RC47 board appointed Nataliya Velikaya temporary vice-chair of RC47. Velikaya is chair of ISA working group 1. Her

appointment will be confirmed by ballot after the next RC47 meet-ing in October 2011.

Upcoming IPSA RC47 meetingOctober 27 to 29, 2011, Vienna

The next RC47 meeting will be held in Vienna in conjunction withthe 2011 CEPSA (Central European Political Science Association)conference:

Multilevel politics:Intra- and inter-level comparative perspectives

The committee will hold two sessions:

I.Theoretical implications of cross-national comparative stud-ies of local leadershipchair: Jerzy J. Wiatr, Poland

II.Perspectives of the future comparative studies of local-glob-al relationschair: Nataliya Velikaya, Russian Fed.

RC48 – Administrative Culture

RC48 on “Administrative Cul-ture” has a new chair, Dr.

Rosamund Thomas, director of theCentre for Business and PublicSector Ethics in Cambridge, UK.Current members and people inter-ested in joining RC48 are invited tocontact Dr. Thomas at [email protected]. Please include full de-tails, contact information, and aphotograph for the new RC48 web-site.

This research group will host pan-els at the 2012 World Congress of Political Science in Madrid ontwo separate themes: ethics in public administration, including cor-ruption/anti-corruption; and current and future issues in publicadministration as they affect administrative culture.

Persons who wish to present a paper on either of these themes atthe Madrid 2012 World Congress of Political Science are invited tocontact Dr. Thomas. If business ethics and anti-corruption comeunder your field of interest, please see Rosamund’s new editedbook, titled Business Ethics (ISBN 978-1-871891-04-1). Fordetails please contact Dr. Thomas at the email address cited aboveor go to www.ethicscentre.org.

Dr. Rosamund Thomas

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As we set about reimagining democratic societies and the con-tribution of higher education to this enterprise, our task, we

realize, is a bittersweet one.

Bittersweet because we must remember and bid goodbye to ourgood friend, Professor Henry Teune of the University of Pennsyl-vania, who passed away on April 12; and because, to rememberHenry is to remember why we’re here. The passing of a good friendand an important member of the academic community is a sadoccasion, yet our burden of sorrow is made lighter by the knowl-edge that Henry left behind a life’s work that will outlive not onlyhim but also us. In the immortal words of the 19th centuryNorwegian poet Per Sivle (who died young), “The banner remainsstanding even if the man has fallen.” Merket det stend om mannenhan stupte.

Henry’s importance to this conference can-not be underestimated: without him, thisevent would not have taken place. HenryTeune was instrumental in fostering cooper-ation between academic circles in the U.S.and Europe. His early work included a jointproject on the university as a place of civicaction, and ultimately, his efforts preparedthe way for our work on the role of highereducation in building our democratic cul-ture – without which our institutions wouldnot work.

As a pre-eminent political scientist, Henryheld prominent positions in professionalpolitical science associations in the U.S. andbeyond. His publications were widely read,studied and quoted. Henry Teune also rec-ognized the importance of democratic insti-tutions; more importantly, he recognizedthat institutions alone will not lead to democracy unless they’refounded on a culture of democracy. Henry’s interest in empiricaland comparative studies on local-global relations spawned a life-long fascination with Europe and a strong commitment to trans-Atlantic cooperation. From his unique vantage point as a facultymember at the same prestigious research university – Penn – for 50years, Henry was a tireless explorer of our world.

Europe, the continent Henry became intimately familiar withthrough his research, was also the land of his forebears. He wasboth acutely aware of and proud of his Swiss and Dutch roots dat-ing back to the mid-17th century, and as a third-generationAmerican, he stood as an example of what it means to be Americanin the most positive sense.

Henry Teune was a leader when it came to making the link between

political science and human rights. He was convinced that whilecountries and states are important, neither intellectual curiosity nordemocratic culture stops at national borders. It was no coincidence,therefore, that Henry set his gaze on Europe and Asia (the home ofhis wife) and ultimately on the Council of Europe. With his goodfriend and long-time research partner, Krzysztof Ostrowski, who iswith us at this conference, Henry was persuaded that the study ofhigher education – more specifically how it promotes the valuesand practices of democracy and human rights – was crucial toimproving democracy itself.

Henry Teune helped create and develop the InternationalConsortium jointly responsible for organizing today’s conference.He played a vital role in linking the Consortium to the Council ofEurope’s higher education program, and for several years he wasan observer on the Council’s Steering Committee for Higher

Education and Research. He had preparedto be with us in Oslo, but alas it was notmeant to be. We can best honour his memo-ry by continuing on the path Henry blazedfor us.

A shining example that no human being isthe mere sum of his positions and publica-tions, Henry proved himself to be a greatscholar as well as a fine human being. Hewas always ready to listen, yet he also heldstrong convictions. Any person who be-lieved that business schools are the future ofhigher education would find his match inHenry. Any mention of Wharton – the insti-tution where he began his career – wouldevoke the firm assertion that higher educa-tion is about values more than about valueadded.

Henry passed way on April 12, 2011. I can scarcely bring myselfto believe it was pure coincidence that on April 12, the U.S. com-memorated the 150th anniversary of Fort Sumter, which marked thestart of American Civil War. This symbolizes Henry’s life andwork, for as a scholar and a human being Henry worked hard toovercome divisions created by politics and economics, by institu-tions and man-made borders, by a culture of the past and a lack offaith in the future.

As we begin our two days of reimagining democratic societies,please join me in a moment of silence to fondly remember HenryTeune – a scholar and humanist, an American and a citizen of theworld, a human being, and a friend we will sorely miss. Let usprove, through this conference and the hard work that follows, thateven if Henry is no longer with us, the mark he made and thecourse he set live on.

HENRY TEUNE IN MEMORIAM (1936-2011)

Sjur Bergan, Council of EuropeAt the Conference on “Reimagining Democratic Societies”, Oslo, June 27 – 29, 2011

In a globalising world, everywhere power is being reconfigured, creatingopportunities for change:

! New players are emerging on the world stage, reflected in G-20, the‘BRICs’ and in North-South relations.

! Climate change and the financial crisis have altered global dynamics.! Transnational governance is taking on new forms, such as the reformed

EU and Mercosur.! Within states, there is increased devolution and the recognition of sub-

identities.! State functions are increasingly being shared with non-state actors such as

corporations and non-governmental organisations and are affected bythe dynamics of an international society.

! Substantial changes are taking place in social life including gender rolesand the nature of the family.

! Religious cleavages refuse to disappear, and may be evolving into a majoraxis of political and social conflict.

! The Westphalian model of inter-state relations is not sufficient to copewith the challenges of global governance. This emphasises the importanceof the dialogue between political science and international relations.

The nation-state remains the key crucible of power in terms of elections, pub-lic policy and in international negotiations, but it faces new challenges.Territory and power no longer align. Boundaries and borders are shifting.

Boundaries can be geographical, social, cultural, religious or economic. We needto understand how they are created and interpreted. Every boundary is anexpression and exercise of power and this raises normative issues, particularlythose relating to justice and the divisions between public and private and at theglobal level between North-South and South-South relations. The debate aboutthe centrality of trust in social and political life has been reactivated.

How we frame these issues depends in part on our disciplinary assumptions andmethodologies. We need to think again about how to conceptualise power, forexample in terms of legitimacy, sovereignty or questions of global governance/locality. Boundaries within our discipline and with other disciplines are shifting.Space and scale are becoming increasingly important in the thinking of politi-cal science. What other tools or multi-method approaches do we need torespond to these changes? Political science can play an important role ininforming the choices that come with the reshaping of power.

The main congress themes are:! Comparative Politics and Political Institutions! Gender, Religion, Identity! International Political Economy! International Relations! Political Behavior! Political Theory ! Public Policy

The co-winner of the 2009 Nobel Prize for Economics, political scientist ElinorOstrom, will be amongst the key note speakers. We invite you to share yourresearch on the reshaping of power and shifting boundaries and visit the websection regularly for more information. Don’t miss this great opportunity topresent your work to peers, learn from others and meet political scientists fromaround the world.

SubmissionsPaper proposals, including a brief abstract of 1500 characters should be submit-ted by October 17, 2012 via IPSA’s online submission process. For more informa-tion on the congress, please visit the IPSA website http://www.ipsa.org/events/congress/madrid2012/congress-theme. If you have questions regarding the con-gress, please write to [email protected].

ReorderingPower,ShiftingBoundaries

IPSA WORLDCONGRESS

Paper Proposals Deadline:

October 17, 2011

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