aa perception of natural hair

MEDIA INFLUENCES ON AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN AND THEIR NATURAL HAIR

Media Influences on African American Women and Their Natural

Hair

Tamara Stinson

Queens University of Charlotte

December 5, 2011

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Abstract

This research examines how the media and society influence African American women’s

perception of their natural hair. This issue is examined throughout history from slavery to

present day. Presently, natural hair is gaining more positive implications; which may be

affected by the increase of more positive images with natural hair. I will conduct fifteen

in-depth ethnographic interviews, produce observation field notes, collect newspaper and

magazine articles, pictures, blog posts, journal entries and participant observation. I

anticipant finding the answers to the following questions: How does the media portray

African American women’s hair? How do African American women perceive natural

hair? How do the media influence African American women’s perception of their natural

hair? This research will benefit all women who feel as though they have to change

anything about their bodies to fit the universal beauty aesthetic.

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The American experience has produced a unique struggle for African American

women to create their unique beauty aesthetic. In the United States, Eurocentric beauty

standard has been the ideal, African American women have had to carve out their own

aesthetic and appreciate the very features that distinguished them. However, hair texture

is one of the remaining stumbling blocks on this journey to create an aesthetic that

embodies every color, shape, size, and texture. It is a subject fraught with politics and

emotional implications.

Post emancipation African American culture did the double duty of investing in

two things to “fix” their Blackness, their otherness. Skin bleaching and hair straightening

were the dual remedies. Skin bleaching has dramatically fallen out of fashion, and is now

seen as a politically incorrect ritual of self-hatred. However, altering hair texture is still a

booming business in African American communities.

By default, many African American women alter their hair texture by

straightening. The default is for Black women to either chemically or thermally alter their

hair texture from an early age. This is because natural hair carries many negative

connotations.

Most African American hair texture is tightly coiled, and often described at

“nappy” or “kinky.” Both terms, however, carry a double meaning. The word nappy is

used disparagingly just as calling a woman a bitch. Kinky is a term used to described

sexual deviance. Don Imus famously referred to a collegiate women’s basketball team as

“nappy headed hoes.” This comment was derogatory and only fueled the prevalent belief

that nappy hair is undesirable. Why is kinky hair such a problem? What is the big deal?

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The texture has so many negative implications attached to it: poverty, slavery, filth,

insanity, and laziness.

In the documentary Hair piece: A film for nappy- headed people, Chenzira, goes a

little further by saying that African American women have a “hair problem.” Common

saying that have been issued to women as a warning, “No job wants a nappy headed

woman!” and “No man wants a nappy headed woman!” (1985). Since our hair “doesn’t

move” [like straight hair] and has no perceived beauty of its own, natural hair was not

seen as necessary in hair ads, magazine, and on TV” (Chenzira, 1985). Until the last

decade, the otherness of natural hair has had little to no representation in popular media.

Kinky hair is not acknowledged in advertisements and magazines because it did not fit

the mainstream. Since African American women lacked the imagery to reinforce their

beauty, many opted to “play it straight” (Chenzira, 1985).

This research will examine main research question of how society has influenced

African American women’s perception of their natural hair. Additionally, how has the

media reflected and influenced African American women’s perception of their natural

hair? Are African American women more inclined to promote who they are as an

individual or promote an image of themselves that is acceptable to society? Clearly, the

ideology of a Eurocentric standard of beauty is ingrained in the psyche of African

American women. “This standard of beauty is perpetuated through a variety of

unquestionable, daily experiences of African American girls and women.” (White, 2005,

p. 300). Just as I never thought as a child to ask why I had to get my hair pressed and

later relaxed, I am sure many of the women who state that they could not wear their hair

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‘like that’, have never asked why shouldn’t they be able to wear their hair the way in

which they were born.

Back to the Roots

One must look back to history to get the source of these “solutions” for naturally

kinky hair. Around 1850, Martin H. Freeman wrote in Anglo-African magazine,

“ . . . kinky hair must be subjected to a straightening process-oiled, and pulled, twisted

up, tied down, sleeked over and pressed under, or cut off so short that it can’t curl,

sometimes the natural hair is shaved off and its place supplied by a straight wig . . . Now

all this is very foolish perhaps wicked, but under the circumstances it is very natural.”

(Byrd, 2001, p.20).

History confirms that the hair “problem” has vexed African American women

since coming to America. Hair alteration processes were not to enhance it, but to disguise

kinky hair and make it conform to the New World. The problem was not with hair, but

Blackness itself. The hair is a representation of the Blackness, the otherness itself.

Straightening it is putting a toe in the melting pot. Coupled with skin bleaching, is an

attempt to dunk oneself in to the melting pot.

Bryd further explains, “To gain access to the American Dream one of the first

things Blacks had to do was make White people more comfortable with their very

presence” (Byrd, 2001, p.26). Thus, African Americans had to subject their Negroid hair

and skin to straightening and bleaching to minimize the difference between them and

whites.

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Tate found that as early as the 1930’s, hair straighteners and skin bleaching

creams were [ironically] “Black beauty” advertisements commonly seen in Black

Northern periodicals. However, especially with the emergence of the Black Nationalism

in the 1920’s, the hair straightening and skin bleaching became hotly debated within the

African American community. Political, social, and religious leaders debated about the

practice of hair straightening, Black Nationalist Marcus Garvey said “don’t remove the

kinks from your hair! Remove them from your brain!” (Byrd, 2001, p.38). The Crusader,

a periodical, even featured women with traditional African hairstyles on its cover. Booker

T. Washington stopped hair culturist from being trained in his school and denied hair

product companies from his National Negro Business League.

Madame C.J. Walker was a Black hair care mogul that is erroneously credited as

inventing the hot comb (Byrd & Tharp, 2001). Her employees, the hair culturist, were

shunned by Washington. Walker did not advocate straightening hair specifically, and told

the Indianapolis Recorder, “I make hair grow. I want the great masses of my people to

take a greater pride in their appearance and to give their hair proper attention” (Byrd,

2001, p.36).

In the 1960’s a “new way of defining beauty” (Byrd, 2001, p.52) became the basis

for an African American cultural revolution. The “Black is beautiful” phrase arose as a

statement of pride instead of using “Black” as an insult. Afrocentric dress and the Afro

hairstyle defined the person that held these new ideologies. All About the Natural was a

popular how-to book at the time by Lois Liberty Jones. The natural hairstyle, the Afro,

greatly increased in popularity (Byrd & Tharp, 2001).

The Afro hairstyle itself became an identifier and a pride of being Black (Byrd,

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2001). The Afro pick had been developed and then Afro Sheen can they were keeping up

the trend. It even crossed borders used by Afro-Brazilians in the Brazilian Black Pride

Movement (Sieber, 2000). “Now that Black was beautiful, straightening one’s hair in the

image of White beauty was seen as blasphemy” (Byrd, 2001, p.58). Whiteness had been

removed from its pedestal of superiority and replaced by its on archetype that resembled

African American women with their natural hair texture.

The 1960’s cultural changes were very personal because it was about appearance

(Douglas, 1998). So one’s very appearance was a political statement. Rooks asserts that

“Black pride” conversations called for “production of imagery that would combat the

damaging representations in popular culture” (Tate, 2009, p.36). Again, image was the

problem and image was seen as a viable solution. African Americans sought to create

imagery that would reflect the new aesthetic they were developing.

However, wearing the Afro and natural styles were not without its challenges.

Generational perceptions of the Afro were different. Older generations did not relate to it.

One parent remarked, “if [her daughter] was going to let her hair go natural I would have

to go back to the jungle” (Byrd, 2001, p.61). One woman cut her straightened hair and

felt like a newborn. She knew her decision would affect her family, so she left a note at

home telling her family what she’d done. When she’d returned, her mother and neighbors

greeted her with tears, saying she had “lost her beauty,” changed all their years of hard

work, and that this act would be detrimental to her life (Douglas, 1998). This incident

proves that African American hair carries social and moral implications than just being a

hairstyle. All of their hard work were the hours that were spent grooming and caring for

her tresses to give it shine a length. Obviously a well-groomed daughter represented an

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attentive mother. Conversely, an ill-groomed daughter was a reflection of a negligent

mother. The detriment is that people would negatively judge her because of her hair. She

would be whispered about, lose her status in the community, and possibly be denied a

well-paying job and other opportunities.

The two historical periods of post-emancipation and the Black power movement

can be seen as two extremes of a pendulum swing. The former was about conforming; the

latter was about distinction. Should the present age be a balance of the two?

Black Women and Their Hair

According to theorists, hair has always been an important factor in defining one's identity

(Brownmiller, 1984; White, 2005; Byrd & Tharp, 2001; Patton, 2006). For African

Americans this is doubly true. During the 1800s, hair was an indicator of one's slave

status; today hair is a marker of beauty, economical status, power, and beliefs. Women

with straightened hair are still considered the beauty norm in African American society

today. Women of power and upper-class status often wear their hair straightened, and

usually not in a natural style ( i.e. Oprah, Michelle Obama). Women with good paying or

middle class jobs wear their hair sometimes short, sometimes longer, and some even wear

braids (Patton, 2006).

Women who are lower-class wear their hair most often in braids, which is

interesting because braids are more expensive than having one's hair chemically

straightened and can be more time consuming. Essentially to African Americans hair

defines one's race, one's heritage and also who one is. Women with "good" hair tend to do

more with their hair and are often envied for it by other women. According to Dione-

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Rosado (2004), relaxed hair, braids, weaves, and shortly cropped hair is considered more

professional in nature, hence middle class women adopt them more often. Contrarily,

supposed natural hairstyles (i.e. dreadlocks and twists) are viewed as more radical

hairstyles in the professional world. Therefore, hair can be seen as an indicator of gender,

social class, sexual orientation, political views, religion and even age (Dione-Rosado,

2004). Even around three or four years old African American children understand what

"good" hair means for themselves and the social hierarchy it can create (Lake, 2003).

White tells a story of having her hair pressed each Saturday for Sunday worship services,

after which her mother would tell her not to play hard so her hair would not "go back (to

its natural state)." She continues on to say that "at an early age, I internalized that my

natural born hair was not good enough; it was not acceptable enough to make me worthy

of being presentable" (White, 2005 p. 301). This is common among some young girls; to

feel in adequate because their hair is not the way others want it to be.

"Black women are taught that nappy hair is a badge of shame" (Banks, 2000 p.

72) and considering the amount of shame African American women have already

suffered; no African American woman wants more. Many African American women still

think that the natural state of their hair is cumbersome, unsavory, or even disgusting.

These women find little power in their hair. "The possibility that hairstyling practices, in

whatever form, serve as a challenge to mainstream notions of beauty or that they allow

black women to embrace a positive identity is important for two reasons: voice and

empowerment" (Banks, 2000 p. 69).

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Media Perceptions of Black Hair

The average Black person was subjected to a beauty ideal “advertising” throughout the

first half of the century, as well as popular culture figures and images, did not offer an

alternative Black beauty ideal (Bryd & Tharp, 2001). This lack of imagery of natural hair

contributed to the lack thereof. Traditional hairstyles or were ridiculed in popular culture.

Braids, plaits, or loose kinky hair was a comic relief, especially personified in the Our

Gang character, Buckwheat. Even Maya Angelou described dreaming of waking up from

“Black ugly dream” as a child. She longed to be crowned with long blonde hair instead of

the “kinky mess that mama wouldn’t let me straighten” (Byrd, 2001, p.42).

In an examination of an advertisement from Ebony magazine in the 1950’s, it

expresses that straight hair is the preferred texture. It shows the profile of a light-skinned

woman with straight, glossy hair that has been curled at the end in a traditional 50’s style.

She is facing away from the viewer and has arched eyebrows, long eyelashes; and wears

lipstick and jewelry and a contented expression. Underneath her chin is a box of

Shampoo Straight. The advertisement promised to create straight hair that lasts 3-6

months. The advertisers always claim that washing with this shampoo will wash out the

curl. Obviously, this advertisement is targeted towards African American consumers. Not

only is it placed in a Black publication, but it alludes to common characteristics about

kinky hair. Unpermed kinky hair that has been straightened can revert back to its original

texture if get wet or is exposed to humidity. Shampoo Straight entices potential customers

with the promise of permanently creating straight hair, even new growth.

Looking at the present time, many African American women still have their natural

hair texture altered. Negative perceptions, ignorance of natural hair care and grooming,

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and the prevalence of straightened hair aesthetic still abound. One new appearance in the

Ebony magazine ads is the appearance of relaxers specially created for and marketed to

pre-adolescent girls. One product is Dark & Lovely’s Beautiful Beginnings Children’s

No-Lye Relaxer. It promotes itself as the “gentlest” (“Beautiful Beginnings, 1997, p.118)

and being made with Comfort Plus, a mysterious safeguard ingredient that “helps prevent

scalp irritation and damage” (1997, p.118). Undoubtedly, the advertisement is attempting

to address any reservation that parents would have about giving their daughters chemical

burns. Beautiful Beginnings will make hair “softer, silkier, and more manageable” (1997,

p.118). The product box shows a young girl with straightened, shining hair and a smile.

Another newer occurrence is the integration of the word “natural” in products that

promote chemical processes. One advertisement reads “TCB is Now TCB Naturals, with

100% Natural Extracts” (“TCB,” 1997, p.107). TCB boasts of a new line of products,

which include “special botanicals like joboba oil” and “chamomile” (1997, p.107).

Furthermore, “There’s even a superior No-Lye Relaxer, formulated with moisturizing

olive oil . . .” (1997, p.107)

This current zeitgeist is the reason that more natural hair imagery is necessary,

especially for young African American women. Much of natural imagery that Black

women could take pride in was arrested in the 1970’s. Valcin (1999) asserts that there is

not a place in society for African American women because there is nothing that looks

like us or reflects us. Black women have to make our own space. There are a growing

number of African American women, particularly in online communities that are

interested in solving our hair problem by accepting their natural texture. One website,

Black Girl with Long Hair, was created to promote natural beauty. A recurring blog

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feature is “Now and Then,” which shows photos of women before and after they stopped

altering her hair texture (Noelliste, 2011). Chenzira (1985) suggests that African

American women should look at their natural tresses and embrace the “full beauty of its

own rebelliousness,” and presents a montage of women with natural hair (1985). She

understands the power of positive imagery to promote natural beauty.

Through the theoretical lens of social constructivism, this research will examine

how society has influenced African American women’s perception of their natural hair

using the following research questions:

RQ1: How does the media portray African American women’s hair?

RQ2: How do African American women perceive natural hair?

RQ3: How does the media influence African American women’s perception of their

natural hair?

Theorist John Dewey believed individuals begin their lives as human societies did

historically: acting on impulse and custom. These modes of conduct, being

unselfconscious and shortsighted, cannot handle all the challenges life poses, and

generate problems of their own. Dewey introduced the idea of the "active self". It is a

very simple but powerful concept, which explains a good deal about how social systems

develop. The "active self" describes how individuals sometimes step forward and take

actions "above and beyond the call of duty", to help solve problems within their social

systems, and to try to make the world a better place. It is a theory about social leadership

where individuals try to do more than just "go with the flow", but rather step out and try

to achieve positive change, not out of regard for themselves but out of regard for the

world they wish to live in. For example, when Rosa Parks refused to be humiliated by

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giving up her seat on that Birmingham bus, she was exemplifying the active self

Hickman & Neubert, 2009).

Methodology

Since the perception of one’s own hair is a unique journey, I chose to collect personal

ethnographies of women who currently wear or have worn their hair in its natural state as

an adult. Using Dewey’s thoughts on the active self, I seek to understand how a

Eurocentric standard of beauty is constructed and how these women have challenged and

transformed this universal standard. I will conduct fifteen in-depth ethnographic

interviews; produce observation field notes, collect newspaper and magazine articles,

pictures, blog posts, journal entries and participant observations. All of the women have,

at one time, worn their hair straightened. For the majority of them, the decision to wear

their hair natural was a significant self-transformation. The ages of the women range

from 23-44 years old, and the length of time that these women have worn their hair

natural ranges from four months to 10 years. Most women were born and raised in the

northeast. Six reside between New York and Washington, DC. Four women migrated

from the northeast to the south. Three women were born and raised in the south and still

reside there. One women was raised in the midwest and the other was raised on the west

coast but now reside in the south. Their occupations range from law and graduate

students, entrepreneurs, attorneys, government and postal workers, college professors,

stay-at-home moms, hairstylists to positions in the corporate world. Additionally, my

lifelong and personal experiences will be included as participant and observer. All names

have been changed for anonymity.

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Conclusion

This research identifies the problem of African American women conforming to a beauty

aesthetic that does not affirm them. It examines the historical roots of this problem, the

imagery that has bolstered it, and the effort to reverse it by encouraging African

American women to embrace their natural beauty. I expect to find that the media has a

large influence on how African American feel about the way their hair grows from their

scalp and the aesthetic of the Eurocentric beauty standards in general. The space to

discuss the politics of hair and the construction of identity/beauty, which have recently

received attention in popular culture, needs to continue. This is just the beginning effort

to penetrate this complex issue. This study does have some limitations and raises

questions for future research. The sample I’m choosing to use is one of convenience,

thus, many of the women are of a middle class socio-economic background. However,

this issue raises an important question that should be explored further: does socio-

economic class play a role in influencing women and how we choose to wear our hair?

Perhaps there are more options available to middle-class women (i.e. access to resources,

job opportunity etc.); however, I suspect that a larger influence is having the opportunity

to be exposed to the history of natural hair and an alternative worldview. Also, the

construction of identity and beauty can be just as complex for mixed raced women who

sometimes have ‘good hair’. Often, the voice for these women could be excluded from

the discussion of identity and beauty politics; however, their voice is equally important

and their experiences, too, need to be explored.

This self-definition of beauty not only includes looks, but also pride, strength,

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connection with oneself and spirituality. Despite being misinterpreted by others, and the

social constraints that make it less tolerable to wear natural hair than permed hair; beauty

should be defined by our own terms, not society’s terms.

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References

Banks, I. (2000). Hair matters: Beauty, power, and black women’s consciousness. New

York: New York University Press.

Bellinger, W. (2007). Why African American women try to obtain 'good hair'.

Sociological Viewpoints, 2363-72.

Brownmiller, S. (1984). Femininity. New York: Linden Press.

Byrd, A. & Tharp, L. (2001). Hair story: Untangling the roots of black hair in

America. New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press.

Chenzira, A. (Producer & Director), & Women Make Movies (Director). (1985). Hair

piece: A film for nappy- headed people. New York: Distributed by Women Make

Movies.

Dione-Rosado S. (2004). No nubian knots or nappy locks: Discussing the politics of hair

among women of African descent in the Diaspora. A report on research in

progress. Transforming Anthropology. 11(2), 60-63.

Douglas, L. A. (Producer), Howard University & Peazey Head Productions (Director).

(1998). Nappy. New York, NY: Distributed by Women Make Movies.

Hickman, L & Neubert S. (2007). John Dewey between pragmatism and constructivism.

New York, NY: Fordham University Press.

Lake, O. (2003). Blue veins and kinky hair. Westport, CT: Praeger

Publishers.

Noelliste, L. (2011 April). “Now and Then.” Retrieved from http://www.bglhonline.com.

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http://www.bglhonline.com/


Patton, T. (2006). Hey girl, am I more than my hair?: African American women and their

struggles with beauty, body image, and hair. NWSA Journal, 18(2), 24-51.

Sieber, R. & Frank H. (2000). Hair in African art and culture. New York: Museum for

African Art.

Tate, S. A. (2009). Black beauty: Aesthetics, stylization, politics. Burlington, VT:

Ashgate.

White, S. (2005). Releasing the pursuit of bouncin' and behavin' hair: Natural hair as an

Afrocentric feminist aesthetic for beauty. International Journal of Media &

Cultural Politics, 1(3), 295-308.

(1997, March). “Beautiful Beginnings” Ebony, 52, 118.

(1997, March). “TCB” Ebony, 52, 107.

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Appendix A

Sample Journal Entry

I transitioned after a horrible, horrible {one of many} salon experience back in April of 2008. I had only been in Charlotte about six months and I was ending one of my many failed attempts to transition. I had about six months of good new growth which ended up in the drain as the stylist decided {without my permission} to take my {finally} shoulder length hair to neck length. Being that I had struggled to get and keep my hair at shoulder length for the majority of my life, I was devastated. So from that moment on I decided to take my hair into my own hands and follow my heart, which was to go natural!

I transitioned for a very long and hot six months {the plan was to go 18 months). After a night of hanging out with my girlfriends {I'm pretty sure there were some type of spirit involved} I decided to take a pair of scissors and go to work. At first glance I hated it, out of all the impulsive decisions I made throughout my life this had to be the far worst. The next morning I got up, washed it, let it dry then went to buy some new earrings because I figured I may as well give it a shot. When I went shopping I paid very close attention to the way {I thought} people were reacting to my hair. Were they giving me the WTF face? Or smiling? Neither. I was totally out of my mind, I didn't care what people thought when I had a weave down to my ass or what people thought when I had a million and two braids in my hair or what people thought about my relaxed hair so why should I care why people thought about me just being me. From that moment on I have embraced every minute of the journey and there is no turning back for me. I had been delivered!

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http://1.bp.blogspot.com/__wQZwQxX8Qg/TJfVFg81f3I/AAAAAAAAAcM/Yudn_A5KihA/s1600/bigchop.jpg


Appendix B

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Appendix C

African American Women and Natural Hair StudyProposed Procedures

The method of data collection will be semi-structured interviews. First, participants will be asked to read and sign an informed consent form. They will be given a copy of this form for future reference. Second, participants will be instructed to complete the attached Demographic

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Questionnaire. Finally, the researcher will use questions from the attached Interview Protocol during the interview. The questions are aimed at examining how the media and society influence African American women’s perception of their natural hair. All interviews will be audio taped using a digital recorder in order to accurately record the data. Interviews will be transcribed word for word following each interview for data analysis and write-up. Data will be analyzed using Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) constant comparative technique, which involves comparing interviewees’ responses to identify themes in the data. Photos, personal journal entries and participant observation will also count as data. Anonymity will be guaranteed by changing the names of participants on the transcripts and future write-ups.

Appendix D

RESEARCH PARTICIPANT INFORMED CONSENT FORMAfrican American Women and Natural Hair Study

Tamara StinsonKnight School of Communication, Queens University of Charlotte

Purpose of ResearchYou have been asked to participate in a research study that has been reviewed by the Institutional Review Board (IRB). We are trying to learn about the influence that the media and society have

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on African American women’s perception of their hair. In-depth ethnographic interviews are one of the best ways we have of learning what volunteers such as you think about these matters. So, your participation in this interview is important and will contribute to what we know. Our interview asks you to provide your opinion about several matters related to yourself and communication with others regarding your natural hair.Specific Procedures to be UsedIf you agree to participate in this research, we will ask you a variety of questions. The interview will be audio-taped for future data analysis. You will also be asked to provide photos and journal entries. Risks to the IndividualThe risks for participating in this study are no more than you would encounter in everyday life.AnonymityAnonymity will be protected. No personally identifying information will be used in the data analysis and write-up process. Voluntary Nature of ParticipationParticipation is voluntary and refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of benefits to which you, the subject, is otherwise entitled. You may discontinue participation at any time without penalty or loss of benefits to which you are entitled.

If you have any further questions, the investigators may be reached at (610) 304-3125.

This project has been reviewed and approved by the Queens University of Charlotte Institutional Review Board. The IRB believes that the research procedures adequately safeguard the subject's privacy, welfare, civil liberties, and rights. The chair of the IRB may be reached at Queens University of Charlotte, 1900 Selwyn Ave. Charlotte, NC 28274. The telephone number is 704.337.2200.

I have read the material above, and any questions I asked have been answered to my satisfaction. I agree to participate in this activity, realizing that I may withdraw without prejudice at any time.

____________________________________ ______________________

Participant’s Signature

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aa perception of natural hair

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