aboriginal communities on cattle stations in central australia

ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES ON CATTLE STATIONS IN CENTRAL AUSTRALIA*

OWEN STANLEY

Australian National University

The aim of this paper is to outline conditions under which many Aborigines live on cattle stations in Central Australia and to discuss certain aspects of government policy in relation to these communities. Many statements will concern these people generally but some will relate to five stations in the Alice Springs area' for which fairly accurate information was available.' We will begin with an outline of the demographic characteristics of the people living on these stations, then we will discuss their incomes, their asset and consumption patterns and finally some aspects of recent government policies.

I. DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

Table I gives demographic data for the five stations (called stations I to V) which are our particular concern. The figures relate to July 1973 and most of the later discussion will relate to the twelve months ending with that month.

The first part of the table gives the population living on each of the stations. These figures may not be representative of the whole year, however, because people are often absent from the stations for long periods. They may leave to visit relatives, to attend ceremonies, because of a death in the camp, because of a deterioration in relations with the manager, in pursuit of employment, or recently, to live in an area which has come under Aboriginal ownership. Most camps now have access to motor vehicles and these facilitate such movements.

Permanent movements are also common for some of the reasons already mentioned. In recent years, the permanent populations on stations I and V have been stable. The populations on station I1 and IV, however, have varied considerably. On station I1 the population decreased from 100 in July 1970 to 71 In July 1972 and then increased to 121 by July 1973; on station IVi t increased from 128 in July 1970 to 167 by July 1973. Where possible people on the stations who were temporary residents have been excluded from the table.

Table I also shows language composition. For the stations I, 111, IV and V it broadly corresponds to that existing at first contact. This does not necessarily mean, however,

7 1 wish to acknowledge the extensive assistance given to me by the Department of Aboriginal Affairs. The boundaries of this area are the Northern Territory borders with Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia and a horizontal line drawn through Tennant Creek. Because these stations are privately owned it is not possible to ensure the accuracy of information provided. The researcher must rely on statements by station managers, by Aborigines living on the stations and by workers in welfare and employment fields. He is, then, at the mercy of the honesty and powers of observation of the interviewee.

158

1976

I

17

28 -

-

-

-

-

45

9 9

-

-

18

40.0%

ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES

Stations

I1 111 IV

- - ~.

156 6 -

16 - -

49 1 45

10 1

..

- ~~

1 3 161 -

121 161 167

15 3 6 20 28 21

2 I 2 1

35 35 41

-

-

36.4%, 46.3% 42.5%

159

T A B L E I A Sitminary of Dernographic Data

July 1973

Populatioii b>* Language

Alyawarra Anmatjira Aranda Luritja Pitjan tjatjara Wailbri Unknown

TOTAL

Families bji Number

N o spouse One wife Two wivcs Threc wives

TOTAL

of Wives

% of population under 16 years

V

1 7 1

-

9

45.576

that the people are living on “their country” since the owning clans may have been different. It is likely, however, that there is a broad correspondence. A clear exception is station Ill. This was originally occupied by Aranda speakers bu t now many Luritja and Pitjantjatjara live there as well.

The next set of data relates to family structure. Polygamy was evident on stations Ill, IV and V and the ratio of wives t o husbands for each of the stations was 1.19, 1.52, 1.12 respectively? The number of families on station I was t o o small for the figures t o indicate a change in marriage practice. The fact that there was no polygamy on station I1 is con- sistent with other data for these people which suggests that they have been more affected than most by contact.

The last set of data in the table gives the proportion of the population under sixteen years of age. These figures vary from 36.4 per cent t o 46.3 per cent and suggest a very high rate of growth of population. To some extent these figures are exaggerated because some young single adults had left for Alice Springs or other stations that employ Ab- origines but did not have camps. However, this distortion is small because the people tend to marry early and normally take all of their family. The high rate of growth of population

The incidence of polygamy before contact varied substantially between groups and it is not possible to say what the wife-husband ratio was for these groups at contact. Jeremy Long, however, found that the ratio for “desert” people a t first contact between 1956 and 1962 was 1.34 and against this standard the ratio for station 11 is high. Jeremy Long: “Polygamy, Acculturation and Contact: Aspects of Aboriginal Marriage in Central Australia”, in R. Berndt (ed.), Ausfruliur7 Aboriginal Anthropology (University of W.A. Press 1970).

160 AUSTRALIAN ECONOMIC PAPERS DECEMBER

will have an important bearing on the discussion later.

The high proportion of young people in these communities suggests considerable need for medical care and educational facilities. The usual arrangement for medical care was that first aid was administered by some “untrained” and unremunerated person such as the manager (stations 111, V) or his wife (stations I, 11) or the school teacher. Rural Health Sisters visited every three weeks (stations 11, 111, IV) or six weeks (station I) and more serious cases were taken to Alice Springs4 or treated by the doctor who visited every three months (station IV) or so. All of the stations excepting station 1 had a school. These usually took pre-school, primary and post-primary students and sometimes provide adult education in hygiene. Such schools, however, are often understaffed and generally ill-equipped. Depending on the managey‘s or school teacher’s interest some students had their education continued through correspondence or other means (station V). The rate at which students attend school varied considerably between stations.’

11. I N C O M E S

Income estimates for the five stations are presented in Table 11. The first part of the table gives a breakup of incomes by source. Incomes from wages and keep varied from 41.7 per cent to 77.5 per cent. Stations I and V had small populations and a large pro-

T A B L E I1 Estimate of Income

Source of Income

Wages and Keep Artifacts, etc. ’Aged and Widow

Pensions Child Endowment Maintenance Pasdown

Per family income per annuni

Per capital income Occasional outside

musterning not included

Reports of food gathering and hunting

1 ‘ear Ended Iune 1973

%

48.5 1.0

34.9 3.2

12.4 -

100.0

$1,720 $688

Yes

Yes

I 1 Year Ended June 1973

%

45.0 *

31.9 5.4

17.7 -

100.0

$1,320 $382

Yes

No

I11 ’ear Ended Iune 1973

%

41.7 -

17.3 9.2

27.4 4.4

100.0

$1,300 $283

Yes

Yes

IV Year Ended June 1973

%

57.2 -

19.8 4.7

18.3 -

100.0

$2,004 $492

No

Yes

V Year Ended Dec. 1973

%

77.5 -

17.8 4.7 -

-

100.0

$2,403 $636

No

No -

*A small quantity

The manager of station V made frequent visits to Alice Springs and brought in all those needing medical attention. See the Gibb Committee Report for a discussion of the problems of school attendance among Aborigines living on cattle stations: The Situation of Aborigines on Pastoral Properties in the Northern Territory, December 197 1 (Commonwealth Government Printing Office), pp. 35-39.

1976 ABORIGINAL COMMUNI‘IIES 161

portion of the residents werc participants in tlie work force. This is reflected in the high percentages for work and kcep. In the case of station V much of the work force canir: from nearby stations and calculations were made for residents only. The high level of eniploynient was also reflected in the high per family and per capita incomes by coin- parison with those for the other stations. This station did not claim maintenance because each family had a participant in the work force or had a member receiving a pension. The higli incomes relative to the other stations are also partly explained by tlie increase in rates of social security payments that took place during 1973 and because the calculations were for the year ended December 1973. Station IV was an unusual case. This station attempted to employ as many men as possible and the workers acccptcd a wage rate below the award. Again this policy was reflected in a high proportion of income from wages and keep.

These estimates must be interpreted very carefully and are likely to contain errors.

1. Populations vary over the year and the calculations have been based on the assump-

2. Some incomes have not becn included. ‘These are generally from two sources: Occasional mustering on nearby stations. Sometimes two or three inen may find work for up t o nine weeks during the period when the stock camps are held. The table indicates those stations for which this was true. Sometimes also people go to town and obtain work or receive unemployment benefits. Hunting (usually with a rifle) or food gathering. I t was not possible to cal- culate how much income was obtained from this source without being resident on the station for the whole period. One study,6 of a community of 84 persons who undertook extensive hunting, estimated that the annual value of income froin hunting was between $4,000 and $5.000 or between $48 and $60 per person. I n tlie case of stations discussed here hunting was of much less importance and the distortions caused by cxcluding such income would not be great. The table shows the stations for which hunting was of some significance.

3. The value of keep most commonly mentioned in the industry was $13.50 per man per week and this was used in the calculation of income. However, this may understate tlie cost of keeping the worker and his family. The actual cost of kcep could only be obtained for station V and it was used in the calculation of “wages and keep” for that station. i3y dividing the cost of keep by tlie number of weeks worked the per man per week cost of keep was $33 for that station. This would have becn substantially higher than for most stations as the manager of station V provided keep for the workers, their immediate families and visitors. The last category would normally be provided for under the maintenance scheme.

They arise from the following sources:-

tion that the populations remained at their levels in June 1973.

(a)

( b )

Because of these factors it is likely that the calculated incomes for stations I to IV are below the actual incomes. The calculation of incomes for station V, however, is likely to be a ~ c u r a t e . ~

l i . C. Coomhs: The Futlrre of the Airstruliuri Ahorigiriul (Sydney University Press 1972) p. 7 The manager o f this station was very informative.


Employed for nine months

Between 6 and 9 months

Less than 6 months

or more

(a) Wages and Employment

In 1968 the award controlling wages in the Northern Territory pastoral industry became applicable to Aborigines in the industry. The award, however, applies only to workers who are members of North Australian Workers’ Union and in a recent survey of 34 stations in the Alice Springs area’ not one Aboriginal stockman was a member of that union. Despite this, some 28 stations broadly complied with the wage and keep provisions of the award’ with some of the remainder paying more than the award and most of the others paying the previous award wages.

It was found that on only two stations had award standard accommodation been provided but in neither case was it used. Some five others provided some accommodation of reasonable standard but in only two cases was it used.

The award provides that stockmen be paid at a particular rate but that deductions be made at specified rates for the keep of the worker, his wife and his children. “Keep” includes food and housing of a particular standard. In fact, however, numerous payment systems were used in relation to Aborigines. Insufficient information prevents a statement about station 11. In the case of stations 111 and V, however, a specific keep deduction was made,from all workers’ wages regardless of the size of the workers’ families. Some workers on station 111 received pay plus keep for their families. This was the case for all workers on stations I and IV. In the calculation of “wages and keep” in Table I1 the sum of $13.50 per week was added to each worker’s wages wherever workers were provided with keep for which deductions had not been made.

Table 111 shows the number of people employed for various periods on each of the stations. In the case of station IV the manager paid the workers at a fixed rate all the year, regardless of whether they were actually working during any particular period. The figures for station V relate to all employees regardless of whether they were temporary or permanent residents on the station.

Most of the people employed for six to nine months were working in the stock camps. Since most stations hold these camps at the same time there was little opportunity for these people to obtain employment elsewhere once work had finished on their resident

3 8 5 22 5

6 9 12 0 2

0 0 0 0 I

T A B L E 111 Number of Workers and Periods of Work ‘

Conducted by an officer of the Department of Labour. This result agrees with the statement on p.12 of “Aboriginal Housing in the Northern Territory” in Aboriginal Housing, a seminar held on 10 and 11 February 1972.

1976 ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES 163

station. They became unemployed and were supported through the maintenance scheme. A small number took up other activities such as artifact making or hunting.

( b ) Employment Training Scheme (ETS)

In 1969 the government introduced an employment training scheme for Aborigines. The aim of the scheme was to “assist Aborigines to acquire work experience and abilities which would equip them for continuous, regular employment”.“ The scheme pays subsidies to employers and living away from home allowance and fares for employees.

The subsidies are paid to employers for Aborigines taken on in excess of the nutiihcr usually employed providing that those taken on had no previous employment or only irregular employment. The number of additional Aborigines for which claims can be made is determined by the Department of Labour.”

This scheme, however, has had very little use despite the fact that the rates of subsidy have increased dramatically.12 At the time of writing (January 1974) subsidies are paid only in relation to 41 Aborigmes in the Alice Springs area and only one cattle station had applied for the subsidy. Most of the other employers receiving subsidies were town councils and housing societies. This scheme was not well known and its use may increase with publicity.

The ETS is far too optimistic to have much effect. It recognizes that the Aboriginal worker is disadvantaged for work by a lack of training but does not recognize that he is disadvantaged by a whole complex of things relating to his culture and way of life. A wage subsidy for one year is not long enough to do anything about this problem.

(c ) Pasdown

Pasdown is a government payment to an employee in the pastoral industry, equal to the rate of unemployment benefit, who is stood down for seasonal reasons. In the north of the Northern Territory men are stood down because of the wet while in the south it is because of heat. Men are usually stood down around the beginning of December and re- employed around the beginning of March. At the time of writing, only six stations in the Alice Springs area had applied for pasdown for the Christmas 1973-74 but more applica- tions may still be received for that period. During the summer of 1972-73 only residents on station I11 of those being considered received pasdown.

( d ) Unemployment Benefits

Like all other social security payments these are paid to Aborigines at the same rates and subject t o the same conditions as those for whites. One of those conditions is that it must be possible for the person to obtain work. This means that Aborigines on stations

:: Commonwealth Employment Service: Employment Training Scheme for Aborigines. The rate at which subsidies are paid are

1st 3 m y t h s 60 py; cEnt zf a y n d r::e s),f p : ~ 2nd 30 3rd 3 , 25 I , > > ,, 1, ,, ,, ,>

4th 1, 2o 7 , ,, 7 , ,, ,, ,> ,, 1 2 The occupations must be governed by awards or other recognized wage systems.

From 30 per cent of the award for the first three months, 25 per cent for the second, 20 per cent for the third and 10 per cent for the fourth.


do not generally receive unemployment benefits but they do when living in or around towns. These cash benefits provide an incentive for people to move to towns with possible unfavourable social consequences.

(e) Age Pensions, Widow’s Pensions, Child Endowment

The coverage of age pensions and widow’s pensions was complete for the stations I to V. Tribal marriages and de facto relationships are acknowledged but widow’s pensions, as such, are only paid to the first wife. Second and subsequent wives, however, receive sup- porting mothers’ benefits which are paid at the same rate as widow’s pensions.

Information could be obtained for only a sample of families on the stations for the coverage of child endowment. In each case there was complete coverage so when calculat- ing incomes it was assumed that this is the case for all families living on the stations being discussed.

(f) Maintenance

Some people living on stations, usually of working age, do not receive adequate incomes from the sources already mentioned. These people, however, are supported by the station, in principle according to the provisions of the Wards’ Employment Ordinance and Regulations, and the stations are reimbursed by the government. The amounts paid to stations in the Alice Springs area varied from $90 to $8,000 per quarter depending on the number of dependents. Only station V of the stations considered here did not claim maintenance.

The government is in the process of phasing out maintenance payments and replacing them with other forms of social security payments (mainly unemployment benefits). These will be paid in cash to the individuals concerned and they will be required to provide for their own welfare. Unemployment benefits will be paid whether the person is unemployed temporarily or permanently and regardless of whether there is likely to be work on the station in the future. Many stations will have to upgrade their store facilities if this system is to work suitably. This is a continuation of a trend already established on settlements and missions where there has been a tendency to replace benefits in kind, particularly in the form of food and clothing, by cash benefits.

111. C O N S U M P T I O N

Consumption was of two types:

(a) Commodities that were not purchased. These were food and to a much smaller extent clothing and shelter provided by the station. Sometimes assistance in the maintenance of private vehicles and transport to and from towns or other stations. The pastoral award and provisions of maintenance payments specify the quality and range of food to be provided but there was only a poor correspondence between these and actual provisions. Varying amounts of “bush tucker” (mainly kangaroo) were also consumed.

(b) Commodities that were purchased with cash from wages and social security payments. Many stations had stores where the residents could cash social security cheques and purchase a range of food, clothes and some consumer durables such as radios or car parts (in the bigger stores). People also purchased commodities at local stores or

1976 AUOKIGINAL COMMUNITIES 165

towns.

There are n o systematic studies of problems Aboriginal residents have with handling cash and such studies are of crucial importance since income in kind is being replaced by cash income. Some information, however, does exist.

Two expenditure studies exist for people living on settlements: one relates to people living on Y ~ e n d u n i u ' ~ in the Northern Territory for the years 1969-71 and the other to the people living a t Edward River in Queensland for the year 1972.14 These studies suggest that Aborigines, when given the choice, select foods that deviate substantially from the health optimum. This is also supported by station managers who sometimes commented that they have difficulty getting their workers t o eat green vegetables and fruit. The Edward River study also found that there was little or no improvement in diet even when incomes increased substantially. This evidence, though unsatisfactory, suggests that without appropriate education, health problems may accompany a diet which is chosen by the people without guidance.

It is sometimes asserted that Aborigines are exploited by unscrupulous businessmen.' ' While this may be so there was n o evidence of this in the station stores on the five stations being discussed. Prices in the stores were usually Alice Springs prices plus a surcharge t o cover transport costs. Because of the small turnover these stores were not very profitable and three of the five stations were reluctant to develop their Pxilities further.

Most of the stations did not give credit because the managers believed that the people would have difficulty repaying loans. This was borne out by the stations that did give loans. The highest personal debt on one station was $960 and on the other it was $1,236 and with the low cash incomes such debts are only partly repaid and the remainders are written off as bad debts.

Finally, many managers remarked that Aborigines disposed of their cash shortly after receiving it and then had to rely on relatives and hunting for support. They disposed of i t through purchasing things for themselves and relatives, giving it away or losing it in gambling with other people in the camp. These problems were lessened when payment intervals were reduced and when a higher proportion of wages was offset against purchases from the store.

Iv. ASSETS

(a) Cars and Ifouses

The main assets Aborigines in the area have are vehicles and wirlies or houses. Vehicles are one asset which have a particular attraction. Traditional people are very mobile and purchase vehicles to allow them to visit relatives and towns and places for ceremonial purposes. They are also used on hunting trips. These vehicles, however, are generally in very poor condition and have a short life after purchase. The government has assisted numerous groups to purchase trucks and other larger vehicles for community use from

i: S. €1. 1;rancis (et al.): The Ecolog~ of Ahoriginal Cliild Health (unpublished). Annual Report of the Council of the Queensland Institute of Medical Research. June 30, 1973, pp. 26.- 27. See an account of purchases of motor vehicles by Aborigines in Frank Hardy: The C ! ~ i L r c x ~ ~ Airstralians (Gold Star Publications. 1972).


I

Bush Wirlies 9

Single Room Houses 4

I1 111 IV V

0 15 20 Unknown

24 10 3 0

(b) Land: Stations

In the August Budget of 1972 the Federal Government allocated $5 million for the purchase for Aborigines of properties off reserves. It also stated its intention to allocate $2 million per year from then on for this purpose. When the government changed hands in December 1972 this figure was increased to $5 million per year for ten years.16 The previous government had never accepted Aboriginal ownership as a right but this was also changed and the government established the Woodward Enquiry into land rights.

In the first report of the Aboriginal Land Rights Commission, Mr Justice Woodward discussed the difficulty of translating Aboriginal concepts of land ownership (perhaps “trusteeship” is more correct) into western law. Some of the points he made were these. For traditional Aborigines the basis of social and political decision making is a very small group, generally less than 50 people. These people are divided into various totem groups and i t is these totem groups who own land. A person is born into a totem group on the basis of his mother‘s and father’s totem groups. Each of these groups will be different. Every member of the totem group will have the same dreamtime ancestor and the group will own a certain area because of some association of the land with that ancestor. Thus a community of people living together will be on land which is owned by some members but not by others. Ownership does not imply an exclusive right to use the land. Further, because of the kinship system it would be very difficult for any totem group to prevent other people using the area.

l6 Properties so far bought and prices paid are Everard Park (S.A.) $270,000, Panter Downs (W.A.), $100,000, Willowra (N.T.) $350,000, Glenairy and Sunnyside (N.S.W.) $130,000, Kildurk (N.T.) $829,000, Mount Minnie (W.A.) $35,000.


Another complication arises from the concept of “managerial ownership”. Before members of a totem group can visit a sacred site or exploit local resources like ochre or flint they must obtain permission from those possessing managerial ownership. A nephew holds managerial ownership of the country of his maternal uncle.

Since contact these concepts and their operation have been affected but in many areas they are still very important. When jade mining was started at Mt. Davis (S.A.) in 1966 work was available for five or six men. For a man to have access to this work’ he had to have been born in the area, or to have been of the Kangaroo totem (whose “country” it is) or to have had kinship relations with someone from the area. In one case a man of the owl totem gained access on the grounds that the owl and kangaroo are related.

It is clear that considerable difficulties will be experienced in translating Aboriginal ownership, with its subtleties, into western law. The government has, however, continued with its policy of buying stations for the residents on them.” This means that the boundaries are at the moment determined by the pastoral lease, and may have no relation to Aboriginal boundaries. The Willowra lease for instance, includes land belonging to three different groups of Wailbri speakers.

At this early stage certain problems have emerged in the implementation of the policy of buying stations:

1 . It is sometimes difficult to determine the desires of the people concerned. Many communities are highly mobile and it is sometimes difficult to identify the community leaders. Once a station is bought, however, a company is formed and directors are elected and at that stage the problem is lessened because the decision making structure becomes more obvious.

2 . There is a shortage of entrepreneurship and at this stage the managers and community officers are usually whites. Two problems exist. First, the technical problem of managing a station in poor country is often immense and few Aborigines have had the required training. Secondly, the manager must also be able to disentangle himself from kinship ties to make decisions for the benefit of the whole community. This is difficult for many Aborigines.

3. Tribal boundaries often enclose a homogeneous area, and it may be beneficial for the group to manage parcels of land which have different climates. The Wailbri people, for instance, live on dry land around the Tanami desert. For stock management it is better that their land include areas with different climates so that the effects of dry periods can be minimized. One way of overcoming this is to encourage owners in better areas to lease their land on a permanerlt basis to such people as the Wailbri.

4. The size of tribal areas may not correspond to economically viable units.

l 7 A. Yengoyan: “Demographic Factors in Pitjantjatjara Social Organization” in R. Berndt (ed.), 18 Azrstraliarz nboriginal Arillzropology (University of W.A. Press 1970), pp. 83 -84.

The government has purchased Willowra and Kildurk so far in the Northern Territory. The financing for both of these stations was a mixture of loans from the Capital b’und and grants from the Aboriginal Advancement Trust Fund. In the case of Willowra two loans were given, one of $20,000 for 25 years a t 1% per cent interest and the other a t $276,000 for 25 years at 5 per cent. The remainder was a grant of $223,500. These funds financed the purchase and $168,705 for development work. In the case of Kildurk one loan was given of $20,000 for 25 years at 1% per cent and another of $213,755 for 25 years a t 5 per cent. The grant was $595, 245.


5. There is the possibility that once a station is bought or community site established the population will grow very rapidly (Willowra, Wattie Creek) and a project which may have provided a reasonable level of independence for 100 people may be a failure with a population of 200 or more.

(c) Land: Community Sites

In the Alice Springs area the government has so far only purchased Willowra although other stations, particularly to the west of Alice Springs, are under consideration. Mean- while, another approach being actively pursued is the establishment of community sites on existing pastoral leases. This was suggested by the Gibb Committee and has generally been well received by pastoralists. One manager suggested it many years ago” and in 1972 the manager of Bundey River suggested the excision of 16 square miles in the north east of his lease to enable the Aborigines to live “in their own way”.2o Many managers see the establishment of these sites as a means of relieving them of their medical work and the immense paper work associated with having a large population on the station.

The government has now negotiated with a large number of stations for the excision of part of these leases. The proposed sites are between one and three square miles and generally adjoin a creek or the road. Difficulties often arise from the need to obtain a suitable water supply. Negotiations with the Aborigines themselves have sometimes been difficult for the reasons already mentioned in relation to land purchase. The groups are expected to form associations under the Association Incorporation Ordinance 1963-69 called “social clubs”. Such associations are required to determine rules or constitutions and this serves as an instrument in getting the people to establish a decision making structure.

It is proposed that these sites be controlled by Aborigines and be the sites for community stores, health centres and improved housing. They may also be used for market or community gardening, artifact workshops and other small enterprises.

The owners generally agree to the excision without compensation excepting for im- provements on the site (yards and bores). They often require that the site be fenced and one required permission before green timber is removed from the site.

V. POLICY

The most important policy problem for the future will be that of providing employment for people living on stations and reserves. High population growth and recent changes in the labour market have reduced the employment prospects for these people.

Equal pay was introduced in the pastoral industry in 1968 and it has resulted in a series of changes which have not yet been completed. Before equal pay Aborigines living on the stations were kept by the stations and the Aborigines in return provided all the labour required for station work. Food, clothing, transport, etc., were usually provided for all the residents. Cash payments for labour were very small and considered pocket

l 9 Manager of Coniston, Glen Helen and Sturt Plain. 2o He was informed by the government that such an area would not be economic and so the excision

would not be possible. It is now possible to convert such an area to a Special Purpose lease but no new approaches have been made.


money. For the system to work properly it relied on the goodwill of station owners and on the people being resident on some station for most of the time. Although Aborigines are generally mobile, and one would expect this fact to be reflected by a similarity in conditions, there was (and still are) considerable variations in conditions on stations.

With the introduction of equal pay stations reduced their employment and kept on only the “better ones”.21 If the elasticity of demand for labour is less than unity then this change would increase the total income of the community. Since income is quickly re- distributed through kinship obligations such an outcome, from an income point of view, may represent an improvement.

However, it is likely that the demand for labour in the pastoral industry is very elastic in the long run. Before increases in labour costs many stations held around-the-year stock camps. Now most hold only two and some only one per year. There is also very considerable scope for substituting capital for labour. Well designed steel yards near bores or rivers and effective fencing can greatly reduce the number of men required for mustering, drenching and tasks relating to animal

Apart from increasing unemployment, increases in wage rates are also likely t o have reduced on-the-job training. Previously many more men than needed were sent t o d o a job (marginal cost of labour was zero) and this meant that people received training which they would not have otherwise had.

As a reflection of some of these considerations, in the only case where the employees had the opportunity. to nominate their own wage rate (station IV) they accepted a wage rate substantially below the ‘award. This situation will probably have t o change when maintenance is replaced by uneniploynient benefits because some unemployed will have a higher income than most stockmen.

The policy of buying stations for Communities will not , of itself, provide more employment and in the Alice Springs area there is little scope for substituting Aboriginal labour for white labour on stations. Even the development of new stations will have little effect. A BAE studyz3 estimated that the capital cost of providing employment in the north of the Northern Territory was between $73,000 and $100,000 per man depending on the type of station being considered. The employment per station would vary between 1 1 and 15 men.

More work may become available in the areas of tourism, mining, building (especially Aboriginal projects) and there is probably some scope for the development of gardening for the communities and local markets.

If it is accepted that policies should be concerned with the preservation of existing communities and the retention of aspects of traditional culture then Aboriginal owned stations and community sites can be strongly likened to the stylized underdeveloped

2’ The manager of station V used to employ up to 30 men. He now employs less than half that zz number at any time.

On one station a complete muster is performed by the owner and his son. The country is very dry and each bore is fenced. To muster they close off each bore so that the cattle eventudly arrive at

23 the remaining bore where the main yards are located. Bureau of Agricultural Economics: Aboriginal Pastoral Properties, Arnhcn2 Land, Northern Ter- ritory, 1971.


country: high population growth, underemployment and unemployment, a system of rewards that minimizes incentive for economic activity, lack of entrepreneurship, and a comparative disadvantage in technological production.

A major difference arises from the fact that underdeveloped countries have a number of ways of protecting their industries. Aborigines have few. One policy which can be used by underdeveloped countries is exchange rate variation. Equivalent policies in the context o f this problem are the freeing of Aboriginal wages from legal minimums or an across the board government subsidy equal to some percent of the award for all Aboriginal wages paid in the Northern Territory. The former is probably not politically acceptable, the latter is. Apart from improving employment prospects in the cattle industry this policy would greatly increase the prospects for the various self-help projects on missions and settlements. Providing the elasticity of demand is high enough such a policy may not be very costly since each man employed will be a man not supported by unemployment benefits, maintenance or paid for unproductive work in the form of training allowances. There will, of course, be substantial additional benefits of on-the-job training and morale for those so employed.

Current government policies have concentrated on providing capital for Aboriginal communities. Through grants and low interest loans the government has subsidized the cost of capital. Appropriate policy in a labour surplus situation requires government subsidies on the employment of labour if a continuation of this policy does not involve subsidizing the replacement of labour by capital in the long run.

aboriginal communities on cattle stations in central australia

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