acta archaeologica 2005

EDITORIAL PREFACE

Excavations and field investigations at the fifth millen-

nium BC settlement of Lıga and other Late Copper

Age sites near Telish in Northern Bulgaria took place

in 2000, 2001, and 2002. They were based on archae-

ological activities started already in the mid-1940s.

Important excavations were in recent times also car-

ried out by Vencislav Gergov of Telish Museum, the

local collaborator and gracious co-director of the

present project. However, only little information on

earlier efforts has been published till date, not even

maps of excavation.

Maya Dimitrova (Museum of Lovech), Rumen Pey-

kov (Veliko Tarnovo), and Petar Zidarov (Sofia and

Tübingen universities) are a few of the many Bulgarian

collaborators most valuable to the project. Thanks are

also addressed to Svilen Makchev, Vania Ivanova, Asia

Yordanova, Cvetelin Cvetkov, Nikolaj Kristanov, Rad-

ka Zlateva-Uzunova, and Yulij Stoyanov. Their dedi-

cation, insight and energy have been indispensable in

carrying the huge burden of very hard fieldwork, in-

cluding detailed recording in the field. Very many

other Bulgarians participated, students, assistants, and

local workers, lead by the indefatigable veteran of the

campaigns, ‘‘Bai Ivan’’ (Ivan Ivanov, aged 74). Grati-

tude also goes to the ‘‘Sofia families’’ of the Danes, Pet-

ia & Emo Stoyanovs and Bogdana, Nikola & Mariana

Zidarovs and the ‘‘Telish one’’ of the Todor & Rumi-

ana Petkovs, all making stays most agreeable and

helped solve many problems.

From the Danish side, the undersigned accepted to

act as director of the project and later on as executive

editor of the publication. Funding was critical. The

Munksgaard Foundation, Copenhagen provided cru-

cial support, but heavy financial burdens of both ex-

cavation and post-excavation work were covered

mainly privately by the Danish participants. V. Ger-

gov accepted a honorarium, while the other partici-

pants worked for only a limited (Bulgarians) or no

salary at all (Danes). Centre of World Archaeology

(CWA, www.worldarchaeology.net), with Acta Ar-

chaeologica, provided the means of publication, sup-

ported by the Beckett-foundation, Copenhagen (with

a late unquoted donation for Acta Archaeologica

75:1, 2004).

The executive director of the project is Inga Mer-

kyte, supported in particular by Søren Albek and Jes-

per Sørensen Østergård from the Danish side (all of

the Archaeology division, SAXO-Institute, University

of Copenhagen). Merkyte has also been in charge of –

and herself undertaken – most of the Titanic post-

excavation work, as well as several in depth techno-

logical and other analyses extending to extensive

comparative studies, even ethnographical observa-

tions. A number of specialists, acknowledged in the

text, have assisted in various analyses. Unless other-

wise stated, the chapters of the publication are by

Merkyte and adhere to the general bibliography at

the end of the volume. For reasons of convenience,

other contributions have bibliographies of their own.

The Lıga Project was carried out by postgraduate

and undergraduate students from a variety of aca-

demic fields. It demonstrates the international poten-

tial and engagement of an emerging generation of

European archaeologists, willing to acquire new skills

in languages, archaeological science, and organiza-

tion, and having the audacity to put these to work in

new fields. Lıga is also one of the most detailed settle-

ment excavations ever in the Balkans. It has revealed

stunning results in terms of household organization

and social life in the Copper Age. The data are ex-

tremely plentiful and rich due to exceptional con-

ditions of find. In almost all areas are important new

observations, including a cemetery from the Copper

Ageπ. A particular feature is individuality of taste,

revealed between contemporary households. This fact

alone is a challenge to traditional ceramic chron-

ology – the latter tending to read ‘‘time’’ into diver-

sity. Indeed, Lıga demonstrates the particular utility

of digging well and having a wide perspective of

things.

It is hoped that Lıga will become a reference point

in Balkan archaeological research; although a small

site, and a limited excavation, it is of European sig-

nificance, not least because of its location on the

‘‘Bridge to Europe’’ in the crucial fifth millennium

BC. The Danes are very grateful for their Bulgarian

link and collaboration, which incorporate many indi-

viduals and institutions, including the Institute of Ar-

6 Acta Archaeologica

chaeology, Sofia, and are reaching government levels,

including the former Bulgarian minister of culture,

Ivan Marazov, a friend. In 2000, the Queen of Den-

mark, Margrethe II opened an exibition on Lıga at

the Bulgarian National Museum, sponsored by the

Danish Foreign Ministry.

Klavs Randsborg

QF^_MF NA B[LDAQRKI FHIK/SUMMARY IN BULGARIAN

K{rnovalkolisnoso rflizf c mfrsnorssa L{da

rf namiqa na okolo 1 km rfcfqno os r. Sfliy,

obzina Xfqcfn bqÄd, Plfcfnrka oblars (uid.

I.1). Na 1.2 km �gno os nfdo f qahpologfn eqtd

obfks os r{ziÄ pfqioe, ihcfrsfn kaso Sfliy-Qfetsisf. C nfdo ra pqfersacfni sqi rsqoisfl-ni voqihonsa os valkolisa i fein os s. naq.

“pqfvoefn” pfqioe mfget kamfnno-mfenasa i

qannobqonhocasa fpovi. Ihrlfeocasflrkasa

rsqasfdiÄ pqi hapoxcanfso na pqotxcaniÄsa c

L{da eo dolÄma rsfpfn bfyf pqfeopqfeflfna os

qfhtlsasisf os qahkopkisf na rflizfso c

Qfetsisf, eop{lnfni r eanni os obfksisf Raeo-cfw-Dolfmanoco kalf i Pipqa. Sfhi eanni

poqoeiva oxakcanfso, xf modas ea porltgas

kaso eorsas{xno eobqa ornoca ha ihdqageanfso

na moefl ha qahcisifso na porflizniÄ gicos c

L{da, no kofso f ozf po-cagno i ha pqorlfeÄ-canfso na ecigfnifso na voqa i iefi c qfdiona.

Eorfda pqotxcaniÄsa na pqairsoqixfrki rfli-za c Hapaena B{ldaqiÄ ra opircali pqfeimno

iholiqani ÄclfniÄ, koqfliqani dlacno na bah-asa na qahlixni sipocf navoeki. Mikqo-qfdion{s na r. Sfliy pqfelada fena koqfnno

qahlixna ristawiÄ, pqfeacaza po-wÄlorsna ir-soqixfrka kaqsina, rqacnima r pohnasasa os

cpfxaslÄcazisf rflizni modili c _gna

B{ldaqiÄ. C sahi rcfslina ponÄsiÄ kaso

pqorsqanrscfna oqdanihawiÄ, pqomfni c

planiqockasa na rflizasa i rsqoisflnisf sfv-nolodii, pqoe{lgisflnorssa na obisacanf,

kakso i pqixinisf ha naptrkanfso im, biva mod-li ea b{eas porsacfni c fena po-yiqoka cqfmf-ca i dfodqaurka pfqrpfksica, qahkqicaza ei-namikasa na porflizniÄ gicos os k{rnasa ka-mfnno-mfena fpova.

Obfks{s c mfrsnorssa L{da rf namiqa c kqaÄ

na yiqoko plaso, ciroko 20 m i qahpologfno

na 195 m naemoqrka ciroxina (uid. I.2 i I.3).

Obfks{s c mfrsnorssa Qfetsisf f qahpologfn

c{qvt r{zoso plaso. Na �dohapae i rfcfqoih-sok plasoso ima c{lnirs qflfu. Nor{s, na

kojso f qahpologfno rflizfso c mfrsnorssa

L{da f odqanixfn os rfcfq i �d os efqfsasa na

rfhonni posowi, a c poenogifso mt pqosixa

malka qfka (s. naq. baqa), koÄso rfda havqanca

rirsfma os sqi Ähociqa, ihcfrsni kaso Ähociq

Doqni E{bnik. Qahkopkisf na rflizfso ra qah-pologfni na obza ploz os 275 m2

, bfh ea rf

ckl�xcas pqobnisf sqanyfi. E{lboxinasa na

roneagisf caqiqa mfget 0.5-1.2 m. R{obqahno

rsqasfdiÄsa na pqotxcanf ra poebqani opqfef-lfni aqfali, c koiso aqvfolodixfrkiÄs kon-sfkrs f ihrlfecan wÄlorsno i c efsajl. Trsano-ci rf, xf mÄrsoso f obisacano nfkolkokqasno.

Naj-qannoso rflizf, naqfxfno L{da 1, easiqa

os naxaloso na k{rniÄ valkolis. Rlfei os nfdo

ra namfqfni ramo c oseflni xarsi os qahkopana-sa ploz. C �gniÄ kqaj na obfksa ra qfdirsqiq-ani orsanki os fena rdqaea, osnarÄza rf k{m

p{qci voqihons. SÄ f imala maricna e{qcfna

konrsqtkwiÄ i rsfni os plfs. E{lginasa j f 7.6

m, a giliznasa ploz obvcaza 39-40 m2.

Oqifnsiqana f rfcfq-�d. C �doihsoxniÄ {d{l

bfyf oskqisa xars os kamfnna narsilka, napqa-cfna os eobqf roqsiqan xak{l, r{e{qgaz

pÄr{xnik i kauÄc kqfm{k r{r rlfei os coefn

sqanrpoqs (uid. II.5). Kfqamixnisf r{eocf os

gilizfso imas s{mna ihl{rkana poc{qvnors.

NÄkoi os sÄv ra tkqarfni r dqauisna tkqara,

kakso i r xfqcfn ili g{ls pidmfns (sablo 6:1-7), xqfh kofso cieimo rf oskqoÄcas os pqfeimno

rcfslasa monovqomna kfqamika, vaqaksfqna ha

rlfecazasa uaha. Nf bf namfqfno haeocolisfl-no obÄrnfnif ha pqixinisf ha naptrkanfso na

rflizfso L{da 1.

Nocoso rflizf – L{da 2 f ornocano okolo

4400 d. pq. Vq. (kalibqiqani easi). PoeqacnÄca-nfso na sfqfna f pqfeihcikalo eop{lnisflni

naqtyfniÄ na efrsqtkwiisf os pqfevoenasa

uaha. Aqvfolodixfrkisf qahkopki bÄva r{rqf-eosoxfni dlacno c{qvt masfqialnisf orsanki

os soca rflizf. Nap{lno ra pqotxfni sqi gil-iza. SÄvnoso qahpohnacanf rf okaha lfrno, s{j


kaso soca rflizf f hadinalo os pogaq i xfqcfn-asa doqÄla mahilka Ärno oxfqsacayf dqaniwisf

na rsqtkstqisf. C rfcfqnasa xars na qahko-paniÄ sfqfn ra oskqisi mnodobqojni paqxfsa

caqocik, poeqfefni c poltkq{d ili ocal. Po-eobna poeqfeba na kam{nisf Äcno oxfqsaca or-nocisf na nÄkakca rdqaea, eoqi pqi liprasa na

rlfei os opogaqfna mahilka.

Rdqaea 1 eo dolÄma rsfpfn pqipokqica gili-zfso os pqfeiynasa uaha, kaso rlaboso os-klonfnif na ihsok, eoqi pocsaqÄ oqifnsawiÄsa

na po-qannasa konrsqtkwiÄ (sablo 2). Qahmfq-isf j ra 6.50¿5.70 m, a obisafmasa ploz hafma

28.3 m2. Rdqaea 2 cfqoÄsno mogf ea rf pqifmf ha

rsaneaqsfn moefl, s{j kaso xarsixno qahko-panoso r{rfeno gilizf ima poeobna e{lgina

(sablo 1). C{nynisf qahmfqi na rdqaea 2 ra

7.4¿6.0 m, a obisafmasa ploz f 34.5 m2. Rdqaea

3 f naj-e{lda os pqotxfnisf (sablo 1). Nfjnasa

e{lgina f 8.45 m, a yiqinasa c rqfenasa xars f

5.90 m. C{sqfynoso pqorsqanrsco obvcaza

37.80 m2. Gilizasa ra oqifnsiqani rfcfq-�d.

R ihkl�xfnif na rdqaea 1, pqotxcaniÄsa roxas,

xf cvoe{s f bil qahpologfn na �gnasa rsfna, a

pfzsa – na rfcfqnasa.

Hapaenasa xars na rflizfso nf f harsqofna.

Po cqfmf na uahasa L{da 2, c rklonocfsf na

c{hciyfnifso f ihkopan plis{k qoc r e{lbo-xina 0.8 m. Po crÄka cfqoÄsnors r{oq{gfnifso

f sqÄbcalo ea hasqteni ecigfnifso po rklona,

kofso cfqoÄsno f rltgflo ha hazisa na eomay-ni gicosni, hadqaefni na 500-550 m2

nfobisa-cana sfqisoqiÄ. Xqfh opqobcanf r q{xni ronei

bf trsanocfno, xf gilizasa os L{da 2 ra haf-mali sfqisoqiÄ os 50 v 55 m, kaso obzasa ploz

na rflizfso, hafeno r ihdoqflisf gilizni

efrsqtkwii, f eorsidala 1900 m2(uid. II.1).

Rflizfso L{da 2 f ihorsacfno rlfe pogaq.

R{porsacÄnfso na easisf, poltxfni xqfh R-14 i

AMS ihrlfecaniÄ os Qfetsisf i L{da pqfepol-ada, xf rkoqo rlfe naptrkanfso na rflizfso

L{da 2 f porsqofno noco rflizf na Qfetsisf –Qfetsisf II. IhorsacÄnfso na obfksa c mfrs-norssa L{da f pqoe{lgilo eo okolo 4000 d. pq.

Vq. Pqfh soca cqfmf �gnasa mt xars f

pqfc{qnasa c nfkqopol. Nfporqferscfno eo

gilizasa bÄva qahkqisi rfefm dqoba, c fein-iÄs, os koiso bÄva namfqfni orsanki os eca in-eiciea.

Ihdlfgea qahkopaniÄs aqfal popaea c

pokqajninisf na rflizf os Qannasa Bqonhoca

fpova, qahpologfno po-ciroko na plasoso. Nfd-ocisf efrsqtkwii xarsixno hars{pcas ihsoxna-sa dqaniwa na rflizfso L{da 2, kakso bf trsan-ocfno xqfh opqobcaniÄ r q{xna ronea. Os sohi

pfqioe ra oskqisi mnogfrsco kfqamixni uqad-mfnsi na poc{qvnorssa, a navoekisf os fena

Äma r{r ridtqnors rf osnarÄs k{m qannobqonho-casa ktlstqa OqlÄ-Raeocfw. Eqtda Äma, pqfrix-aza rdqaea 3, r{e{qga vaqaksfqni r{eocf ha

ktlstqa Baraqabi os Qanno-gflÄhnasa fpova.

Sahi Äma rf easiqa okolo 875d. pq. Vq. Oskqiva

rf i feinixni navoeki os K{rnasa ansixnors.

Navoekisf, oskqisi pqi qahkopkisf na L{da

ra poelogfni na qfeiwa rpfwialihiqani ihr-lfecaniÄ. Pqotxcanfso na kfqamikasa (dl. IV i

V), pokahca ihkl�xisflno qahnoobqahif pqi

nfjnoso pqoihcoersco i porsacÄ poe c{pqor

r{zfrsctcazasa vqonolodiÄ, s{j kaso kfqa-mixni komplfkri, sqaeiwionno rc{qhcani r

qahlixni uahi na kamfnno-mfenasa fpova, bÄva

oskqicani hafeno c fenocqfmfnno r{zfrs-ctcazi giliza. Ihtxacanfso na navoekisf os

kqfm{k (dl. VII), pokahca fkrploasawiÄsa na

rtqocini, pqoihvogeazi kakso os mfrsni, saka

i os rqacnisflno osealfxfni navoeiza.

R{zoso cagi i ha nfmalobqojnisf kamfnni

oq{eiÄ (dl. VIII), koiso ihdlfgea ra bili r{zo

solkoca cagni, kolkoso sfhi os kqfm{k i kors.

Navoekisf os obqabosfna kors (dl. IX), pqfe-rsacÄs wÄl rpfks{q os efjnorsi, osqahÄcazi

pqilogfnifso na sohi masfqial ha teoclfs-coqÄcanfso, kakso na fgfenfcni ntgei, saka i

na etvocni posqfbnorsi. Orobfno cagno ha qah-biqanfso na einamikasa na eqfcnoso rso-panrsco f ihrlfecanfso na gicosinrkisf korsi

(dl. V). So pokahca, xf qolÄsa na osdlfgeanfso

na eqfbfn i na fe{q qodas eobis{k porsfpfnno

pqfqarsca os efjnors r csoqorsfpfnno hnaxfnif

ha pqfvqanasa, eo osqar{l r nap{lno ramorsoÄ-sflno hnaxfnif.

Translation Petar Zidarov

I. INTRODUCTION

History may be a myth, but artefacts, which are historical

events, are not. They are signifiers, becoming myths as we

interpret them with our words.

J.D. Prown 1996:26, rephrased.

THE PROJECT

The Lıga-project originated in 1999, when the core

Danish archaeologists of the project from the Univer-

sity of Copenhagen were guest students at Sofia’s

State University, Bulgaria. The supposed ‘‘Tran-

sitional period’’, covering the gap between the Chal-

colithic period (or, rather, the Copper Age) and the

Bronze Age, was one of the issues then discussed.

Lack of finds and excavations, confusing C-14 dates,

etc. did not help in finding an answer to the problems.

For a scholar with Scandinavian background this

seemed to have an extra dimension, since the ‘‘Tran-

sitional period’’ in Bulgaria was also a transitional

period in Danish prehistory – the transition from for-

agers to farmers, indeed from Ertebølle to Tragtbæ-

ger (TRB)/Funnel Beaker culture. Interaction with

Bulgarian archaeologists raised aspirations to seek

solutions by taking action.

Northwestern Bulgaria (together with the Rhodop-

es) is considered to be the part of Bulgaria where

Copper Age culture survived the longest. Ironically, it

is also the part of the country that has been ‘‘over-

Fig. I.1. Geographical position of Telish in Bulgaria.

looked’’ in terms of larger Copper Age research pro-

jects, the latter focusing on the classical tell areas,

such as the Thracian plain or Northeastern Bulgaria.

Tells are few in NW Bulgaria and studies of temporal

change consequently less straightforward. The ma-

jority of settlement investigations in the region have

produced a mass of isolated phenomena, which can

only be grouped with the help of one or another par-

ticular type of ceramic vessel. Therefore, a site for

excavation was chosen in a particular sub-area, which

perhaps has seen the most substantial research in NW

Bulgaria. The idea was to piece all available evidence

together, focus on a highly detailed excavation, and

recreate the use of the landscape in the Copper Age

as chains of large and small movements of people,

their ideas and actions.

THE SITELOCATION: GEOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY

The archaeological site of Lıga (Bulgarian for ‘‘Graz-

ing Fields’’, or pastures) is situated about one kilo-

metre north of the modern village of Telish in Cherv-

en Briag Municipality, Pleven County (Fig. I.1). The

first major archaeological investigation in the area

was undertaken at the nearby Late Copper Age settle-

ment of Redutite (‘‘Redoubts’’ – the Turkish army de-

fending the area in 1877), on the eastern fringes of

Telish. The Turks constructed a lunette at Redutite,

which was at first acknowledged as an archaeological

site during attempts to reconstruct the bastion in 1976

(Neikov 2001). V. Gergov, then of Pleven Regional

Historical Museum, started the excavations in Redut-

ite in 1977. In 1979, he undertook several trench-

surveys in the area. The aim was primarily to gather

information for the Archaeological Map of Bulgaria.

As a result, he found rich graphite-painted pottery at

Lıga, 1.2 km north of Redutite, indicating the pres-

ence of yet another Late Copper Age settlement.

The site of Lıga is situated at the edge of a broad

plateau, 20 m high and 195 m above sea level (Fig.

I.2 & I.3). The Redutite site is located on the same

plateau. Towards southwest and northeast the plateau

has a wavy appearance. The hillock chosen for the


Fig. I.2. Lıga site (↓), view from SW.

Fig. I.3. Lıga site, view from the North.

11Lıga

Lıga settlement is delimited by ravines in the south

and north, which were created during seasonal runoff

of water. This process is still ongoing and has made

a negative, though limited, impact on the preser-

vation of the archaeological remains at the slopes.

The topography of the whole region is characterized

by a series of plateaus, generated by tectonic block

fractures (Hansen 2000). These are usually running

from East to West, determining the dynamics of the

distribution of settlement. The North-South orien-

tation of the regional river flows is also making an

impact on settlement patterns. The edges of the pla-

teaus have been favoured by settlers throughout pre-

history, especially during the Late Copper Age.

At the foot of the site there used to be stream.

However, from 1960–1963 onwards, with the cre-

ation of a local irrigation system, the water of the

stream is collected behind three dams in what is

known as the Lake of Gorni Dabnik (Neikov 2001).

Topographic features indicate that the stream was

running towards the north and was part of the catch-

ment area of the Vit. Rivers Vit and Iskar are the two

major tributaries of the Danube in the region; they

are also framing the archaeological sites at Telish.

The distance to the rivers is about 8 km. River Iskar

also distinguishes itself by being a major access route

through the Balkan Range. It is runnning in deeply

cut valleys forming gorges, which even today are one

of the few transport corridors of the North-South axis.

The area of Telish is also rich in subsurface springs.

An 8–10 m thick layer of clay, grey in colour, is

making up the upper part of the plateau at Telish.

The seasonal erosion of the slopes at the riverbed

made access to these clay deposits readily available.

The remains of an old bridge, ca. 15 m long, dis-

covered some 30 m south of the settlement, indicate

the site of a wedge. All this is suggesting that access

to freshwater and clay, the main building materials,

together with an easy route across the stream were

critical in choosing the exact settlement site.

The present variety of soil types in the surround-

ings of Telish is also encompassing small patches of

alluvial soils, moderately to intensely leached cherno-

zems (characteristic of lower altitudes), dark brown

grey to grey forest soils (characteristic of higher alti-

tudes, i.e., the plateaus) and, occasionally, islands of

degraded loess (Neikov 2001). Moderately leached

chernozems prevail. These have good water retention

and humus contents ranging between 3.00 and

3.55%; they are basically considered highly fertile so-

ils (Neikov 2001). The leached form of chernozems

was most likely also easily accessible with prehistoric

ploughing techniques.

The immediate vicinity of the Lıga site is character-

ised by two types of soils. The site itself is situated on

an area of the forest soils, which are considered too

heavy to till with prehistoric technology (Dennell &

Webley 1975). It can be assumed that this area would

have supported forest vegetation and been used for

browsing and acquisition of winter fodder (Dennell &

Webley 1975). The soils to the West of the site, across

the stream, had a higher sand component and were

superbly suited for prehistoric crop cultivation.

CLIMATE

The climate in Bulgaria is shaped by two adjacent

major water basins – the Black Sea and the Mediter-

ranean Sea – and, by the ranges of mountains, which

direct or block the movement of air masses. The

Black Sea and especially the Mediterranean Sea have

great water heat accumulation capacites (Issar 2003).

This enables the basins to act as temperature regu-

lators of the overall region (Issar 2003). Telish belongs

to the Danubian hilly plain, which encompasses

heights between 30 and 200 m above sea level, but is

cut off from these favourable effects by the range of

the Balkan Mountains. Compared with other regions

in Bulgaria, the Danubian hilly plain is the coolest

one, open to chilly Continental winds/air streams

from North and Northeast (Dimitrov 1979).

The lowest winter temperatures are reaching minus

30–35 æC, the mean temperature in January being

around minus 1 æ (GHCN). By contrast, summer tem-

peratures are the highest in the country. Due to the

low altitude, spring is coming early to the region (in

mid-March the temperature of the soil is more than

5 æC 5–10 cm below surface, and by the 10th of

April – above 10 æC) (Dimitrov 1979). Autumn is also

arriving at the same extended pace.

In terms of winds, the villagers of Telish are notic-

ing that wind directions are affecting the climate; the

population has even created a local etymology to de-

scribe the cold western wind and the warm southern


one (Neikov 2001). In wintertime, western winds pre-

vail. In the summer, winds are mostly blowing from

the West or the North. The effect of the winds is more

extreme on the plateau where the archaeological sites

are situated than in the modern village, lying in the

depressed plain.

Indeed, plotting temperature data collected during

the period 1951–1990 (GHCN), it can be demon-

strated that the regions of Pleven and Vraca – with

the largest concentration of sites of the Krivodol-Sal-

cuta-Bubanj Hum Ia culture, to which Lıga belongs –

are making up a veritable ‘‘depression of cold’’ in the

winter. The regions have the lowest mean January

temperatures in the country (only lowlands were con-

sidered, below 400 m in altitude), namely ª0.9 æCand ª1.0 æC, respectively. The situation only im-

proves South of Sofia and East of Ruse/Osam, where

the mean January temperatures are above freezing.

To what extent this information can be transferred

to the Copper Age is too early to say. The pattern was

perhaps similar, but the effects of generally warmer

climatic conditions – peaking during the climatic opti-

mum around 3800 BC – might have made the differ-

ences less perceptible (e.g., in terms of grazing poten-

tial during wintertime).

More dramatic to Copper Age peoples were the

consequences of the Black Sea transgression (Todoro-

va 1989). By the end of the Copper Age (Phase Varna

III), the level of the Black Sea was lower than at pres-

ent. H. Todorova’s excavations in Durankulak at the

Bulgarian coast have thus demonstrated that the

water level there was 1 m lower than today. Further

to the south, at Sozopol and Ropotamo, still on the

coast, water tables were between 3 and 5 meters

lower than today (Todorova 1998). Such differences

were, supposedly, related to tectonic movements

caused by rapid melting of the Arctic ice (Todorova

1998).

According to H. Todorova, the highest water table

compared to the present one is dated to the end of

5th millennium BC and later, reaching a maximum

around 3500 BC. Gradual climatic warming trans-

formed the favourable conditions, experienced by the

early agricultural communities in the Balkans, into

environmental deterioration by droughts and flood-

ings of the fertile plains (Todorova 1998). Thus,

changing climate is seen as the first ‘‘Domino piece’’

in a chain of events that caused the termination of

the Copper Age culture.

THE COPPER AGE AND ITS CULTURAL

AFFILIATIONS

Use of the term ‘‘Chalcolithic’’ (rather than ‘‘Aeneol-

ithic’’ or ‘‘Copper Age’’), when describing roughly the

time-span between 5000 and 4000 BC, has become

common in Bulgarian writings. Still, the term ‘‘Cop-

per Age’’ seems a slightly more handy one and will

be used here, while the notion of Chalcolithic cultures

is also accepted – semantics nonewithstanding.

In a publication of 1948 by J.H. Gaul, written after

his research in the Balkans, mainly Bulgaria, in 1938–

1939 (and published after his death in 1945, when

shot by Germans as a prisoner of war), this author

argues in favour of use of the term ‘‘Chalcolithic’’ as

opposed to ‘‘Late Neolithic’’ (Gaul 1948, 79). Gaul

was basing his arguments on the presence of natural

copper in Bulgaria and on the plentiful copper im-

plements in the Gumelnita culture (or ‘‘Bulgarian

Mound Culture’’). During the late 1940s, knowledge

of sites which later became attributed to the western

Krivodol culture was still limited. Gaul was men-

tioning Okol Glava, northwest of the village of Gnily-

ane and finds from the caves of Morovica and De-

vetaki (Devetashkata). At the time, material from

these sites was treated as being part of the ‘‘Bulgarian

Mound Culture’’, but intuitively Gaul had grouped

the representative finds in the same plate (Plate

LXIV) of the publication. Staying in the Balkans, he

also became acquainted with finds from Bubanj,

stored at the museum in Nis and providing him with

an opportunity to establish parallels between Okol

Glava and Bubanj (Gaul 1948, 108). The author

rightly concluded that ‘‘the interrelations of our

Mound Culture [ΩGumelnita] are swiftly observable

on the one hand, and on the other, seem to merge

into as yet unsatisfactorily defined peripheral com-

plexes’’ (Gaul 1948, 105).

Knowledge about the late Copper Age started to

accumulate rapidly during the post-war period. The

development was paralleled in Romania, Bulgaria

and Serbia. The eponymic site of Krivodol was partly

excavated in 1946 by V. Mikov (Mikov 1948). He

recognised the presence of a Late Roman fortress

13Lıga

(hence the local name of the site: ‘‘Tepeto’’ or ‘‘Kale-

to’’) on top of thick debris formed during the Copper

Age. The landscape at Krivodol is indeed dramatic.

The steep hill where the site is located is practically

unapproachable from three surrounding sides. The

only access is across a northern land bridge. At the

foot, River Botunya is running. Concerned with the

management of loose soils, Mikov chose to put his

excavation trenches in the western periphery of the

site. Due to natural landslide, he discovered 8 or 9

building horizons. These observations were later cor-

rected by repeated excavation by B. Nikolov (Nikolov

1984). The latter subdivided the discovered prehis-

toric cultural remains (of 2.4 to 2.8 m in thickness)

into 5 building horizons, all belonging to the Late

Copper Age. Each main settlement burned down.

Both Mikov and Nikolov mentioned the existence of

fortifications (a stone wall supported by a frame of

wooden poles) on the site in the Copper Age.

Subdivision of the well-known Gumelnita Culture

in Romania started in 1951 after the excavation of

the hillock of Piscul Cornisorului close to Salcuta by

D. Berciu (1961c). Before him, in 1916, and in 1919–

1920, the site was excavated by I. Andriesescu, who

performed the first methodologically sound exca-

vation in the country, but failed to publish the results.

In 1917, C. Schuchhardt made a few trenches at Sal-

cuta. All the finds were taken to Berlin but never pub-

lished. In 1947, the site attracted attention from a

new team of Romanian archaeologists, but their find-

ings were not mediated either. So, all knowledge

about this important site is based on the four trenches

made by Berciu.

The site is located on a tongue-like hillock, which

rises some 25 m above the surrounding valley, thus

‘‘naturally fortified’’. A western land bridge is con-

necting it with another hillock. Berciu established sev-

eral layers at Salcuta. On top of layer I of the Early

Neolithic Starcevo-Cris culture was the sterile layer

of a hiatus. Above this was found horizon II, subdi-

vided into a, b, and c sub-phases. This horizon, to-

gether with the following horizon III, marks the end

of the Copper Age. Materials from these layers define

the Salcuta culture. The last, more or less well defined

phase is horizon IV; this represents the early phase of

the post-Chalcolithic period. Later surface finds at the

site span from the end of the Early Bronze Age till

Medieval times. Two shallow moats, ca. 1.0 m and

1.2 m deep, were dug across the western land bridge

during settlement phase IIb.

In Serbia, close to Nis, M. Garasanin started sys-

tematic excavations of Bubanj after earlier trench sur-

veys by A. Orsic-Slavetic in 1934 (Garasanin 1957).

The excavations continued from 1954 to 1958 (Gara-

sanin 1957, 1976). The site is situated on a protruding

tongue-like plateau, 195 m above sea level, on the left

bank of Nisava. The cultural layers had a thickness

of 2.50–3.16 m and contained also Early Neolithic

Stracevo finds. The most import result was a subdivi-

sion of the recognized building horizons into phases

Ia (Late Copper Age), Ib and II (Early Bronze Age

phases Baden-Kostolac and Cotofeni III) & III (Glina

III of the MBA) (1). A neighbouring site, Velika Hum-

ska Cuka, a hill-top settlement, was excavated

synchronously with Bubanj. The recovered evidence

echoes the findings in Bubanj (Garasanin 1983).

Thus, the composite name, Bubanj-Hum Ia, which is

often used to denote affiliating cultural phenomena of

the Late Copper Age in Eastern Serbia.

A turning point in correlating available infor-

mation and formulating future research directions oc-

curred in 1959 at an international symposium in

Czechoslovakia (Böhm & De Laet 1961). The leading

theme was the Neolithic (and ‘‘Aeneolithic’’) in Eur-

ope. Among 45 delegates from 17 different countries

were scientists who today are justly recognised as the

major developers of the present perceptions of cul-

tural developments during the Neolithic-Eneolithic/

Copper Age in the Southeastern parts of Europe: M.

Gimbutas (Lithuania/USA), N.Y. Merpert (Russia),

D. Berciu (Romania), M. Garasanin (Serbia), G.

Georgiev (Bulgaria), and several others. This crucial

event should thus be considered the birth of the no-

tion of ‘‘Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj Culture’’ (here

KSB), presented at the gathering in a short, almost

telegram-like statement by Berciu (1961b). His obser-

vations made on the characteristics of this cultural

unit are still correct. Berciu defined the area of the

KSB culture as NW Bulgaria, S Romania (Oltenia,

Eastern Banat) and E Serbia (to Pelagonia and Skopje

in the F.R.Y. Macedonia). During the symposium,

1. For the sake of uniformity, the chronological division accepted

in Bulgaria is applied in the text, cf. Fig. I.5.


Fig. I.4. Main Late Copper Age cultural complexes in Southeastern Europe, according to Todorova and Vajsov (Todorova & Vajsov 2001),

slightly modified.

Berciu also presented his attempts to make the first

correlation of materials from the Salcuta, Krivodol,

Bubanj and Gumelnita sites (1961a).

PROFILE OF THE KSB CULTURE

The KSB is considered a late Copper Age cultural

group, which primarily is recognized through cultural

remains from NW Bulgaria. The valley of Struma, in

SW Bulgaria, is under the direct influence of KSB,

albeit the latter region is also marked by other cul-

tural impulses. The southernmost known site of the

KSB culture in Bulgaria is Vaksevo-Skaleto (Cochad-

ziev 2001). In Romania, this cultural group is mainly

spread in Oltenia, up to the river Olt, but also known

in a narrow strip of W Muntenia (the left bank of the

15Lıga

Olt and the southern part of Arges county) and in SE

Banat (the county of Caras Severin), or, shortly, in

Southwestern Romania. In Yugoslavia, KSB is spread

in the Eastern part of Serbia but its influence is also

identified in Kosovo, as well as in Macedonian Pela-

gonia (Tasic & Tasic 2003). In Eastern Serbia the

neighbour of KSB to the West is Vinca D. In Ro-

mania and Bulgaria, KSB is bordering towars the

East on a big cultural complex termed Kodzadermen-

Gumelnita-Karanovo VI (KGK VI), and Varna (Fig.

I.4).

What then is separating the KSB culture from the

neighbouring cultural groups?

In former Yugoslavia, the priority when defining

Bubanj-Hum sites was given to their topographic po-

sition. The settlements were usually found on nat-

urally protected elevations, or, in caves. Thus, a site

on top of Skopje hill is considered as the most western

KSB outpost. The settlers of the Vinca culture, by

contrast, were linked to multi-layered tell settlements.

Tells are also the prevailing settlement type in the

Kodzadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI (KGK VI)

culture. Exceptions comprise settlements on pile plat-

forms, such as Negovantsi and Krainitsi, in the KSB

area, and the so-called plateau settlements in the

KGK VI area (Todorova 1986). There have been sev-

eral attempts to define some of the KSB settlements

as tells (Todorova 1986; Nikolova 1999); the issue

rests solely on special definitions and will be further

discussed below.

Pottery styles and decorations are thought to be the

most reliable trait in defining cultural regions. Garas-

anin defines the characteristic pottery of Bubanj-Hum

as fine, highly polished, and made from micaseous

clays (1976). The characteristic shapes are cups, jars

with two handles, and beakers (so-called ‘‘kantharoi’’),

as well as voluminous amphoras (Garasanin 1976).

Discussing pottery of the Krivodol culture in Bulgar-

ia, Todorova notes that the most conspicuous feature

is the high amount of cups with double handles, pots

and jars with narrowed neck and two or four handles,

bowls with inverted or thickened rim, biconic vessels,

plugs for oven, and fire-vessels (cf. below) (Todorova

1986). The surface is often roughened with the help

of barbotine, impressions, incisions or pinched decor-

ation. Graphite paint is applied on vessel neck or

shoulders, in case of bowls the whole interior is often

painted (Todorova 1986). Among the distinctive

forms of the Romanian Salcuta culture, according to

Berciu, are two-handled cups, small squat cups and

bowls with thickened and inverted rims; decoration

includes graphite painting and colour incrustation

(Berciu 1961c).

Thus, the description of KSB pottery is reflecting

different scholarly attitudes towards variations and

characteristics. The margins in E Serbia are rather

wide, and any shard with graphite paint would be

considered as belonging to KSB, while in Bulgaria,

where graphite painted pottery is prevailing from

the coast to the Rila Mountains and beyond, the

definitions are stricter. Intuition is often at help in

the non-written world of semi-conscious filtering of

overlapping cultural traits. Generally, the ceramic

assemblage of KSB is defined by vessels with op-

positely placed handles, which are a rarity in the

KGK VI complex, and dominance of positive

graphite decoration, also rare in KGK VI, where

negative patterns overwhelmingly prevail (Todorova

1986).

There are apparently no discussions as to the be-

ginning of the Copper Age in Bulgaria (Fig. I.5).

Thus, the temporal division suggested by B. Nikolov

has so far not been debated (Nikolov 1992). The

earliest sub-phase is by this author named after the

Brenitsa site, and the subsequent two after the Grade-

shnitsa site (Nikolov 1992). The middle Copper Age

remains somewhat ephemeral, with only Dyakovo site

as representative in the Struma valley (Todorova

1986; Cohadziev 1997). In general, there are no dis-

putes in considering the KSB as the successor of the

Gradeshnitsa culture (Georgieva 1995b). It is also be-

lieved that the KSB culture was formed in Western

Bulgaria around the middle of the 5th millennium

and then spread northwards and westwards (Georgie-

va 1995b). Therefore, the earliest sites are known only

in Bulgaria. The later development of the culture has

recently become a subject of numerous discussions,

resulting in a variety of chronological schemes (e.g.,

Nikolova 1999). Georgieva has demonstrated that in

terms of macro-regional trends, the most plausible

solution is to view KSB as undergoing four phases of

development (Georgieva 1995b). A rapid increase in

the number of sites is seen during phases II–IV. This

is also the time when the cultural impact of this cul-


Fig. I.5. Chronological table with key sites discussed in the text and main cultural groupings. Grey colour marks the period and sites with

affiliation to the Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj Hum Ia complex (KSB).

ture advances towards Eastern Serbia and Oltenia

(Georgieva 1995b) (Fig. I.6).

Eastern Serbia and the regions further west were

the last to experience KSB impact. This is indirectly

confirmed by the lack of sites with more than one

KSB occupation (as opposed to the multi-horizonal

settlements in Bulgaria). The stylistic analyses of pot-

tery from the discovered KSB sites, to some extent

supported by stratigraphic data, have resulted in the

definition of two main KSB phases. The boundary is

made between sites with painted pottery (graphite or

white or red pigments) and those, which are lacking

such decoration (Tasic 1990; 1995; Lazic & Sladic

1997). Apparently, there is still a lack of consensus on

which phase should be seen as the earliest (Tasic

1990; 1995; Lazic & Sladic 1997), creating some con-

fusion as to whether Bubanj-Hum Ia, with graphite

painted ceramics, represents the first or the second

17Lıga

Fig. I.6. Distribution of investigated KSB Ia sites (dots). 1 – Kolarovo, 2 – Piperitsa, 3 – Drenovitsa, 4 – Sandanski, 5 – Kochan,

6 – Dragodan, 7 – Vaksevo, 8 – Yunatsite, 9 – Dolna Koznitsa, 10 – Kraynitsi, 11 – Mala Fucha, 12 – Izvor, 13 – Negovantsi, 14 – Radomir,

15 – Pernik-Krakra, 16 – Dushintsi, 17 – Gnilyane-Okol Glava, 18 – Gulubovtsi-Pekliuk, 19 – Teteven-Morovitsa cave, 20 – Rebarkovo-

Mızhin grad, 21 – Rebarkovo-Dzhugera, 22 – Mezdra, 23 – Lovech, 24 – Staro Selo-Yordanovo Kale, 25 – Gorna Kremena-Izvoro,

26 – Gorna Kremena-Zaminec, 27 – Kunino, 28 – Aglen-Ochilata cave, 29 – Kameno Pole, 30 – Devetaki Cave, 31 – Cherven Breg,

32 – Sadovec-Ezero, 33 – Sadovec-Kaleto, 34 – Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale, 35 – Pipra, 36 – Gabare-Marla, 37 – Gabare-Dolnoto Kale,

38 – Telish-Redutite, 39 – Banitsa-Milin Kamak, 40 – Telish-Lıga, 41 – Bukovec-Zanogata, 42 – Okhoden, 43 – Georgi-Damyanovo-

Markovo Kale, 44 – Krivodol, 45 – Barkachevo-Kanov Vrakh, 46 – Rakevo-Chuljov kamak, 47 – Galatin-Chukata, 48 – Belotintsi-

Kremenish, 49 – Okhrid, 50 – Montana, 51 – Lesura-Golata Mogila, 52 – Lesura-Gradishteto, 53 – Malorad, 54 – Beli Bryag-Markov

Kamak, 55 – Lekhchevo-Kostadin, 56 – Lipnitsa, 57 – Krushovitsa-Borovanska Mogila, 58 – Sofronievo-Daneva Mogila, 59 – Yakimovo-

Mogilata, 60 – Miziya, 61 – Staliyska Makhala-Bagachina, 62 – Makresh, 63 – Slatina, 64 – Ostrovul Corbului, 65 – Baile Herculane-

Hotilor Cave, 66 – Girla Mare, 67 – Vadastra, 68 – Salcuta, 69 – Humska Chuka, 70 – Bubanj, 71 – Rudna Glava, 72 – Veljkovo-Kapu

Djaluluj, 73 – Smedovac, 74 – Kovilovo, 75 – Zlotska Pecina, 76 – Krivelj, 77 – Korbovo-Vajaga Pesak, 78 – Hisar, 79 – Gadimilje,

80 – Skopje, 81 – Bakarno Gumno. Squares mark other contemporary sites in the region, mentioned in the text.

stage of KSB development in former Yugoslavia (Laz-

ic & Sladic 1997). The relation between KSB sites,

especially those of former Yugoslavia, will probably

remain unresolved until a proper set of absolute dates

is established.

REVIEW OF PREVIOUS RESEARCH

The larger region of Telish first came into focus in

1934 with the excavations at Sadovec (Fig. I.7). At

first, Bulgarian archaeologists, later joined by Ger-

man and Austrian scholars, were investigating Late


Fig. I.7. Satellite map of the Telish region with distribution of known Copper Age sites (etc.).

Antiquity fortifications (6th century AD, as dated by

coins) in a vicinity of Sadovec (Welkov 1935; Todoro-

va Simeonova 1968; Uentze 1992). Of these sites,

Golemanovo Kale also contained prehistoric ma-

terial, which later has been subdivided in Late Cop-

per Age, Early (Orlea-Sadovec) and Middle (Glina

III) Bronze Age, and Early Iron Age (Hallstatt ma-

terial) (Todorova 1992; Alexandrov 1992). The site

was occupying a rocky terrace steeply rising to more

than 20 m above the riverbed of Vit. The site was a

natural stronghold accessible only from the north. In

prehistoric times, the location has also been valued

due to abundant resources of flint in the lower part

of the limestone terrace.

Another important archaeological landmark in

Telish region is Pipra, situated 8 km south of the

village. Like the site at Sadovec, Pipra has been val-

ued for its natural defensive features; in fact, it was

one of the fortified junctions to protect movement

along the Roman road between Oescus (Gigen) and

Stargosia (Pleven) (Neikov 2001). In the early 1970s,

the site was briefly investigated (Gergov, pers.

comm.). It has been established that besides Late

Antiquity fortress buildings, spread over an oblong

hill of 65¿35 m, there were traces of an Early Iron

Age settlement. Later intensive pitting on the site by

looters has also demonstrated that the central part

holds at least five building horizons, which can be

19Lıga

Fig. I.8. Sites of Ezero and Kaleto at Sadovec, as seen from E. Note the rampart at Kaleto.

attributed to the Copper Age, primarily the earlier

part of the KSB (pers.observation). Significantly, all

Copper Age settlements seem to have been burned

down.

The closest parallel to the settlement at Lıga is

nearby Redutite, where excavations went on for

nearly 20 years. Separated by the short distance of

only 1.2 km the two sites are not only geographically

but also temporally related. Redutite turned out to be

a well-preserved settlement with four temporal

phases. The earliest settlement was founded in the

Early Copper Age (Gradeshnitsa phase), while the

two subsequent settlements were of late Copper Age,

and the last one representing the initial phase of the

so-called Transitional period (Gergov 1992a). No suc-

cession was recorded between the two Late Copper

Age settlements. In fact, all phases were interspaced

by so-called hiatus layers, which bear witness to sig-

nificant episodes of abandonment. Hence, the re-

search at Lıga was initially driven by the expectation

to fill in these chronological gaps and to trace the

dynamics of shifts in settlement in the micro-region.

SADOVEC-EZERO & SADOVEC-KALETO

During the three fieldwork seasons at Lıga some en-

ergy was invested in rescue work at a site, which ap-

peared to hold material from several Copper Age

settlements. The site was discovered near Sadovec, 7

km southeast of Telish, and is actually in two parts: a

lower and older one named Sadovec-Ezero, and an

upper and younger called Sadovec-Kaleto (Welkov

1935 (short note); Mitova-Dzonova 1979, 61) (Fig.

I.8). Despite the rescue character of this investigation,


Fig. I.9. Western trench at Sadovec-Ezero.

in particular Sadovec-Ezero yielded significant

chronological and other information, which will be

presented in full in a future work.

Traces of the earliest occupation were found on a

saddle-like hillock, measuring 65¿40 m, surrounded

by high and nearly 90 degrees steep ranges of lime-

stone hills. A narrow passage through the hills is cut

by the river Belilka, a tributary of Vit, which is almost

unnoticeable in the landscape since it runs deep down

below the ranges, encircling the hillock.

The northern part of the hillock, approximately 14

m above the river, is higher than the southern one.

Due to this natural form, aeolithic sand forming the

occupation layers only accumulated on the southern

part. Thus, the northern part remains uncovered by

soil and vegetation, and no traces of human activity

have left any impact on its appearance. The hillock,

at its highest and most northern point, is approxi-

mately 173 m above the sea level. The range of hills

is rising over the site by 7 m on a northern side and

by more than 15 m on the southern one.

The investigation of the site was initiated during

the summer of 2002 after reports on digs carried on

by very active local looters. The looters had dug three

main trenches reaching rock bottom through cultural

deposits 3.5–4.0 m thick, as well as several other

trenches. The trenches were actually ‘‘archaeological’’

in nature, with vertical profiles, which could easily be

cleaned and studied (Fig. I.9). Six building horizons

were recorded in the largest trench, spanning a full

Copper Age sequence.

Due to the natural remoteness of the site, the con-

ditions of preservation were exceptional. Four of the

settlement horizons had traces of conflagration while

the remaining ones had been left to slow decompo-

sition. Even in layers where clay items were not ex-

posed to fire, their state of preservation was remark-

able (Fig. I.10 & I.11). Among the most important

finds was a burial of a woman, placed in prone posi-

tion in a pit measuring just 65¿45 cm. This event

took place during a period postdating the Copper Age

and presumably before the Early Bronze Age proper.

The two earliest occupation phases of Sadovec-Ez-

ero site are dated to the beginning of the Copper Age.

During the Late Copper Age the settlers started to

occupy also the edge of the northern range of hills,

forming a plateau. The site on the hills is locally

known as Sadovec-Kaleto. Apparently, at that time,

the inhabitants must have started to use a kind of

drawbridge, for the distance that had to be overcome

between the two heights, abruptly separated by the

river, was only 7 m, or less. Not long after the expan-

sion, the site in the canyon was abandoned, the settle-

ment continuing on the more accessible plateau.

The Sadovec-Kaleto site was also heavily damaged

by the looters, who had even used excavating machin-

ery. Rescue work was therefore carried out there, too.

It appeared that after the close of the Copper Age, the

Kaleto settlement continued directly into the Early

Bronze Age, without any significant interruption or

dramatic material changes. In that sense, this site is

truly exceptional. Pottery of the so-called Transitional

21Lıga

Fig. I.10. Southern trench at Sadovec-Ezero. Remains of Late Copper Age oven, three times rebuilt, and adjacent storage bin.

Period, as well as of the earliest Bronze Age (Orlea-

Sadovec type), have been recognised in the collected

material. Until now, there are only a dozen of such

Transitional sites known in the whole of Bulgaria.

An interesting structure investigated at Kaleto was

a semi-circular rampart surrounding the site from the

accessible northern side and ending at the steep edges

of the plateau. The rampart was constructed in two

stone walls with compact layers of soil in between and

a soil cover. No doubt there has also been a palisade

at the top. The only archaeological finds recorded in

connection with this unique structure were shards of

the Early Bronze Age.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

As implied, the research objectives for Lıga and ad-

jacent sites were to a high degree dictated by the out- Fig. I.11. Storage bin of unbaked clay, Sadovec-Ezero.


come of the excavations at Redutite. Information on

two Late Copper Age settlements, supplemented with

data on the so-called Transitional Period, was con-

sidered a good starting point for building-up a local

sequence of land-use and, most importantly, for trac-

ing movements of peoples and ideas. Complex ap-

proaches to the regional data enabled the perspective

to be broadened in scope and to link a limited project

to a much wider cultural-geographical setting. So far,

the majority of settlement investigations in Western

Bulgaria have produced a mass of isolated phenom-

ena, which have only been coupled up with the help

of particular types of artefacts. A different situation

presented itself at Telish, with an opportunity to pro-

duce and to piece together evidence into coherent his-

torical sequences, resembling those of the southern

area of impressive tells. In this light, issues such as the

spatial organisation of the Lıga site, changes in the

planning of settlement and its architecture, duration

and causes of abandonment, etc. could be set in a

broader temporal and geographical perspective,

revealing the ‘‘dialectics’’ of a Late Copper Age settle-

ment.

The ambition in the present case was never to ex-

cavate the whole settlement, as at Redutite, but to

concentrate on few areas where the archaeological

contexts could be investigated fully and at great de-

tail. Thus, the chosen strategy is in contrast to both

the usual Bulgarian excavation practice and the main

trends within the Scandinavian archaeology. Pres-

ently, in Bulgaria, with limited funding for archae-

ological projects, there are no big scale research in-

itiatives, like the ones that could be experienced dur-

ing the Communist era (e.g., Todorova 1982). Most

projects are designed to cover the depth rather than

the width, viewing the issues of temporal development

at a site as more important than the issues of cultural

differentiation within each temporal episode. Scandi-

navian archaeology suffers from its own limitations:

research projects have to give way to an administra-

tive archaeology producing general models of house

types, settlements and land use but almost completely

devoid of small-scale highly detailed information.

Therefore, conscious efforts were invested at Lıga in

identifying and disclosing all structures to their fullest

extent, followed by highly thorough documentation

procedures. This approach has, for instance, enabled

us to study the excavated materials with an explicit

focus on individual structures and activities, produc-

ing case sensitive – or historical – results.

As derives from the logics of these considerations,

answers were also sought to explain the existence of

seemingly opposed settlement modes in SE Europe.

The KSB culture is often defined by geographical

fluctuation, observed through settlements with limited

recurring use. The immediate eastern neighbour of

the KSB – the KGK VI complex – is traditionally

characterized by multi-layered settlement mounds,

i.e., tells, reflecting continuous spatial attachments:

How can material data explain such differing subsist-

ence strategies and, in the case of KSB, less tangible

mechanisms to sustain the social and spiritual equilib-

rium of society? With a full awareness of the fact that

not all variables can be identified, several specialist

studies were designed to produce a detailed cultural

profile of the Lıga site, hence to provide data for com-

parative studies. The main overall objective was to

demonstrate the potential of integrated studies tar-

geted to translate the cultural fingerprints of site and

landscape into proper chronological sequences and

cultural structures.

II. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROCESS

METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

& EXCAVATION TECHNIQUES

The site of Lıga was excavated during three summer

seasons from 2000 till 2002. During the third season,

an important task was to undertake rescue exca-

vations at Sadovec-Ezero and Sadovec-Kaleto.

The excavated area at Lıga is 275 m2 (excluding

survey trenches) (Fig. II.1). Surface investigations at

the site in 2000 did not reveal any specific concen-

tration of finds. In order to satisfy both the strati-

graphic objectives and to catch the distribution of ex-

pected structural remains, a transect covering 2¿30

m was set along the topographically anticipated cen-

tral axis of the site, starting from the western limit

of the plateau. This transect was orientated W-E. It

covered one of the two minor survey trenches of

1979, still to be seen as depressions in the terrain (Fig.

II.2). The re-opened survey trench, which undoubt-

edly had destroyed the pertaining structural cultural

remains, was intended as a control profile for the ex-

cavation of new trenches, providing a prior under-

standing of the nature of deposits and soils.

A nearby Thracian (presumably) tumulus, holding

a local measurement pillar made of concrete at the

top became the main reference point for mapping,

which ensured a conversion of the relative measure-

ments of the investigation to the absolute. A Total

Station was used in measuring. The said transect was

subdivided into smaller units of 2¿5 m. To save time

and man-power, the decision was taken to excavate

only every second unit. This made possible strati-

graphic comparison between sondages and created a

larger investigated area. Digits and letters of the

Greek alphabet were applied for labelling (Fig. II.3).

Bearing in mind, that such a strategy would allow

to establish only the western borders of the site, partly

determined by the features of the landscape (rather

abrupt slopes), intensive drillings were also under-

taken, aimed at providing an overview of the entire

area used for occupation; as a result, a new section

was selected for excavation. At the southern slopes

the drillings revealed a thick layer of burned daub, a

strong indication of the presence of habitation struc-

tures. A trench of 5¿5 m was opened for investiga-

tion (subdivided into sondages no. 8A and 8B). At the

same time, it appeared that both the control sondage

(no. 6A, laid across the old survey trench) and the

neighbouring sondage (no. 5) contained substantial

traces of habitation. The limits of the latter sondage

were eventually expanded, becoming part of a large

trench of 4¿10 m. In order to establish a sensitive

stratified collection of finds, this trench was in turn

subdivided into four sondages (nos. 5, 7, 6A & 6B).

The westernmost sondage (no. 1) did not reveal any

evident traces of human activity. A dozen of shards

were uncovered in a thin layer of humus (0.16–0.26

m thick) on top of a sterile layer of pebbles. Despite

sloping, it was obvious that this part of the hillock

was never used for construction of any permanent

structure. The next sondage, no. 3, also gave limited

results. After excavating a layer of humus 0.4 m thick,

this sondage was abandoned. Later drillings revealed

the remains of structures in the easternmost part, 0.8

m below the surface.

All sondages were excavated in arbitrary layers of

5–10 cm. The bulk material was sorted and collected

separately: pottery, all stones and flints, animal bones,

and burned daub. All individual finds – diagnostic

ceramic pieces, ground stones, flint or bone im-

plements and their concentrations (e.g., a heap of ani-

mal bones), as well as particular samples, were indi-

vidually recorded in three dimensions with the Total

Station.

Water sieving was persistently attempted during

each season, but did not give the expected results.

During the first season a special flotation plant was

constructed, while during the second field-campaign

a rather more efficient method was applied: The soil

was collected into net bags with dense mesh, contain-

ing one bucket, and sieved holding the bags directly

under a rapid water stream. Soil for water sieving was

collected from the areas of special interest, such as

the floor area around a storage bin or an oven, or

soil excavated from the graves. Only a few potential

palaeobotanical remains were collected as the result

of these efforts. Other residues, such as flint chips and

shards, were also limited in number, perhaps due to

the already intensive attention given to such finds


Fig. II.1. Topographical map of Lıga with indication of the excavated areas and built structures of Lıga 2 (dark grey shading). EquidistanceΩ0.5 m. Sondages in light grey were not completed. Strong dashed line marks the area of the Lıga 2 settlement. Weak dashed line marks the

established borders of the Lıga 1 settlement. Dense dashed line marks the extension of Lıga 4 (Early Bronze Age) settlement. a marks

depression in the terrain made by earlier digs of 1979. All measurements were taken by S. Albek.

25Lıga

Fig. II.2. Place of the central transect, view from E. Note de-

pressions in the terrain – traces of earlier digs/survey trenches of

1979.

during the excavation. Generally, it can be stated that

only limited information disappeared when water

sieving was not applied. Dry sieving was also

attempted, with a sieve mesh of 5¿5 mm, but lumpi-

ness and the severe dryness of the soil made this a

very time-consuming task, also with only limited re-

sults.

The first field campaign partly uncovered the re-

mains of three habitation structures. During the field

campaign of 2001 the governing strategy was to un-

cover the total remains of the prehistoric houses.

Therefore, already investigated areas were sur-

rounded by a new set of sondages according to pre-

dictions of the dimensions of the structures. A system

of sections was also created (Fig. II.4). The new sond-

ages were assigned a digit and a letter, so that all

sondages with the digit 9 are connected with House

1, with digit 4 House 2, and with digit 10 House 3

(Fig. II.3).

SURVEYS AND DRILLINGS

Surveys around Lıga were conducted on several oc-

casions with different degrees of intensity. These were

aimed to establish the size of the settlement and its

land-use, as well as for identifying new archaeological

sites. The immediate surroundings of the site were

also investigated with the help of drillings with geo-

logical augers. The surveys were based on field-walk-

ing. The procedure entailed a team of 4–5 persons

Fig. II.3. Plan of Lıga site with excavated sondages. Large digits

and letters indicate sondages excavated in 2000, the remaining –

mainly in 2001 (additional work in 2002). Sector 1 denotes a set of

trenches lying on the southern slopes of the site and covering House

1 of Lıga 2. Sector 2 indicates a set of centrally lying trenches

covering Houses 2 & 3 of Lıga 2.

spaced at intervals of 20 m. Parallel alignments were

set up with help of the Total Station and compas-

orientated N-S. In some cases, the transect alignment

was dictated by the natural orientation of the field.

All artefacts were collected per 10 m, then bagged

and counted. Altogether, an area of approx. 1500 m2

was intensively surveyed. The majority of the fields

around Lıga were cultivated (especially in 2000), mak-

ing the conditions of survey favourable. Sample

squares measuring 10¿10 m seemed to be optimal in

responding to the requirements and aims of such sur-

vey, i.e., to find the borders of the occupation, or to

uncover possible rotations of settlement. Distribution

maps showed several concentrations, which appeared

to be misleading, though, compared with information

gained by the drillings. Nevertheless, the surveys

helped to establish the existence of an Early Bronze

Age settlement partly overlapping the Copper Age

Lıga 2 settlement. This resulted in a higher awareness

in sorting the excavated materials, which also held

Bronze Age finds. Sounding procedures by drilling

revealed the northern and the eastern borders of the

Copper Age occupation.

The intensive surveys were focused on two prime


Fig. II.4. Central part (Sector 2) of Lıga in the course of excavation, view from E.

areas: the area between Redutite and Lıga, and the

area around Lıga and the present-day dam. It ap-

peared that certain areas had experienced intense hu-

man attention throughout the past, while others were

completely ignored. The mentioned stretch between

the two sites did not provide a single archaeological

artefact, despite repeated surveys. By contrast, the

edges of the dam, largely corresponding to the course

of the past stream, had evidently been a core-area,

attracting settling and exploitation from Neolithic

times onwards.

Different requirements for space and occupation

are reflected in the settlement dynamics of the area.

During the Neolithic and the Early Copper Age the

lower lying areas on the left bank of the former

stream were preferred, while during later periods the

higher lying and rather more dramatic plateau was

favored for settlement. The people of the Early Iron

age, as also those of the subsequent periods (data

available until the 6th century AD), moved back to

the plains at the stream, leaving the highland for rit-

ual activities and erection of tumuli.

Differing traditions of settling are of great interest,

since they demonstrate that continuous occupation is

not needed to create spatial attachments. Cultural

memories may take a general form and hence mani-

fest themselves through recognition and identification

of human alterations in a landscape, such as clearance

activities or the presence of plants loaded with cul-

tural significance.

The Neolithic and Early Copper Age settlements

are found on relatively light soils, suitable for prehis-

toric tillage (cf. above). Such areas were probably

cleared long before the Late Copper Age occupation

on the plateau. Several shards of Late Copper Age

date discovered in the earlier fields are clearly off-site

27Lıga

finds connected with the main Lıga occupation. Thus,

evidence indicates that the area on the left bank of

the stream was heavily and continuously used for cul-

tivation, whether the settlements were situated nearby

or not.

Finally, recurring occupation at the same site – as

during the Late Copper Age – seems to indicate the

existence of certain cognitive templates, which helped

select particular areas as culturally suitable. Neverthe-

less, natural conditions (availability of water, clay re-

sources, soil types, etc.) were no doubt at the base of

any prehistoric acknowledgment of ‘‘tamed land-

scapes’’ (sensu Hodder 1990).

SITE FORMATION DYNAMICS

The site of Lıga has been the scene of many activities

in the past. As the name (‘‘Grazing Fields’’) implies,

it is today uncultivated and used for grazing of

communal herds of sheep and goat. At the end of

the 19th century, the site was made into a vineyard.

Trenches dug for planting wines have caused much

destruction of the archaeological remains. Periods of

land cultivation have formed a thick layer of humus.

Two layers of humus-rich topsoil can be dis-

tinguished. The lower and darker one has a signifi-

cant amount of charred remains, indicating repeated

clearance by fire – a practice which even today is

widespread in the country. Based on stratigraphic ob-

servations, it can be concluded that both humus-rich

layers were formed after the 6th century AD. In fact,

long before becoming a nondescript plot of land, the

location experienced a series of differing human activ-

ities that inevitably changed its natural appearance

(Pl. 3).

LIGA 1: FIRST COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT

The first settlement at the site – Lıga 1 – was estab-

lished during the earlier part of the Late Copper Age.

The settlers invested much energy in shaping the hill-

ock and creating even terrain. Before anthropogenic

impact, the hillock was covered by a grey layer of

sandy clay mixed with fine organic matter, slightly

acidic. The layer below is constituted by gravel and

pebbles (up to 70 mm in size), including fragments of

well-rounded quartzite and brown opaque flint, oc-

casionally used for knapping. The gravel is mixed

with coarse and medium (grains 1–2 mm in size) yel-

low-reddish sand with carbonate inclusions. This

layer is highly calcareous, despite the absence of lime-

stone. The thickness of the layer is 0.2–0.4 m.

As the first settlers started to prepare the surface

for construction of dwellings, they stripped the top of

the hillock from soil, exposing the pebble layer. The

surplus soil was deposited down the southern slope,

which was witnessing an attempt to expand the area

of occupation. The western slope, which is closest to

the stream, and the steepest, was not changed since

this would have been inefficient. The northern slopes

were not investigated. Actually, the settlers were not

trying to create a level surface everywhere, only some

even areas. When the houses were built, they would

appear to have been standing on low terraces, dif-

fering 0.3–0.4 m in height. The layer of pebbles left

around the houses would have been appreciated as

natural pavements, as indicated by crushed pebbles

and a darker colour created by accumulated organic

matters between the pebbles.

It is not known what caused the termination of the

settlement, which generally was recognised as a grey

unburned clayey layer rich in organic matters and

small pieces of charcoal (1–2 mm in size). The char-

coal likely entered the debris after a fire clearing of

vegetation at the time of establishment of the sub-

sequent settlement, Lıga 2. The first settlement was

only acknowledged in the southern and eastern parts

of the investigated area. Except for the southern and,

partly, the western limits, its extents have not been

established, since the drillings did not produce any

conclusive results regarding the area of occupation.

The Lıga 1 settlement had a general orientation of

SW to NE. The houses were more widely spaced than

those of the subsequent settlement. The most in-

formative structural remains were discovered at the

southern edge. Clay was the main building material

and a high content of organic matter in the destruc-

tion layer points towards the use of a wattle and daub

technique. Massive posts with a diameter of 25 cm

were supporting the construction in some parts of the

walls. On the rather unstable southern side, a shallow

0.45 m wide trench was dug prior to the erection of

the wall. The house in questions was orientated N-

S. The external length, as could be measured from


Fig. II.5. Lıga 1, remains of stone pavement.

preserved postholes as well as the extent of destruc-

tion debris, was 7.6 m. The floor inside the house was

lime plastered (Pl. 3, Sondage 8A). Only one layer

of floor could be recognised. Computer-aided light-

simulations reveal that whitening of floors is the most

effective means to increase illumination of interiors as

light is reflected off the floors (Larsen 2003). By con-

trast, whitening of the walls are not adding more light

to the internal space. At the SE corner of the house

was part of a regular stone pavement made of water-

worn well-sorted cobbles of sandstone and brown flint

reaching 10–12¿5–10 cm in size (Fig. II.5). Beyond

the outline of the house, on the southern slope, was a

thick layer of discarded pottery, animal bones and

stone tools, among which hammer stones were the

most frequent. One of the most spectacular finds

comes from the area inside the house (sondage 9V,

southern profile). It is a flat female bone figurine with

good parallels at other Late Copper Age sites (Pl.

26:6). The archaeological record concerning Lıga 1 is

thus preserved the best at the southern slopes.

For how long the Lıga 1 settlement remained aban-

doned before the new occupation is difficult to tell.

On a material scale – primarily pottery – the change

is dramatic. At any rate, the house mounds were

clearly visible for the new settlers, who used them as

foundations for their own dwellings, thus preserving

the grid of space-use established by the Lıga 1 settle-

ment.

LIGA 2: SECOND COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT

Around 4400 BC calibrated (cf. below), a new settle-

ment – Lıga 2 – was established at the site. Level

terraces were created on the remains of the Lıga 1

dwellings, causing severe destruction of the debris of

the previous occupational phase. The fact that the

low house mounds comprised of unburned clay was

appreciated, providing fine and easily formed founda-

tions for the new dwellings. Such layers make good

floors, enabling the preservation of a coherent surface

during the entire use-life of a dwelling. As a conse-

quence, terracing was more pronounced now and a

more elaborate design of the settlement created. The

archaeological investigation was mainly concentrated

on the material vestiges of this settlement.

Three dwellings were fully investigated. Their

identification was easy due to the fact that the settle-

ment of Lıga 2 was burned down, and reddish burned

daub clearly outlined the structures. In the northern

part of the excavated area, numerous limestones were

discovered, which displayed a semi-circular or oval

pattern. Stones in such configurations are obviously

structural features, in fact house foundations, even

when lacking preserved burned daub.

House 1 was discovered almost exactly on top of

the house from the previous occupational horizon.

With a slight deviation towards the East it followed

the orientation of the earlier construction (Pl. 2).

House 2, as could be deduced from the occasional

occurrence of large fragments of pottery, was possibly

also covering remains of a previous construction, al-

though the relationship between the two structures

could not be established due to lack of more substan-

29Lıga

Fig. II.6 Survey trench dug across the Southern slope.

tial debris. The area East of House 2 was used for

discard of broken pottery, food remains, and espe-

cially ashes (Pl. 3, C–D). The same sort of material

was discovered at this very site in Lıga 1. The area

below House 3 was not fully investigated, but clear

traces of previous occupation were established, dem-

onstrating that older structural remains were used to

create a level terraced platform for a new dwelling,

rising higher than House 2, according to the exca-

vation profile (Pl. 3, A–B).

Based on these observations it can, tentatively, be

assumed that the gap between the two settlements

was not of a significant length, even though it is

marked by a dramatic change in pottery technology

(see below).

The Lıga 2 inhabitants also made modifications

to the hillock. With the help of two survey trenches

across the western and southern slopes, it has been

demonstrated that a shallow ditch or trench, ca. 1.5

Fig. II.7. Pottery of Early Copper Age Gradeshnitsa culture found

at Lıga.

m in width and 0.8 m deep, may now have en-

circled the entire hillock (Fig. II.6). This trench was

dug to create steeper slopes, in particular towards

the West. A posthole (15 cm in diameter) near the

trench on the western slopes perhaps indicates that

a fence was erected along the trench, separating the

latter from the settlement. The survey trenches also

proved that discard of waste was controlled. Only

insignificant amounts of shards from the Lıga 2

settlement were discovered on the slopes and at the

foot of the hillock.

Finally, it should be noted that a handful of rather

big and thick-walled shards, ornamented with deeply

incised lines and pits, often with white lime incrus-

tation, dated to the Early Copper Age Gradeshnitsa

culture were found (Fig. II.7). The distribution of

these shards at Lıga does not present any particular

pattern, except that the highest number, mere three

shards, was found in the waste area at House 1. No

structures or features can be related to this period.

The said shards all have traces of severe secondary

burning, so the most apparent explanation is that they

were brought to the site by the Lıga 2 inhabitants,

perhaps as exotica, due to their distinctive ornamen-

tation and contrasting bright red colour. The closest

settlement of Early Copper Age date is situated just

across the stream. The Redutite site also held evi-

dence on a conflagrated Gradeshnitsa settlement.

Apart from that, there is only one more known Early

Copper Age settlement in a vicinity of Telish (Gergov

1994).


Fig. II.8. One of the shards discovered in the Early Bronze Age

pit.

LIGA 3: COPER AGE CEMETERY

The Lıga 2 settlement was abandoned after a confla-

gration. The proximity of C-14 and AMS dates avail-

able from Redutite and Lıga implies that soon after

the abandonment of the Lıga 2 settlement a new

settlement was established at Redutite, Redutite II.

The abandonment of Lıga site lasted until ca. 4000

BC. At that time, the southern part of the site was

selected for a cemetery with several burials. In the

excavated area alone, seven graves have been dis-

covered, one grave holding remains of two individ-

uals. This significant discovery is described in Chap-

ter XI, below.

LIGA 4: EARLY BRONZE AGE

During the Early Bronze Age the excavated area was

part of a marginal activity zone for a settlement

higher up on the plateau. The occupational debris of

this was partly overlapping the eastern limits of the

Lıga 2 settlement, as has been established through

drillings. The full extent of the Bronze Age settlement

was not determined, but surface finds from the sur-

rounding fields point to a considerable size. Besides

scattered pottery shards, found mostly in Sector 2,

one pit is with certainty attributed to the EBA. This

had an oval shape and was orientated SE-NW, the

Fig. II.9. Early Bronze Age pottery from Lıga.

dimensions being 1.50¿1.20¿1.15 m. The dark

brown clay loam fill can be associated with domestic

activities, including fragmented pottery, a few bones,

and other organic material.

Also, at least 10 fragments of one distinctive vessel,

partly intact at the time of deposition, were recorded

from the upper layers of the pit (Fig. II.8). This vessel

differs much from the main body of Early Bronze Age

shards discovered on the site, both in terms of a very

fine sand matrix, medium brown colour, and a fine

surface finish. It is decorated with very shallow

grooves resembling fluting rather than grooving

(hence often called pseudo-flutes), which are organ-

ised in a herringbone pattern. A 6 mm broad flat-

topped tool was applied for decoration. Such decor-

ation is common during the Cotofeni I phase (Roman

1976). In the same pit were other Early Bronze Age

shards with exact parallels from the neighbouring

sites at Sadovec. In most cases, Early Bronze Age pot-

tery could be separated easily from Copper Age pot-

tery due to its medium to coarse sandy fabrics and

rough feel, since original slipped surfaces were rarely

preserved (Fig. II.9). The rims are usually cranelated,

straight or everted, and often with a row of perfor-

ations just below the lip. Incised decoration is found

on the handles, which are either broad flat and rib-

bon-shaped or semi-oval and narrow. Applied decor-

ation is known as well. Such elements of decoration

have a very broad spatial distribution and a rather

long temporal duration.

Comparative pottery is found at Sadovec-

31Lıga

Golemanovo Kale (Todorova 1968; 1992), Sadovec-

Kaleto (unpublished, cf. above), and Mouselievo

(Gergov 1979). Close parallels are also found at more

distant sites like Ezero (lower horizons, A1) (Gerogiev

et al. 1979), Yunatsite (lower horizons, XVI–XII)

(Katincarov et al. 1995), and Dikili Tash (IIIa) (Seferi-

ades 1996).

The cultural profile of the larger Telish region is

not yet completed. Excavations by H. Todorova and

V. Velkov in 1978 at Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale gave

grounds to support the suggestion by P. Roman of

the existence of a distinct cultural unit termed Orlea-

Sadovec culture (Todorova 1992). However, recent

reconsiderations of available, though limited data sug-

gest that Orlea-Sadovec should in fact be viewed as

a southern variant of Cotofeni I culture (Alexandrov

1992; 1996). Chronologically, it corresponds with the

end of Cotofeni I as recorded in N-NW Romania

(the Banat, Transylvania, and N Oltenia) (Alexandrov

1992; 1996). Consequently, the Bronze Age pottery

from Lıga should also be dated to Early Bronze Age

I. Diagnostic flint artefacts support this date.

Finally, it should be mentioned that a few shards

were found which might be attributed to the Late

Bronze Age. Their provenance is unknown.

LıGA 5: EARLY IRON AGE

Around 875 BC (charcoal, Ua-20609, 2725∫40 BP)

a strange ritual was taking place in the central part of

the hillock of Lıga. An oval deep pit of 1.90¿1.26¿1.12 m was dug and at least four vessels placed in it

at the bottom (the area below profile baulk, partly

intersecting the pit, was not investigated and possibly

holds additional information) (Fig. II.10) (1). Digging

the pit was not an easy task, since the place chosen

held thick debris of burned Copper Age daub belong-

ing to the walls of House 3. Perhaps an attempt to

expand the pit in direction of softer soils resulted in

its oblong form. All vessels held traces of severe sec-

ondary burning, including a bowl with fluted lip and

a big cup with one handle going high above its rim.

1. With few exceptions, all the drawings of the present publication

are made by Izolda Maciukaite, BA on the basis of the pencil

drawings by project participants to whom the authors are grate-

ful. Contact information: www.worldarchaeology.net

The cup was placed inside the bowl. Two urn-like

vessels with tall necks, horizontally fluted, were decor-

ated with corded and cardium impressions, organised

in festoons. A big limestone was thrown on the urn-

like vessels, which broke them. Immediately after

that, the pit was filled with the same soil as it was dug

into, soil from the lowest layers being thrown ‘‘back’’

into its original horizon. This actually caused some

confusion in recognition of the extent and depth of

the pit, bearing in mind that from first sight the dis-

covered fragments of urn-like vessels, with their black

shiny surfaces, resembled the pottery of the Lıga 1

settlement.

0.90 m to the South of this pit was a circular shal-

low pit (dimensions of 1.10¿0.97 m). This contained

flecks of charcoal and larger pieces of calcinated wood

(up to 7 cm in diameter, and with 10 visible rings).

Two samples of wood taken from the pit were recog-

nized by C. Malmros (2), National Museum of

Denmark, as being from deciduous oak (Quercus sp.).

Probably, the two pits are associated, the shallow one

being used as the fireplace where the above vessels

received their secondary burning.

All four vessels were identified by M. Dimitrova,

Historical Museum of Lovech, Bulgaria as representa-

tives of the Basarabi culture, found on both banks of

the Lower Danube (i.e., in Southern Romania and

Northern Bulgaria). Bowls with fluted rims as well as

cups with tall handles are widely spread in this region

throughout the whole of the Early Iron Age, while

urns with tall, horizontally fluted necks are less com-

mon. A fine comparative material is displayed by the

grave goods of the Sofronievo tumulus, Vraca region

(Hänsel 1976). Based on metal finds, this inhumation

grave was dated to the 7th century BC. So far, all

temporal ordering of Basarabi material has been

achieved through correlations with metal finds. It is

generally believed that the Basarabi culture started

around 800 BC and, according to differing views,

existed till the 6th or the 4th century BC (Hänsel

1976).

A settlement of Early Iron Age date was identified

at the foot of the plateau some 100 meters South of

the Lıga hillock (Gergov, pers.comm.). Today, this

2. The author is grateful to Claus Malmros, MA for analysing the

wood samples.


Fig. II.10. Vessels discovered in the Early Iron Age pit in Sector 2.

settlement is destroyed by the modern lake and only

the occasional shard can be found on its banks.

Material of the Early Iron Age is often found in pits

without clear structural affiliations or even purposes

(Georgieva 1991). Sometimes, the contents are sealed

by mud plaster. A comparable situation has been

palaeobotanically analyzed by M. Lazarova and I.

Stefanova (Lazarova and Stefanova 1997). It ap-

peared that a cup from a sealed Early Iron Age pit

(Pit no. 3) at the site of Cheshmata (Rogozinovo vil-

lage, Southeastern Bulgaria) contained a considerable

amount of seeds of Lens culinaris (lentil); fruits of Ru-

mex sp. (sorrel), Carex sp. (sedge), and some seeds of

Trifolium sp. (native clover) were also found.

The content of the Lıga pit was not investigated

palaeobotanically; nevertheless, the find is an import-

ant contribution to the study of the Early Iron Age.

It provided information on contemporary pottery as

well as news on the dating of Basarabi vessels, as

based on one rather precise AMS date.

LIGA 6: LATE ANTIQUITY (6TH CENTURY AD)

The period between the 4th century and the end of

the 6th AD (in some studies, the beginning of the

7th AD) is known in Bulgaria as Late Antiquity or

Early Byzantine period. At Telish, settlements of this

period, and most probably also a cemetery, are

known from both banks of the modern lake, but the

remains are rapidly disappearing due to digs and

deep ploughing by the treasure hunters. The end of

Late Antiquity is represented at Lıga.

A large, but shallow pit (max. dimensions: 4.5¿2.7¿0.6 m) was recorded on the southern slopes of

33Lıga

the site, partially destroying Copper Age layers. At

the southern edge of the pit was a pile of stones orig-

inating from a Lıga 1 pavement (Fig. II.5). Appar-

ently, this pavement hindered further digging of the

pit; attempts were made to remove the stones, but

eventually the initiative was given up. The bottom of

the pit thus follows the surface of the stones. The pit

had a rather regular, apparently rectangular layout

(just one half of the pit was excavated), much resem-

bling that of a pit house. Very heterogeneous contents

of the pit, including small fragments of pottery and

animal bones, suggest that the structure was used for

secondary disposal of waste. Right at the southern

edge of the pit was a shallow posthole with a diameter

of 15 cm; this is doubtlessly associated with the pit,

but its purpose is uncertain. The nearest Late An-

tiquity settlement was identified during surveys less

than 200 m NW of Lıga.

The pottery discovered in the pit finds exact paral-

lels in the material known from Sadovec (Kuzmanov

1992). It is a matter of local pottery, grey in colour,

made of well-prepared clay without any tempering

inclusions or coating of the surface (Fig. II.11). All

the discovered rim fragments represent kitchenware.

Following the suggested dating from Sadovec, the

rims date to the 6th AD (Kuzmanov 1992, 219).

AMS DATING AND POSSIBLE ANOMALIES

Most Bulgarian C-14 dates have been generated by

the Berlin C-14 Laboratory. Within the framework of

cooperation initiated in 1962 by the Laboratory (H.

Quitta & G. Kohl) and the Bulgarian Institute of Ar-

chaeology (G. Georgiev & H. Todorova), 487 samples

from 60 different Prehistoric sites have been dated

(Görsdorf & Bojadziev 1996). Such large body of in-

formation is generally a reliable tool for solving the

main issues of cultural development, but in this case

certain peculiarities are revealed.

One of the problems concerns the Copper Age.

Firstly, the Late Copper Age materials from the sites

of Banyata (Kapitan Dimitrievo), Galatin, and Kola-

rovo (all clearly belonging to the KSB sphere of in-

fluence) have been made one thousand years too

young, to judge from the archaeological record

(Görsdorf & Bojadziev 1996). At the same time, the

whole Copper Age has been dated to a span of time

Fig. II.11. Pottery discovered in Late Antiquity pit in Sector 1.

of only 500 years (4900/4800–4370/4330 BC cal.),

while relative chronology suggests a duration of the

Copper Age of 800–900 years (4900/4800–4100/

3900 BC cal.) (Görsdorf & Bojadziev 1996).

Another problem is that C-14 dates between about

5500 and 4000 BC tend to cluster in certain periods,

a phenomenon which is not related to calibration,

since the pertaining calibration curve displays no sig-

nificant ‘‘platforms’’ or the like. This chronological

peculiarity, which seems to be repeated throughout

SE Europe, cannot be fully explained at present. Per-

haps it is due to as yet unknown physical factors, but

more likely to the influence of regional natural

phenomena (Bojadziev 1994). Studies made by War-

ren and Hankey in the Aegean have also demon-

strated that radiocarbon dates tend to cluster and that

there apparently are certain periods, which are not

covered by the C-14 sequence (Warren and Hankey

1989). The most pronounced gap in C-14 dates lies

between 5050 and 4550 BP, corresponding to the

much-disputed Bulgarian Transitional period (War-

ren and Hankey 1989). Therefore, it has been sug-

gested that cultural invisibility of the period between

the end of the Copper Age and the Early Bronze Age

may stem from methodological limitations.

Samples collected from Lıga were submitted to the

Ångström Laboratory, Division of Ion Physics,

Uppsala, Sweden and AMS dated by G. Possnert. All

samples underwent standard laboratory procedures,

including pre-treatment with NaOH, and the results

were d 13C corrected (as reported by G. Possnert).

Altogether, seven samples were submitted: four of

charcoal and three of bones (Fig. II.12). These


Fig. II.12. Table of all available Late Copper Age radiocarbon dated samples from Lıga and the core area of KSB Ia complex (cf. Fig. II.13).

35Lıga

Fig. II.13. Conventional and calibrated radiocarbon ages of all available samples recovered from the core area of KSB Ia complex, sorted

by age (cf. Fig. II.12).

samples were selected from quite a significant number

of samples based on their representativity, context

and amount of charcoal in the sample. The attention

was centered on Lıga 2, AMS dating of this temporal

episode being considered the highest priority. Three

selected samples were associated with each of the

three excavated houses (Ua-20607 – outside the E

wall of House 2, the area of waste disposal; Ua-

20608 – inside House 1; Ua-20610 – close to the oven

of House 3).

Architectural wood, the source of all three samples,

can be subdivided into several size/age categories.

The postholes indicate that, besides twigs, trees of

three sizes were used by the house builders. The big-


gest quantity was of trees 8–9 cm in diameter, the

next group being about 15 cm in diameter, and the

third – the internal roof supporting posts – up to 25

cm in diameter. In sorting the samples, possible oc-

currences of the last group were discarded in order to

minimize the ‘‘old-tree’’ effect.

It should be noted, that no charcoal samples were

recovered from the earliest settlement horizon, Lıga

1. This settlement was only poorly preserved, since it

was abandoned and left exposed to natural decompo-

sition. Later on, the debris was incorporated in the

base of the subsequent Lıga 2 settlement.

The presence of graves within the settlement of

Lıga 2, even with grave goods, raised important ques-

tions regarding their date. For the sake of consistency,

three human bone samples were selected from the

same burial. Two of the dates (Ua-21562 & Ua-

21563) show close temporal affinity, while the third

(Ua-21564) is marked by a significant divergence and

therefore regarded as false. Likely, it was affected by

the stabilizing chemical treatment exercised on some

of the badly preserved principal bones.

No charcoal samples could be associated with the

Early Bronze Age remains at the site. A single sample

of charcoal was recovered from the Early Iron Age

pit (Ua-20609). Low probability margins do not give

grounds to doubt its validity and makes it an import-

ant contribution to the regional chronological se-

quence.

Calibration plots of all available C-14/AMS dates

from the core area of KSB Ia are presented in a sep-

arate table (Fig. II.13).

III. THE COPPER AGE OCCUPATIONAT LIGA

USE OF SPACE WITHIN THE SETTLEMENT

An upland position is common for the majority of

KSB sites. The Lıga settlement with two occupation

phases of Late Copper Age date is not an exception.

Located on an exposed plateau (Fig. III.1), it had to

cope with the severity of the western and northern

winds, which perhaps were less aggressive then due

to generally warmer climatic conditions. One of the

preventive responses was to create a dense configur-

ation of houses within the settlement. The idea of a

settlement mode with a uniform and dense layout of

house structures interchanging with axially orientated

streets or paths is no doubt a reflection of contempor-

ary templates of spatial organisation, which orig-

inated in the densely occupied tell settlements.

Among the best examples are Early Copper Age tells

like Polyanitsa (NE Bulgaria) or, even earlier, Neo-

lithic occupations at Karanovo or Ovcharovo-Gorata

(Todorova & Vajsov 1993). Such structural clustering

is also advantageous in terms of protection from hos-

tile attacks and creation of sheltered workshop places

outside the buildings. But it is restricting in terms of

rebuilding or expansion of old structures. And often

it had been fatal in promoting fast and unreversible

destruction of settlements by fire. Within the area of

the KSB culture, such traditions of settlement organ-

isation can be traced back to the related Early Copper

Age, as demonstrated by the distribution of houses

at Gradeshnitsa (Nikolov 1974). Here three building

horizons were applying the same concept of use of

space.

A uniform clustered pattern of house structures is

also noted at Lıga, despite the limited area of re-

search. It is even possible to detect temporal changes

in use of space by comparing the two Copper Age

occupations. As mentioned, the traces of the first

Copper Age settlement (Lıga 1) are not so well pre-

served as those of Lıga 2, construction of the latter

disturbing the remains of Lıga 1. Nevertheless, it can

be concluded that the use of space in Lıga 1 was less

constrained than in Lıga 2. The dwellings of Lıga 1

were spatially more dispersed as well as larger in size

than those of Lıga 2. The general layout must never-

theless have been quite similar in the two phases, as

clearly demonstrated by the N-S orientation of all

structures on the site. The estimated external length

of the one uncovered, partly preserved house of Lıga

1 is 7.6 m, the estimated internal space being 39–40

m2 (1).

A much deeper insight has been achieved about

the use of space in the Lıga 2 settlement. Three

houses were fully uncovered together with parts of

another three houses. The location of the structures

in the settlement confirmed the observation that their

distribution and orientation were predetermined by

those of the first phase.

The hillock chosen for the Copper Age settle-

ments – at the edge of a plateau – has only limited

defensive properties. Visibility towards the East is

limited by a raising terrain. Towards the West, the

field of visibility extends longer, being 7–8 km to-

wards NW, 3 km towards W and 5–51⁄2 km towards

SW. Perhaps this field indicates the direction of local

movements and networks with no hostilities to be ex-

pected from the East (cf. below). A modification of

the latter idea is the likely existence of forested en-

vironments towards the East.

The very edge of the plateau was left unbuilt. This

area of 500–550 m2 was delimited by slopes in the

West and rows of houses in eastern direction. As men-

tioned, during Lıga 2, the slopes were made steeper

by a shallow ditch or trench (only 0.8 m deep). The

discovery of a posthole 15 cm in diameter on the east-

ern side of the trench perhaps indicates that a wooden

construction was accompanying the trench. Whether

this was a palisade or merely a fence, such arrange-

ment intended to inhibit movement both down and

up the slopes. Similar installations were not observed

at the eastern edge of the settlement. Also if they once

1. All measurements, if not stated otherwise, have been undertaken

with the help of GIS. Therefore, the only possible source of

mistake may be an inaccurate scale in published plans, which

were scanned and processed accordingly.


Fig. III.1. Lıga site, view from the West. Note the survey trench across the western slope.

existed here, they would have been made in response

to interior demands, be it a formal demarcation or

enclosed spaces for livestock. They could not have

been an effective protection against attacks. The latter

might at any rate have come as a surprise, with war-

riors approaching through the likely forested higher

lying environments of the plateau.

The topographical profile of the settlement also

hints at a specialised use of the delimited edge area.

As the value of livestock was growing in step with

the supposed relative decline of ground-water based

agriculture (Sherratt 1980), it was necessary to ensure

protection of this, the main communal commodity.

Likely, the most frequent form of Copper Age warfare

was not larger attacks but small-scale ravaging raids

aimed at steeling cattle. Incidentally, similar enclos-

ures at edges have been attested in other Late Copper

Age settlements, including the fortified settlements of

Zaminets and Lesura (Golata Mogila), Vratsa region

(Nikolov 1975) (cf. below).

Sounding of the terrain also helped establish that

the houses of Lıga 2 were occupying an area of ca.

50¿55 m. The total area with burned remains of

buildings extended over ca. 1900 m2, however (Fig.

II.1). All houses were, as mentioned, rectangular and

orientated N-S. House 1, located on the southern

slope, was the smallest, the external dimensions being

6.50¿5.70 m (total area 36.54 m2), the internally

available area is 28.3 m2 (Pl. 2). House 2 is perhaps

the one, which applies the best to a supposed stan-

dard, since a partly excavated neighbouring house

had a similar length (Pl. 1). The external dimensions

of House 2 are 7.4¿6.0 m, the internal area being

34.5 m2, the total area 44.45 m2. House 3 was the

longest among the investigated houses (Pl. 1). A some-

what irregular shape is likely a reflection of constrains

due to the terrain (cf. the orientation of the eastern

wall). Perhaps, achievement of parallel courses of the

walls was hindered by the circumstance that the alti-

tude along the eastern wall was higher than along the

western one. House 3 was 8.45 m long and 5.90 m

wide in the middle part (external lengths). The intern-

ally available area was 37.80 m2, the total area 48

m2. Thus, there is a tendency for larger houses to be

centrally located in the settlement.

The streets or passages of the settlement were 2.70–

3.00 m wide and orientated E-W. The houses were

spaced by intervals of 0.80–3.00 m and erected in a

chequer manner, so that spaces between houses were

‘‘closed’’ by the walls of adjacent structures. Based on

the available data and assuming a uniform distri-

bution of the structures, it is safe to predict that the

39Lıga

Fig. III.2. Suggested reconstruction of the Lıga 2 settlement. Dark grey colour marks houses, which have been established through excavation.

Numbers correspond to the numbering system of the investigated structural remains. Light grey colour marks predicted houses.

settlement contained 20–22 contemporary houses

(Fig. III.2). Such estimation is strengthened by obser-

vations from nearby Redutite, almost totally exca-

vated, and other Late Copper Age sites, which have

provided full-scale information on lay-outs of struc-

tures (Gergov, pers. comm.).

Several activity areas have been identified in the

excavated part of the Lıga 2 settlement. Workshops

were probably often relocated, since the discovered

remains do not support an idea of permanent task-

specific areas. Rather, we are seeing reflections of un-

ambiguous, intense and temporarily restricted events.

Some of the activities, not being place dependant,

were also carried out inside the houses, but generally

it seems that the majority of chores was conducted

outdoors. In fact, such nucleated settlements could

have applied an expanded notion of ‘‘habitus’’ (sensu

Hodder 1990), incorporating space surrounding the

houses. No formal outdoor divisions could be recog-

nized, but pots and implements placed outside were

perhaps used to mark the territory of a particular

household.

Movement across the settlement was not straight-

forward. One had to follow the streets and fixed

paths, since the entire interstructural space was often

filled with heaps of household refuse. Procedures for

handling of waste are not completely clear from the

excavation. Despite the fact that heaps of bones and

broken pottery were discovered at the northern wall

of House 1, as well as in the area between Houses 2

and 3, and that some concentration was observed at

the SE corner of House 2, this probably only repre-

sents temporary disposals of refuse connected with

household activities. The layer, which had formed be-

tween Houses 2 and 3, is domestic in origin: cooking,

maintenance, and cleaning of furnaces left an ashy

blueprint with inclusions of carbon. The area varies

between 2.7 and 3.0 m in width and could never hold


Fig. III.3. ‘‘Street area’’ between two rows of built structures, view

from the East (cf. Pl. 1).

the total mass of refuse produced by one or two

households over some time. Domestic animals, like

dogs and pigs, were no doubt used to devour organic

refuse not suitable for human consumption.

Malacological data also support an interpretation

of this interstructural area as being used for refuse

disposal. In fact, it was the only part of the investi-

gated area, which held evidence of land snails of the

Helicidae family (as reported by N. Andreasen (2),

Copenhagen & Cambridge universities, in 2001).

Their presence indicates a sufficient amount of or-

ganic debris present for scavenging. Snails of the He-

lix Pomatia species are also suitable for human con-

sumption but their limited number and especially the

presence of juvenile representatives do not support

such an assumption.

The malacological data even confirms the obser-

2. The author is grateful to Niels Andreasen, MA, for analyzing

the malacological samples.

vation that the structures of Lıga 2 were repeating

the layout of the previous settlement, and that the

interstructural spaces used for refuse disposal held the

same purpose during both phases. The support rests

with repeated deposits of freshwater mussels of the

Microcondylaea Compressa species, apparently

brought to the site from the neighbouring stream (An-

dreasen, op.cit.). Shells of these mussels were em-

ployed for decorating vessels with so-called ‘‘nail in-

cision’’ patterns.

Apart from the described pattern of disposal im-

mediately outside the houses, the overall handling of

refuse remains unknown. Generally, the streets, where

many outdoor activities were taking place were kept

clean of refuse (Fig. III.3). The few examples of ani-

mal bones recorded in street areas can be attributed

to post-depositional transformation. No indications

have been found of the common practice of disposal

in Telish village – to push everything beyond the edge

of the household area, preferably into the all-con-

cealing stream. On the contrary, as the two trenches

across the slopes have revealed, this was not the case

at Lıga. Several investigators have reported that ref-

use was discarded in pits behind the houses, already

dug to procure clay for buildings. Such pits, although

without distinct references to their contents, are said

to have been found at Zaminets and Gradeshnitsa

(Nikolov 1974; 1975). No such pits were discovered

at Lıga, however, and neither at fully excavated

neighbouring Redutite. At both sites clay for the

structures was obtained from clay-rich deposits at the

foot of the plateau.

Some of the activity traces are not straightforward

to interpret, like ceramic vessels placed outside

houses, close to entrances. Were they placed there for

cleaning or storage, or did they mark the area of the

last meal prior to the fire that terminated Lıga 2? The

terminal phase of Lıga 2 is predicted to have belonged

to the warmer part of the year, most probably the

second half of the summer where outdoor meals were

likely common. This prediction is based on the obser-

vation that no grain was found in the containers of

Lıga 2, regardless of fine conditions of preservation

and the application of soil flotation procedures. In-

deed, recovered plant macrofossils are few. Only

three grains of Triticum diccocum, all within debris

of daub tempered with chopped straws, were found.

41Lıga

Other palaeobotanical samples, reviewed by S. Karg

(3) of the National Museum of Denmark, contained a

few seeds of juniper (Juniperus specia) and Cornelian

cherry dogwood (Cornus mas L.), both collected from

the waste area between Houses 2 & 3. The latter spe-

cies ripens from August till the end of September and

may thus indicate the period of settlement confla-

gration; in fact, the beginning of August would be

most likely for this, since, as noted above, none of

the grain bins contained any grains, despite flotation

applied on their contens. Incidentally, the majority of

samples were rejected by not being calcinated, and

therefore regarded as unreliable.

Areas of production are more easily recognized. A

clear concentration of flakes and exhausted cores be-

hind House 2 indicates that flint tools were produced

here. All flakes were identified as belonging to flint

sources at Sadovec, 7.3 km East of Lıga. The direc-

tion of distribution of the flakes suggests that the flint

knapper was sitting at the rear wall of House 2, in

front of House 5. Some 3–4 m West of the area with

flint debitage two red deer antlers were found (Fig.

III.4), perhaps prepared for production of bone tools

or even flintknapping tools, like antler batons or ham-

mers. House 2 also holds other evidence of flint han-

dling. Thus, a multitude of small chips was discovered

both inside and outside this structure. Two core areas

of activity were identified, one inside the house at the

southern wall, not far from the SE corner (and still

within the zone of daylight coming from the door

opening), another outside, along the southern peri-

phery of the eastern wall until the area of Grave No

2 of Lıga 3.

USE OF SPACE AT OTHER KSB CULTURE

SETTLEMEMNTS

From the very first excavations at Okol Glava and

Pekliuk, which eventually became recognised as KSB

sites, nearly a century has passed (Gaul 1948). Never-

theless, the amount of available data on settlement

patterns, use of space, and other arrangements within

a settlement is still rather modest. There are several

reasons for this. For many years KSB settlements at-

3. The author is grateful to Dr. Sabine Karg, National Museum

of Denmark for analysing palaeobotanical samples.

Fig. III.4. Red deer antlers found in the ‘‘Street’’ area.

tracted less attention than the tell settlements in the

Thracian plain or in Northeastern Bulgaria. The tra-

dition of research was not emphasizing the need for

contextual data but was unilaterally orientated to-

wards the collection of ceramic material, considered

terra supra for chronological and cultural ordering. It

was not unusual to make a few small trenches at a

site, which would reveal the stratigraphic position of

pottery but not a fuller context of structures and fea-

tures. Often such limited strategies have had disas-

trous consequences in a country, where looting of ar-

chaeological remains were – and indeed, are – more

common than archaeology proper. Gaul mentions

that a famous tell, Devebargan at the town of Marica,

was excavated by treasure hunters already in 1911

(Gaul 1948). At the site of Pipra, 8 km south of Lıga,

with rich remains from Copper Age, Early Iron Age

and Late Antiquity, several survey trenches were

made in 1976. The results are still unpublished, but

the site has since almost disappeared as the local

looters have dotted it with deep and extensive trench-

es, sometimes even employing heavy excavation ma-

chinery. Furthermore, the lack of publications on ex-

cavations is a severe hindrance when attempting to

assess the archaeological sites of Bulgaria.


The site of Redutite site East of Telish (and close

to Lıga) is the only KSB site that has been almost

entirely excavated (excluding modern destruction at

the eastern periphery and two or three houses left

unexcavated at the N-NE fringes of the site). The site

is considered the best testimony on changing organis-

ation of settlement space during the Copper Age. But

the results of excavation are still awaiting proper pub-

lication.

The site was investigated between 1977 and 1992

(Gergov 1987; 1992a; 1992b; 1994; 1996; Gergov et

al. 1986; and, personal communication). As mention-

ed, the topographical location resembles that of

neighbouring Lıga. Delimited by plain and ravines,

the site is situated on one of the highest points of the

plateau and has a far better field of visibility towards

the West than Lıga. The modern village of Telish is

lying at its foot, where also ran a stream fed by nu-

merous springs in the area. Four building horizons

have been recognised. The earliest, No. I, held re-

mains of the Early Copper Age with excised pottery

of Gradeshnitsa type. The houses are reported to be

8–9 m long and 5–6 m wide, orientated E-W. The

internal space would have been approximately 37–38

m2. The settlement ceased to exist after a major fire.

Building horizon No. II of the Late Copper Age

was found directly on earlier settlement debris, which

had suffered from subsequent levelling. Redutite II,

also ending in a fire, appears to have been well pre-

served and provides valuable data on the spatial ar-

rangement of a Copper Age settlement. The area was

occupied by structures extending over 3400 m2. The

settlement and its immediate activity zone ranged be-

tween 4700 and 4900 m2. The overall layout of settle-

ment corresponds with the concepts discussed above.

The houses were organized in 5 rows, orientated N-

S (with a slight deviation towards E) and separated by

streets running E-W. The entrances were in the south-

ern wall. The streets were about 3 m wide, varying

between 2.6 and 3.3 m. In the first layout, the dis-

tance between the houses was only between 0.6 and

0.8 m, but the distance grew bigger in the course of

rebuilding. When new houses were built in place of

old ones the distance between houses could expand

to 1.0–1.3 m, or more. Three procedures for building

a new structure in the already established settlement

were observed: The house could be built as a truly

new structure in place of an old one, or, one of the

walls of the old house could be incorporated into the

novel structure. In both cases the new house usually

occupied a smaller area than earlier. Finally, a new

area at the periphery of the settlement could be taken

into use. Over time, a slight expansion of the settle-

ment towards the East was noted, the eastern part

also witnessing most of the construction and re-con-

struction initiatives. Preliminarily available infor-

mation allows the estimation that up to three gener-

ations of houses can be recognized in Redutite II. At

one time, as many as 30–33 houses may have existed,

but during the final phase of the settlement only 23–

25 houses occupied the site. The internal house space

at Redutite II is 37 m2 on the average, but if the

smaller second generation houses are added, only 34

m2.

Redutite III, of more than 2500 m2, was established

on the top of a 0.20 m thick ‘‘hiatus layer’’, covering

the burned remains of the previous occupation. De-

spite a significant temporal difference, this phase also

follows both the technological and the architectural

trends of the previous one in terms off coherent con-

centration of houses as well as a fixed spatial division

of the settlement. Redutite III also had 5 rows of

houses, but the area occupied by buildings was some-

what displaced towards the South, as compared with

the Redutite II settlement. The houses preserved an

N-S orientation with a slight deviation towards the E,

but their size is smaller. The average internal area

ranges between 27.60 and 28.00 m2, no doubt re-

flecting a diminishing family size. The entrances of

the houses were still located in the southern wall. The

distance between the houses varies from 0.5 to 0.9 m,

but the ‘‘streets’’ are wider than previously, 3.5–4.5

m. This settlement was probably rather short-lived

compared to Redutite II. Traces of rebuilding are few.

28–31 houses might have existed at one time.

Redutite IV was discovered directly on the burned

debris of the previous settlement. Despite a close

stratigraphic relationship, Redutite IV demonstrates a

clear break with Late Copper Age traditions, both in

terms of pottery and in house orientation. The spatial

arrangement of the settlement is not known (unpub-

lished), but the houses were now orientated E-W, with

entrances at the eastern side. The settlement was

slightly displaced towards the South relative to the

43Lıga

Fig. III.5. Results of conventional and calibrated ages of samples available from Lıga and Redutite. All dates cluster in three blocks, marked

with Roman numbers, which correspond to the cultural development attested at Lıga 2, and Redutite II and III, respectively. Dates obtained

for Grave 1 demonstrate this grave’s contemporaneity with Redutite III.

previous ones, four houses were even discovered in

an area not used before. Detailed information is avail-

able on one house only (Gergov 1996). This is apsidal,

7.30 m long (9.30 m with the apsidal end) and 4.90

m wide. The presence of vessels of so-called ‘‘Scheib-

enhenkel’’ type is clearly placing this settlement in the

Transitional Period between Late Copper Age and

Early Bronze Age.

Seven C-14 dates are available from Redutite (Fig.

III.5). Taken in conjunction with Lıga, the occu-

pational phases of the two sites were clearly inter-

linked. There is a smooth transition between Lıga 2

and Redutite II. Redutite II occupational phase is re-

liably dated through calcinated seeds. Two other C-

14 samples from Redutite were perhaps mistakenly

attributed to Phase III instead of Phase II. The hiatus

layer between Redutite II and III is also observed in

the calibrated radiocarbon dates; it is suggested to

have lasted for ca. 300 years. Redutite III corresponds

to the dates obtained for Lıga Grave 1, which thus

may be contemporary with the settlement of Redutite

III occupational phase.

Other Copper Age sites in a vicinity of Telish have

not provided any conclusive information on the use

of space within settlement. Little is known also on the

regional scale. A quite different pattern is seen in a


Fig. III.6. Plan of Hotnitsa, latest settlement phase, Horizon I. After

MA theses of S. Makchev & A. Yordanova by permission from

Historical Museum, Veliko Tarnovo. Courtesy: Historical Museum,

Veliko Tarnovo.

partly published Late Copper Age settlement at Zam-

inets (Nikolov 1975). Three occupational phases of

Late Copper Age date were attested here, all burned

down. The site is located on a rocky hill, elongated

in N-S direction, with maximal dimensions of 70¿40

m. The area is rich in springs. From N, W and S, the

site is protected by steep, abrupt slopes, reaching 16

m in height, while on the E side, the hillock slopes

down gradually. The settlement was enclosed by a

palisade or fence, running along the edges of the hill,

as attested by postholes. On the southern slopes, al-

most in the middle, were traces of yet another parallel

fence-like construction. The eastern land bridge was

fortified by two parallel deep moats and earthen walls

(towards the settlement) created by the excavated soil;

a series of postholes were discovered on the top of

each wall, indicating the presence of more palisades.

The western end of the settlement site, measuring

40¿10 m, was left not built on. This space, similar in

structure to the open space near the slopes at Lıga,

was separated from the remaining part of the settle-

ment by a fence. The area used for building at Zami-

nets was around 2000 m2.

From all three occupation phases (A, B & C, A

being the oldest) at Zaminets comes remains of 12

houses. These were distributed in a relatively dis-

persed pattern, with distances ranging between 21⁄2and 5 m. Of four square houses belonging to level B,

three were orientated E-W (entrances from E) and

one N-S (entrance from S). The external length was

ranging between 5.50 and 6.70 m, the width between

4.50 and 5.70 m. The mean internal space is 25.30

m2 (the scale of the published plan is unfortunately

not precise, the fault margin being about one quarter

of a metre in both directions). With such spacing, up

to 20–24 houses may have co-existed.

A system of trenches were also recorded at the epo-

nymic Late Copper Age site of Krivodol to the west

of Telish. Two parallel narrow moats were enclosing

the site from the N, and one deep and wide (up to 4

m) trench from the E (personal observations made

upon inspection of the damage made by intense

trenching by modern looters).

Looking even wider, the best comparative infor-

mation on the use of space is from Hotnitsa, Veliko

Tarnovo (Central Bulgaria), in spite of the fact that

the site is not related to the KSB culture (Fig. III.6).

The spatial organisation is well attested and has par-

allels to the sites at Telish. Consequently, the principal

spatial elements had common origin. Hotnitsa is a tell

settlement, 5 m in height. The latest horizon, which

dates to the latest period of the Copper Age, held 22

(in the publication 21) houses (Angelov 1958; 1959;

1961, and field reports). The total area of the site is

2440 m2, but the area used for building only com-

prises about 1750–1800 m2. The houses were orien-

tated N-S, with entrances from the S, and arranged

in a uniform manner with axially cutting streets. Poss-

ibly, there is also evidence of rebuilt structures. As at

Telish, the largest houses tend to be placed centrally

(cf. below). The mean internal area of the structures

is 30–31.5 m2.

In Eastern Serbia, the only certain information on

use of space at KSB sites is from Bubanj (Garasanin

1957; Tasic 1995). Three Copper Age houses were

discovered, all rectangular. One had the internal di-

mensions of 6.4¿5.5 m, the available space being

35.2 m2. The houses were orientated N-S and placed

45Lıga

‘‘rather close to each other’’ (Garasanin 1957; Tasic

1995). The entrances were from the S. This evidence

seems to conform to the Bulgarian sites.

Romanian data on the use of space is limited to

Salcuta. Berciu reports that 16 ‘‘huts’’ were recorded

in 1951 from the Late Copper Age layers, primarily

horizon IIc (Berciu 1961b). The maximum dimen-

sions were 2.7 m times 1.7 m, one metre wide en-

trances being in the southern walls. Abundant occur-

rence of burned wattle points towards a wattle and

daub construction. The ‘‘huts’’ were organized along

an E-W line. However, the small size and irregularly

rounded shape of these structures, as reconstructed

from a number of preserved postholes alone, sets

doubts as to whether these features were correctly

interpreted. Reservation is strengthened by the re-

mains of ovens. A rather well preserved lower part of

an oven was found in ‘‘Hut’’ no. 12. The dimensions

of the oven were 1.5¿1.4 m, thus more than 2/3 of

the presumed ‘‘hut’’. The opening of the oven is to-

wards the N, which contradicts the suggested south-

ern orientation of the entrance to the ‘‘hut’’. The

postholes are likely delineating workshop spaces (or

-platforms) rather than being house walls.

ARCHITECTURE AND HOUSEHOLD

ORGANIZATIONHOUSE STRUCTURES

Turning to the issues connected with architecture and

the use of space within a built structure, it is import-

ant to emphasize that house and settlement are con-

nected parts of the prehistoric perception of space.

Both reflect tradition, awareness, and adaptation. Al-

though the borders between categories are not strict,

it is believed that they reflect different levels of con-

sciousness when actions were taken during primary as

well as secondary constitutional processes. Traditions

dictate the general layout of settlement, as has been

illustrated above. Awareness manifests itself in the po-

sition of larger houses – for special peoples or house-

holds – centrally in the settlement, while adaptation

can be noted in construction of smaller houses in in-

hibiting areas like close to slopes.

Settlement planning is often used to extract under-

standing of society as a whole, its social organisation,

and even cosmology. A built structure, a central com-

ponent in any settlement, provides personified testi-

monies, arrangements and contents. When conditions

of preservation are favourable, as at Lıga, observa-

tions and interpretations at the household level are

indeed possible.

As one team of Copper Age architects was sticking

out the layout, moving from one plot to another,

others would already be starting to procure building

materials for the dwellings. There was a need for in-

volvement of every community member. Regular

settlement layout and the manner of settlement ter-

mination – like the sudden abandonment of Lıga 1

or the conflagration of Lıga 2 – indicate that settle-

ments were constructed communally over a short

period of time and shared common fates.

Since the main building materials were clay and

water, these must have been among the dictating fac-

tors of the location of the settlements. Both could be

found at the foot of the Lıga site. Procuring of wood

for timber frames and roof support, stones for founda-

tion, reed or straw for roofing in such an amount that

it would satisfy the demands of the whole settlement

would not have been unproblematic. It is known that

each and every stone bigger than a fist was brought

to the site. It has also been established that the nearest

source of limestone, which was abundant enough to

supply material for house foundations, was almost 4

km to the South of the site. Whether this or even

further sources were used is unknown, but in any

case, such task would have been very difficult to ac-

complish without the use of tracking oxen. The dom-

inance of adult cattle in the bone sample confirms the

significance of these beasts in labour and not merely

in meat consumption (cf. Chapter X, on animal

bones). It has been calculated that the excavated area

alone held some 200 kg stones.

Traces preserved of Lıga 1 houses at the southern

slopes of the site bear witness to the use of robust

poles for the walls, with a diameter of 20–25 cm. The

foundations towards the slopes were stabilized, as can

be seen from a clayey trench 45 cm wide (preserved

depth 17 cm). Thick debris of porous unbaked grey

clay was of course indicating the use of wattle and

daub building techniques.

Prior to construction of the Lıga 1 houses, flat ter-

races were created. Some of the old surface soil was

removed, resulting in exposure of a layer of pebbles,


for instance in the northern periphery of the house,

outside its northern wall, where it was appreciated as

a natural pavement. The settlers were highly aware

of this layer and tried to benefit by exposing it, espe-

cially in the interstructural areas. The regular manner

of exposure even led to early conclusions during the

excavation that the pavement was man-made. In fact,

the settlers also invested energy in creating stone

pavements. A small such patch was investigated in an

area judged to be just outside the eastern wall of the

excavated Lıga 1 house (Fig. II.5). The pavement was

made of well-sorted and water-rounded stones reach-

ing 10–12 cm in length. The full extent of the pave-

ment and its orientation are not known.

The technological knowledge of the Lıga 1 settlers

is also manifested in compact lime-plastered floors in-

side the houses, preserved in a patchy pattern at the

same level as the said pavement. All traces of internal

arrangement were disturbed by the subsequent set-

tlers of Lıga 2. In their attempt to even the terrain,

which no doubt had the hilly appearance of old house

mounds, they pushed part of the cultural debris for-

ward towards the edge of the southern slopes. This

material stayed together and has provided the largest

amount of small finds dated to the earliest settlement.

The length of the period between the two occu-

pations is, as mentioned, not known. Pottery suggests

that essential changes in ceramic traditions had taken

place in the hiatus period. But both sets of pottery

carry distinctive features of the KSB culture, and a

rather early AMS-date of Lıga 2 suggests that the

temporal distance between the two settlements was

not significant. Also, the traces of the structural re-

mains of the Lıga 1 occupation had not disappeared

at the time of the foundation of Lıga 2. Timber

frames and poles could well have been visible (even

re-used after the abandonment), while unburned

daub with organic temper would have made a very

fertile ground for all sorts of bushy vegetation.

Such sites acted as supreme agents when support-

ing local traditions and forming communal identities.

In spite of its messy appearance and whatever senti-

ments nested in communal memory such a sight

would awake, an old site had practical advantages

too. House mounds of unbacked clay could easily be

transformed into flat platforms for new structures.

The reuse of previous cultural debris was observed in

the case of Houses 1 and 3. The creation of level

surfaces led to differentiation in altitude, so that the

overall appearance of the new settlement would take

the form of a series of low staircases. For example,

the difference in level between the foundations and

floors of House 2 and its eastern neighbour, House 3,

would have been 0.3 m. But the house situated North

of House 2, and on the same longitudinal line, would

have appeared to be lying higher than House 2 and

at the same level as House 3.

Once the level surfaces were formed, actions were

taken to stabilize the foundations. Several technical

solutions could be observed in the prime case of Lıga

2. A thick layer of shards from the earliest occu-

pation was spread in the southwestern periphery of

House 1. This part of the house was the weakest as

it was lying very close to the rather steeply de-

scending slope. Thus, the layer of shards helped to

maintain a plain surface, stabilize the foundations,

and provide floor isolation. In the case of Houses 2

and 3, shallow trenches were dug and filled with a

compact layer of clay (Pl. 3). Some of that clay was

also spread inside House 2 in order to even the floor

level. Foundations and especially the corner areas

were further strengthened with the help of rubble of

limestone. Apparently, limestones for foundations

were used to a higher degree for the houses created

in areas without structural debris from the previous

occupation, as was the case with the partly excavated

houses in the northern periphery of the investigated

area. These houses were only outlined by rows of

limestones enclosing rather fragmented but compact

concentrations of pottery. Daub was only occasion-

ally found here and only as a thin layer pointing to

intensive post-depositional destruction. Built on the

original surface of the hillock with limited levelling

measures taken, these houses were protected by a

thinner layer of soil than the fully excavated ones

further in. This demonstrates that the state of preser-

vation might even be predetermined by circum-

stances prior to the construction of a structure.

The foundation trenches varied from 0.3 to 0.4 m

in width. Wooden poles with pointed ends were set

into foundation. The majority of these were 8–9 cm

in diameter. Occasionally, thicker poles, with the di-

ameter of 15 cm, were used. Samples of calcinated

wood collected in House 2 were determined by C.

47Lıga

Malmros as steming from hornbeam (Carpinus be-

tulus), but it is uncertain whether hornbeam was used

in house construction or as fire wood, since all pieces

were recovered from the area close to the oven. The

thinner poles were grouped in pairs, the distance be-

tween them being about 10–15 cm. The poles were

interwoven with rods and twigs and plastered with

daub. Since all lumps of burned daub were collected,

it was possible to differentiate between various types

of daub matrix in terms of composition. It appeared

that the core area of a wall, at least at the level of

foundation (the preserved parts of walls did not ex-

ceed 0.2 m) was plastered with daub containing

quartz grains 2–4 mm in size as the main tempering

material. Identification of this core helped to establish

the precise course of walls in places of thick accumu-

lation of burned daub. Generally, daub with an ad-

mixture of 15–20% of chopped straw was applied. It

has been calculated that a standard house in the Lıga

2 settlement would require between 9.6 and 11.6 m3

of non-organic building components.

The clay deposits at Lıga appear as a homogeneous

layer with occasional inclusions of red (haematite) or

orange (goethite) ochre as well as other ferrous ac-

cumulations in the form of thin oxidised flakes. These

were found abundantly in the destruction debris.

House walls were reaching 0.35–0.40 m in thickness

at the foundation level, even though the intended

thickness was not exceeding 0.32 m. Higher up, the

walls must have been less massive, bearing in mind

the relative lightness of the timber frame. Compact

flakes of daub without any admixture point towards

a clay coating of the walls. Investigation of the recov-

ered lumps of daub have also provided evidence that

freshly harvested straws were used for tempering,

pointing to the particular period of the year for house

construction. One of the lumps contained part of an

ear with the grains still sitting in it at the time of daub

tempering (Fig. III.7). A wintering ear would not be

able to keep its grains due to low temperatures and

humidity. S. Karg, assisted by E. Koch (4), who made

a cast of the hole made by the ear, has established

that the ear in question with all probability stems

from emmer wheat (Triticum diccocum), with a slight

4. The author is grateful to Dr. Eva Koch for making a silicone

cast of the cavities in the fragment of daub.

Fig. III.7. Lump of daub with impression of ear of wheat, most

likely emmer.

possibility of being einkorn (Triticum monococum). It

should be added that all pieces of daub were collected

and studied. No traces of colouring was ever found,

indicating that the structures appeared as grey boxes.

The roof was supported by internal posts. Of actual

postholes, which could be attributed to the roof sup-

porting construction, only two were found: one in

House 1 and another in House 2, both in the form of

remains of massive poles, 25 cm in diameter, placed

directly on the floor and supported by stones. In the

case of House 2, the post was supported by fragments

of the same sandstone rock, shaped to correspond

with the rounded form of the post. Consequently, the

discovered sandstone rocks were affected by the high

temperatures of the final fire and had cracked. Apart

from that, no other certain traces of internal posts

were found, but the presence of flat limestones inside

the houses indicate that other posts were resting on

such, thus protected from decay.

Little is known about the roofs themselves, except

that clay-plastered wooden logs made up part of the

interior construction. This observation is inferred

from severely burned fragments of daub with imprints

of parallel logs some 10 cm in diameter, as well as

pieces of calcinated timbers found stratigraphically

high in layers of daub. It is also safe to assume that

houses had gabled roofs, as indicated by clay models.

A highly informative collection of models was dis-

covered at Kodzadermen (Fig. III.8) (Gaul 1948). Re-


Fig. III.8. Clay models of houses discovered in the Late Copper

Age tell at Kodzadermen. After Gaul 1948.

gardless their makers, repetition of the same house

form indicates that the models can be treated as a

convincing and undistorted source of information on

the general appearance of the structures. Flat roofs

would also be a serious limitation in terms of finding

an effective solution to the issue of smoke circulation.

Evidence from archaeological data has been much

extended by experimental archaeology, in particular

concerning the nature of prehistoric architecture,

building techniques, living conditions, crafts, etc.

(Hansen 1961; Pleinerova 1986). Nevertheless, the

best parallels to the data from Lıga are found in re-

cent Bulgarian villages, where daubed houses are a

common sight. Even a short inspection of a few of the

houses in Telish will promote an understanding of the

principles behind Copper Age dwellings substantially.

Direct parallels were cautiously avoided, but some of

the constructional elements did seem to correspond

very well with the uncovered traces at Lıga. The in-

spected houses nowadays serve as storage sheds, so

their maintenance is less meticulous (and their use

perhaps also less intense) than in the case of dwelling

houses. Occasionally a new layer of daub was added

to close the cracks in the walls, but no one, when

asked, reported that wattle or posts were being re-

placed during restoration. The usual reply is that in

such a case one would feel the necessity to build a

totally new structure. The present owners could not

recall having seen the construction of the daubed

houses in their possession and assumed that they were

built by their parents or grandparents. Thus, the age

of these houses can be estimated to be at least 40 or

50 years (corresponding to the age of the informers).

The clay for recent daubing was mixed with dung

from herbivorous animals, amounting to approxi-

mately 1/5 of the total mass. Animal dung was con-

sidered to be a better admixture than chaff, which

required additional preparation. The owners were

usually complaining about tramped floors, which

have an uneven, pitted surface: once a floor is tramp-

ed, it is impossible to even the surface effectively.

‘‘New clay’’ will not adhere to the old surface in de-

pressions, so levelling of a floor would require plaster-

ing of the whole area, not just patches.

The recent gabled roofs were supported by a struc-

ture of posts and beams with the bark peeled off, con-

nected in the manner of ‘‘a matchstick-house’’, i.e.,

without use of nails. In case of an earthquake such a

structure would shake, but not collapse, the informers

said. The round posts had a diameter of approximate-

ly 15 cm and were supported by flat limestones, since

direct contact with the floor would cause them to rot.

This observation was actually used to interpret the

presence of flat limestones within the houses of Lıga

2 and justified the limited number of postholes.

Some ideas about house construction, like organis-

ation of labour, consumption of building materials,

use of tools, and even living conditions, can also be

grasped from the superb Brezno experiments de-

signed to reconstruct semi-subterranean Slavic houses

from Chechy (Pleinerova 1986). In their use of basic

materials, these houses resemble the prehistoric wattle

and daub constructions at Lıga.

The Brezno team demonstrated that daubing of

wattle walls was one of the very last tasks in the con-

structional chaıne operatoire. It also required a par-

ticular pace, since wattle work can only support a layer

of a certain strength, which has to dry somewhat before

a new layer can be added. I. Pleinerova notes that posts

with bark not integrated in daub walls would attract

wood-eating insects, a circumstance that indicates a

high demand at Lıga for debarking tools, such as flint

scrapers, which actually are very numerous in the flint

assemblage (cf. Chapter VII, below).

49Lıga

The experiments also gave a hint on the consump-

tion of materials. A 4.5¿4.2 m wattle and daub house

with 15 cm thick walls and a height of 3 m at the

ridge point requires 2.5 m3 wood, 1200 branches

(1.5–1.8 m long and 1.5 cm thick) of wattle, 3–4 m3

clay, and 1000 m2 of harvested roofing reeds. A simi-

lar house roofed with rye straws also required har-

vesting of an area of 1000 m2 (present yields).

Such estimations raise serious doubts about the tra-

ditional assumption of reed/straw roofing of Copper

Age houses. It must have been a very laborious, even

impossible task to meet the demands of just one small

settlement. The house models are rather taciturn on

the issue of roofing, aside from a few exceptions (e.g.,

Kodzadermen), where parallel traverse incisions on

the roof might be interpreted as planks or beams (Fig.

III.8).

In terms of thermic features, the Brezno experi-

ments demonstrated that roofing was the decisive fac-

tor in the time needed to heat a house as well as in

the ability to sustain temperature (Pleinerova 1986).

Thick roof covers would provide better isolation, but,

in turn, also an excessive amount of fuel in case of a

fire. Estimations were also made on amount of wood

required for heating (Pleinerova 1986). Although the

experimental structure was semi-subterranean and

therefore thermally somewhat protected, the amounts

used for the experiment indicate that when the out-

side temperature was below zero, intensive heating of

a house of ca. 42 m3 (by 0.083 m3 wood in a dome

oven of 0.90 m2) could provide internal temperatures

of up to 7–14 æC. The firewood used just for cooking

would, on a yearly basis for one household, reach

some 18 m3. The floor space behind the oven, which

was placed directly on the floor, remained cold even

when the fire was lit. At Brezno, it was also estab-

lished that two adults and three children would need

3.0–3.5 m2 of space for their sleeping arrangements

(Pleinerova 1986).

A series of climate experiments carried out at the

Lejre Experimental Centre, Denmark in 1998–2003

confirm the findings from Brezno (N.A. Møller, Cop-

enhagen university, personal comm.). At Lejre, it was

demonstrated that the heating effect of taking animals

into a structure is limited, increasing the room tem-

perature with one degree, at most.

Both projects have demonstrated that the circula-

tion of smoke is an important problem. The optimal

solution seems to be the construction of apertures in

the gables of the roof and relatively low-sitting win-

dows, so that the colder air stream might push up

the smoke (Pleinerova 1986). However, despite much

effort, a layer of smoke will always accumulate under

the roof. At Lejre, it has been established that this

actually is favourable for drying of food-stuffs or for

hide smoking, but the amount of CO gasses could be

fatal for humans.

House 3 at Lıga contained evidence that the roof

construction might have been extended to cover the

entrance of the house, thus creating a sheltered space

outside it. The assumption is based on the row of

postholes, 15 cm in diameter, recorded ca. 1 m from

the southern wall of the structure (Fig. III.9). Other

houses were perhaps also porched, but their sur-

roundings were not investigated, since the excavated

sondages only disclosed the limits of house walls.

Thus, the house reconstructions presented here rest

on a complementary base, evidence being combined

from both Houses 2 & 3, and supported by evidence

recovered in House 1. Internal arrangements, as well

as types and distribution of pottery, are individual for

each house reconstruction; they rest upon the actual

situation upon discovery. The reconstructions are per-

formed by Architect R. Steponaitis (5)

INTERIORS

All houses in Lıga were single-roomed. However, the

internal space was subdivided into specific task zones

(Fig. III.10). Such segregation followed the accepted

traditions at the time but was also adapted to the indi-

vidual needs of each household. Occasionally, a relo-

cation of activity zones was taking place. Among the

few immovable house installations was the oven. The

size of the oven corresponds to the size of the house,

thus, the largest structure (House 3) also had the

largest oven with dimensions of 1.5¿1.3 m (Fig.

III.11 & 12). A well-preserved smaller oven was dis-

covered in House 2, the dimensions being 1.25¿1.15

m. Only the floor of the oven could be discerned from

5. The author is grateful to Architect Rimas Steponaitis for hypo-

thetical reconstructions of houses and their interiors. Contact

information: www.worldarchaeology.net


Fig. III.9. Suggested reconstruction of Lıga 2 house, based on data recovered from House 3, but complemented by evidence recorded in

other houses. Reconstruction of internal arrangements of pottery, types of pottery and other finds are presented according to excavated data.

Reconstruction drawn by R. Steponaitis.

51Lıga

Fig. III.10. Suggested reconstruction of Lıga 2 house, based on data recovered from House 2, but complemented by evidence recorded in

other houses. Reconstruction of internal arrangement of pottery, types of pottery and other finds are presented according to excavated data.

Reconstruction drawn by R. Steponaitis.


Fig. III.11. House 3, view from the East.

the surrounding debris of burned daub in House 1,

and its size cannot be established with certainty.

It was an accepted principle governing the use of

internal space to place the oven at the rear end of the

room, in fact at the middle of the interior northern

wall and up 1 m from it. The oven was opposite of

the entrance of the house situated in the southern

wall. The only deviation was met in House 1, where

the oven was placed at the western wall. No evidence

of the entrance has been discovered in this case. How-

ever, it can be assumed that access from the South

would have been complicated due to slopes, and

heaps of waste along the northern wall of the house

was hardly indicative in terms of an entrance, making

the eastern wall, and an eastern entrance, the most

likely suggestion. The ovens were constructed on the

floor by first erecting a slightly raised platform of

some 15 cm; the opening is towards the room. The

ovens were oval in shape and domed. Linings suggest

an about 1 cm thick layer of clay plaster covering the

core of the oven walls, made of twigs ca. 1–1.5 cm in

diameter. The clay held organic temper in smaller

amounts than the daub used for walls. The clay used

for the base of the oven was tempered with sand and

quartz grains of 2–4 mm.

The ovens in Houses 2 and 3 underwent restora-

tion, indicating a prolonged used of the device. On

one such occasion, the case of House 3, a layer of

shards was incapsulated in the dome by the new layer

of clay lining. This must have improved the thermal

properties of the oven, prolonging the period of heat

radiation. In the better preserved Houses 2 and 3, a

clay plug was found at the ovens, respectively 11 and

13 cm in diameter (Fig. III.13:2, 3). Such plugs were

used for closing the oven holes at the top, made to

improve the draft. In both cases the plugs were

located ca. 1 m away from the ovens, likely indicating

that fire was set at the time of the conflagration of

the whole settlement. Also a fire-vessel (cf. below) was

found in close association with the ovens (Fig.

III.13:1 & III.14).

This accessory set may be extended with clay tubes,

53Lıga

Fig. III.12. House 3, remains of the oven.

Fig. III.13. Items related with handling of fire. 1 – fire-vessel, 2, 3 – oven plugs, 4 – fragment of a clay tube, presumably used for bellows.


Fig. III.14. Fire-vessel used to preserve fire by covering ember, thus

limiting supply of oxygen. House 2.

which are often interpreted as phallos symbols and

seen as counterparts to the common so-called

‘‘Mother Goddess’’ figurines, nettling many scholars

(Todorova 1986; Gergov 2000) (Fig. III.13:4). A prag-

matic interpretation would connect the ‘‘phalloi’’ with

metallurgy, seeing them as parts of bellows. The latter

idea is supported by ethnographical observations and

by smith-graves (Shilov 1975). Nonetheless, modern

records on African traditional metallurgical practices,

magics, and beliefs also support a phallic meaning of

clay tubes, placing them in a humanized universe

where a melting furnace is considered a female and

the bellows a male element (e.g., De Barros 1997).

The only find of a clay tube at Lıga was made close

to the oven of House 1, suggesting that it may have

belonged to a household bellows used to rekindle the

fire from glowing cinders maintained with the help of

fire-vessels (see below). Still, the find of three copper

items (see below) in House 1 may support a metallur-

gical link.

A formal division of space was found in House1,

but its purpose is not clear, nor how high this division

originally was. Two perpendicular daub walls created

an enclosure in the northern part of the room in

which three ceramic vessels – one deep bowl and two

big poorly backed containers decorated with barbo-

Fig. III.15. House 1, internal daub walls.

tine – were found (Fig. III.15). The two walls were

only preserved to a height of 0.15 m. The longer wall,

running E-W, i.e., parallel to the northern wall of the

house, was ca. 0.80 m long and 0.10 thick. Perhaps

its western end was supported by a massive, likely

roof-supporting post. Part of the installation was cov-

ered by a thick layer of burned daub, which hamper-

ed a detailed study of the division. The shorter wall

running N-S was at least 0.60 m long and presumably

had a thickness of 0.15 m.

House 2 was equipped with a grain pithos, which

made up an important part of the immovable inven-

tory. Although the vessel was crushed by a fallen wall,

dimensions could be estimated from the preserved

fragments. The pithos had an oval shape, ca. 1 m

long and 0.70 m high. It was placed at the eastern

wall and surrounded by seven smaller vessels (Fig.

III.16 & III.17). In spite of high expectations (the

pithos had a capacity 500 liters), even soil flotation

did not produce any palaeobotanical residue.

The storage containers in House 3 were found in

the same part of the house as above, i.e., close to the

eastern wall (Fig. III.9). Only one might have been

dug into the soil, as its base was almost four times

narrower than the opening, the height being ca. 75

cm. The remaining vessels in this cluster – at least

13 – were not arranged in a particular pattern. On

the western side of the oven, in the NW corner of the

house was a permanent installation for grinding: a

circular platform, ca. 1 m in diameter enclosed to-

wards the room by a 20 cm high and 5–8 cm thick

wall (Fig. III.18). The platform was left open at the

55Lıga

Fig. III.16. House 2, remains of pithos with adjacent vessels.

southern side. Within this enclosure was found a

massive milling stone (lower part) with a deep use-

wear depression. Two smaller milling stones (upper

parts) were discovered close by.

The other houses did not produce any grinding in-

stallations and only held finds of hand stones, placed

at the storage vessels. However, the presence of mass-

ive grinding stones, too weighty to reflect significant

post-depositional transportation, in the ‘‘street’’ area

indicates that grinding was also carried out outdoors.

Investigations of artefact distributions, including re-

cordings of the angles of items, point to the existence

of some sort of shelves. Usually, such shelves were

installed at the eastern wall, as in Houses 3 and 4

(Fig. III.9, III.19 & Pl. 5). The shelves were perhaps

intended as ‘‘exhibition cases’’ for display of the finest

pottery, but also a necessity to save limited space. At

least 15 vessels in House 3 must have been stacked

on such shelves above the big storage containers. The

house walls were also decorated with hanging bowls,

often reaching 40 cm in diameter (all perforated be-

low the lip with a single hole and with traces of abra-

sions on the back side), much like souvenir plates

nowadays. Shelves were probably also installed be-

tween the posts supporting the roof construction.

Some of the stone implements were probably placed

on these. A beam above the oven in House 2 must

have been decorated with a clay anthropomorphic

figurine, stringed up through suspension holes in the

item (Fig. VI.2). But apart from this, all other finds

were found directly on the floor with no apparent use

of platforms, tables, or the like. In House 2 were also

two limestone rocks – a triangular flat one and a

smaller rounded one – shaped to fit each other. Their

association with the group of vessels at the entrance

may indicate that they were meant to sit on, likely

when eating (Fig. III.20).

The most favourable conditions of preservation

were met in Houses 2 and 3. These multi-functional

buildings were structured somewhat differently in-

ternally, but followed the same mental concepts on

the use of space. The simple Copper Age architecture

was housing an inherited order, which allowed each

individual household to subscribe to common norms

and communal identities. All adaptations and relo-

cations were undertaken within such framework, but

in spite of the uniformity reflected in settlement layout

and principles governing the location of household

installations, there was also room for competition and

rivalry, as seen in the particular inventory of the indi-

vidual house (see below).

The main axis of the structures is the N-S line


Fig. III.17. House 2, the finest vessel of this house was found at the

pithos, facing the oven.

traced between the entrance and the oven, situated

at opposite ends of the room. Along the eastern wall,

at the oven, was an area assigned for long-term stor-

age, be it food-stuffs or the inedible valuables of the

house. Thus, grain bins and shelves, which displayed

the finest pottery were discovered there. Notably, the

most beautiful vessel found in House 2 was standing

at the immovable grain pithos (Fig. III.16 & 17). The

area west of the oven was connected with food prep-

aration and short-term storage. The grinding instal-

lation of House 3 was found here. The same space in

House 2 was occupied by three big open vessels and

a smaller one, containing 13 oblong, waterworn

pebbles and a small biconic cup (see below). Other

vessels further along the western wall indicate that

also this area was used for preparation of food, likely

soaking of cereals or the like. A well-preserved con-

centration of vessels was discovered at the southern

wall of House 2, not far from the entrance. The situ-

ation exposed during excavation looked almost

staged: surrounded by bowls and a closed vessel, a big

open vessel, resembling a Late Medieval soup tureen,

held an intact spoon (Fig. III.21). Were these the ves-

tiges of a last meal? That eating was taking place in

the southern end of the house, is perhaps confirmed

by the partially preserved pottery from House 3, in-

Fig. III.18. Milling platform discovered in the Late Copper Age

tell at Kodzadermen. A similar one was found in House 3 (after

Gaul 1948).

cluding fragments of a big closed water jar found in

four separate clusters (Fig. III.22 & Pl. 11:1).

The floors of the houses were kept clean. In few

areas where parts of unburned floors were recognised

(as a grey greenish clay), even thorough examination

brought surprisingly modest results. Apart from the

flint chips recorded in House 2, the floor debris only

comprised of a few pieces of flints not exceeding the

size of a fingernail.

Besides the utilitarian or potentially utilitarian in-

ventory of the structures, it was evident that the

houses also held religious elements. House 2 was

equipped with a hanging anthropomorphic figurine,

fastened to one of the logs above and to the West of

the oven. Unfortunately, only the lower half of the

figurine was discovered (Fig. VI.2), but its position

within the structure as well as use-wear traces around

a hole made in the area of the feet were convincing

indications of the place of the figurine in the house.

In the NE part of the partly excavated House 4,

surrounded by bowls and pots, was a completely pre-

served figurine, a so-called ‘‘Sitting Goddess’’ (Fig.

III.23). Next to the figurine was a ‘‘bowl’’, which ap-

peared to be the reversed lower part of the similar

figurine, containing an egg-like object in clay. The

display is no doubt original, miraculously escaping re-

cent agricultural trench digging by less than 5 cm (Pl.

5). The head of the figurine was recovered ca. one

metre North of the body, smoothly cut through the

neck by ploughing. The figurine was facing south, to-

wards the presumed entrance. Behind it were five bi-

57Lıga

Fig. III.19. A set of five biconic cups fallen from a shelf-like installation at the E wall of House 4. Note flint blade and end-scraper (with

upward ventral side). See also Pl. 4.

conic cups, stacked one in the other (Fig. III.19).

These must have fallen from a shelf at the eastern

wall, above the figurine. Together with the cups were

a flint blade and an end-scraper. Close to the stacked

cups were another two cups of the same type. These

seven cups may even point to the number of inhabi-

tants in the house.

The described displays are thus a reflection of the

multifunctional nature of the Copper Age house,

where the utilitarian and the ritual spheres are inte-

grated parts of the domus (sensu Hodder 1990). Neigh-

bouring Redutite may even have revealed permanent

installations related to Copper Age rituals. One of the

houses in Horizon III contained a clay stela, inter-

preted as an alter (Gergov 1992b). This was standing

at the northern wall, surrounded by apparent dom-

estic pottery.

The Lıga 2 settlement was abandoned as the result

of a destruction caused by a great general fire. The

exposed remains point to a sudden and unexpected

start of the fire, most probably somewhere close to

the centre of settlement. Vessels, stone and bone tools,

small personal treasures like a collection of long

blades, kept together in a leather pouch, masterly

crafted figurines and toys – all were left behind (Fig.

III.21 & III.24). The available data are of course

limited to the three fully excavated and individually

furnished houses with differing histories of preser-

vation. But it seems that inhabitants of House 1, at

the margins of the settlement, had some time to col-

lect their valuables, as can be observed from the

limited quantity and types of small finds recovered

when compared with the other two structures. All

houses experienced the same degree of burning,

reaching in some places temperatures up to 1500 de-

grees, as can be judged from pieces of clay slag, espe-

cially from House 1 – in fact indicating that fire must

have started from the roof. An experiment at Lejre,

Demark has demonstrated that the effects of a fire are

much less tangible in wattle and daub houses if

started from the floor level of a house (Hansen 1961).

The collapsed walls were decisive in preservation

of artefacts. Thus, the eastern wall of House 1, falling

inwards, together with the roof, sealed all inventory


Fig. III.20. Two lime stones shaped to fit each other, found in

House 2, together with a group of vessels.

in the eastern part of this structure. Favourable con-

ditions were also created by the collapse of the west-

ern wall of House 3. This wall covered the oven and

the items adjacent to it. The eastern part of the house

was also covered in destruction debris, some of it

coming from the roof. The eastern wall of House 2

collapsed in eastern direction, creating a cover for the

refuse accumulated in the adjacent intrastructural

space. Seemingly, some parts of the walls of House 2

remained standing after the fire faded and created

sheltered areas for an accumulation of soil, which also

filled the cavities of the said oven, preserving to some

extent the original shape of the dome.

Wattle and daub houses were also built by the Ro-

mans. Vitruvius, the famous First century BC Roman

engineer and architectural theorist, considered such

structures a cheap but dangerous substitute to adobe

houses. He wrote, ‘‘As for ‘wattle and daub’ I could

wish that it had never been invented. The more it

saves in time and gains in space, the greater and the

more general is the disaster that it may cause; for it

is made to catch fire, like torches. It seems better,

therefore, to spend on walls of burnt brick, and be at

expense, than to save with ‘wattle and daub’, and be

in danger. And, in the stucco covering, too, it makes

cracks from the inside by the arrangement of its studs

and girts. For these swell with moisture as they are

daubed, and then contract as they dry, and by their

shrinking, cause the solid stucco to split’’ (Vitruvius,

‘‘De Architectura’’ II.viii.20, pp. 57–58, as cited by

Rapp 2002, 265).

It was almost a rule rather than an exception that

a Copper Age settlement was terminated by fire. At

Lıga, one out of two settlements ended in confla-

gration, in Redutite all four (including both the Late

Copper Age ones) (Gergov 1992a), in Krivodol all five

(Nikolov 1984), in Sadovec-Ezero four out of six, in

Zaminec all three (Nikolov 1975), just to mention a

few of the Late Copper Age examples. Thus, at least

80% of the well-studied KSB settlements ended up in

flames. In other regions the percentage seems lower,

however. The Copper Age tells of NE Bulgaria, sys-

tematically investigated in the 1970s and -80s, dem-

onstrate that only 33% of the Late Copper Age settle-

ment phases show traces of great fires (the available

data mainly belongs to the earliest phase of KGK VI)

(Todorova 1982). The percentage is even lower in the

earlier part of the period.

Different explanations for great fires have been put

forward, ranging from hostile attacks to ritual acts. It

cannot be excluded that hostile attacks were a real

threat in the Copper Age. It is also possible that a

ritualised perception of settlement was common, see-

ing houses and objects as living organisms, which are

born and can die, even create a line of heritage

(Bailey 1990; 1996; Chapman 2000).

M. Stevanovic, studying conflagrated Neolithic

Vinca houses, is seeing these as expressions of prac-

tices to assure continuity and visibility in the mne-

monic domain of society; thus, she is suggesting that

conflagration should be regarded as a cultural trait

among early agricultural communities (Stevanovic

1997). To support the claim that houses were burned

individually (hence destroyed deliberately in a con-

trolled fashion), she refers to the lack of effect on

soils in areas between houses, as demonstrated by

examples at Opovo, Yugoslavia. However, recent

experimental work on the effects of fire on soils have

proved that thermal transformation only occurs in

very rare cases, e.g, on ferruginous soils which are

influenced by heating above 500 æC (Canti & Lin-

ford 2001). Therefore, the only certain way to sus-

tain the idea of controlled conflagrations is to dem-

onstrate that a house, or a group of houses, in a

settlement were singled out to be put on fire.

Such practices were actually carried out at the

Danish Iron Age village of Hodde (2nd century BC–

1st century AD), where conflagration was an instru-

ment of control of space (Hvass 1985). As regards tell

settlements, clearing an area by burning decaying

houses also seems to be the best choice in terms of

59Lıga

Fig. III.21. A group of vessels discovered inside House 2, at the entrance. A spoon was found in a big vessel – a ‘‘soup terrine’’. Traces of

the last meal?

time and energy spent. Indeed, several such sites, e.g.,

the Copper Age Ruse tell, NE Bulgaria, hold evi-

dence on partial burning, of whatever nature (Bojad-

ziev 2001; Georgiev & Angelov 1957). Possibly, also

the Ovcarovo VII settlement of Middle Copper Age

date was partially burned (Todorova 1982). But the

total abandonment of KSB settlements in the wake of

great fires calls for other explanations.

Regarding hostile attacks, such may have taken

place without leaving traces of human victims. In fact,

only at the tells of Hotnitsa (Angelov 1958) and Yun-

atsite, and possibly also Ruse, as demonstrated by the

latest re-evaluation of the excavation results (Todoro-

va 1986; Matsanova 2000; Bojadziev 2001), skeletons

were found inside the burned structures. These skel-

etons were covered by Late Copper Age house debris,

pointing towards a violent death, as is also supported

by skeletal analyses (Matsanova 2000 & pers.comm.

and observation). This indirectly contradicts Stevano-

vic’s adjunct suggestion that the amount of organic

material used in wattle and daub architecture was not

large enough to serve as fuel to bake the clay to a

reddened state (Stevanovic 1997).

Based on the observations at Lıga 2, a ritual reason

for the conflagration, which terminated the settle-

ment, cannot be established. Rather, the evidence

supports evacuation at the time of the breaking out

of fire, a situation similar to the one recorded at the

fully excavated Redutite settlement (Gergov 1992a).

Bearing in mind the high numbers of conflagration


Fig. III.22. Water jar discovered in four separate clusters in House 3. Reconstruction is presented in Plate 11:1.

cases, a ritual activity of such a nature would point

towards a self-destructive even suicidal psychology of

society, which is unlikely. Rejuvenation acts might

have been refreshing, but regular starts from scratch

were probably perceived as a frightening perspective.

In fact, each generation of the KSB culture was prob-

ably marked by such unhappy conflagration experi-

ences.

Indeed, the fires should rather be regarded as acci-

dents, feared and real, as described by Vitruvius. Nu-

cleated settlements situated on elevated sites have en-

joyed fresh winds from the plains, which would pro-

mote the spread of fire within a settlement, especially

during the summer when the house walls were dried

of winter humidity.

Modern thatchers, advertising their roofing ser-

vices, always start by naming their means of pre-

caution against fire. Some make a layer of gypsum, or

use other recently developed fire-resistant materials.

Perhaps this explains why every wooden pole at Lıga,

even in the roof, was plastered with clay: isolation

measures that were also fire protecting. What remains

puzzling, however, is that when a conflagrated settle-

ment was abandoned, there was no looking back, as

if taboo laws were protecting its contents. At Lıga,

some of the house inventories stayed exposed and

probably intact (many of the items were indeed unaf-

fected or only modestly affected by fire), but there

were no signs of pragmatic actions to fetch or look

for re-usable items.

Some estimation can also be made on human re-

sources employed. It has been generally accepted that

the smallest socio-economic unit of early agricultural

societies is the household, comprising a nucleated or

extended family (Tringham & Krstic 1990). Acknowl-

edging the conceptual complexity of the term (cf.

Sahlins 1972), in this study, a household is taken to

be a kin-based residential group (Tringham & Krstic

1990), which integrates all members, also the aged

and the children. The integration is sustained by com-

mon housing, involvement in daily activities, and in

caring. Although division of household activities is

confined to a rather speculative level in archaeology,

the internal installations and inventories at Lıga clear-

ly indicate the autonomous nature of the social units,

which inhabited the architectural spaces. Hence, in

this very particular case, it is possible to employ house

and household as synonyms.

Estimations of household sizes vary between 3–5

persons (basic family) to 6–8 (extended family)

(Chapman 1981; Tripkovic 2003). Recently, these

numbers have been supported by an excavations at

61Lıga

Fig. III.23. ‘‘The Sitting Goddess’’ discovered in House 4.

the tell of Yunatsite, Pazardjik (Matsanova 2000). In

layers belonging to the final Late Copper Age settle-

ment (originally occupying ca. 0.85 ha), skeletal re-

mains of 41 individuals were found (Matsanova

2000, Fig. 1; partly preserved remains, like skulls,

are included in this number). 28 persons were found

lying on house floors, often on top of fragmented or

intact ceramic vessels, and covered with burned

architectural debris. Several skeletons were found in

unnatural postures, some bearing traces of fire. One

male had clear signs of head injuries. This remark-

able discovery is the first well-documented testimony

to inter-communal clashes in the prehistory of Bul-

garia. Moreover, it provides evidence on the num-

ber of inhabitants attached to each house. Remains

of nine houses were recorded, but only one was in-

vestigated fully. The rest were either eroded to vary-

ing degrees, lying at slopes, destroyed by later

trenches, or lying partly in the not yet investigated

half of the settlement. The houses were arranged in

a rather dispersed pattern, although with the usual

layout of E-W ‘‘streets’’ and structures orientated N-

S. Generally, there was a marked differentiation in

house size. Six of the houses contained skeletal re-

mains (although some were lacking a full set of

bones, perhaps an indication of scavenging by wild

animals after the abandonment of the settlement).

The skeletal finds between the burned houses, as

stated by V. Matsanova, are proper burials where

the body was put into a hocker position and ac-

companied by grave goods, usually pottery. The

scenario thus implies a return of the surviving part

of the community, giving proper treatment to their

dead members. This in itself is a significant state-

ment about social behaviour of a Copper Age popu-

lation, indicating that the apparent lack of burials in

the region, including the Thracian plain, with the

exception of NE Bulgaria (the famous Varna graves),

should not be taken as negative evidence but rather

as an archaeological problem. One house contained

skeletal remains of two individuals, two houses of

four, while the remaining three houses contained re-


Fig. III.24. Eight flint blades and part of a blade (proximal end) found together at the oven in House 3. These were most likely kept together

in a pouch, perhaps made of leather or other perishable material. Note also the oven plug.

spectively five, six and seven individuals, including

children. Bearing in mind the total number of indi-

viduals (41), divided among nine houses, the average

household amounts to 41⁄2 individuals, plus the sur-

vivors. Probably the larger houses also held more

people than the smaller ones.

The mean available house space of a settlement

can also be used to predict the size of the com-

munity. According to R. Naroll, one individual aver-

ages 10 m2 (external measures), including storage,

stables etc. (Naroll 1962). The latter are not present

at Lıga where each person, on the average, may

have required only half this space or slightly more.

The Lıga 2 houses, of 30–40 m2 internally and 40–

50 m2 externally, may thus have accommodated an

extended family of about seven individuals. Ac-

cepting the size of the household as 5–7, it is ex-

pected that a whole settlement the size of Lıga 2,

i.e., composed of 20–22 houses, had a population of

100–150 individuals. This is in accordance with im-

plications from recent studies in brain development

and social interaction – larger populations having

difficulties in functioning as one.

R. Dunbar has thus noticed a strong correlation

between the social behaviour of primates and the size

of their neocortex, suggesting that the need to in-

crease group size, and hence social complexity, acted

as a mechanism of selection in the evolvement of

large neocortices (Dunbar 1995; 1996). Establishing a

neocortex ratio to the rest of the brain as 1:4, he pre-

dicts that the most effectively functioning human

group will consist of approximately 150 members (i.e.,

three times as many as chimpanzees). Apparently,

such prediction of the optimum group size is sup-

ported by grouping patterns prevalent at different

levels of human society, as exemplified by Dunbar’s

research on modern and historic data.

The main challenge of the Lıga project was to un-

63Lıga

cover and study the structural remains in their full

extent, attempting not only to look at the variations

in pottery production but also to recognize the set-

tings in which the pottery was used. Allowing a

friendly irony towards local passion for pottery re-

search (perfectly understandable in the light of the

amount and apparent approachability of pottery as a

source of information), efforts were made at Lıga to

include other ‘‘tokens’’, with equal degree of atten-

tion, into the universe created by the pottery.

The anthropology of technology offers an instru-

mental approach aiding in recognition of social

groups through analyses of mundane products such as

utilitarian pottery, tools, and architecture (Lemonnier

1992). It is believed that social information is stored

in the steps and choices made during manufacture as

well as use of material culture (Stark et al. 1995; with

references). Such behavioural variation reflected in

the material culture is determining what is named a

technological style. Architecture is considered the

most complex although also the most informative me-

dium of technological style (Stark et al. 1995). Con-

struction techniques, choice of materials, and use of

domestic space are traits that demonstrate a particu-

lar resilience to change (as opposed to stylistic vari-

ation), and are often significant indicators of social

boundaries (Stark et al. 1995).

According to various definitions of culture, regard-

less of whether these are emphasizing behavioural

patterns or recurring sets of material remains, techni-

cal style is part of the ‘‘package’’. Not all aspects of a

cultural package are being transmitted from a given

core area, however, making conglomerates such as

the KSB culture less well defined. Thus, it is import-

ant to account not only for one trait such as the styl-

istics of pottery, but also for architecture and use of

space, among many other things.

Despite limitations in the architectural data from

sites attributed to the KSB culture, it is possible to

undertake several overall comparisons, adding to a

better understanding of the KSB cultural profile.

Seemingly, variation can be used as a temporal signa-

ture, especially in cases where information is obtained

on the general layout of a settlement. A great poten-

tial in this respect is displayed by the Telish-Redutite

site, which still awaits a detailed publication concern-

ing the issue of use of space in domestic contexts.

Nevertheless, it is already now possible to state that

the conceptual starting point for Redutite was the

same as for Lıga. For instance, it has been revealed

in discussions with the excavator that, among other

similarities with Lıga, the houses at Redutite also had

ovens installed at the middle of the northern wall,

entrances in the southern one (cf. Gergov 1992a).

Some confusion has been created in the termin-

ology used to describe building techniques. For in-

stance, V. Gergov, when discussing the findings at Re-

dutite, mentions that a special building technique was

applied to erect the houses (Gergov 1992a; 1994,

304). Without definition, and with a mere reference

to the structures at various Tripolye sites excavated

by T. Passek half a century ago, he applies the term

‘‘glinobitna’’ in Russian. At the same time, Gergov

mentions the use of poles (7–12 cm in diameter) dug

into foundation trenches at every 50–60 cm., and that

the dwellings of each Redutite settlement were

burned, hence the good preservation (Gergov 1992a;

1994, 304). ‘‘Glinobitna’’ in Russian should be trans-

lated as pise or terre pise (6). Therefore, H. Todorova,

in her presentation of the prehistoric development of

Bulgaria, writes that ‘‘the buildings excavated in Tel-

ish have thick clay-covered walls without posts or

wattle’’ (Todorova 2003, 288). The early publications

by Passek on the structures at Tripolye have also led

others to perplexing conlusions, e.g., the use of

‘‘adobes’’ in construction of the houses (Lazarovici &

Lazarovici 2003, 412).

Pounded earth, or pise/terre pise, are terms ap-

plied to describe earth compacted by ramming (Rapp

2002). This advantegeous technique is more compli-

cated than e.g., wattle and daub. Pise walls do not

burn, and burning of a thatched or reed roof would

have very limited thermal effects, not even causing

a redening of the clay. The erection of pise walls is

dependent on a well-balanced composition of raw

materials in order to prevent shrinkage. In fact, only

a small amount of clay is needed and more than 30%

clay results in rapid erosion (Rapp 2002).

The rammed earth technique is known in Bulgaria

6. Cf. the Russian edition of ‘‘A Dictionary of Archaeology’’, W.

Bray & D. Trump 1970 (not quoted in the General Bibli-

ography).


in both the Neolithic and the Early Copper Age (Co-

chadziev 2003a). At the Neolithic site of Gulubnink,

situated in the Struma Valley, the technique has cor-

rectly been described as a ‘‘beaten-clay’’ technique,

when the building material ‘‘did not differ from that

of the surrounding terrain’’ (Cochadziev 2003a). In

the ethnographic record of Bulgaria, rammed earth

techniques are also known, primarily in the northern

part of the country, including the region of Pleven

(Cochadziev 1997, 10; Georgieva 1983, 197). The

walls of these houses are described as being 0.5–0.6

m thick, made of a clay mixed with chaff, which is

shaped in a wooden frame outlining the house (Geor-

gieva 1983, 197). The walls are built of layers 0.50 m

high, the finished house composed of five such layers

(Georgieva 1983, 197).

Returning to the Tripolye houses, these have been

described as ‘‘built of thick poles, joined by wicker-

work and plastered over with clay’’ (Mongait 1959;

but also Gimbutas 1956; Passek & Chernykh 1963;

Stanko et al. 1997, 253, Figs. 64 & 65). The use of

pounded earth is only found in connection with floors

and grinding terraces (ibid.). Thus, it is not correct to

apply the pounded earth term to Tripolye features.

The architecture of the Tripolye culture and, to a

certain extent, of the Gumelnita culture (as known in

Moldavia and Ukraine, i.e., the areas of Lower Danu-

be and Lower Prut) is characterized by so-called

house platforms. The house platforms were created

with the help of clay rolls tempered with plant matters

laid tightly upon a wooden base und fired (in some

cases the rolls were fired prior to their arrangement)

(Chernysh 1965; Passek 1965, 8, as cited by Bejlekchi

1978, 61 & 67). Such a technical solution for making

floors is more closely related to adobe than to the

rammed earth technique. Walls, celings and ovens in

Tripolje were made with the use of wattling and

daub, however (Chernysh 1965; Passek 1965, 8, as

cited by Bejlekchi 1978, 61 & 67).

Bearing all this in mind, it is safe to conclude that

the houses in Redutite were daub houses with a rela-

tively light, but dense wattle construction. This is also

indicated by the fragments of walls from Redutite of

burned daub with a high content of clay exhibited at

the Historical Museum of Pleven. The same construc-

tion technique was, as noted, recorded in adjacent

Lıga. Hence, it can be demonstrated that the stated

exceptionality of the Telish-Redutite site is based on

false premises (cf. Bailey 2000; Todorova 2003).

Knowing that many other Late Copper Age sites

in Bulgaria have houses with substantial wooden pol-

es in their walls (diameter of 15–25 cm), it is probable

that the light wall construction in the Telish region

reflects environmental constrains. Even the houses of

the Redutite IV building horizon of post-Copper Age

date – demonstrating a general break with earlier styl-

istic and technological traditions – had a light frame

constructed for daubing (Gergov 1996). The con-

sumption of wood and possibly clearing too could well

have been greater than the natural regeneration pace

of the trees of the region.

Looking at the broader picture, the available infor-

mation on KSB houses is restricted.

There are only a few cases of fully excavated archi-

tectural remains. Generally, the built structures com-

ply with the described principles. Few exceptions,

such as the stone houses at Galatin, NW Bulgaria

(Georgieva 1995b) and Beligovo, E Serbia (Nikolic

1998) erected on the top of stony hills may reflect an

adaptation rather than changing architectural prin-

ciples. Copper Age societies were not devoid of inno-

vative potential, but the faithful subscription to con-

stant patterns of settlement arrangement and house

building may indicate that architecture was governed

by less tangible ideas than the mere need for shelter.

The settlement and the house can thus be viewed as

an agent of communal identity.

TYPES OF SETTLEMENT SITES

Regional and supra-regional perspectives have proved

highly valuable for the understanding of Lıga and

yielded a far more complex picture of a Late Copper

Age settlement than hitherto assumed. The tra-

ditional idea is that the seemingly short-lived KSB

settlements were mainly located at high altitudes, or

in caves, in contrast to the long-lasting tell settlements

of the KGK VI complex on the Thracian plain to

the east of KSB (e.g., Todorova 1986). The simplistic

assumption that tells always represent a permanent

occupation has been challenged by investigations at

the Podgoritsa tell in NE Bulgaria, demonstrating that

repeated episodes of rising water tables forced settlers

to abandon the tell and move to dry locations (Bailey

65Lıga

1999). On the other hand, excavations at Redutite,

next to Lıga, have produced evidence that KSB set-

tlers felt a strong attachment to certain places, per-

ceived to be pivotal in the geographical and cultural

landscape. This is seen not only through reoccupation

of the same space but also in rebuilding and extension

activities, especially during Redutite II (Gergov, per-

s.comm.).

In and around Telish (mainly to the east) there are

at least five types of settlement, thus.

(A) Strongholds, such as Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale,

with one occupation phase (Todorova 1992), and Pip-

ra, with a minimum of five (pers. inspection of treas-

ure hunter pits in 2000, 2001 & 2002). These sites are

naturally protected by steep slopes at three sides,

being only accessible by land bridges or less steep

slopes. Unfortunately, Pipra has never been properly

investigated, and the remains of the Late Copper Age

settlement at Golemanovo Kale have been damaged

by later occupation. Other strongholds found else-

where in the KSB area appear to have been addition-

ally fortified by earth or even stone walls, double-

trenches and palisades – e.g., Okhoden Kaleto (Niko-

lov 1968), Zaminets (Nikolov 1975), Krivodol (Niko-

lov 1984 and pers. observations of treasure hunter

trenches in 2001 and 2002). The strongholds are

usually oblong, tongue- or ellipse-shaped hills, which

impart limitations on the settlement size, the available

area being around 0.2 ha with a maximum capacity

of 20–23 houses. Not accidentally, all these locations

were later chosen for heavily fortified Late Antiquity

strongholds.

(B) Minor sites with difficult access were established at

obscure locations and hence tentatively interpreted as

refuges. The only example in the Telish region is Sa-

dovec-Ezero, a saddle-like hillock in a canyon below

ranges of high rising hills. The area useable for struc-

tures was 0.075–0.08 ha, thus only 8–10 house may

have existed at one and the same time. The occu-

pational debris of Sadovec-Ezero can be subdivided

in 6 building horizons with a total thickness of almost

4 m. Elsewhere in the KSB area, refuge places are

established on hilltops in remote areas, e.g., Pekliuk

at Sofia (Petkov 1964).

(C) Open-air plateau settlements, such as Redutite and

Lıga, were established at the edge of a plateau with a

commanding view of the surroundings, but no defens-

ive measures. Despite the lack of topographic restric-

tions, such settlement sees a dense concentration of

houses, creating a sharp division between the built

and the unbuilt space. The area occupied by houses

ranges between 0.18 and 0.40 ha; the majority of sites

are around 0.2 ha, with between 20 and 35 houses.

(D) Open-air low-lying settlements were also established.

One such was recorded between Telish and Sadovec,

following information from local residents. The site is

marked as NN on the map (Fig. I.7), since no local

name could be obtained. It is lying on the lower ter-

race by a stream, gradually sloping upwards towards

the North. The top of the terrace is marked by two

presumable Thracian tumuli. In a ploughed field and

an area of ca. 0.2 ha were very many sherds of Late

Copper Age pottery and milling stones. Late and

post-Roman pottery was also present, as well as hu-

man bones. No indications of settlement could be

found on the higher lying areas around. Such low-

lying settlements have been somewhat ignored and

are merely noted in survey reports. The majority is

also severely damaged by intensive cultivation and

thus less attractive archaeologically than the high alti-

tude sites.

(E) Caves are common in the Telish-Sadovec area.

Unfortunately, the biggest, suitable for extensive oc-

cupation, have suffered damage by modern use, e.g.,

production of feta-like cheeses. Upstream, on the

river Vit, occupational debris has been discovered in

the caves of Ochilata and Iglen. Devetaki at Lovech,

further away, remains the finest example of cave

settlements (Mikov & Dzambazov 1960). Cave settle-

ments can be differentiated according to the intensity

of occupation, but the majority seems to be temporal

shelters for herdsmen, despite presence of built struc-

tures.

By the end of the Copper Age a new type of settle-

ment emerged in the KSB area, (F) pile dwellings,

found in wetland areas such as Negovatsi (Georgieva

1995a) and Krajnitsi close to Pernik (Cochadziev

2003a); they resemble the earlier settlements at Varna

Lake on the Black Sea coast.

None of the abovementioned sites are static but

rather changing in function and purpose. Sadovec-Ez-

ero stands out as the best example. During the end of

the Copper Age, at the time of its 4th settlement (out of

6), the site also included part of the neighbouring Sado-


vec-Kaleto locality. The two-partite settlement was re-

jected in favour of Sadovec-Kaleto – with no restriction

on settlement – during the time of the so-called Tran-

sitional period, as well as in the Early and Late Bronze

Age, and in Late Antiquity. Later on, the site was used

as a Christian burial site. In the Early Bronze Age the

site was fortified by a massive wall.

It is difficult to establish how many of the settle-

ments in the Telish region were contemporary. Pot-

tery from Golemanovo Kale has exact parallels in Sa-

dovec-Ezero at the time of its expansion onto Sado-

vec-Kaleto; Lıga 1 ceramics shares features with

pottery from the Sadovec sites. However, as long as

the full chrono-typological sensitivity of the pottery in

question has not been established, such considerations

have little value. Tentatively, it can be assumed that

at least two settlements coexisted, e.g. an open-air

settlement and a defended site in its hinterland (6–10

km away). Acknowledgement of the flint sources at

Sadovec and Pipra indicates that the settlers at Lıga

were familiar also with these localities (cf. Chapter

VII, below).

IV. CERAMIC FINDS

PRESERVATION

Despite the relatively limited thickness of the cultural

deposits at Lıga, conditions of preservation vary sig-

nificantly depending on depth, the effects of which

being clearly observable on pottery. In the lowest

layers, Lıga 1, the surface of the pottery shards is ce-

mented by the calcareous soils. The patination of flint

artefacts is likewise progressed. In the upper cultural

horizon of Lıga 2, the calcareous environment has

created high pH values of the soil (8, according to

litmus paper). Protected only by a thin layer of hu-

mus, the pottery is further affected by moisture and

fluctuations of temperature. During the summer dry –

as observed on location in 2000 – the soil sees cracks

up to 0.5 m deep. The combined actions of physical

and chemical properties of the soil have thus resulted

in relatively poor conditions of preservation for top-

level pottery. Some shards appear with washed out or

exfoliated surfaces, in some cases to such a degree

that the original surface can hardly be recognised.

This is particularly common for areas outside the

houses where the pottery was not affected by second-

ary burning or protected by a less permeable layer of

fallen structural debris. Often the upper layer of a

shard is flaking in thin scales making recognition of

decoration and finishing a complicated task. Appar-

ently, none of the described factors had any note-

worthy impact on bones.

POTTERY: SORTING PROCEDURES

Pottery processing at Lıga was dictated by realities

already presenting themselves during the excavation.

As work progressed, it became evident that the main

body of pottery was related to the Lıga 2 episode at

the site. Significant amount of pottery was also col-

lected from Lıga 1 layers but discrete qualitative dis-

tinctions between the two sets of pottery allowed for

an immediate separation of mixed materials. The

same was even more apparent in the case of oc-

casional occurrences of shards from later periods.

Almost all studies focused on the numerous and

better preserved remains of Lıga 2, allowing for close-

up investigation of a homogeneous data set. Thus, the

methods for processing pottery were designed with

reference to the material produced by the Lıga 2

settlement. First of all, the investigators were faced

with a huge amount of shards from disturbed or un-

certain contexts. Secondly, especially during the first

season, the qualitative differentiation of pottery ap-

peared to be limited to just two categories, coarse and

very coarse wares, as based on fabric and surface

treatment. All attempts at this stage to differentiate

between excavated shards did not produce categories

that could be readily and unambiguously recognised.

Recovery of whole vessels provided information on

morphological features and substantiated shape-

orientated recording. Eventually, three processing

procedures evolved, with varying degrees of com-

plexity: streamlined sorting of shards according to

tempering, coded sorting of shards according to

morphological traits and surface treatment, and, de-

tailed description of whole or reconstructable vessels

or conspicuous vessel parts. For all three processing

procedures a standardised data sheet was designed

corresponding to the entries of a pottery database.

The main excavated area of 275 m2 (excluding sur-

vey trenches) yielded almost 1,300 kg of pottery. Pot-

tery fragmentation turned up to be low with an aver-

age of 20 g per shard (excluding whole vessels or pot-

tery concentrations on house floors). The degree of

fragmentation did not appear to be fluctuating in any

pattern depending on the depth: indicating that the

excavated area had undergone limited post-depo-

sitional disturbance. In fact, it can be concluded, that

the excavated part of the settlement was the better

preserved one. When all the land of Telish became

intensively cultivated, the excavated part of the settle-

ment – separated from the arable by a road – was

not deep-ploughed. In fact, the best-preserved re-

mains were discovered under the road.

SORTING OF SHARDS: TEMPERING MATERIAL

General crudeness of the pottery created the im-

pression that it was related to the latest phase of the

Copper Age, supposedly marked by an increasing use

of organic and especially shell tempering (Georgieva


Fig. IV.1. Table of defined tempering groups, with percentage of

each in the Lıga 2 material.

1993). Therefore, non-plastic inclusions became the

most significant variable in shard sorting during the

first season. In most cases, inclusions were easily dis-

tinguished by fresh breaking with tongs, only rarely a

hand lens was used. The procedure involved sorting

of shards from the same excavation unit into groups

according to tempering materials. Within each group,

shards were further subdivided according to morpho-

logical traits, decoration, and exceptional or note-

worthy features. When sorted, all shards were

counted and weighted. The total number was 12,642

shards weighting 248 kg. As a result, 15 different tem-

pering groups were established, but only 11 of these

appeared to be statistically significant (Fig. IV.1).

CODED SORTING OF SHARDS: MORPHOLOGICAL

CHARACTERISTICS & SURFACE TREATMENT

This sorting procedure was applied when significant

evidence was collected on pottery shapes and surface

treatment as based on finds of whole or nearly whole

vessels. It was constructed in two steps. Firstly, all

shards from the same excavation unit were sorted into

rims, shoulders, handles/lugs/bosses, bases, body

shards and fragments of ‘‘standard forms’’ (that is,

pottery types, varying in size but repetitive in terms of

shape, like pot-stands, milk strainers, or biconic cups).

Then, each group was subdivided into plain speci-

mens and specimens with decoration or a particular

surface treatment. Shards within each subgroup were

counted, weighted and coded according to definitions

on the data entry sheet. Shards of other periods than

the Lıga 2 settlement were separated and treated ac-

cordingly. When possible, a note was made on vessel

size (big or small). In cases of rims, the rim diameter,

thickness of wall and vessel type (open/closed vessel)

were noted as well. Comments and drawings were

made of rare and exceptional features of shape and

decoration. The data entry sheet allowed one to re-

flect on relations between several shards or shards

with several morphological attributes.

Acknowledging that different vessel types have dif-

ferent life-spans and varying patterns of fragmen-

tation (Rice 1987, Table 9.4; Orton et al. 1993), this

sorting procedure was considered meaningful in es-

tablishing a general profile of the pottery production

during the Lıga 2 settlement. As noted, the sorting

procedure did not include whole vessels or shard con-

centrations observed on house floors. Furthermore,

the initial sorting procedure based on non-plastic in-

clusions demonstrated, as just mentioned, that the de-

gree of fragmentation was the same throughout the

layers (again with exception of the pottery discovered

on house floors), pointing towards related post-depo-

sitional histories. Albeit the numbers are not con-

sidered absolute, the frequency of appearance of for-

mal attributes or surface treatment techniques was

considered to be diagnostic, exhibiting general ideas

on pottery production. Information was entered into

a database stemming from 230 bags or 575 kg of ce-

ramic shards.

DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF VESSELS AND SHARD

CONCENTRATIONS

Pottery recovered in closed and undisturbed contexts

(in situ) was treated with special attention. This in-

cluded whole vessels as well as shard concentrations

and single diagnostic or otherwise informative shards.

Thorough recording was undertaken both inside and

outside the buildings, in places of waste deposition

and in areas of particular outdoor activities. Field re-

cording procedures included 3D measurement of in-

dividual pottery scatters as polygons or points

mapped with Total Station (TS) (Pl. 4.A), graphic rep-

resentation of contextual information (drawing Pl.

4.B), photo documentation and immediate descrip-

69Lıga

tion of vessel types, states of preservation, directions

of fall, positions (rim/bottom position in relation to

each other), etc. Such description was further ex-

panded when shards/vessels were collected and

bagged, and assigned individual numbers of Total

Station measurement. Soil from the vessels was also

sampled. The post-excavation procedures included

careful cleaning, mending and partial restoration, if

needed, drawing, and metrical, morphological, and

technological description. Almost 300 whole or recon-

structable vessels were discovered from primary con-

texts (and 100, predominantly smaller cups and

bowls, recovered from uncertain ones). However,

1/3rd of the 300 vessels was only graphically recon-

structed in part, since their reconstruction, due too

high fragmentation or/and fragility, would be too

time-consuming.

POTTERY RAW MATERIALS AND FABRICS

Initial information on raw materials used in pottery

production at Lıga was gained through burned pieces

of daub. Besides intentionally added aplastics, the

daub contained bigger lumps of calcareous inclusions

and ochre, indicating that these were occurring nat-

urally in the clay deposits in question. Therefore, any

modest occurrence of calcareous inclusions or ochre

in pottery was considered natural. A rich deposit of

sedimentary clays (likely 6–8 m in thickness) was dis-

covered at the foot of the plateau where the site is

situated. The clay is light grey in colour and contains

very fine plant material. Other impurities, as oc-

casionally lenses of sand or iron rich flakes, tend to

lump in separate layers. The low level of impurities

was appreciated by Late Antiquity potters settled in

the area: these did not need levigation to refine the

clays for high quality products. The Copper Age pot-

ters, by contrast, had to make proper choices of tem-

pering material to achieve a balanced composition of

paste suitable for prehistoric firing conditions.

Examination of the paste raised the known prob-

lem of when presence of aplastics in clays should be

regarded as natural, or, intentional. The focus is on

fabric types containing quartz inclusions. The upper

layers of the clay deposits at the site contain fine-

grained sand, and the decision was thus made to treat

any considerable amount of quartz inclusions as

proper tempering material, based on the assumption

that it reflects a technological choice. Of course, it is

also possible that another source of clay with such

constituents was mined, e.g., at the stream, where sea-

sonal re-deposition of clays was taking place. Finally,

a small part of all shards (among these a few frag-

ments of Late Antiquity pottery) contained very fine

mica, indicating that at least one other source of clay

has been in use.

The sorting of pottery shards according to non-

plastic inclusions occurring in the fabric produced the

above list of 15 different combinations, termed tem-

pering groups. Four groups are represented by very

small numbers and might in fact reflect experiments

or foreign origins. Organic matter was the most com-

mon. Such may be fresh plant material (from very

fine grasses leaving linear voids in a section to crude

straws with corresponding somewhat angular voids),

or animal dung. The second and third in importance

is quartz and chamotte (grog), of almost equal import-

ance. Quartz/sand is found in a range of sizes,

though most frequently in grains between 1–2 mm.

Fine pottery may contain quartz particles of only 0.5

mm. The inclusions are mostly rounded, but angular

ones are also occurring, usually in quite high frequen-

cies. Several grainy sandstones, one reaching 22 cm

in length, discovered on the site were severely burned

and brittle, easily crumbling into separate grains. The

angular form and size of these grains correlate with

the quartz inclusions found in the fabric of part of the

shards, allowing the assumption that such stones

could indeed have served as a source for quartz tem-

pering. Chamotte (or grog) is appearing in great

abundance. It can be coarsely (2–4 mm) or finely

crushed (0.5–1.0 mm); when it appears in combi-

nation with other tempering materials, it usually

dominates. Like the other tempering materials, cham-

otte was used for production of both coarse and fine

wares, in both Lıga 1 and 2. In the case of coarse

wares, it was almost always present. The main part

of the chamotte originate from crushed pottery but

fired clays are also noted (distinguished by a more

pulverulent state). Evidently, the basic technological

prescriptions involved clay mixed with organic matter

and strengthened with one or both of the hard-core

elements – quartz/sand and chamotte.

The use of calcareous inclusions was also import-


ant. At least 1⁄4th of all shards contained some

amount of calcium carbonates (lime or calcite, but

never shells), in fired state, these appeared as white or

yellowish soft inclusions, easily scratched with a nail.

The amount of these non-plastic constituents was

moderate in frequency and only when evenly distrib-

uted considered as intentionally added.

Among the curiosities were several coarse pottery

shards richly tempered with crushed flint (3–4 mm)

and quartz/sand. Such tempering practice was at-

tested on a handful of shards only, representing big,

thick-walled and relatively well-fired vessels (at least

two), the function of which has not been established.

Pottery found in the Lıga 2 settlement differs from

the pottery of Lıga 1 not only in quality, but also in

composition of the tempering constituents. Whereas

Tempering Groups IV and IX (cf. Fig. IV.1) make up

the preferred composition in both Copper Age settle-

ments, the occurrence of Groups I and II is much

higher in Lıga 1 than in Lıga 2. Group III occurs in

both settlements, but with a slightly higher percentage

in Lıga 2. Lıga 1 potters also produced pottery with

tempering materials of Group V but were less in fa-

vour of calcareous clays than the potters of Lıga 2.

Remarkably, virtually no pottery with organic con-

stituents alone has been attributed to the Lıga 1 settle-

ment, which sees only six tempering groups.

The size of inclusions is the other variable that dif-

ferentiates Lıga 1 pottery from that of Lıga 2.

Whereas the greatest proportion of non-organic in-

clusions in Lıga 2 pottery fall within the size interval

1–2 mm, the most frequent inclusion size lies around

0.5 mm in the case of Lıga 1.

Generally, the pottery of Lıga 1 is represented by

fine wares made of well-sorted fabrics with moderate

amounts of inclusions, homogenous in size and with

colours ranging from grey to black (Munsell Colour

Chart, 10YR-3/1, 10YR-4/1, 10YR-5/2). Evenly

burnished, lustrous, and often extremely shiny sur-

faces add a further dimension to these ceramics, in

contrast with the coarse brown coloured pottery of

Lıga 2 (see below).

In an attempt to obtain comparative data, studies

were also undertaken on finds from the Hotnitsa Tell

(History Museum of Veliko Tarnovo). The upper

settlement of this tell is well investigated and dates to

the Late Copper Age (Angelov 1958; 1959; 1961),

thus parallel in time to Lıga. The material, stemming

from 21 houses, is, however, attributed to the KGK

VI cultural complex. Due to the large quantity of

finds, only material from two houses was investigated,

described and photographed (1). Concerning temper-

ing materials, a great uniformity in combination exists

at Hotnitsa. Calcareous inclusions dominate, often in

combination with organic matter, seldom with cham-

otte. The use of sand is very limited, while some pot-

tery is only tempered with organic matter. The dis-

covery of a relatively high representation of organic

matters led to the recognition that organic tempering

is often overlooked in Copper Age pottery from Bul-

garia. Other comparative studies suggest that the

variation in tempering combinations during Lıga 2 is

a reflection of social phenomena discussed in sections

below.

DECORATION

The frequency of decorated shards from Lıga 2 (in-

cluding rims, which are more often left undecorated

than body shards) is high: 31%, in kg. This is perhaps

not surprising since the most common form of ‘‘dec-

oration’’ is surface rustication, no doubt intended to

be functional. In general, rustication of the surface is

achieved by applying a thick layer of clay to a vessel

in leather-hard state. Depending on the pattern of

distribution of the applied clay, Bulgarian scholars dif-

ferentiate between ‘‘barbotine’’ and ‘‘finger trailing’’

(other archaeologists would call both forms barbotine

surface treatment). According to the Bulgarian tra-

dition of description, barbotine is an application of

thick slip, which creates rough surfaces in no particu-

lar pattern. While finger trailing, as the name is sug-

gesting, is also a rough relief application, the slip

being distributed on the surface by trailing fingers so

that parallel ridges are raised in a certain pattern,

usually horizontal or vertical (reflecting the direction

of trailing). Although sometimes both types of rusti-

cation might be combined with other decorative ele-

ments and create a certain impression of exclusivity,

such surface treatment is mainly reserved for ‘‘dom-

1. The author is grateful to Nedko Elenski, MA, curator at the

Historical Museum of V. Tarnovo, Bulgaria for the opportunity

to study materials from Hotnitsa at first hand.

71Lıga

estic ware’’, that is, big storage vessels, barrel shaped

vessels, and biconic ‘‘soup/soaking tureens’’ (Type

‘‘G’’, see below). The functionality of such surface

treatment can be appreciated in several ways: cre-

ating better gripping surfaces, reinforcing vessels, and

minimising abrasive impact. The proportion of rusti-

cated ware is very high in the assemblage of Lıga 2.

Based on 126 kg of decorated shards, 60% was of

finger trailing and 15% of barbotine proper. The re-

maining types of decoration make up only 25%. A

horizontal band or a cordon of fingernail or/and -tip

impressions often separates the smoothed rim/neck

from the rusticated body. A combination of two (or

three – 11 cases in all) decorative elements is found

on 3% of the shards, a frequency no doubt underrep-

resented to judge from whole vessels. The most fre-

quent type of combination involves barbotine or fin-

ger trailing. Generally, decoration composed of more

than one element is rare, allowing the assumption

that pottery rustication must have been viewed as a

functional, rather than as a decorative surface treat-

ment technique.

The repertoire of more elaborate decoration tech-

niques, as can be seen from the collected fragments,

is limited to different combinations of the said fin-

gernail and fingertip impressions, often on cordons;

also shell impressions and rounded or triangular

punctates/pits, impressed with sticks, incised decor-

ation, raised bosses, flutes, scratched and brushed sur-

face decoration are seen. Excised and graphite

painted decoration is also present, but in very small

quantities.

Looking at the distribution of decoration types

within 25% of the whole amount of fragmented dec-

orated pottery (that is, disregarding barbotine and

finger trailing), the most common type of decoration

is incised (26%). Incision is made with a sharp or

blunted thin stick (up to 2 mm) moved in horizontal

lines or in more complex patterns over the whole

body. Complex patterns of joint lines organised in cir-

cular, spiral or curvilinear patterns characteristic of

graphite painted pottery have also been executed with

the help of incisions. Thus, incisions might be seen as

a substitute for graphite painted decoration, the latter

raising certain demands on raw materials (graphite),

fabric and surface treatment (burnishing). Patterns

composed of incised spirals are often associated with

Fig. IV.2. Big storage jar found in House 2 decorated with incised

pattern of spirals. Note the dots.

dots (Fig. IV.2). There is a certain regularity observed

in a distribution of dots, implying that spiral orna-

mentation was created using two sticks – bound to-

gether with a cord (the distance between them could

be regulated by rolling the cord) – which then could

be used in the same way as modern callipers.

A common type of decoration is horizontal im-


pressions with fingernails and fingertips (25%), which

can be unidirectional, from either side, or double-di-

rectional (less common) and performed in a pinching

manner. This type of decoration can also be con-

sidered a rustication of the surface, since often the

whole vessel surface was treated in such manner. Fre-

quently, this type of decoration is used to create a

raised band intended to separate the neck from the

remaining part of the body. It might also be used to

terminate barbotine or finger trailing rustication,

which usually does not involve the neck. Related to

the type of decoration is a true relief decoration: an

applied cordon with fingernail and/or fingertip im-

pressions (20%). As the previous, this is also used to

separate (e.g., the neck from the body) or to accentu-

ate certain parts (usually the shoulders) of a vessel.

The same decoration effect as fingertip impression

could also be achieved with a stick with flattened tip.

Raised decoration was also used in a more elabor-

ate manner. Applied cordons (occasionally with

evenly spread fingertip impressions on top) could be

used to create complex patterns organized in circles

and spirals and oblique protuberances (5%). Another

type of raised decoration is small bosses organised in

a single horizontal row or covering part of the vessel

body (2%). This type of decoration has not been dis-

covered on whole vessels at Lıga.

Fine-ware pottery such as biconic jars and bowls

are frequently decorated with fluting techniques (6%).

Flutes can be arranged in concentric circles or oblique

lines around the shoulder of bipartite, closed vessels.

Bowls are decorated around the lip and rim on the

inside. Seemingly, this decoration type is reserved to

more exclusive pottery types.

A relatively common type of decoration during the

Copper Age is created with the help of punctates/

shallow pits, which are produced with a small stick

with either oval, triangular, or, occasionally, narrow

rectangular tip (5%). Sometimes the stick was stuck

into the clay at an angle, the resulting pattern resem-

bling triangular fingertip/nail impressions. This type

of decoration was applied in repeated rows and some-

times covered the whole surface. Frequently, rows of

oval or narrow rectangular punctuates are horizon-

tally separated with incised lines, creating a honey-

comb pattern.

Impressions made with shells at right angles are

often found on shoulders of biconic or other bipartite

vessels (3%). Similar type of decoration can also be

created with fingernails being pressed into clay at

right angle (2%). In both cases, impressions have a

narrow crescent shape, but the ones made with shell

edges (most likely freshwater mussels of the Microcon-

dylaea Compressa species, as identified by N. Andre-

asen, Copenhagen and Cambridge universities, in

2001) are significantly broader. Ideally, this type of

ornamentation was intended to create a pattern of

vertical waves, as the orientation of impressions was

changing from row to row.

Among the rare types are excised decoration (3%)

and graphite (2%). Both types represented by a num-

ber of shards giving impression of complex patterns

consisting of multiple lines. Excised decoration is

somewhat deeper than the incised, but is similar in

groove width.

The last significantly represented decoration type

(1%) is pottery with scratched or brushed surface. Soft

clay was brushed with a bundle of coarse grass stems

or similar material. Such decoration is usually applied

on the whole vessel surface in interchanging direc-

tions; sometimes a more regular pattern was created

by brushing only selected patches of the surface.

Pottery rustication techniques have also been ap-

plied by the potters of Lıga 1, but less frequently. In-

stead, painted pottery held a much greater proportion

of the sherdage, with complex graphite patterns pre-

vailing, but in combination with red, yellow and

white paints (Pl. 6). Graphite motives were usually

made in combinations of line groups (3–5 lines, 1.5–

2.0 mm broad), but other elements such as hatched

triangles or meanders are also present. Often graphite

is combined with fluting. Painted decoration was

mainly found on the upper part of vessels. Sometimes

rims were also ornamented from within, the most

elaborate patterns being found in the interior of

bowls, covering the whole surface. Incised decoration

is also common, occasionally with white or red incrus-

tation.

V. POTTERY AS SOURCEOF INFORMATION

PRESENTATION OF DATA

Prior to a discussion of the issues related to pottery

production, there is a need to make a presentation of

the dataset, which this study is based on. As informa-

tive the shard material is, it can never disclose the full

complexity, technological as ideational of the ceramic

production: hence, the below considerations are based

on complete or nearly complete specimens discovered

in certain contexts, primarily inside built structures.

House 1 (Pl. 7) is represented by 30 complete or

reconstructable ceramic vessels, found in an area of

28.3 m2; this number is significantly lower than those

of the remaining two houses. Nevertheless, the dataset

is important since it includes vessels with analogies in

the other houses.

House 2 probably reveals the fullest information on

an original collection of vessels (Pl. 8 & 9). Despite

the fact that rims of vessels in situ were in some places

discovered just 15 cm below the surface, the area oc-

cupied by the house has suffered little damage due to

subsequent activities than have the other houses. In

general, the material of House 2 (internal space of

34.5 m2) is dominated by unsophisticated, rusticated

or plain surface pottery, fired at low temperatures,

and abundantly tempered (with organic matter and

chamotte as the main constituents). Surface burnish-

ing is applied on the interior of only a few bowls. Out

of 42 vessels, 16 can be classified as coarse, 24 as very

coarse and only 2 as fine ware pottery. The latter

are thin-walled biconic jugs (wall thickness ranging

between 3–5 mm), decorated with fluting and small

bosses on the shoulders. The prevailing decoration

technique, except for barbotine and finger trailing, is

fingernail/fingertip impressions (22 vessels). No

painted ware has been discovered in this house. The

number of shapes is limited to 9, all falling within the

formal repertoire of the KSB culture.

Houses 1 & 2 were mainly investigated during the

first field campaign (2000). Based on the pottery, both

structures were dated to the very end of the Copper

Age. The settlement of Lıga 2 was initially placed in

between the last two settlements of Redutite, that is,

between Copper Age Redutite III and Redutite IV,

the latter phase attributed to the so-called Tran-

sitional Period (to the Early Bronze Age). Such dating

was in concordance with published information and

furthermore confirmed by consultations with Bulg-

arian scholars. However, after the full disclosure of

House 3, as well as partial disclosures of other built

structures, these ideas were abolished.

House 3 was the biggest structure encountered at

the site (internal space of 37.8 m2). The pottery was

distributed in a much more concentrated manner

than in the other houses. 51 reconstructable vessels

were discovered (Pl. 10–12). The bulk part was found

in a heap of shards at the eastern wall. Clearly, this

indicates vessels arranged on shelves. The biggest

containers (volumes reaching 250 litres) were standing

on the floor, while above, smaller vessels were stacked

in at least two levels. Mending of vessels concentrated

on qualitatively outstanding pottery with well-bur-

nished light surfaces, decorated with painted or com-

plex incised patterns. Even the biggest storage con-

tainers had only a moderate inclusion frequency and

were better fired than the crude pottery from the first

mentioned houses. 11 whole or nearly whole graphite

painted vessels were discovered (Pl. 12). In fact, this

was the only house at Lıga 2 that contained graphite

painted pottery. Some archaeologists have tried to ex-

plain the lack of graphite painted pottery on Copper

Age sites with poor preservation (Todorova et al.

2003). At Lıga, this is not the case, since graphite

painting was done prior to burnishing, which had a

durable protective impact on pottery surfaces.

It is important to note, that graphite paint was not

reserved for smaller vessels, often interpreted as food

serving ones, but was also applied to voluminous

closed containers used for storage. The manner of

surface treatment and decoration is thus closer to the

early part of the Copper Age than to its terminal

phases, according to the typological ordering systems

set up in Bulgaria. In fact, H. Todorova, visiting the

site in 2001, raised the issue whether this pottery

should be dated to the Early Copper Age. All three


Fig. V.1. Items associated with production of pottery. 1 – pot stand,

possibly a tournette, 2 – cone of graphite (lengthΩ2.4 cm, ØΩ1.15

cm).

houses were however temporally bound through their

spatial relatedness as well as certain vessels with a

high degree of resemblance, most likely products of

the same potter.

Thus, the existence of qualitatively divergent vessel

assemblages stemming from contemporaneous struc-

tures poses several important questions, hopefully

answered in the following:

(1) As to the built structures: Can contemporary

structures with qualitatively different contents be

functionally equated? – The usual concern of an

excavator is to assign different meaning to related

but divergent sets of finds, trying to demonstrate

the functional variability of structures, often with

ill-founded explanations and expectations. At

Lıga, this process was reversed, and an attempt

was made to show that qualitative exclusiveness

and find variety is not enough to ‘‘transform’’ a

dwelling house into a sanctuary or a community

house. As has been noted above, categories were

not exclusive.

(2) As to the diversity of pottery production traditions

and their temporal sensitivity: What are the cul-

tural-chronological implications? – In many cases,

evolutionary explanations have been suggested to

interpret prehistoric developments in the Balkans.

Societies are presented as homogenous masses,

collectively stockbreeding or harvesting, sharing

and accepting each others ideas on the surround-

ing world. Anything extraordinary is explained

with the existence of itinerant masters with an

urge to travel and a good geographical knowl-

edge, knowing that his, or her, work will be ap-

preciated. Less travel-keen masters tend to estab-

lish production centres, closely following the mar-

ket and satisfying the demands of the well-

informed mainstream population. However, as

much as the knowledge on the Copper Age is re-

stricted, such a simplified (and intentionally exag-

gerated) picture can hardly be true. The evidence

on the pottery production at Lıga conforms to

that of all better investigated sites. The graphite

painted pottery often has the character of mass

production, indicating that it was based on locally

available knowledge. How then might it be ex-

plained that one woman from a particular house

was carrying water from the stream at the foot of

Lıga in a dull water jar, while her neighbour for

the same purpose was using a well-burnished,

shiny graphite painted jar – if not in terms of indi-

vidualism?

(3) As to the implications for archaeological research

strategies: Are we doing the right things? – With-

out going into deeper discussion, it is evident that

only context-designed excavation and recording

procedures can provide a reliable profile of a site.

The usual Bulgarian practice: trench excavation

in limited areas is creating false suppositions, tem-

porally as well as culturally.

POTTERY PRODUCTION

All three houses subjected to detailed investigation

contain some evidence on pottery production, which

can be considered as complementary to at least a par-

tial reconstruction of the pottery technology. House 3

held the most sophisticated pottery, contrasting the

other two pottery sets to such a degree that external

influences were considered among possible expla-

nations (Pl. 13). Such were gradually discarded,

though, as it appeared that exclusive graphite paint

occurred on different types of utilitarian pottery,

mainly on big storage containers.

The production process of graphite painted pottery

requires a proper surface treatment and graphite as a

naturally found mineral. Careful selection of temper-

ing material was important in order to minimize the

risk of cracking during firing. Coarse particles could

also complicate surface treatment. So, not surprising-

ly, graphite painted pottery is made of clays with

moderate amounts of fine tempering constituents,

preferably of Group III (sand and organic matter) and

75Lıga

Fig. V.2. Cone of red ochre (ØΩ1.8 cm). (One square of the back-

ground plate equals 1 cm.)

occasionally Group VI (organic matter). Such consist-

ency is no doubt significant in the light of the possible

combinations attested at the site. A local origin of

graphite painted pottery was also confirmed by the

discovery of a graphite cone in House 3, which was

broken across the perforated hole for suspension. The

item had a characteristic pointed tip (Fig. V.1:2).

Similar cones are known from Karanovo and other

sites (Mikov 1966). Graphite is a quite common poly-

morph mineral, appearing in the schist layers of the

Balkan and Rhodopi mountains, but it is most readily

available in the mountain regions of Northern Bulgar-

ia (N. Zidarov, pers.comm.) (1). In any case, its pres-

ence in Lıga attests to a considerable movement of

people and/or objects – another important statement

about Copper Age society and its mobility and/or

network.

Graphite painted pottery was accomplished

through painting with graphite on a vessel’s surface

in a leather hard state. Perhaps the motives were out-

lined as incised lines, for the complexity of the mo-

tives implies that they were well planned before actual

decoration. Graphite painted motives may cover the

upper part or the whole vessel. Graphite was kept in

place by subsequent burnishing of the surface, which

enhanced the vessel’s visual and functional properties.

Surfaces painted with graphite were better burnished

than surfaces, which were left without it. The bur-

1. The author is grateful to Dr. Nikola Zidarov, Director of the

Institute of Geology, Sofia for this and other information quoted

in the text.

Fig. V.3. Stones found in a spherical pot standing at the oven of

House 2.

nishing was carried out with stones and possibly

bones with a narrow burnishing tip of 2–3 mm, as

can be deduced from the size of the burnishing

strokes. An important find was made in House 2.

Along with big storage jars placed to the West of the

oven, a vessel of Type ‘‘J’’ (restricted spherical two-

partite pot) was discovered. This contained a small

biconic cup with small knobs but without handles plus

14 water rolled stones (Fig. V.3). The latter can be

grouped according to size, shape, and stone type. The

main group is made up of quartzite with whitish or

reddish tinge, 3 pieces (fragmented) are of brownish

black siltstone. As to shape and size, there are 5 oval

and flat quartzite stones (2.7–3.1 cm long), 4 big

quartzite balls (3.0–4.8 cm long), 3 oblong pointed

siltstones (3.8–4.5 cm long), and 2 triangular quartzite

pieces (4.6 cm long). Despite the enigmatic numeric

order, the stones ought be connected with smoothing

and burnishing. Their small size may indicate that

such stones were associated in particular with produc-

tion and surface treatment of the popular small bi-

conic cups.

Several fragments of pot stands with flat top were

also discovered at Lıga. One reconstructed fragment

comes from House 3 (Ø 21 cm) (Fig. V.1:1), two

others (parts of the same artefact) from a refuse area


Fig. V.4. Abraded shards. 1 – modern West African examples, 2 – a Copper Age example from Lıga.

at the northern wall of House 1. The latter was

slightly smaller in diameter, but in terms of paste,

colour (light grey) and general appearance closely

resembled the first one. The surface was carefully

smoothed and the thick walls were made to resist a

significant weight. Such stands are also known from

other Copper and Bronze Age sites (Mikov 1966,

Figs. 10–11). V. Mikov has suggested that they

should be considered hand-tournettes (a turntable

device), placed on flat bases with the conic protuber-

ance to set the stand on (Mikov 1966). Although the

functionality of such a device seems dubious in prac-

tice, it is likely that the stands were indeed used in

pottery production. The main part of the vessels has

simple flat bases (81%, based on shard material, in

kg), demonstrating that they were formed on flat

surfaces. Some bases also show a raised quantity of

sand grains, indicating that a layer of sand was sep-

arating the vessel from the modelling surface, so that

a vessel would not adhere to the surface. By con-

trast, a part of the clay figurines have impressions of

leaves of grass on their feet, promoting the sugges-

tion that special workshop areas were not needed for

their production. Concerning possible rotating de-

vices, their employment would have been more im-

portant for burnishing, which involved repetitive

streaking in one direction. All the investigated ves-

sels with burnished surfaces had traces of long hori-

zontal strokes.

A frequent find among the Lıga 2 material are re-

cycled pottery shards. These appear in different

shapes and reflect distinct functions. Several shards

were interpreted as pottery burnishers. These are

often elongated rim shards with one or, in some cases

two, edges smoothly abraded (Fig. V.4:2). The pattern

of abrasion shows that they have been used in vertical

direction. The contact area of such a shard is around

4–5 cm in length, much too extensive for successfully

compacting a surface. Therefore, it is more likely that

the abraded shards were used for scratching and

smoothing of vessel surfaces, resulting in a more even

distribution of the clay. Such conclusion is also con-

firmed by observations made in Western Africa,

where shards with similar abrasion pattern have been

seen in action by the author (Fig. V.4:1). Indeed,

analyses of vessel surfaces confirm that scraping was

used as one of shaping techniques. The vessels of Lıga

2 were built using coiling techniques. Only tiny

miniature vessels were occasionally made by hand

molding, i.e., forming in the palm without using ad-

ditional clay, the same way as bases are formed. Bowls

were also made using coil techniques, the use of

molds could not be demonstrated. Closed containers

were built starting from the base, while carinated ves-

sels seemingly were built in two parts and joined at

the shoulders. The lower part of the body was in a

leather hard state before being joined with the coil of

a rim. At this stage, when the basic shape was

achieved, further refinement of the shape and thin-

ning of the walls were carried out by scraping. Some-

times, excessive scraping was done in less visible

areas, like the interior surface of the shoulders. Be-

sides abraded pottery shards, another group of im-

plements might also have also been employed in

scraping. These are rounded or oval stone discs, 4.5–

5.0¿3.1–4.6 cm and 0.8–1.0 cm thick, thinning out

77Lıga

towards the edges. Such implements were discovered

in Houses 1 & 2 (Fig. V.5).

Yet other stone tools may also be related to pottery

production. However, their interpretation is not al-

ways clear-cut. For example, based on formal simi-

larity with the abraded shards, flat stones, ca. 6¿9

cm, with a flat dorsal edge and ground surface on

both sides along the flat edge are also interpreted as

being used for pottery smoothing. But without micro-

scopic studies such interpretations remain guesswork.

Besides the graphite cone used for pottery painting,

several lumps of haematite or red ochre were found.

This pigment has also been used as pottery paint.

However, compared to other Late Copper Age sites,

it is represented rather sparsely. Several shards with

red and yellow (goethite) paint were discovered in

layers dated to the Lıga 1 settlement. In Lıga 2, only

House 3 held some evidence of use of red pigments.

A big storage container with a globular body was

painted both with graphite and red ochre, mainly to

enhance the vertical loop handles (Pl. 12:13). In such

a case, paint was applied after the vessel was fired. In

another case, pulverized haematite was applied to the

surface of vessel in leather-hard state and then bur-

nished. This happened prior to firing. All occurrences

of haematite lumps were treated with caution, since

their presence in burned daub indicated that they

were naturally occurring in local clay sources, so that

their presence at the site could be explained by de-

composed daub. Several big lumps were discovered

in House 2. Among these was a small hemispheric

piece with abraded edges and a diameter of 1.8 cm

(Fig. V.2). The pattern of abrasion bears witness that

the haematite piece was rubbed against a hard, flat

surface.

Evidence on firing – the most demanding part of

the production cycle – has only been indirectly col-

lected. Many vessels had traces of fire clouds – a result

of the deposition of carbon during open firing. The

light colours of Lıga 2 vessels: pale yellow, Munsell

Colour Chart: 2.5Y-8/3), reddish yellow (7.5YR-6/

8, 6/6), light red (2.5YR-6/8), red (2.5YR-5/6), light

brown (7.5YR-6/4), and the like all point towards fir-

ing in oxidizing conditions. Investigations of vessel co-

res show that oxidation was not always complete, the

combustion of organic matter not always being con-

cluded. Graphite painted pottery seems to have been

Fig. V.5. Stone discs presumably applied for pottery scraping in a

leather hard state.

fired during a longer period, since the core has the

same colour as the surface, and the pottery is gener-

ally harder. Along with the light coloured pottery –

presently partly discoloured due to weathering and

other post depositional effects – was a small group

of darker vessels: brown (10YR-5/3), greyish brown

(2.5Y-5/2) and even dark grey (10YR-4/1). Since

many archaeologists take colours as an indication of

firing conditions, darker colours are automatically ex-

plained by firing in reduced atmospheres. Proper re-

duction occurs when iron oxides, present in the clay,

are being affected over lengthy periods and at tem-

peratures in excess of 850 æC (Gibson & Woods 1997).

Such firing conditions were not impossible to achieve

by the firing installations known from Lıga, but to

sustain them over a longer period, a potter would

need a kiln (Gosselain 1992) (Fig. V.6).

Evidence on pottery kilns is very sparse, as on other

types of firing installations. Even putting all security

measures aside, firing of pottery within the settlement

at Lıga would not have been possible, partly due to

space limitations but mostly to windy conditions at

the top of the plateau, making combustion control

impossible. So, it is predicted that firing would have

been carried out at a more sheltered site below the


Fig. V.6. Temperature ranges for five kinds of firing, based on thermometric data. 1 – open firing, 2 – open firing with shards covering the

pots, 3 – pit firing, 4 – pit firing with shards covering the pots, updraft kiln firing (after Gosselain 1992, in David & Kramer 2001).

plateau, probably close to the stream (and the clay

sources). This area has experienced significant erosion

and exploitation through its history, leaving minimal

chances for discovery of a firing site. There is, how-

ever, another source of information, namely represen-

tations in clay, often found on Copper Age sites and

acting as tokens of non-verbal communication. An in-

teresting find in this respect was made at Sadovec-

Ezero: a fragment of a rectangular table-like item

with several perforations on the upper face was inter-

preted as a model of a subterranean up-draught kiln,

based on better-preserved historical (Fig. V.7 & V.8),

but also Copper Age examples from the Romanian

Cucuteni culture (Gheorghiu 2002, with refs.). The

earliest remains of a kiln in Bulgaria were found in

the Jagodinska cave in the Rhodopi mountains and

are dated to the Transitional Period (Avramova

1992). Such kilns would have been suitable for cre-

ating a reduced firing atmosphere.

More readily even, dark colour is achieved through

smudging – a technique of depositing carbon immedi-

ately below the surface (Gibson & Woods 1997),

which also improves the surface resistance to abrasion

(Skibo et al. 1997). Smudging is easily achieved in

open firings, when organic material, for example

green leaves, are placed near hot vessels still covered

79Lıga

Fig. V.7. Clay item discovered in Ezero and interpreted as a model of an up-draught kiln.

with fuel (oxygen deficiency is needed). Smudging is

considered a vessel improvement due to the glossy

surface. Interestingly, even though this procedure is

very simple, smudged vessels are being sold at 1/3

times higher prices than their oxidised equivalents

(personal observations at potters’ workshops in Benin

and Ghana). Another widespread surface-darkening

technique is quenching (Carlton 2002). Still hot pots

are being submerged in a soupy organic solution (e.g.,

flour mixed with water) immediately after firing, and

as a result, the solid component of the solution car-

bonise, creating a dark surface colour (Carlton 2002).

Evidence on firing conditions is also gained in-

directly from graphite painted pottery. Contrary to all

assumptions about pyrotechnological advancements –

including the idea of firing taking place at 750–950 æ(Todorova 1986) – it appears that graphite painted

pottery only requires relatively low firing tempera-

tures, since graphite tends to burn out at tempera-

tures above 700 æC (Milwaukee Archaeological Re-

search Laboratory 2003). True professionalism thus

rests with the ability to sustain temperatures above

500 æC, needed to combust carbon from core areas,

and below 700 æC. Hence, smudging must be re-

garded as the most probable reason for dark pottery

colours, as it penetrates deeper and creates a more

even layer than quenching.

Firing conditions along with post-firing treatment

may hold cultural implications. It has been noted that

the graphite painted pottery of Lıga 1 has a dark

background, while during Lıga 2, graphite paint is

only found on light coloured vessels. Similar obser-

vations are made at other Late Copper Age sites. It

has been noted, for example, that at Yunatsite (under

influence of the KSB complex) and Sudievo Tells

(under influence of the KGK VI complex) in the

Thracian Plain ‘‘light-brown burnished pottery is not

ornamented’’ (Todorova et al. 2003). The trend at

Telish is not clear. Graphite painted pottery from Sa-

dovec Golemanovo Kale has dark surfaces, Redutite

II and III have light-coloured surfaces, and the same

is the case at the multi-layered site of Pipra. Hence,

it might be suggested that dark-coloured graphite

painted pottery is earlier. However, a different pattern

emerges at the sites of Sadovec-Ezero and Sadovec-

Kaleto, where there is no clear-cut division regarding

background colour. In earlier Late Copper Age layers

light colours prevail here, while towards the latest

phase of the Copper Age darker colours dominate.

Interestingly, when comparing pottery of all three

fully excavated houses at Lıga, only House 2 has dark

surfaced vessels. A most striking case is that all three

houses had at least one vessel of the pear-shaped Type

‘‘S’’, which, identically, is decorated with fingernail

impressions (pinching) on the main part of the body

below the neck and equipped with two horizontal

handles. Houses 1 and 3 contained a light coloured

representative, while House 2 had a dark coloured

one.

So, despite the uniformity of shapes, an important

pattern of pottery variation emerges, based on tech-

nological traditions, individual skills, and perhaps

even competition in stressing personal/household

particularities – as expressed through material cul-

ture.

In terms of evidence on pottery production, House

1 is somewhat underrepresented. Perhaps the great

amount of figurine parts and miniature vessels, some


Fig. V.8. Roman up-draught kiln from the region of Hotnitsa, Veli-

ko Tarnovo (after Sultov 1969).

of which can be regarded as experimental, may in-

directly indicate that clay was also a familiar medium

for the residents of this house. The other two houses

have undoubtedly produced pottery for their own

needs. At the same time, there is also some evidence

for exchange at the settlement level: The canonic ap-

proach to certain vessel types – the already mentioned

pear-shaped vessel (Type ‘‘S’’), for example – may,

however, complicate the detection of fingerprints of

individual potters. So far, certain evidence on ex-

change relates to two untypical biconic cups without

the usual vertical handles, found in Houses 2 and 3

(symbolic exchange?) (Fig. V.9). Furthermore, a jug

from House 2 – an exact parallel is found in Redutite

III – exhibits advanced ceramic skills in forming

highly curved and only 4 mm thick walls, and thus

stands out from the remaining part of the vessels of

this house (Fig. III.17). Several more examples can be

given, based on comparisons and some speculation,

but nevertheless opening new possibilities to get closer

to the daily life of prehistoric communities.

TYPOLOGY, MENTAL TEMPLATES AND

TECHNOLOGY

Most archaeologists starting to work in ceramics have

the intrinsic belief that pots can tell us more than just

exposing their material features or aesthetic values, as

comprehended with a modern eye. But often a great

deal of studies only results in detailed and compre-

hensive typological lists, which, despite their

thoroughness, have little to offer in terms of wider

perspectives. Typology has become a justified goal in

itself for many archaeologists working with the rich

prehistoric material in Bulgaria (Todorova & Mats-

anova 2000; Todorova et al. 2003; Katsarov 2003 –

just to name a few recent studies). The strength of

typological ordering as a tool is the search for repeti-

tiveness, recognition of primal forms and not – as

often misperceived – a detection of certain unique

characteristics like lip variation. Such arbitrary over-

classification is producing a lot of behavioural

‘‘noise’’, with little cultural significance (Arnold 1985).

B. Hayden offers a useful definition of typology that

‘‘should properly refer to systems of categorisation,

which [...] reveal something about the nature of hu-

man behaviour in relation to artefacts, whether this

information is by nature evolutionary, functional,

technological, temporal, social, or other’’ (Hayden

1984, 80).

Ethnoarchaeological research presents a number of

studies accounting, for instance, for varieties in func-

tional distinction among pottery types to a degree

which is by no means accessible for archaeologists

dealing with prehistoric materials. Thus, in present

day Ghana, food serving bowls with a distinct classi-

ficatory name can be subdivided into several sub-

groups depending on their size, which reflects the age

of a male person consuming the meal (Bredwa-Men-

sah 2001).

Therefore, for the purpose of revealing ‘‘the role of

material entities as potentially active components of

human behaviour’’ (Fletcher 1992), typology is being

based on ‘‘mental templates’’ or ‘‘prototypes’’

(Kempton 1981), understood as the ideal form of an

artefact, existing in the cognition of people who share

81Lıga

Fig. V.9. Biconic cups discovered in, respectively, House 2 and 3. Difference in colour and surface is due to different post-depositional effects.

the same culture. Of course, the results produced

within the framework of this theoretical category can-

not be tested against the classification, which existed

among the pottery users themselves. But through

mapping of basic attributes and subsequent seriation

it is nevertheless possible to arrive at some basic

shapes, which at least would have been recognised by

the potter, who thought not only in socially con-

structed concepts by also in terms of technological

possibilities and a chaıne operatoire. Such an approach

is in the present case supported by pottery analyses

from other KSB sites, confirming that the process of

‘‘cultural replication’’ during the late Copper Age was

well progressed (cf. Fletcher 1992).

Our own typological ordering is presented in a

scheme (Pl. 14 & 15) (and below). Geometrical shape

is taken as the starting point for classification: The

number of geometrical forms used determines the

hierarchical order, unrestricted bowl (or a cone) being

regarded as the simplest form. Names given to typo-

logical categories encompass their supposed function,

which may not always correspond to the intended use

but at least is easing verbal communication.

BOWLS AND THEIR DERIVATIVES

A. Simple bowls. This category incorporates vessels of

unrestricted cone shape, with heights varying between1⁄2 and 1⁄3 of the maximum diameter and with a wall-

base angle ranging between 35 æ and 45 æ. Simple

bowls is the most numerous category of the Lıga pot-

tery assemblage. They also tend to be overrepre-

sented in archaeological reports, since a formal recon-

struction can often be performed on a single shard.

For this reason, only bowls represented by two or

more shards are taken into present consideration.

Bowl variation manifests itself through orientation of

rim and shape of lip. Inverted or straight rims domi-

nate. Everted rims are usually sharply carinated. Ca-

rination might have a chronological significance, as it

occurs in great numbers at the Sadovec sites, and is

comparatively rare at Lıga. Lip thickening is also con-

sidered a diagnostic feature of the late Copper Age, at

Lıga it is usually reserved for bowls of better quality.

Furthermore, bowls were often modified by adding

handles or other attributes with the same functional

property. Volumetrically, bowls are a highly varied

group.

B. Deep straight-sided bowls with thickened rim and

height around 1⁄2 of the maximum diameter, wall-

base angle ranging between 50 æ and 60 æ.C. Deep hemispherical bowls. Knobs maybe applied

below the turning point: Highly placed turning point,

diameter of the orifice being 11⁄2 times (and less) big-

ger than the bottom diameter. A subcategory may

have rounded base.

D. Deep hemispherical bowls with marked inverted rim.

The turning point is marked with a pair of handles,

tabs or knobs. Volumetrically this group is uniform.

E. Dishes: a shallow vessel form with unrestricted

orifice and a height being more than 1⁄3 of its maxi-

mum diameter. Dishes in Lıga have wide orifices with


a diameter of 40 cm and beyond. The transition be-

tween the low body and a relatively long straight rim

is marked with a cordon, decorated with fingernail/

fingertip impressions or shell impressions. Knobs or

tab handles are also found on this protrusion. The

interior is well smoothed. Volumetrically, this group

is uniform.

F. Barrel shaped jars: two-partite vessels with the di-

ameter of the orifice roughly equalling the height of

the vessel. The orifice is twice larger than the bottom.

Volumetrically, it is a uniform group, which indicates

a well-defined and fixed function. All have rusticated

surfaces and are equipped with massive vertical

handles or knobs either on or below the turning point.

G. Upright jars with highly placed, sharply angled

shoulders and upright or (inverted) flaring necks. The

shoulders can be marked with pseudo-winding cor-

dons. Pairs of knobs or horizontally perforated tab

handles (or a combination of both) are also placed on

the shoulders. As a rule, the lower part of the body is

rusticated, while the neck is smoothed and burnished.

If decorated, patterns are displayed on the neck and

shoulders. The interior is well-smoothed or burnish-

ed. Volumetrically, these jars fall in two size cate-

gories: medium sized and very large containers. The

interior is well-smoothed.

H. Biconic jars with rounded shoulders, which can

be placed either high or in the middle. Massive verti-

cal handles are placed on or below the turning point.

The surface is rusticated.

I. Bucket-shaped pot with a conical body and cylindri-

cal neck, represented by a single only partly preserved

specimen.

J. Restricted spherical two-partite pots with inverted rim

and the turning point being in the middle of the ves-

sel’s body. This group is one of the most numerous

within the pottery assemblage. A subgroup includes

vessels with highly placed turning point. Vessels of

this type are found in a variety of contexts and come

in a variety of volumetric sizes, but mainly in middle

and small sizes.

K. Small biconic pots with marked straight rim,

closely related both to the ‘‘H’’ and ‘‘J’’ types. Usually,

the turning point is in the middle, but occasionally

also higher up. Functionally, these pots might be simi-

lar to the ‘‘J’’ pots.

L. Spherical pots with marked necks, the diameter of

the orifice equalling the diameter of the base. This

group is closely related to Group ‘‘J’’.

M. Globular vessels drawn slightly down, straight or

inverted cylindrical rims.

BICONIC VESSELS WITH CYLINDRICAL NECKS

N. Biconic jugs with cylindrical neck: This group is numer-

ous and comes in a variety of different appearances

in spite of the fact that they seem to be functionally

akin. In general, these thin-walled, symmetrical, and

thoroughly made vessels can be regarded as fine pot-

tery. They come with two or one vertical loop handle,

sometimes with small horizontally perforated knobs

or tab handles, placed on or below the turning point.

Another subgroup contains juglets without handles. A

particular representative of this group is an amphora-

like jug with highly placed shoulders and vertical loop

handles connecting rim with shoulder. No parallels

have been discovered so far. Generally, this group is

considered as typologically robust, since it is also

widely represented at other KSB sites, primarily Re-

dutite and Sadovec. As a rule, the jugs are decorated

in the most protruding area, i.e., the shoulders.

O. Closely related to the previous group are biconic

cups. These are shallow vessels usually equipped with

two opposing vertical loop handles connecting the

shoulders with the rim. But representatives without

such handles occasionally appear. This group is nu-

merous and probably one of the most frequent mem-

bers of a standard pottery set of a household.

P. Big biconic jars with cylindrical or slightly everted

neck. This group comprises voluminous closed ves-

sels. The turning point is exactly in the middle of the

shape. Half the vessels is equipped with vertical

handles, placed either on the shoulders or below. Al-

though similar in shape, the volumetric difference and

the difference in pottery treatment (smooth versus

rusticated surface) imply that, functionally, this group

might have been heterogeneous. The type is also

widespread on contemporaneous sites.

R. Similar to ‘‘P’’, but highly placed turning point

and a more globular appearance of the body.

S. Biconic jugs with slightly everted rim and two horizontal

handles placed at the beginning of the neck (pear-

shaped). In this case, the handles seem to be a strong

typological attribute, as exactly the same shape with

83Lıga

the same type and position of the handles can be

found at other sites. Variation may only appear in the

type of decoration. The most frequent type of decor-

ation, also appearing at other sites, is made by fin-

gernail impressions on almost the entire surface. All

three houses in Lıga contained this type of vessel. A

subgroup is fashioned in a similar way, but the orifice

is much wider as compared with the closed represen-

tatives of the main group.

T. Biconic storage containers can appear with a short

everted rim or a long cylindrical neck: wide orifice.

U. Globular storage containers with cylindrical neck:

wide orifice.

V. Storage containers with cone-shaped lower part and

long, cylindrical, occasionally slightly inverted upper

part.

VESSEL SHAPES

Without exclusion, the above list of Lıga pottery

types – primarily based on vessel shapes – are

squarely included in the general typological repertoire

of the KSB, as well as in the KGK VI cultural com-

plex. This demonstrates that the source of origin is

the same for both complexes and must go back to a

period before the start of the Copper Age. Where the

difference between the two cultural complexes be-

comes visible is in application of secondary morpho-

logical attributes such as handles, knobs, and sup-

plemental thickening, altering the profile curves. For

example, characteristic for KGK VI are broad ap-

plied bands covering the shoulders of biconic vessels,

thus creating the visual effect of a cylindrical body

element inserted between a cone-shaped lower and

the upper parts of the vessel (Fig. V.10). More puz-

zling is, however, the abundant use of handles and to

some extent also knobs within the KSB culture. A

comparative analysis of the material from two houses

of the Late Copper Age site of Hotnitsa, Veliko Tar-

novo (considered as belonging to the KGK VI sphere

of influence) has showed that only 4% of the whole

vessels were equipped with handles or perforated

tabs. In Lıga this number is more than 70% in the

group of closed biconic vessels with cylindrical necks.

What is even more striking is that bowls are also

equipped with multiple and varied types of handles,

thus 37% of the Lıga 2 bowls and derivatives (knobs

Fig. V.10. Example of a biconic vessel from Hotnitsa, a Late Cop-

per Age tell settlement under influence of the KGK VI cultural

complex. Drawing by S. Makchev.

not included). This marked statistical difference must

have cultural explanations. To my best knowledge,

ethno-archaeological studies are silent on such mat-

ters, morphological attributes like handles entering

the formal repertoire of pottery making through func-

tional considerations. Even when shifted into the styl-

istic domain (by incorporating handles into the gen-

eral design of a vessel), a functional significance is still

preserved. Quite logically, it has been stated that one

of the main sources of technological change is ‘‘feed-

back from the context of use’’ (Schiffer & Skibo 1987,

598). Consequently, handles may reflect much deeper

structures than simple stylistic experiments or bor-

rowing under influence from other regions with dif-

ferent cultural affiliations.

Handles are disadvantageous in terms of produc-

tion, since they are bringing an extra complication

into the process. They are also uneconomic in terms

of space requirements, unless placed below the turn-

ing point. Bearing these arguments in mind, it be-

comes clear that handles must have a behavioural ex-

planation. Their use must be connected with chang-

ing ideas on use of space and furniture, for example,

when vessels are being kept hanging rather than

standing on floors or shelves. But most importantly,

handles increase the portability of a vessel, making

it more suitable for transportation. Hence, increased

frequency in the use of handles advocates for an in-

creased mobility of the population: a cultural phe-


nomenon of the bearers of the KSB tradition, which

is not as yet fully acknowledged.

FUNCTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS

Perhaps the most important issue in pottery studies is

function. A vessel is considered to be a utilitarian tool

(Rice 1987, 208), which occasionally may or may not

enter the symbolic domain. The variety of pottery

shapes and sizes, surface treatment techniques and

decoration designs can be seen as cultural expressions

with a clear functional aspect as regards the needs

and requirements of the users. Most pottery re-

searchers agree that form, temper and surface treat-

ment reflect and are determined by function (Rice

1987, 208). Consciously, or through ‘‘try and error’’,

each artefact is evaluated according to its ‘‘perform-

ance matrix’’, that is how the production (procure-

ment of raw materials, tempering, consumption of

fuel, etc.), use and maintenance rely to a vessel’s per-

formance characteristics (Schiffer & Skibo 1987). By

comparing longevity of vessel types one may establish

some particularly robust types: culturally rooted and

functionally stable, as well as some weaker types: in-

terim phenomena reflecting the innovative potential

of a society. But revealing such variables as form, tem-

per and surface treatment cannot always be unam-

biguous, as a range of other factors may bias their

selection, not least the narrow analytical background

of the investigator. Take for example the so-called

early Slavic clay pans: clay disks with turned up edg-

es. These have been identified on sites of the sixth-

seventh century AD, which were regarded as Slavic.

Clay pans are interpreted as facilities for baking bread

leaves, based on typological links with ethnographic

data from the Balkans, where clay pans have been in

use until recently (Curta 2002, 295). However,

artefacts of the same form are also known from

Hallstatt assemblages in Slovakia and Volhynia,

where they were used as lids for urns (Curta 2002).

Hence, based on the latter analogy, it has recently

been suggested that clay pans should be regarded as

lids for cooking pots (Curta 2002). No argumentation

has been provided as to why the last and not the first

analogy is more reliable. Such observations make the

problems of functional interpretation of clay pans

from Lıga and other prehistoric sites in Bulgaria (cf.

below) highly acute. The reasoning only ends with a

suggestion and not conclusive statements. But what-

ever interpretation is chosen, it always has cultural

implications. Lids for cooking pots would indicate a

type of cuisine based on stewed meals. Clay pans

would imply baking of wheat bread. Luckily, such

interpretations may be tested against organic residue

analyses. For example, it has recently been demon-

strated that a vessel type, which for half a century has

been known in SE Europe as a ‘‘milk jug’’ due to its

form and ethnographic analogy, appears to bear no

traces of being used as a milk container (Craig et al.

2003).

In terms of tempering materials used in pottery

production, there is a growing body of evidence that

selection of tempering materials is governed by pot-

tery function (Steponaitis 1984; Rice 1987). For ex-

ample, cooking pots are expected to withstand ther-

mal shock during episodes of repeated heating, which

may reach 300–500 æC. Effective resistance to thermal

shock can be achieved through the use of organic

tempering materials which create greater porosity of

a vessel and thus arrests eventual cracks (Rye 1976;

Arnold 1985). Chamotte is also a suitable tempering

material as it expands at the same rate as the clay

matrix and will not cause cracking (Rye 1976; Arnold

1988). This also means that the shrinkage rate is the

same, making chamotte tempered pottery resistant

even to freezing temperatures. Organic tempering

materials can be appreciated for a better workability

of the clay and greater strength during forming pro-

cesses (Schiffer & Skibo 1987). In terms of fiber use,

thatch or straws have a reinforcing effect on non-fired

or low-fired dry storage containers. Organic tem-

pered vessels are appearing to be friable. In order to

increase abrasion resistance – for instance, in the case

of cooking, serving and recurrent cleaning actions –

a potter had to consider additional constituents that

will enhance the performance characteristics of such

vessels. In the case of Lıga, potters have achieved

mitigation of friability through addition of chamotte

or sand, or through thickening of the walls. It has

been noted, that organic tempering is preferred for

production of big vessels, as it decreases the total

weight of such. A medium size vessel weighs 6–7 kg,

so weight must have been considered as an issue,

which could not be treated casually.

85Lıga

Less well understood is the use of calcareous com-

ponents in the clay. At Lıga it is used in rather moder-

ate quantities, probably partly due to its natural oc-

currence in the clay sources, but still, its presence can-

not be explained away as accidental. In other

contemporary sites, like Hotnitsa Tell at Veliko Tur-

novo, calcareous components make up the most im-

portant tempering constituent of the clay matrix (pers.

observations). The thermal expansion rates of cal-

careous materials (CaCO3) is close to the clay they

are incorporated into (Rye 1976). At firing tempera-

tures of 620–900 æC, CaCO3 starts to decompose (into

calcium oxide and carbon dioxide), leading to spalling

and desintegration (Rye 1976). Many recovered ves-

sels do have lime blows but these are believed to be

the result of secondary burning, which occurred when

the settlement burned down. The use of calcareous

clays in any case excludes the use of firing kilns, point-

ing to the fact that their utilisation must have been

limited. Modern potters, producing vernacular pot-

tery in the Balkans, also consider calcareous materials

(usually calcite) as the superior tempering material

(Carlton 2002). Which qualities exactly make calcite

superior are not being formulated, since such matters

do not seem to occupy the minds of these potters

(Carlton 2002).

This leads to another area of understanding of the

technological dimensions of tempering materials,

namely that their selection (as also the selection of

clays) may well be culturally biased. By stating this,

technological reasons for favouring one or another

element are not rejected, but the real reason may well

be coated in different layers of folk beliefs or techno-

logical inertia: ‘‘this is how we do it’’. Certain dis-

coveries may lead to results which might be difficult

to mediate directly, instead a set of more understand-

able constrains are being put on community mem-

bers. For example, in selecting milling stones, the

population of southern Benin is constrained to use

rock types, which can only be exploited in the north-

ern part of the country, spreading the folk belief that

the use of other types of rocks will cause heart diseases

and death. This is not an economic attempt to ma-

nipulate the population for the benefit of certain rock

quarries. In fact, the issue is less dramatic, for the

message is meant to warn against soft rock types

found in southern Benin, which easily pulverize and

may cause dental or nutrition problems. Instead of

using complicated explanations, more simple and ef-

fective ones are chosen: ‘‘Use the hard rock types and

stay healthy/alive’’.

The same might be the case with the use of cal-

careous materials. Potters simply believe that this

tempering material is superior. Pottery technicians

are trying to understand why technologically compli-

cated materials are chosen, while others, with a

chemical background, provide the plausible expla-

nation: Calcareous materials create an alkaline en-

vironment and thus inhibits the growth of bacteria,

which need an acidic environment to interact with

alimentary products (Rehhof et al. 1990). Hence, ves-

sels tempered with calcite or storage containers plas-

tered with lime or gypsum plasters are highly suitable

for keeping grain and other dry foodstuffs. Obser-

vation must have led to similar conclusions in prehis-

toric times and then transmitted as a culturally en-

forced idiom.

An important issue in the case of Lıga is to explain

the existence of several different combinations of tem-

pering materials. The existence of a high 11 Temper-

ing Groups – which can be further subdivided ac-

cording to prevailing constituents within a combi-

nation – shows that such are not accidental but

practically tried and accepted combinations. Hence,

it would not be wrong to equate tempering groups

with technological traditions.

The usual pattern that emerges from ethnorachae-

ological research is that ceramic traditions are trans-

mitted through the female line of the family (Graves

1991; David & Kramer 2001). Circumstantially, this

is even proven by archaeological evidence at Franch-

thi, Greece (Vitelli 1993). The variability of combi-

nations of tempering materials might thus be ex-

plained in terms of existence of differing pottery tra-

ditions, reflecting a range of mating network relying

on patrilocal principles of residence. Actually, male

potters would not alter the outcome of this reasoning,

for in any case such diversity of technological tra-

ditions advocate for a significant movement of people

and a wide breadth of communication networks of

the settlers of Lıga 2.

Turning to the Lıga 1 material, which reflects a

rather high uniformity in terms of pottery traditions

(especially as to surface treatment), one may in this


Fig. V.11. Biconic vessels. 1 – from Redutite III (after Gergov

1992a), 2 – from Lıga, House 2.

find a clarification of the issue of technological

change, which occurred after the abandonment of the

pertaining settlement. The qualitative differences be-

tween the two settlements signify a change of social

focus, from self-centred to out-going, from adaptive

to explorative, from passive to active. The causes of

this change deserve a separate discussion, but more

than that, they need to be elaborated through a differ-

ent approach to the already excavated material, pref-

erably fresh excavations, since regional data are still

very weak on this account.

Albeit pottery from the neighbouring site of Redut-

ite is not available for closer investigation, whole ves-

sels presented in publications or museum collections

show a great affinity with the pottery of Lıga. Very

close parallels are found both in Redutite II and in

the temporarily more distant Redutite III (Fig. V.11).

This underlines two important points: the longevity

of certain vessel types and a sense of territoriality. I

here employ the term ‘‘type’’ to indicate an end result,

expressed through a combination of shape π second-

ary morphological attributes π decoration & zones of

decoration. Accidental congruence of the three main

variables is statistically improbable and can only be

explained with a conscious handover of ‘‘production

recipes’’. In turn, this indicates that genealogically

connected people were constantly resettling the same

territory during several hundreds years. In fact, the

hiatus layer of 0.2 m between Redutite II and III need

considerable time to be formed, much longer than

suggested by the excavator: 60–120 years (Gergov

1992a) (cf. above). Further implications of this reason-

ing would be a return to an earlier (and not very orig-

inal) assumption, namely that pottery functionality is

type bound.

The last variable to be considered in terms of pot-

tery function is surface treatment. In many cases sur-

face treatment alone is informative enough to help

deducing the function of a vessel. Thus, the automa-

tism of ‘‘big vessel π surface rusticationΩstorage ves-

sel’’ certainly holds true in many cases.

A great variety of surface treatment techniques

have been recorded from the Lıga 2 settlement. Sur-

face rustication with barbotine and finger-trailing

have already been mentioned under decoration tech-

niques, but the most common type of Lıga 2 surface

treatment is simple smoothing while the paste is still

plastic. Perhaps some of the water-worn quartz

pebbles found were employed for that, besides usual

finger smoothing. A true slip achieved through coat-

ing with another layer of clay in order to change the

colour or to reduce the permeability is very rare.

When found, it is clearly distinctive as a separate layer

reaching up to 1.5 mm in thickness. Mainly it occurs

on the interior of closed vessels or, sometimes, bowls,

which therefore are interpreted as liquid containers.

More often, self-slip occurs, a technique where the

surface is being smoothed with a wet hand or cloth,

thus concentrating the finest particles of the clay ma-

trix as an outermost covering layer (Hodges 1965).

The main surfaces of fine pottery, the exteriors of jugs

and graphite painted vessels, and the interiors of

bowls had burnished surfaces. As mentioned, burnish-

ing reduces permeability and provides effective

methods to fasten colour pigments. Despite such tech-

nological advantages, burnishing was primarily val-

ued for its visual qualities. Thus, the interiors of

closed vessels were mainly burnished in the area of

the rim. But interiors were not left untreated. Quite

often, traces of brushing are recorded on the interior

of closed vessels. Besides surface smoothing this could

also be used to better distribute the clay, especially

minimizing the transition between the coils. Brushing

was done with a tuft of fine twigs or other kinds of

fibers. Sometimes the interiors have traces of deep

striations, covering the entire surface. Their presence

on big biconic jars with long narrow necks shows that

this was a special surface compacting technique, car-

ried out in the state when the vessel was leather-hard.

Therefore, striations almost appear as deep grooves.

The striations are usually 2 mm wide, made with a

brush of relatively stiff stems or similar materials, gen-

erally following a horizontal direction. It should be

87Lıga

stressed that vessel shape may also dictate the type

and areas of decoration, as can be seen from vessels

with formal and decorational affinity but volumetric

and functional differences. Generally, as it can be

seen from the overview of main pottery shapes exem-

plified by whole vessels, there is a clear correlation

between vessel shape and surface treatment.

The very strength of the research at Lıga is a fourth

dimension or variable, the context. The position of a

vessel within a house, as well as its association with

other vessels or artefacts, is an important testimony

to the use of such vessel. The following considerations

on functionality are therefore explored through the

combination of the abovementioned variables: shape,

temper, and surface treatment, and, the context.

Following the functional categorisation suggested

by P. Rice (Rice 1987), pottery is treated in terms

of storage, processing, transfer, and other. The last

category is a mixed one, encompassing pottery types

with special or uncertain functions, e.g., fire-vessels.

The conviction, that functionality can be deduced

from the available pottery sets, is supported by the

fact that despite technological variation, there is a

clear trend towards replication among the sets (cf. the

above section dealing with production technology).

Furthermore, this issue can be elucidated through

ethnoarchaeological work, providing examples that

potters may have great flexibility in their methods of

production (Skibo 1992). Thus, stability may not only

be seen as cultural inertia, but as a reflection of

evolved functional pottery types corresponding to the

needs of the people.

Revealing pottery function is the optimal goal for

any ceramic study, since such is connecting a range

of complicated issues, like subsistence, diet, and even

architecture and furniture. It is interesting to observe

that the notion of luxury wares as objects visually

standing out has also been recognized by the settlers

of Lıga, but such wares were not excluded from the

utilitarian sphere. Part of the graphite painted ware

has decoration rubbed off as a result of use. So, the

exclusiveness was stated through active use and expo-

sition and not as passive exhibition on shelves. Hence,

socio- and ideafunctions sensu Skibo (Skibo 1992) can-

not be separated from technofunctions (Skibo 1992),

at least not in the case of the Lıga 2 material.

Functional deductions are possible on two levels,

intended and actual use (Skibo 1992). The last may

be complicated to achieve without supplementary

microscale analyses, such as residue analysis. In-

tended use may be too broad a category to be in-

formative at all. Nevertheless, an attempt is being

made below to unveil the functional variability of the

Lıga 2 vessels.

Bowls is the largest group of all pottery types. They

are traditionally connected with food serving, and as

such experience the greatest stress and the shortest

use-life (Rise 1987, Table 9.4). Investigation of the

refuse area between Houses 2 and 3, interpreted as

an immediate discard area of domestic waste, has

showed that the highest frequency among pottery

fragments was held bowls and small cups. Moreover,

these were discovered in big fragments, and occasion-

ally as halves of whole vessels. Two sizes of bowls –

up to 25 cm in diameter, and beyond that (usually

around 40 cm) – may indicate personal versus group

consumption. Slightly inverted rims, as the majority

of the bowls has, would prevent spillage but also be

very unsuitable for pouring. Numerous bowls found

around the ovens imply that such may also have been

involved in food processing, but probably not in con-

nection with liquid foodstuffs, simply because the size

(usually shallow with wide orifices) and the shape of

the bowls recorded at the ovens have practical limi-

tations, making pouring from one container to an-

other a complicated task.

The use of bowls for storage of dry foodstuffs can-

not be excluded, even though this would be unecon-

omic in terms of space; in fact, this may explain the

need for handles or the like. Rounded ear handles,

tab handles perforated both horizontally and verti-

cally, or pierced rims are found on almost half the

bowls. In two cases, horizontally perforated tab

handles were fashioned as an anthropomorphic face

with protruding nose, placed immediately below the

turning point and yielding extra character to a recog-

nized pot. There is a certain regularity in the way

different types of handles are placed. Vertically per-

forated tab handles are placed on turning points/

shoulders if these are marked (i.e., the widest part of

a bowl), or just below the lip if a bowl has a straight

profile line. Piercing is also made immediately below

the lip. Clearly, this indicates that such bowls were

adapted for (horizontal) suspension. Vertical handles


Fig. V.12. Bowl decorated with painted pattern of snakes, from

Redutite II, exhibited at the Regional Historical Museum, Pleven

(ØΩca. 40 cm).

or horizontally perforated tab handles are found

either above or below the turning point (and could

also be used for suspension). Abrasion marks found

on the exterior of several pierced bowls (or their frag-

ments) below the holes show that these were in re-

peated contact with hard surfaces. Hence it was sug-

gested that some bowls were hung vertically on the

walls.

Jugs, juglets and biconic cups (Types ‘‘N’’ & ‘‘O’’),

abundantly represented in each house at Lıga, should

also be seen as part of a serving set. These are often

found in association with bowls. Through association,

jugs of Type ‘‘S’’ (pear-shaped) may be included in

the same group. Their closed orifices and long necks

are suitable for pouring. All vessels of the group are

so-called strong types, reflecting longevity of tradition,

cultural adherence and, through close parallels with

the KGK VI pottery, affiliation with broader regional

associations. Like the well-known beakers of the TRB

culture (Sherratt 1987), such vessels can be seen as

tokens of social behaviour connected with common

eating and drinking practices. Vessels of this group

are acknowledged as the most distinct pottery of the

Late Copper Age, but cannot be used as time-sensi-

tive diagnostic features. One of the jugs found in

House 2 contained a small worked sheep/goat as-

tragalus.

Vessels of Types ‘‘F’’ (barrel shaped jars), ‘‘H’’ (bi-

conic jars with rounded shoulders), and ‘‘I’’ (bucket

shaped pot) are interpreted as short term (?) dry stor-

age vessels through their association with each other

and with the grain pithos in House 2. All have rusti-

cated surfaces and wide orifices but are volumetrically

smaller than the following category of dry storage ves-

sels. All vessels of the group are equiped with handles

or massive functional knobs, demonstrating their

portability. Rusticated surfaces provide firmer grip-

ping and increase abrasion resistance.

Long term storage containers are the most vol-

uminous pottery type, corresponding functionally to

the permanently installed pithoi, as in the House 2.

Their typological and stylistical variety is quite large

and probably not fully represented since mending of

big containers is a complicated task. The recon-

structed types include simple containers with cone-

shaped lower part and long, cylindrical upper part

(Type ‘‘V’’), which can be rusticated and decorated

with cordons and bands of fingertip impressions, or

have smooth surfaces with incised patterns. Biconic

or globular shapes (Types ‘‘T’’ and ‘‘U’’) could also

be chosen for such voluminous types as storage con-

tainers. Decoration seems to play a double role for

these vessels. With few exceptions, voluminous stor-

age containers are decorated. They can be perceived

as static sculptures, rarely moved and attracting atten-

tion of eventual visitors, signalising the wealth of the

owner. At the same time, decoration could have been

used for protective purposes in the realm of magic.

Spiral-snake patterns are numerous, especially on

bowls, where snake heads are added to the spirals,

making the equation between snakes and spiral orna-

mentation more convincing (Fig. V.12). This orna-

mentation is found on female figurines, stelae inter-

preted as altars, and other ritual objects, and is also

applied to the group of storage containers, either in

the form of incisions (Fig. IV.2) or graphite paint (Pl.

12). Certainly, vessels holding the vital resources of a

household needed this extra protection to withstand

putridity and bacteria, and other menaces.

Little doubt can arise in relating vessels of Types

‘‘P’’ and ‘‘R’’ with liquids. Both types have biconic

89Lıga

shapes expanding to an almost globular appearance.

In terms of shape, the vessels are typologically related

to other biconic specimens, but volumetrically they

are much bigger. Uniform in shape, these types cover

two functional categories, transfer and storage, vessels

with smoothed surfaces equipped with handles being

seen as connected with transfer. Furthermore, based

on a common ethnographic analogy, such jars are

interpreted as being used for carrying water. The big-

gest one, with well smoothed exterior and interior

compacted by deep striations, and equipped with two

massive handles, had a capacity of 44 litres, the total

weight, when full, being 60 kg. It was found close to

the entrance of House 3, which would indicate that

it had a higher mobility than a storage container. It

is not unusual to carry manual loads of 60 kg in tra-

ditional societies, perhaps with a helper. Other repre-

sentatives of this group, without handles and with rus-

ticated surfaces, were used for storage. One such ves-

sel was found at the pithos of House 2 with a

corresponding flat lid.

The last major functional issue to be discussed in

this generalised presentation concerns food processing

pottery. The main division is whether the processing

is made with heat or without heat (Rise 1987). Cook-

ing pottery has a very low use-life, higher than food

serving pottery but much lower than for example pot-

tery used for storage (Rise 1987). The use-expectancy

is usually around one year. Most of the cooking ves-

sels are not discarded immediately after being evalu-

ated as no longer suitable for cooking (for various rea-

sons, but usually due to appearing surface cracks). In-

stead, they enter another functional domain (pers.

observations, various ethnographic situations). In

Lıga, there are two big pottery groups that can be

associated with cooking and food processing without

heat.

Based on surface treatment of interiors (well-

worked and compacted through smoothing or bur-

nishing), it has been estimated that upright jars with

highly placed, sharply angled shoulders and upright

or slightly inverted necks (Type ‘‘G’’) were suitable for

holding liquids, e.g., for soaking purposes. Their

shape is also optimal for the function of cooking ves-

sel. When placed inside an oven, the lowest heating

temperature would be at the base, which would be

standing at the same level as the fuel. So, a narrow

base would enable to concentrate the main part of

the food higher up, where heating is most intense.

The relatively open orifice would enable handling of

food more easily, while the slightly inverted neck

would prevent ‘‘boiling over and reduce evaporation’’

(Rise 1987). The relative depth would permit to con-

serve the heat (Rise 1987). However, such assump-

tions are not supported by scientifically collected eth-

nographic data from contemporary traditional societ-

ies, where food preparation is made over an open

fire-place, posing different requirements for cooking

pottery, such as rounded bases (see Rice 1987, 239).

Examples of close affinities to the group in question

can still be found in remote Russian villages, where

cooking continues to be made inside an oven, now-

adays in metal pots of similar biconic shapes. The

circumstance that many vessels of Lıga 2 were

affected by secondary burning made it difficult to rec-

ognise eventual bands of soot caused by cooking.

Within the present group, part of the jars did have

traces of soot on the lower part of the body, but the

origin could not be established with certainty. Perhaps

the discovery of a spoon inside such a jar in House 2

can be used as evidence that these vessels, resembling

modern soup tureens, were connected with food pro-

cessing, both hot and cold.

On the other hand, the great number of Type ‘‘J’’

vessels (closely related to Types ‘‘K’’ and ‘‘L’’) may

indirectly be used in stating their involvement in food

preparation processes. One of the pots of this group

had indeed a band of soot over the lower part of the

body (Fig. V.13). These vessels are found in a number

of sizes: from small cup-like specimens to medium

ones of 3–4 litres. They are believed to be the func-

tionally most universal vessel type, as observed from

their reuse. These vessels were for example used for

storage of tools. A vessel found west of the oven of

House 2 contained a small biconic cup without

handles, which was placed on top of water-worn

pebbles used in pottery production (cf. the section

above of production technology). Another vessel of

the same type was found close to the entrance of the

same house, it contained a still functional adze. Sec-

ondary modifications are also observed on vessels of

this type. One smaller representative had a perfor-

ation, ca. 1 cm in diameter, made centrally in the

base (another base of a small vessel with similar per-


Fig. V.13. Vessel (Type ‘‘J’’) discovered in House 2 bearing band

of soot over the lower part of the body.

foration is also known); both items are from House 1

and were probably intended as a funnels (Fig. V.14).

Vessels of this group are without handles, but in-

stead almost always equipped with two or four knobs

placed on the shoulders. The surface is rusticated,

usually by finger-trailing which is well-organised and

has decoration effect. Such exterior texturing, which

has also been noted on a previous group (vessels of

Type ‘‘G’’), does not increase a vessel’s heating effec-

tiveness (Skibo et al. 1997), contrary to some belief.

Deep exterior texture protects from spalls and reduces

cracking produced by thermal shock (Skibo et al.

1997). In any case, the bigger representatives of this

group may have been involved in cooking. Even

though the search for external soot was a more or less

vain task, since impact from secondary burning in

most cases could not be ruled out (except for the one

rather certain case above), several vessels were in fact

discovered with another indication of possible use in

food processing with heat. These externally light col-

oured vessels, volumetrically resembling each other

(3–4 litres) were found with totally blackened in-

teriors, until the edge of the rim. This may suggest,

that a process similar to quenching was taking place:

boiling of wheat or any other flour soup/porridge.

The last category to be discussed is a category by

Fig. V.14. Fragmented vessel with centrally placed bottom perfor-

ation.

exclusion, comprised by miscellaneous vessel types or

ceramic types one way or another related to vessels.

Deliberately, these items are not listed together with

the pottery types, which is the usual practice in Bulga-

ria. Most of the items have a rather obvious function,

which does not depend on the shape, like a lid.

MISCELLANEOUSMINIATURE AND VERY SMALL VESSELS

This group includes a number of very small vessels

which fall outside the usual functional categories dis-

cussed above. Miniature vessels are less than 5 cm in

height, but in a way, their shapes echo the shapes of

the big vessels, especially biconic jugs (Pl. 16:1–12).

Other vessel types like simple or footed bowls are also

represented. While some of the tiny vessels may be

considered models or even toys, as for example hand

molded ‘‘bowls’’ made of untempered clay and low-

fired, others appear to have a more regulated func-

tional determination. This assumption is based on the

observation that certain miniature vessel types occur

as exact copies also at other sites: in the neighbouring

Sadovec sites, but also in a remote site like Yunatsite

(Todorova & Matsanova 2000) (Pl. 16:13–14). Their

porous surfaces do not seem to be suitable to contain

liquids, and it can only remain a speculation whether

charms or herbal medicine was kept in such vessels.

The function of small vessels the size of a coffee

cup is not clear either and can in fact cover a range

of different purposes (Pl. 16:15–19). The majority has

inverted rim, which makes them unsuitable to be used

as cups. Two vessels attributed to the group had 2

91Lıga

cm long cylindrical spouts with a diameter of 0.5 cm

(‘‘feeding bottles’’). Barrel-like in shape with slightly

everted rim, they were too fragmented to be com-

pletely reconstructed, but the height was estimated to

be 6 cm. Both were found in House 1. None of the

representatives of this group has decorated surface.

LIDS

Fragments of lids (Pl. 16:20–24) were very often re-

covered, but their proper identification is not always

straightforward. They can have an appearance of flat

discs, just slightly curved. Or they can resemble rather

deep, straight-sided bowls. Tempering Group IV pre-

vails. The lids fall in two size categories: those with a

diameter of 10–15 cm and those of 20–25 cm. Oc-

casionally, they can be larger, up to 36 cm in diam-

eter.

One exceptional example allows reconstruction of

a vessel type as yet unknown among the archaeologi-

cal material, thick walled and with a narrow neck: a

bottle-like vessel. A single discovered rim shard might

perhaps give some idea of the shape of such vessel

(Pl. 16:25). The lid in question is circular, 8 cm in

diameter, with slightly concave top and a plug-like

circular protuberance that can be inserted into a con-

tainer with the diameter of 4.2 cm (Pl. 16:24).

POT STANDS AND FOOTED VESSELS

Pot stands have been a constant member of the Cop-

per Age house inventory (Pl. 16:26–28). They are

often associated with bowls to provide extra stability

if the base is narrow, but it cannot be ruled out that

their use was connected with social aspirations rather

than practicalities. The existence of footed bowls,

which perhaps derive from the same aspirations, may

be regarded as a kindred type. Footed bowls were

rare in Lıga and are only represented as fragments

(Pl.16:29). Each house contained 3–4 pot stands.

They are of two types. The usual type has the shape

of a low double-cone with an identical size of the ori-

fices. Abrasion marks inform about the standing sur-

face. Another type resembles an egg-cup: a shallow

ring-foot supports a deep bowl-like upper part. The

difference between the last type and the footed bowls

is that pot stands are supported by a broader and

lower ring-foot. The diameters are 10–18 cm. The

surfaces are either plain or decorated with incised

spirals. None of the pot stands have traces of having

been in contact with fire.

PANS

In layers attributed both to Lıga 1 and Lıga 2, flat ce-

ramic discs with upturned edges have been found, simi-

lar to the earlier discussed ‘‘Slavic bread pans’’ (Pl.

16:30–32). Such items are discovered at every KSB

site. The size ranges between 15 and 20 cm in diam-

eter. The interpretation as lids (Curta 2001, cf. above)

is disputable, due to their massiveness and, especially,

to the fact that a variety of more elaborate lids are

abundantly represented in the repertoire of Copper

Age pottery. Furthermore, a fragment of a similar

shape with an upright handle has been discovered.

What can be disputed is whether such pans were used

for bread baking or something else – like salt produc-

tion. It is quite certain that this type of pottery was

created to be exposed to high temperatures.

FIRE-VESSELS AND STRAINERS

These two types of artefacts are similar in appearance

but completely different in function. They have the

shape of a bowl and are dotted with holes. The differ-

ence between them is that fire-vessels (Fig. III.13:1 &

14) (often rather misleadingly known as Rauchgefässe)

have two orifices, a narrow one and a broad. Fire-

vessels have been a typical inventory of every house-

hold. In the Lıga 2 settlement complete representa-

tives were discovered in both House 2 and 3, close to

the oven. The use of such special clay devices has

been comprehensively discussed by E. Cosack (Co-

sack 1994). Examples without wholes are also known,

but their purpose can be deduced due to traces of

secondary burning. The fire-vessels were used to pre-

serve fire during periods when the oven was not in

use, typically at night. Ashes with ember could be

covered by a fire-vessel, which would then minimize

the supply of air, keeping the ember/coal glowing but

not burning. Such vessels are known to have been

used from the Neolithic through the Migration

Period, at least (Cosack 1994).

Quite often shards with perforated walls were


Fig. V.15. Double-conic clay item discovered at the oven in House 3.

found among the excavated material. Through the

discovery of fully preserved items, it was established

that there are some repetitive differences helping to

distinguish between fire-vessels and strainers (Pl.

17:1). Although the size of the perforations may be

the same, their density is twice as great on strainers

(35 pr 3 cm2 as compared with the fire-vessels’ 16 pr

3 cm2). The holes in strainers tend to get narrower

from the centre towards the outer surface, while fire-

vessels keep the same size of the holes. Holes on

strainers are distributed from immediately below the

edge, while the edge of fire-vessels has a band without

perforations. Fire-vessels have far better smoothened

outer surfacse than strainers. The inside surfaces are

not worked in either.

Three nearly complete strainers were found. They

have a greatest diameter of 10 cm and a height of 6–

7 cm. The smoothly abraded central part – opposed

to a rough rim and rounded bottom – indicates that

strainers must have been used together with vessels

with an orifice not exceeding 9.5 cm.

DOUBLE-CONIC CERAMIC ITEM

An enigmatic double conic object with two orifices

was found in House 3 of Lıga 2, immediately West of

Fig. V.16. Bowl with antropomorphic tab handles.

the oven and close to the milling platform. It is con-

sidered enigmatic since several possible interpreta-

tions of its function can be suggested. It is equipped

with four small vertical handles approximately in the

middle, probably intended for a wide orifice (height

16 cm, Ø1: 18 cm, Ø2: 8 cm) (Fig. V.15, Pl. 11:5).

Such objects are also known from other Copper Age

and later sites, usually without handles or occasionally

with small bosses on the edge of the rim. Tradition-

ally, the items have been interpreted as drums. But

other, more mundane functions are also possible, for

example a sieve or a funnel, which could be fixed to

hide bags or the like.

VESSELS WITH ANTHROPOMORPHIC AND

ZOOMORPHIC REPRESENTATIONS

One bowl discovered in House 2 was equipped with

vertical tab handles horizontally perforated in such a

way that a human face with protruding nose and in-

cised eyes was created (Fig. V.16). House 1 contained

a vessel, which was equipped with flattened bosses

and small protruding zoomorphic heads, most prob-

ably resembling an ox (Pl. 17:2). An ox representation

was also found in House 3. A fragment of a spherical

thin-walled vessel (‘‘oil lamp’’?) had a triangular head

93Lıga

(representation of horns?), a dewlap on the neck and

incised almond-shaped eyes (Pl. 17:3).

SPOONS

A number of spoons (Pl. 17:4–6), mainly fragmented,

have been discovered. They can be divided into two

types: with a handle of circular, or with flattened

cross-section. The last group is slightly bigger in size,

but generally the length of the spoons varies between

8 and 9 cm. A spoon with flattened handle was found

inside a vessel of Type ‘‘G’’ (Pl. 17:4). Surprisingly, all

spoons contain some amount of sand in the clay ma-

trix, usually combined with organic matter.

SUMMARY & PERSPECTIVES

The body of ceramic data collected during the three

field campaigns of 2000–2002 at Lıga is too large to

be presented in its full extent. Nearly every shard has

been entered into the artefact database, which has

become a vital and as yet not exhausted tool for

further studies. The strength of the base lies not only

in a very high degree of detailed information regard-

ing material attributes, but also, due to coupling, in

contextual information bridging the past with the

present. Answering the questions regarding pottery

variability posed at the beginning of this chapter, the

following conclusions can be made regarding the Lıga

2 settlement.

Firstly, since cultural transmission operates in a

hierarchical order, the most important feature is

shape, or rather its idealised version, often termed a

mental template. Secondary morphological attributes

such as handles are often integrated into the general

perception of vessels but their place is not always de-

termined, as they drift between demands of the prac-

tical and cultural constructs (which again can over-

lap). Temper, decoration, and method of manufacture

also take a secondary significance in the broader cul-

tural perspective, reflecting different technological

traditions or ‘‘technological styles’’, helping to deter-

mine social rather than cultural boundaries (cf. Stark

et al. 1995, with references). There is a number of

ethnographic examples of potters changing the reper-

toire of their production as they move to new places

or when market demands change, while they preserve

the original technology if no constrains of this kind

are imposed (David & Kramer 2001).

Hence, it is suggested that the technological vari-

ability of the pottery production of Lıga 2 mirrors a

mixed composition of the occupants. This observation

is reinforced by comparative studies of ceramics from

Lıga 2 and Hotnitsa Tell at Veliko Tarnovo, the latter

showing a much greater uniformity, thus implying the

existence of different patterns of social behaviour. It

has been proposed that these differences should be ex-

plained by a higher mobility and expanding networks

of interaction, which, most importantly, have led to ex-

change of people through distant alliances and mating

strategies. Further studies may confirm the antici-

pation based on Lıga material, that such differences re-

flect a general diachronic trend and perhaps can be

considered as a diagnostic temporal marker.

Another important observation is that the pottery

production of Lıga 2 was organised on a household

level, since two of the three fully investigated houses

contained certain direct as well as circumstantial

pieces of evidence about pottery production. House 3

is the most striking example, with evidence on manu-

facture of utilitarian graphite painted pottery, which

apparently was reserved for the household itself. Ex-

change between the households was limited and prob-

ably exclusively symbolic in nature. Detailed pottery

analysis has also revealed that technological superior-

ity cannot be assumed on the basis of pottery decor-

ation and surface treatment. The chief difference be-

tween plain and decorated pottery is the investment

of time. Thus, burnished graphite painted pottery

needed the longest period of manufacture, but was no

technological necessity.

This raises questions about the composition of the

household, assuming that women were responsible for

the pottery. If each household required a more or less

stable number of vessels per member, how can it be

explained that some households could afford to invest

three times or more energy in pottery production?

The issue of human resources needs further clarifi-

cation, while the value of visually outstanding pottery

as a medium of socially loaded messages remains be-

yond doubt. Active pottery display even in the most

casual situations, like fetching water, can be seen as

an instrumental non-verbal claim to maintain the so-

cial position of household members.


Investigations of shard materials have resulted in

two basic conclusions. Stylistic variation taken separ-

ately has a very coarse chronological sensitivity, more

coarse than is desired by archaeologists. What seems

to ensure greater confidence in chronological sensi-

tivity is the percentage of decoration styles and tech-

niques represented. Quite remarkably, even super-

ficial studies of Late Copper Age pottery from the

Vaksevo tell in the Sruma valley has already produced

evidence supporting this assumption, although with-

out full acknowledgement of the excavator (Cochadzi-

ev 2001).

The wealth of pottery even allows us to question the

widely accepted assumption that much prehistoric evi-

dence – such as bone and in particular wooden items –

has vanished and left a serious artefactual gap. Looking

at the numbers of vessels represented, the distribution

of their shapes and sizes (with the reservation that a sig-

nificant part of the information may still be lacking),

there is apparently no niche left for organic tools. The

presence of ceramic spoons – the most usual type of

artefact rendered in bone or wood – underlines the as-

sumption that pottery production has covered most of

the needs in terms of containers etc., except for vol-

uminous and light baskets.

The potters of Lıga were familiar with the main-

stream of pottery production, both locally and else-

where. Cultural replication can be seen through the

shapes and composition of vessels types recovered in

each house. But this did not exclude the manifestation

of an individual fingerprint, telling about varying

skills, motoric abilities, and, not least, varying tastes

and artistic talents. Much archaeological fine-ty-

pology is simply household variation. The Lıga inves-

tigation has brought the individual Copper Age

household, and its members, into historical focus.

VI. SMALLER OBJECTS OF CLAY

TABLET

Among the more exceptional finds from Lıga is a clay

disc – a so-called clay tablet with incised lines and dots

in a manner that is beyond the accidental. Although

simplistic, a communicative load is supposed, as in a

letter (Fig. VI.1). The tablet was found in the area of

House 3, in a disturbed top layer, 0.20 m below the sur-

face and therefore not attributed to any particular fea-

ture. Although fragmented (with recent breakage

traces), it provides enough information as to the form

and pattern. The tablet has a round shape, 47 mm in

diameter, 10–12 mm thick with flat and smoothed

backside. The tablet is light grey brown in colour, well-

baked (no traces of secondary burning) and made of

clay tempered with fine sand (some amount of organic

matter is also present). Its original estimated weight is

35 g. Incised lines were made with a wooden tool with

a flat 2 mm wide nib. The dots are slightly deeper than

the lines. Parts of the lines contained traces of light

(whitish) paste, possibly incrustation. This observation

is only based on visual analysis with magnifier. There

are, however, other finds, including clay disk from Yun-

atsite (also known as Ploskata Mogila) discovered in the

1950s, with white incrusted incisions and dots (Gim-

butas 1986, 251, Fig. 9.55).

Clay tablets remain an enigmatic type of objects, a

feature shared with other – no doubt related – items,

such as so-called stamp seals and bottoms with signs,

abundantly found at the site of Gradeshnitsa (Nikolov

1974). What is conspicuous, is that already in the Neo-

lithic such objects, loaded with communicative value,

markedly outweighs the western part of Bulgaria com-

pared with the far better investigated eastern part of the

country (see Dzhanfezova 2003, 98, Map 1; Cochadzi-

ev 2003b; Todorova 1986; 1993). At present, no con-

vincing interpretation can be given. Structurally, the

Lıga tablet resembles a map, whether of stars or points

in a landscape, perhaps even a social chart.

FIGURINESANTHROPOMORPHIC FIGURINES

The corpus of anthropomorphic figurines from Lıga

is very large compared to the area excavated, the rea-

son being a highly detailed investigation. Two (nearly)

complete pieces and 20 fragments were found, all but

one attributed to the Lıga 2 settlement. The most

common part among the fragmented pieces are legs

(incl. feet: 9, right leg – 4, left leg – 3, both legs – 2)

and heads (6). Torsos and arms are seemingly lacking,

although there is one wavy clay item with pointed

end which could have been part of an arm (Pl.

19:4251). Single pieces account for hips (Pl. 19:8099),

knees (Pl. 18:9, Pl. 19:4040) and rump (Pl. 19:5043).

Two figurines are represented by their lower part of

the body only (Pl. 19: 11 (9086) & Fig. VI.2 (7045).

14 items come from apparently undisturbed units and

only two do not have a precise provenience, being

accidental finds in loose soil (Pl. 19:UN005/9A,

2001/17). The remaining six pieces were discovered

during the course of excavation, but in redistributed

fills.

Part of a figurine, which can be attributed to the

Lıga 1 settlement was discovered below the SW part

of House 1 of Lıga 2 (Fig. VI.3 (8099)). This house

was constructed on remains of an earlier one, the SW

part, at the descending slopes, being stabilized by oc-

cupational debris of the previous settlement (cf.

above, Chapter II). Hence, the original position of the

Fig. VI.1. Fragment of clay tablet (‘‘letter’’).


Fig. VI.2. Lower part of clay figurine (TS 7045) discovered in

House 2 (height – 7 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

fragmented figurine could not be established, al-

though the mixed and compact character of the layer

of shards where the fragment was found may indicate

that the materials were extracted from an area of reg-

ular waste.

This would certainly fall in line with observations

made on the distribution of figurines in the sub-

sequent Lıga 2 phase. Seven pieces with established

provenience were found in waste areas, mainly along

the northern and eastern wall of House 1 (6 cases),

one fragment was discovered between Houses 2 and

3 (Pl. 19:10061).

Figurines were also present within the houses. A

rather exceptional situation was uncovered in the

area of House 4, only partly excavated. Close to the

eastern wall, facing the presumable entrance in the

South, an enstooled clay figurine was discovered,

commonly known as a ‘‘sitting goddess’’ (Fig. VI.4,

Pl. 5 & 19). The head appeared 1 m North of the

body, evenly cut through the neck, in all probability

by a plough blade. The body stood somewhat deeper,

hence the difference in color: the head being pre-

served in drier conditions and therefore light brown

in color, while the body, located at a humus rich

Fig. VI.3. Fragment of clay figurine of Lıga 1 settlement (TS 8099)

(height – 8.4 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

trench, had a much darker brown color. The total

height of the figurine is 18 cm. Notably, this woman

is clearly pregnant. To the left of the figurine was

placed a seeming bowl (Ø – 10 cm) with what ap-

peared to be a clay egg in it (Fig. VI.4). The ‘‘bowl’’

was of the shape of a funnel narrowing to half of its

upper diameter. The general outline and traces of the

breakage at the narrower end suggest that, originally,

this clay ‘‘funnel’’ was in fact a skirt (fused with a

stool) of a sitting figurine, similar to the discovered

whole figurine. Thus, this find also serves as an ex-

ample of shifting usage within the same – ritual –

domain.

97Lıga

Fig. VI.4. Clay figurine, type known as ‘‘The sitting goddess’’, and

its accessories at the moment of discovery (height of the figurine –

18 cm).

The ‘‘clay egg’’ turned to be a hollow container

with slightly inverted rim and pointed bottom (Fig.

VI.5). Such items are known from other contempor-

ary sites. The most numerous collection (at least 18)

is held by the Bagachina site at Montana (Bonev &

Aleksandrov 1996, 49, Fig. 91, 92), where the ‘‘eggs’’

are interpreted as crucibles. The authors mention that

some of the items had vitrified surfaces, tentatively

confirming their function (Bonev & Aleksandrov

1996, 49). However, it remains puzzling, that items

with pointed bottoms and relatively closed form were

used for crucibles, since their handling would be com-

plicated by instability. However, in later times, during

Fig. VI.5. Drawing of a ‘‘clay egg’’, part of the composite find

centred on the sitting figurine (height – 65.5 mm, Ø max. 44¿48

mm, weight – 90 g).

the Roman period, similar egg-shaped crucibles are

known from other parts of Europe, e.g., England,

where their use was made possible by the use of metal

tongs (Tylecote 1992, Fig. 13:g). Finally, the con-

firmed crucibles found at Lıga are of a wholly differ-

ent open shape with flat bottoms (see below).

Therefore the allusion of an egg, held in the skirt

of a figurine seems more convincing. The coherence

of the items is strengthened by the fact, that all three

have identical clay fabric (see below). Moreover, they

are related through the same variation of brown

colors. M. Gimbutas has noticed that many hollow

figurines of the Cucuteni period contained within

their hollow bellies one or two small clay ‘‘eggs’’, or

clay balls (Gimbutas 1986, 245, Fig. 9.40). The sym-

bolism of an egg is rather straightforward, and most

likely universal. Furthermore, it corresponds with the

pregnant state of the woman in question.

The figurine, placed on the floor along with its ac-

cessories, was surrounded by vessels beginning to ap-

pear 0.36 m below the surface (Pl. 5). All were found

on a greenish clayey layer interpreted as a stamped

floor (the floor level being ca. 0.55 m below surface).

At the time of the conflagration, some vessels were

placed higher, perhaps on shelves installed at the east-

ern wall, as their position implies. Ca. 2 m from the

northern edge of the trench, and 5 cm from the figur-


ine, all material remains were swept away by later

trenching probably in connection with establishing of

a vineyard. Hence, the preserved information is

limited to the NE corner of the house, which is suf-

ficient to state that the ritual and the profane were

not formally segregated (see Chapter III).

House 1 contained a fragmented head (Pl. 18:2

(9427)) and a rolled clay lump furnished with anthro-

pomorphic features (Pl. 18:7 (9405)). The head is

interpreted as deriving from a figurine of the ‘‘sitting

goddess’’ type, very much alike the above mentioned

one (cf. below). A find of a fragment with bent knees

(Pl. 18:9 (4040)) outside the SW corner of House 5

may support the assumption that sitting figurines

were a rather common attribute of any household in-

ventory, and that only due to difficulties in recogniz-

ing them in a fragmented state, the false image of

their exclusiveness has been created (Todorova 1986,

200). The same observation was made by V. Gergov

on materials from the neighboring Redutite site (Ger-

gov 2000).

House 2 also contained two pieces of figurines.

One of these – a clay rump discovered in the NW

corner – may also represent a sitting figurine but of

different kind than the above mentioned (Pl.

19:5043). First of all, the stool is not integrated with

the body, and, secondly, it bears a rather naturalistic

rendering of a human part which usually is not em-

phasized. Another fragment discovered in House 2,

the lower part of a flat standing figurine with collected

legs and oversized hips (Fig. VI.2), indicates that

figurines also had an imovable position within the

house. This figurine of about 15 cm in height must

have been fastened to one of the timbers above the

oven (see Chapter III) through a hole of 1.0¿0.7 cm,

shaped prior to firing and having traces of wear. The

position of the fragment is in concordance with the

fall direction of the northern wall – from North to-

wards South. The traces of breakage were fairly re-

cent, but the upper part was not recovered.

House 3, with the richest inventory of pottery, con-

tained the poorest evidence regarding figurines. Just

a single head was found in the southern part (Pl. 18:4

(10654)). In the same area was also a clay stool, which

could be intended for a sitting figurine. Unfortunately,

this find was made after the Danish party has de-

parted from the excavation site, thus, it was not re-

corded in line with other items (information based on

sketches by T. Krısteva).

A rather high number of figurine fragments dis-

covered in the waste area along the northern and

eastern wall of House 1 indicates that clay figurines

were in active use and that the domains of their use

may have been several. Ever since the classical work

of P. Ucko in 1968 on figurines (Ucko 1968), nearly

every scholar treating the issues of prehistory in

Southern Europe has felt the urge to contribute to

the interpretation of figurative art. But as D. Bailey

has rightly noticed, approaches were few and sup-

ported mostly by personal convictions and ephem-

eral assumptions of psychoanalysis (1994). M. Gim-

butas’ work (1974; 1986; 1989) had the greatest im-

pact on forming widely accepted interpretations of

figurines as ‘‘sacred images of divine entities’’ (Gim-

butas 1986, 226). Regardless this uniformal ap-

proach, many observations put forward by Gimbut-

as are still valid and evoking. She stressed the con-

ventionalism seen in the molding of figurines with

little attention given to details of the human body,

but with much effort devoted to ‘‘proper placement

of fortifying and appropriate symbols’’ (Gimbutas

1986, 226). Such symbolically charged conventional-

ism can also be recognized in the Lıga material,

especially when compared with other finds of the

period. The most clear cut manifestation is the ‘‘sit-

ting goddess’’ with repeated minimalistic rendering

of a bird-like face, slightly raised, emphasized hips,

and arms collected on the belly. To a modern ob-

server, the reclining obese females seated on a stool

with the face pleasantly directed towards the sky first

of all emanate a feeling of ‘‘good times’’, perhaps

the basic intention, like a happy Buddha. In this

context, the observation that the Lıga figurine is vis-

ibly pregnant is important. At the same time, there

are also certain signs of individuality, which ask for

alternative explanations. In Lıga, this is seen in

some crudely yet precisely captured details, like two

cases of rendering of a hucklebone and toes.

Ethnographic data provide a string of options (for

summaries, see Ucko 1968; Talalay 1993), but what

they fail to demonstrate is a multi-dimensional use of

figurines within the same society. Examples are also

lacking on co-existence of figurines made of different

materials, e.g, clay and wood. Despite these limi-

99Lıga

Fig. VI.6. Clay items produced by an nine year old girl from East Gonja District, Northern Region of Ghana. Courtesy J.A. Okoro. Note

traditional devices such as grinding stones and mortar with pestle along with modern ones: a mobile phone and a microphone.

tations, ethnographic records still remain a source of

inspiration.

A valuable lesson can be gained from fieldwork in

Northern Region of Ghana carried out by J.A. Okoro

(pers.comm.) (1). Following the work routines of local

pottery producers, all aged woman, he discovered

that their 8–10 year old granddaughters were using

clay to produce toys, which occasionally could be sold

to their playmates. Incidentally, the daughters of the

potters were not attracted to the craft. The items that

girls were producing are: humans, furniture, grinding

stones, microphones, mobile phones, burnished small

vessels, ‘‘cousin driving a scooter’’ and so on – every-

thing that is surrounding the children in their daily

life (Fig. VI.6). At the same time, the girls tried to

come as close as possible in their rendering of the

1. The author is grateful to Dr. John Ako Okoro, University of

Ghana, Legon (Accra) for allowing to use unpublished data from

his studies, ‘‘The Salaga Research Project’’.

objects, but this does not imply that adult observers

would get the same impression. A good example is

‘‘cousin on a scooter’’, which looks like an asexual

figurine without legs and holding something in its

hands resembling bucranion. A ritual performance?

No. In a young potters mind this ‘‘boy of 21 years’’

is holding the handles of a wheel, the legs of the

‘‘cousin’’ being placed on the riding platform – hence

they are not important, as they virtually disappear

behind the scooter screen. Significantly, these items

are true images of real objects, if read properly.

Figurines produced by different children had sev-

eral common features. Massive legs, for example,

were necessary to keep the humans upraised. In that

way, they appeared as ‘‘standardized’’. When asked

about the lacking hair, girls stated that hair would

burn during the firing process. However, later on, one

of the young potters reflected on this limitation and

produced two figurines, a female with long hair was

left unfired, while a male figurine was fired together


Fig. VI.7. Wooden figurine representing the Yoruban deity Baba,

Benin.

with a bowl-like device which could be put on as its

hair.

During work in Benin, West Africa, although un-

connected with studies of figurines, there were several

occasions to observe the function of figurines within

different communities. Figurines protecting the vil-

lages could be found at their limits, figurines could be

seen both inside and outside houses, and they could

have different levels of ownership. At the village of

Gekoli to the East of Abomey (the area of Fon) the

main fetish was installed in the corner of a kitchen at

the chief’s house. A wooden figurine of a male with

bent knees and emphasized phallos was said to repre-

sent Baba – a Yorouban deity protecting the whole

village against illnesses (Fig. VI.7). It was dug into a

10 cm high platform and literally surrounded by kit-

chen ware. Outside the house, right at its western wall

were two other figurines, a female and an apparently

asexual being, confirmed to be a child – both said to

represent Yorouban Abikou, made for dead children

and connecting the world of the living with the world

of the spirits (Fig. VI.8). These figurines were also in

the ownership of the whole community, as well as

other fetishes of the village not taking human embodi-

ment. The members of a community could often de-

code the meaning of the figurines on the basis of just

one single appropriate element. Additional accessor-

ies or the position of a figurine could further

strengthen the meaning.

In Benin, different extended families would also

have a special box where several anthropomorphic

wooden figurines were kept together. These represent

deceased relatives. Although lacking individual fea-

tures, only sexual ones, the figurines are coupled up

with the deceased through special ceremonies. Indi-

vidual ownership of figurines is often seen among the

children. As the cult of twins is very powerful,

children who lost their twin would be provided with

a figurine representing the deceased twin, fasten to

their waist to be used as lucky charm but also as a

doll and as an actual person, often being fed.

When discarded, or, nowadays, usually sold to

tourist-minded merchants, the figurines release their

powers or spirits in a ceremonial way, which com-

monly involve cut marks on arms or legs – a ritual

destruction (though not affecting the value of the item

as a commodity).

Without attempting any direct analogy, the points

presented here serve to underline the amplitude of

levels on which figurines may circulate both mentally

and contextually. First of all, the possibility of identify-

ing children as producers inspired to look more thor-

oughly at the way figurines were produced. Pro-

cessing of the flint material from Lıga has yielded

some evidence, that local brownish flint, found on the

site, was used as a medium of training. No tools have

been made of this poor quality flint, but several

knapped cores indicate the practice.

All discovered clay figurines, except one, were

three-dimensional (Pl. 19). The one two-dimensional

figurine (7045) was discovered in House 2, where, as

already mentioned, it must have been attached to one

of the timbers above the oven. For manufacturing of

figurines, two basic techniques were applied. At least

in five cases figurines were modeled from one and the

same lump of clay (7045, 9405, 9024, 9086, 2001/

127). This is seemingly also the case of the only figur-

ine of the Lıga 1 settlement (8099). Incidentally, three

of the one-lump-figurines were made of untempered

clay (9405, 9086, 2001/127). Another technique in-

101Lıga

volved individual modeling of separate body parts

and then assembling. This was the prevailing tech-

nique at Lıga 2. The more informative fragments in-

dicate that solid limbs and head were attached to a

hollow body. The body would be simply modeled

with fingers. Small protrusions were made to attach

the limbs. This can be seen from the majority of the

figurine legs, which were broken off at junctions. In

more demanding cases, a wooden stick of 4–5 mm in

diameter was used as a core, around which the figur-

ine would be assembled. Thus, holes after such sticks

can be seen in both heads (4446, 8000) and legs/feet

(9005). In two cases within this group the figurines

were manufactured of untempered clay (10226,

UN009/9B).

Fragments of figurines made of untempered clay

have attracted special attention, since they appear as

exceptions in the total body of pottery products.

Natural clay was readily available at the Lıga site.

This availability could certainly inspire even unskilled

members of the community to express their creativity.

Natural clay would also be used for ad hoc tasks. Im-

portantly, the discovered fragments of five figurines

made of untempered clay were fired, so these items

were treated the same way as the others. Of course,

the amount of unfired figurines will never be known.

All five pieces are somewhat special. One of them –

a head (2001/127, unknown provenience) made of a

lump of clay – was carved in the manner of a wooden

object. The cut marks were slightly smoothened with

wet fingers. Carving of clay lumps can be seen as an

attempt to transfer manufacturing techniques applied

on wooden objects. At the same time, it signalizes a

group of items which has disappeared, namely

wooden artifacts. Another fragment within this group

is the right half of the lower part of a standing female

figurine. This figurine has also been produced of a

single lump of clay. The shape and incision of a pubic

triangle are made with nearly mathematic precision.

This was not a product of a novice. The cut made in

the middle of the figurine has apparently been con-

trolled, leaving a very plain surface of longitudinal

breakage. The item was found in the lower layers of

waste accumulated along the eastern wall of House 1.

Without going into further considerations it can be

mentioned, that similar fragments of Middle Neolithic

(5000–4500 BC) figurines at Franchthi, Greece were

Fig. VI.8. Wooden figurines outside Beninoise house, representing

the Yoruban deity Abikou.

interpreted by L. Talalay as a kind of contractual de-

vices or identifying tokens enchaining distant contrac-

tors, presumably holding the other half of the same

figurine (Talalay 1993, 45–46, Plates 11 & 12).

The remaining three fragments, deriving from un-

tempered clay figurines might well have been pro-

duced by inexpert makers. They include a rolled clay

lump with anthropomorphic features and shallow ob-

lique incisions on the back, found in House 1 (9405).

Another example is a rather crudely made leg, broken

off at the junction and found in the ‘‘street’’ area at

the back of House 3 (10226). The third item is a leg

of a short-legged figurine with oversized hucklebone

(UN009/9B, disturbed fill) – perhaps an attempt to

imitate the details seen on masterly produced figur-

ines (cf. 9005).

These suggestions do not exclude that other items

made of tempered clay could have been produced

by children. Indeed, all fragments of figurines can

be divided into those made by skillful masters, ap-

plying well balanced fabric and surface treatment

techniques and those manufactured in more rudi-

mentary fashion.

Certain artistic signatures can be recognized when

viewing all the small finds together. It has been men-

tioned that the sitting figurine found in House 4 to-

gether with its accessories was made of identical fab-

ric – clay abundantly tempered with sand (quartz par-


Fig. VI.9. Clay figurine representing pig.

ticles being 1–2 mm) and organic matter. The same

fabric (with the same size and proportion of temper-

ing components) was also identified in a skillfully

made zoomorphic figurine rendering a pig (Fig. VI.9).

Apparently, this temper combination was considered

as minimum risk temper, ensuring that the work in-

vested in production of these items would not be jeop-

ardized during the firing process. Perhaps it can also

be interpreted as an individual signature of a potter.

The lower part of the figurine discovered in House

2 (Fig VI.2) could be linked with a tripod found in

House 5 (Pl. 19:42026, Pl. 20:1) – both have received

the same grooving of the surface and were made of

the same fabric: abundant presence of organic matter

and chamotte (0.5–3 mm) and moderate amount of

sand (up to 1 mm). Two massive legs (9014 & 9022)

discovered in the waste area at House 1 were made

of the same fabric, had the same dark gray brown

color and both were burnished in the same fashion.

On their soles were impressions of grass leaves, point-

ing to the fact that their production took place in a

not formalized working environment and during

warmer part of the year. The legs could easily be

taken as belonging to the same standing figurine if

only they were not left legs both of them. Incidentally,

a similar leg was discovered at Ezero-Kaleto, indi-

cating that this is a type of figurine having a wider

regional and temporal distribution. The proportion of

the legs suggests that such figurines would have been

around 30 cm in height.

The conventionalism, which is seen in stressing cer-

tain elements in figurines, repetitiveness, and depend-

ence on rules of assembling the figurines, did not re-

quire special skills to achieve the wanted results. The

‘‘sitting goddess’’ would still be perceived as ‘‘the sit-

ting goddess’’ no matter if one views the elaborate

examples found at Lıga and Redutite (Gergov 2000)

or the unsophisticated creations from Zaminec (Niko-

lov 1975) and Okol Glava (Pernicheva 2002). Re-

liance on conventionalism probably explains why

some of the sitting figurines were not equipped with

sexual attributes (see Nikolov 1975) – perhaps the

general shape was allusive enough to decode the

meaning of such figurine. This could also be true

about other types of figurines, like, e.g., the bell-

shaped figurine discovered in the lower layers of

waste East of House 1 (Pl. 18: 1). Produced of a single

lump of clay with perforated arm stumps stretched

out and seemingly raised and with a raised head, it is

being seen as asexual, although similar figurines from

Redutite were equipped with breasts (Grancharov

1999, Fig. 25). Nevertheless, avoiding premature con-

clusions, the mentioned bell-shaped figurine along

with a rolled lump figurine from House 1 are here

considered ‘‘asexual’’.

Certain sexual determination within the Lıga ma-

terial can be made in four cases, and in all, it is a

matter of females. The one and only Lıga 1 figurine,

preserved only in half, had incised pubic triangle and

a hip belt, an emphasized belly was most likely a ref-

erence to pregnancy. Also the back was covered with

incisions.

Turning to the Lıga 2 material, the fully preserved

sitting figurine has both breasts and incised pubic tri-

angle. Pubic triangle was also seen on a fragment of

a sitting figurine discovered in a ‘‘street’’ area (prob-

ably re-deposited later, since it had traces of second-

ary burning, contrary to the finds from the same

area). Within the pubic triangle it was richly decor-

ated with incisions forming a double spiral (¬) and

dots. A ribbon of linear incisions was running across

the thighs (Pl. 18:9). This band is perhaps replicating

clothing. A double spiral motif on pubic triangles is a

frequently applied element of Copper Age figurines.

In fact, this fragment was the only truly decorated

figurine fragment at Lıga 2. The third Lıga 2 case

where a sexual distinction could be made is the lower

part of a figurine found at House 1. As already men-

tioned, its femininity is revealed through a sharply

incised pubic triangle (Pl. 18:11).

103Lıga

It should also be mentioned that one of the heads

can perhaps be interpreted as male due to a promi-

nent chin, alluding beard (Pl. 18:4). Two perforations

on each side of the head mark the ears. Such perfor-

ations were not reserved for female figurines only,

since there are several examples of male figurines with

ear perforations (Nikolov 1970, 62; Fig. 11; Todorova

1979, Fig. 1). While female figurines are usually

equipped with three or more perforations, male

figurines tend to have only two.

Needless to repeat that no individual, naturalistic

facial features can be deduced from the preserved

heads. Protruding nose is usually considered sufficient

in reproducing human images. Eyes may be rendered

as dots, perforations or protrusions. Mouth is repro-

duced as a depression or a series of dots. Ears would

only be marked as perforations. Such artistic puritan-

ism was arguably a conscious choice or restriction in

order to avoid blurring of the message. Accepting this

view, more stress should be put on the decoration de-

signs of the figurines, perceiving these as symbolic no-

tations with specific meaning.

Attempts were made to reconstruct the scale of

figurines. The smallest fully preserved one was the

bell-shaped figurine of 4.8 cm (9024). The biggest are

represented by two massive legs (9014, 9022), one of

which is preserved in its full extent. Such figurine is

estimated to be around 30 cm. The remaining would

fall into groups: 7–12 and 14–20 cm, respectively.

The fully preserved sitting figurine was 18 cm in

height. It can be noted that similar figurines at Redut-

ite range between 14 and 25 cm (Gergov 2000).

In terms of color, there are three basic color cate-

gories. Those figurines, which were made of un-

tempered clay stand out by their light gray to gray

brown color. In three cases the color is gray black

(legs 9014 & 9022, head 10654), which is unusual for

Lıga 2 materials. The remaining pieces range be-

tween light yellow brown to medium brown color (oc-

casionally, with reddish patches). Surface treatment is

usually limited to smoothing and evening. Some

items, like the fragment attributed to Lıga 1 (8099)

and legs from the waste area at House 1 (9014, 9022),

bear traces of burnishing. Regular burnishing is ob-

served on the surface of the head from House 3

(10654). The surface of the skillfully made pair of

legs/feet (9005) was smoothed with the help of self-

slip. Pattern decoration using incisions was observed

only in three cases (8099, 4040, 9405).

Little can be said on organization of production of

the figurines. There is, however, some evidence that

at least part of the figurines was produced in the same

setting as pottery. The most skillfully made item

among the discovered pieces of figurines is considered

to be a pair of legs/feet (9005) (Pl. 18:10). This not

only received the best surface treatment in form of

self-slip, but it also demonstrates an exceptional de-

gree of artistic attention paid to such ‘‘small’’ details

as toes and hucklebones. The fragment was tempered

with fine organic matter and chamotte; on the soles

were many particles of sand, as in the case of vessel

bottoms. So, a layer of sand was separating the feet

from a flat surface, in order to avoid adhesion during

the modeling.

Looking at the patterns of breakage, there are five

fragments which can be linked to deliberate breaking.

Naturally, this group might be bigger. The criterion

chosen to distinguish between deliberate breaking and

‘‘natural’’ relies on two observations. First of all, the

fragment should not be broken at its juncture point.

And, secondly, the breakage should reflect a con-

trolled action, like separating figurines into equal

halves or creating plain cuts (2). Following these

guidelines of separation, the group of deliberately

broken items includes the left buttock of the Lıga 1

figurine (8099), the lower left part of a figurine (9086),

a leg of a massive figurine (9014), and a pair of legs/

feet (9005) – all found in a waste area at House 1 –

plus a head discovered in House 3 (10654).

The Lıga material, although limited, also provides

some clues on ownership of the figurines. The par-

ticular location of a sitting figurine on a house floor

at the rear end of the room and presumably close to

the oven indicates that this was serving group de-

mands. As evidence from Lıga and Redutite sug-

gests, every house could have been equipped with

such a sitting figurine. This also narrows the owner-

ship to a household level. The same can be said

about the figurine of which the lower part was dis-

covered in House 2 and which was hung above the

2. The head of the complete sitting figurine, found in a higher

layer, 1 m away from the body, also has an even cut, but this is

caused by recent ploughing.


Fig. VI.10. Clay figurine discovered in ruin of a house at the an-

cient main settlement of the Krobos, Ghana.

oven (Fig. VI.2). Accepting that part of the figurines

could have been toys produced by children, it is

possible to state that some specimens were individu-

ally owned. Bone figurines, treated by P. Zidarov,

also provide important points (Chapter IX). As a

rule, clay figurines were seemingly designed to serve

group demands, while bone figurines belonged to

the more individualised sphere of use and owner-

ship. Bone figurines, which are easy to carry, for in-

stance in clothing, are thus not uncommon among

grave gifts (see Chapter XI). Manufacturing of bone

figurines is also less straightforward and requires

special skills compared with production of clay

figurines. This naturally sets some restrictions on the

number of possible owners as well as putting such

items into a different category of value.

Bone figurines are also presenting evidence about

shifting ownership (see Chapter IX). The only anthro-

pomorphic figurine found at Lıga (attributed to the

Lıga 1 settlement) was decorated twice, maybe even

three times. The first time it received all the conven-

tional markings of the period, the next time a new

owner made a more forthright marking of the pubic

triangle – but at knee height – seemingly unsatisfied

with the allusiveness of the original markings (Pl.

26:6). While the clay figurines seem to belong in the

female sphere of pottery production, it is not unlikely

that the flat and portable bone specimens were male

products.

Lastly, accepting the special role of the sitting

figurine, it should once again be stressed, that settle-

ment conflagration was not a planned act (cf. Stev-

anovic 1997), but a nasty surprise, which forced the

inhabitants to leave even their idols behind. Such situ-

ation can perhaps be illuminated through comparison

with historical events. In 1892, in Ghana, the British,

under threat of canon fire, forced the whole com-

munity of Krobo Hills to flee and abandon their be-

longings. Thus, community idols can still be found

among the ruins, house walls and broken vessels of

this huge settlement (Fig. VI.10).

ZOOMORPHIC FIGURINES

Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic protomes have

been discussed in above sections related to the pot-

tery. Briefly it can be stated that only one anthropo-

morphic protome and two zoomorphic ones (resem-

bling ox) were found, both attributed to the Lıga 2

settlement (Fig. V.16 & Pl. 17:2,3). One proper zo-

omorphic figurine was discovered behind House 4, in

the ‘‘street’’ area. It was made of a single clay lump,

tempered with fine organic matter and chamotte. The

length is 6.6 cm. Although fragmented (part of the

head and legs are missing), it holds several details of

identification. A hump on the back is typical for oxen

(Pl. 17:7). A pair of nubs between the back legs may

indicate that it was a bull.

The second zoomorphic figurine can truly be con-

sidered an artwork, when compared with other figur-

ines of the time. It is made in the best Gumelnita

tradition, with naturalistic, elaborate details not leav-

ing space for speculations on what it was representing.

Citing Gumelnita is not accidental, for the closest par-

allels are from the KGK VI area. The head of the

figurine is missing as it was made using a less common

‘‘head-hole’’ insertion technique. The body – length

13.5 cm – bears characteristic features of a pig (Fig.

VI.9 & Pl. 17:8). The clay used to manufacture this

figurine contained organic matter and abundant

amounts of rather coarse sand, the same combination

and proportion as in the case of the fully preserved

sitting human figurine. Hence, it is likely that the

same person was responsible for the creation of both.

This animal figurine was found in a top layer South

of House 4, where the sitting figurine was discovered.

105Lıga

SMALL TABLES AND SIMILAR DEVICES

Among the rather peculiar finds at Lıga are fragments

of small table-like devices, which usually are denomi-

nated as altarpieces, cult-tables, oil lamps and the like

(Banffy 1997, 8–9; Elster 1986, 303). Such variety in

characterization may not only reflect personal convic-

tions of a describing observer, but also a functional

amplitude of such items. Moreover, other artefacts,

like small bowls or plates, may have overlapping use

functions. Use of the self-constructed term ‘‘table-

like’’ is an attempt to avoid straightforward interpre-

tations.

Eleven fragments of table-like devices have been

discovered at Lıga (Pl. 19–21). One is derived from

Lıga 1 materials, the remaining from Lıga 2 data.

Among the fragments are four legs, two of which were

broken at or below their junction point, so strictly

speaking it cannot be determined what they have

been supporting. The material provides a very mixed

picture, all shapes and types being represented. There

are both tripods (4: 42026, 2000/15, 14000, 10659),

rectangular (3:2001/250, 9028, 4625), and hexagon

pieces (2:8001, 4646.4, 10659). Two speciemen may

be considered as nearly complete, since only their legs

are partly damaged (42026, 9028).

A common feature for this group of items is an

integration of a basin with legs supporting it. As the

only exception, the one fragment attributed to the

Lıga 1 settlement was not equipped with legs (2001/

250) (Pl. 20:3). This was rectangular in shape, while

the outline of a basin was rounded. The item well-

burnished and brown in color. One of the sides was

decorated with graphite decoration. The find spot

was beneath the western wall of House 1, which was

stabilized by debris from the Lıga 1 settlement.

Three of the fragments attributed to the Lıga 2

settlement were found in uppermost layers, hence

their provenience is unclear (4625, 9000, 14000).

Three fragments (8001, 9028, 9000) were found in

layers of waste accumulated at the NE corner of

House 1. Two fragments can be associated with

House 2 (4646.4, 2000/15). One fragment was attri-

buted to House 3 (10659), and one was found in the

‘‘street’’ area at the SW corner of House 5 (4343).

The best preserved table-like item was found upside

down in House 5, at the southern wall (Pl. 20:1

(42026)).

Fig. VI.11. Model of oven discovered among debris attributed to

the Lıga 1 settlement. Photo: R. Kolev.

Despite formal variation there are several com-

mon characteristics. Firstly, all but one specimen

show manufacturing skills beyond the ordinary, both

in terms of surface treatment and decoration. Con-

trary to the figurines, table-like devices were pro-

duced by skillful masters. Only one example, tem-

pered with organic matter, was made in a crude

manner with no attention given to the surface finish

(9028). Secondly, the range of original colors is

limited to light brown and light reddish brown.

Thirdly, all Lıga fragments share a very significant

feature, namely that one geometric form is incorpor-

ated into another. The round basin is thus incorpor-

ated into triangular, rectangular or hexagonal

shapes. Such formal antithesis had no doubt a sym-

bolic meaning, thus elevating the table-like devices

above the profane. In this light, it becomes matters

of peripheral interest to determine whether the de-

vices were oil-lamps or, more abstractly, altarpieces.

Certainly, the issue will require more elaborate

studies than observations under microscope (cf.

Banffy 1997; Schwarzberg 2003).

Rather more fully preserved fragments show that

legs of the table-like devices experienced the most

stress. They bear traces of intense abrasions, caused

by rough surfaces. Seemingly, the device continued to


Fig. VI.12. Fragment of crucible (4¿4.3 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

be used after breaking of one or even two legs. This

indicates, that table-like devices had a long duration

of use. The smallest among the discovered pieces is

the crude one (9028), its dimensions are only

6.5¿3.8¿3.8 cm, the diameter of the basin being 2

cm. Other pieces are twice as big, the length varying

between 9–12 cm, while the diameter of the basin is

4 (10659), 5 (42026) and 6 (8001) cm, respectively.

The greatest variation is seen in height, from 4.5 to

10–12 cm. Based on such variety of shapes and sizes,

when practically there are no pieces repeating each

other, it can be assumed that alter-like devices were

objects used in exchange. In this sense they can in-

deed be considered as social ceramics, and not only

due to their non-utilitarian purpose, as pointed out

by E. Elster (1986, 303).

The upper surface – the ‘‘visible’’ part – has re-

ceived the most attention. Table-like devices can be

slipped and burnished (8001), burnished (10659), cov-

ered with grooves (42026), incised in angular patterns

(4343, 10659, 4625), or equipped with extra-modeled

protrusions (14000, 2000/15). One of the pieces de-

serves extra attention (10659). Its outer surface is light

reddish brown, while the basin is gray black due to

even distribution of sooth. Besides, the basin is in-

tensely burnished and virtually non-permeable. Other

items also have traces of secondary burning, but of

less regular nature (4625, 4343, 8001). Hence, ma-

nipulation of fire in relation with table-like devices

cannot be excluded. In terms of fabric, the clay is

abundantly tempered, the prevailing combination of

tempering materials being organic matter, well-sorted

sand and chamotte.

Although these considerations have not clarified

the function of the table-like devices, it has been dem-

onstrated that the production required experienced

potters, thus indicating that the context of their use

was more restricted than that of the figurines.

MODEL OF OVEN

Models of houses or ovens belong to a group of rar-

ities in Copper Age sites. Only one such item was

discovered at Lıga. It is an oven model with arched

opening found beneath the SE part of House 1 of

the Lıga 2 settlement (Fig. VI.11 & Pl. 17:9). As has

been mentioned before, this slope area was stabilised

with debris deriving from the Lıga 1 settlement,

which thus was redistributed. The oven model was

an integrated part of a larger item. The most plaus-

ible interpretation is that it was a part of a lid. It

remains unclear, however, why a hole of ca. 1.5 cm

in diameter was made in the bottom wall of the

dome (for pouring?). The hole was made after firing.

The ridge of the furnace was originally furnished

with three protrusions, of which only two are intact.

The surface of the dome is covered with 10 longi-

tudinal, parallel incisions.

CRUCIBLES & METALLURGY

The excavations at Lıga have also provided evidence

for metallurgy. It was attested in both Copper Age

settlements, as well as in Grave 1 (see Chapter XI).

Incidentally, all items related to metallurgy were

found in the same excavated area, at the southern

slopes of the site.

Two fragments of two crucibles were recovered be-

neath the SW part of House 1. They were in a dense

layer of shards and other finds from Lıga 1, which

was created after leveling and stabilizing the slope

area prior to construction of House 1 of the Lıga 2

settlement. Both crucibles were rectangular in shape

107Lıga

with rounded basin and flat bottom. Both were made

of clay tempered with moderate amounts of well-sort-

ed sand and were affected by secondary burning, al-

though not vitrified.

The bigger one was better preserved, and more

crude than the smaller one (Fig. VI.12 & Pl. 17:10)

Its estimated length was 7 cm, the width 4 cm, the

total height 2.5 cm. One of the sides was equipped

with two holes placed on the same level at the middle

of the wall. The diameter of the holes is 0.5 cm. The

holes were presumably used to fix a handle, two

wooden sticks, for example. By using two sticks, a

steady grip would be provided and spoiling of melted

copper would be avoided. Copper deposit was dis-

covered attached to the bottom of the crucible.

The smaller crucible was more thoroughly manufac-

tured with a smooth surface of the internal basin. The

preserved fragment, a corner of the crucible, may only

allow rather coarse estimations of external dimensions,

which were not exceeding 4.5¿5 cm, the height 2.3 cm

(Pl. 17:11). As the previous item, it was also equipped

with two holes in the middle of the wall. But the holes

were only half as big, around 0.25 cm, the diameter

narrowing from outside towards the inside.

Actual copper items were found in later layers,

namely inside House 1 of the Lıga 2 settlement. The

finds include one awl and two pins, lying encapsu-

lated in burned layers of daub at the floor level but

in different parts of the house.

The awl (8597) was 7.1 cm long and 0.9 cm wide

at its widest part. It was gradually narrowing towards

one end, which was slightly bent (Fig. VI.13). How-

ever, due to corrosion it could not be established with

certainty, which end was the working one. The awl

had a quadrangular cross-section along its whole

length and a pointed end. It was found just outside

the dividing structure of House 1.

The longer pin (9425) measured 4.1 cm in length

and was 2.9 mm wide (Fig. VI.14). It had a quad-

rangular cross-section. Part of the surface was eroded

away, but it could be deduced that the pin was taper-

ing to a point. The pin was found together with the

head of a presumably sitting figurine (Pl. 18:2 (9425))

in House 1.

The shorter pin (9089), measuring just 2.4 cm in

length and 2.5 mm in width, was found near the

major concentration of storage and other vessels of

Fig. VI.13. Copper awl and pointed bone tools (length of the Cu

awl – 7.1 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

House 1. This pin also had a quadrangular cross-sec-

tion. It is very well preserved and therefore gave

grounds to think that it was made of bronze. The

item was analyzed with X-ray flourescence by B.

Gottlieb (3), National Museum of Denmark. It was

3. The author is grateful to Birthe Gottlieb, MA, for carrying out

this analysis.


Fig. VI.14. Copper pin (length – 4.1 cm).

Fig. VI.15. Bone handle with impression presumably of copper pin

of quadrangular cross-section (Ø – 1 cm).

Fig. VI.16. Cylindrical copper bead found in Grave 1 (length – 1.2

cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

demonstrated that the pin was made of copper deriv-

ing from two different sources, a result perhaps

achieved through remelting of different copper items.

It should be mentioned that at the western wall of

House 3 was found a bone socket (Pl. 27:6) still bear-

ing impressions of a presumably copper pin with

quadrangular cross-section (Fig. VI.15).

Metal could also be associated with the graves (see

Chapter XI). Several copper beads, both wide cylin-

drical (ca. 1.5 cm in length) (Fig. VI.16) and narrow

cylindrical (0.2–0.3 cm in length) were found in

Grave 1, in the area of the breast of the body. Grave

1 was dug under the NW corner of House 1. The

remains of the skeleton together with adjoining soils

were moved to the Historical Museum of Pleven for

more controlled investigation. As a result, more cop-

per beads were discovered. The beads were made of

rolled copper sheet with overlapping edges. The roll-

ed cylinder was then cut into single pieces. The diam-

eter of the beads was around 0.5 cm.

The most exclusive item discovered at Lıga is a

golden pendant (see Chapter XI) (Fig. VI.17). The

circumstances of its discovery are unclear, as it was

discovered in loose soil close to Grave 1. It was made

of a narrow strip of golden sheet, 0.1 cm thick cut

longitudinally until its approximate midpoint. The

terminals were then rolled in opposite directions into

spirals. The total length of the pendant is 4.3 cm. At

the other end, a hole for hanging was made by cold

hammering. The surplus/excessive metal was then re-

curved.

Regardless its uncertain provenience, the golden

pendant, likely a phallos (with testicles) can be attri-

buted to the Late Copper Age. The best parallel, also

in gold, is exhibited at the National Museum of Gree-

ce (Fig. VI.18). Although it is merely part of a bigger

confiscated hoard of 70 golden items, the association

with so-called ring-idols (Todorova, Vajsov 2001,

Pl.22) places it securely in the period around the end

of the fifth millennium BC.

Copper pins with double spiral head are relatively

common on Bulgarian Copper Age sites (Todorova &

Vajsov 2001, Pl. 9). Such a pin was also discovered at

the neighboring Redutite site (Gergov 1987), indi-

cating that gold pendants as tokens was not foreign

to the symbolic realm of the Copper Age at Telish.

VARIOUS MINOR ITEMSSPINDLE WHORLS

The number of spindle whorls is limited to six com-

plete and one unfinished specimens, all in clay and

109Lıga

all from uncertain contexts. However, due to their

general appearance and clay matrix they can be attri-

buted to the Lıga 2 settlement, despite the fact that

shapes of spindle whorls show limited temporal sensi-

tivity. Four different shapes are represented in the

Lıga material:

(a) Biconical; represented by two of the whorls. One

of these has truncated top and base (Pl. 17:12,13).

(b) Spherical; represented by one finished and one

unfinished whorl (Pl. 17:14).

(c) Flat; made of recycled pottery shards, which were

shaped into a rounded disc and pierced, repre-

sented by two items (Pl. 17:15).

(d) Conical; with a flat base, represented by one item

(Pl. 17:16).

The dimensions of the whorls are indicated in Fig.

VI.19. In terms of temper, there is an equal division

into two groups – those produced of natural clay and

those tempered with organic matter and coarse-grain-

ed sand.

One wheel-like object also deserves to be mention-

ed in this context (Fig. VI.20). It has the form of a

flat perforated rondel, but the hole is seemingly too

small for the rod of a whorl. The rondel itself is 5.3

cm in diameter, while the diameter of the perforation

is just 3.5 mm. The edges are well smoothed, indi-

cating that these were in repeated contact. The func-

tion remains uncertain; perhaps it is a miniature

wheel due to the small hole.

Despite thorough investigations, traces of textiles

were only found in one case at Lıga. An impression

of a Z-laid cord 0.77 cm thick was found below the

rim of the big pithos in House 3 (Fig. VI.21). Appar-

ently, the cord was used to withstand the pressure

during drying of this huge container.

LOOM WEIGHTS

Three loom weights were discovered at Lıga, two ly-

ing together outside the northern wall of House 4,

close to the surface and hence with uncertain proveni-

ence. All weighs are conical in shape with rounded

base and horizontal perforation at the top (Fig.

VI.22). Their height varies between 9–10 cm, the di-

ameter of the base being 7–8 cm. Such weights are

interpreted as parts of warp-weighted looms. The

Fig. VI.17. Golden pendant (‘‘phallos’’) (height – 4.3 cm). Photo:

R. Kolev.

Fig. VI.18. Golden pendant (height ca. 6 cm), exhibited at the

National Museum of Greece. Unknown provenience.

Fig. VI.19. Table of spindle whorls.


Fig. VI.20. Perforated clay rondel.

weight of each item is around 0.5 kg, pointing to rela-

tively thick threads.

All loom weights were made of untempered clay

with single inclusions of larger sand grains (ca. 3 mm),

occasional small pebbles and ochre. In terms of fab-

ric, they do not differ from clay used for daubing the

upper layers of house walls.

The strikingly small number of loom weights is

perhaps an indication that these artefacts were used

unfired and thus disintegrated if not exposed to fire

during settlement conflagration. At the same time,

the lack of such evidence within three rather well-

preserved houses opens up for two options: (a) that

weaving was carried out outside the houses, ac-

cepting that the conflagration took place during the

warm period of the year; (b) that weaving was not

as common as generally assumed, and in fact nar-

rowed to a limited number of specialists, unlike the

pottery production.

CYLINDRICAL WEIGHTS

Two cylindrical clay weights were recorded from dis-

turbed layers in the area of House 2 (Fig. VI.23). Tra-

ditionally, by analogy, such are associated with fishing

nets. Some Late Copper Age sites, for instance, Baga-

china have produced abundant numbers of weights

(Bonev & Aleksandrov 1996). However, only two fish

bones were collected from Lıga, despite flotation pro-

Fig. VI.21. Shard of storage container with impression of cord.

cedures (see Chapter X). The total absence of fish

remains at most Copper Age sites cannot be ex-

plained merely by excavation procedures. Some

meticulously carried-out fieldwork, as recently at Kar-

anovo or in the Drama valley, have not produced fish

bone material at all (Bökönyi & Bartosiewicz 1997,

386). At Sadovec-Ezero, two fish vertebrae were

found, both with secondary abrasions of the edges,

which transforms the pieces into a category of tools/

worked bone, and certainly ruling out an assumption

of unfavourable conditions of preservation. On the

other hand, very few fish bones would survive passing

through dogs.

To add to the confusion, both items discovered at

Lıga are made of poorly baked clay, abundantly tem-

pered with organic matter and therefore seemingly

unsuitable for lengthy periods in water.

BEADS

Three clay beads were discovered, all attributed to

Lıga 2 layers (Pl. 17:17–19). A common feature is that

they are made of untempered clay. Two of the beads

are spherical (10 and 20 mm in diameter), one dis-

coidal (21 mm in diameter). Traces of wear indicate

that the latter was hung with the rounded side out,

perhaps as a cloth weight. Two beads were found in

a ‘‘street’’ area, one in front of House 2.

111Lıga

Fig. VI.22. Clay loom weights (one square of the background plate

equals 1 cm).

MODIFIED VESSEL SHARDS

Recycling of pottery shards has been a wide-spread

practice at Lıga. In most cases their secondary func-

tion could be deduced either through the shape (e.g.,

spindle whorls) or traces of wear (e.g., pottery bur-

nishers). But there is a group of modified shards,

which do not provide any explicit clues as to their

function. These are ceramic discs of nearly regular

circular shape, ca. 2 to 4 cm in diameter (Pl. 17: 20–

21). There are no explicit traces of wear. A handful

of such items were recorded in Lıga 2 layers, those

with exact provenience came from areas outside the

houses. A suggestion is that they were gaming pieces.

Fig. VI.23. Cylindrical clay weights (length of the item to the left –

7.4 cm). Photo: R. Kolev.

VII. FLINTSby

Søren Albek et al.

THE INDUSTRY

Smaller flint tools and debitage are often overlooked

in common excavations. At Lıga, after the short initial

phase of the excavation, all flints, worked and un-

worked, were collected, washed, recorded and

studied. Many pieces of very poor quality flint –

washed out and brittle – were found, the majority

unworked. Among the worked flints – almost all of

good quality material – the percentage of tools is un-

usually high. The finds are of a blade industry, only

a very few tools are made from cores (or flakes). The

measures below are of complete items.

Some Hammerstones at Lıga are in flint (Pl. 24:1).

All are of fist size or a little smaller, with clear crush-

ing marks. Apart from a single oval specimen, all are

spherical. Debitage makes up a very heterogeneous

group, with items ranging from 1–10 cm. Some items

are cores or spalls, others flakes large and small. No-

tably, the debitage is only making up some 30% of

the worked flints items (Fig. VII.1). Artefact group

Fig. VII.1. Flints. Debitage, blades & tool types (numbers).

Cores and Fragments of Cores comprises exhausted

and non-exhausted cores, and fragments and flakes of

cores, the latter from making or rejuvenation of strik-

ing platforms. Blades are oblong flakes – length more

than double the width – made in direct percussion

technique. However, most tools were made in indirect

percussion techniques, since bulbs, ripples and even

scars are mising. The quality is generally high. Many

speciments are broken.

The tools are classified according to functional

characteristics: primarily, shape (morphology, includ-

ing dressing and retouche), secondarily, work traces

(traces of hafting, macroscopic use-wear marks, gloss,

crushing-marks). Accordingly, a number of macro-

morphological types have been established (Fig.

VII.1), although some items cannot be determined

any closer than ‘‘Knife or Sickle-blade’’, or ‘‘Un-

known Tool’’, the former are often very small or frag-

mented specimens, difficult to determine due to

limited size. The latter group comprises items made

from blades or blade-like flakes, which cannot be de-

termined, either because they are reworked or multi-

purpose in character. The cross-section is triangular

or trapezoid, the length 3.0–4.0 cm, the width 1.5–

3.0.

Items here classified as Scrapers are made from

thick flakes, drop-shaped in outline and with a steep

scraping edge (Fig. VII.2:1, Pl. 22:1,4). The length is

3.5–5.0 cm, the width 1.5–2.5.

End-scrapers make up a highly uniform group of

tools: all made on long and well-shaped blades or

flakes, typically 5.0–7.0 cm long, the width being 2.0–

2.5. Many have traces of hafting; the scraping edge is

less steep than at the above Scapers. Many specimens

are broken (Fig. VII.2:2–5, Pl. 22: 2–3,5–8).

Borers make up a heterogeneous group, all made

on massive blades, often triangular in cross-section;

the length is 3.0–6.0 cm, the width 1.5–3.0 (Pl. 23:6–

8).

113Lıga

Fig. VII.2. Some of the scrapers of Lıga 2 settlement. Photo: R. Kolev.

Knives is a large group of retouched blades used

for cutting. The variation in length is considerable,

4.0–8.0 cm, the width 1.5–3.0 – no doubt a reflection

of differential use (Pl. 22:9–12, Pl. 23:10–14). The

cross-section is usually trapezoid, either equilateral or

oblique, the long side used for cutting. Many speci-

mens carry traces of hafting, which likely was longi-

tudinal.

Sickle-blades are, like the above End-scrapers, a

very homogeneous group of tools made on medium-

sized blades (Pl. 23:2–5). They all have gloss on the

one edge, sometimes on both. Most of the sickle-

blades have smooth or only lightly retouched edges,

only very rarely are these dented. The length is 4.0–

5.0 cm, the width 2.0–2.5. The cross-section is usually

oblique trapezoid with the steep short side used for

cutting. To judge from wear marks and gloss, there

were seemingly two types of sickle. The first type had

one (or more) blades attached at the one end directly

to the shaft, the second type had blades inserted along

the one side of a curved shaft or even into the middle

piece of a handle. Many sickle-blades are broken,

likely during use.

Burins do not enter this assemblage; the above

End-scrapers, etc. were probably used for working in

both wood, bone and antler.

Additional Tools comprises bifacial points (arrow

heads) (Pl. 23:16, 18), a fragment of a biface (likely a

core axe), a biface knife with fine pressure flaking of

the surfaces (Pl. 23:17), and a heavy pointed oblong

tool with secondary retouche on two sides (dagger

blade or large borer?) (Pl. 23:1). The fact that the

points were seemingly made from cores (or flakes),

not blades, is perhaps surprising, as is certainly their

small number. Other weapons than the above ones

in flint are unknown, except perhaps for some bone

points, which may have served as arrow heads (cf.

Chapter IX) and, of course, the stone axes, which also

were tools (cf. Chapter VIII).

Finally, a few of the flints might be (Early) Bronze

Age in date, including one of the arrow heads (Pl.

23:18).


Fig. VII.3. Flint types, tools and debitage. Table of percentage of

flint items recovered at Lıga according to flint sources.

Fig. VII.4. Flint types, chaıne operatoire, and selected tools. Nu-

merical/percental distribution of worked flint according to flint

sources.

RAW MATERIALS

The types of flint employed were mainly determined

on the basis of known geological occurrences and only

to a limited degree on data from other settlements. Foci

of the determination are colours, inclusions (including

fossils), grain size, specific surface conditions (both cor-

tex and fractures). Local sources were isolated and

samples taken from two localities. Visiting Bulgarian

geologists assisted in the work. Also an archaeologist,

R. Zlateva-Uzunova, Sofia, highly knowledgeable on

flint in Bulgaria, has provided valuable advice, includ-

ing a detailed table of reference for stone and flints. A

general introduction to the problems is by C.I Nach-

ev & I.K. Nachev (Nachev & Nachev 1986).

A division has been made between local, regional,

and foreign flint sources (Fig. VII.3). The identified

sources used at Lıga are the following: Local flints,

including Sadovec and Pipra (0–10 km – return the

same day); regional flints (10–30 km – return the next

day); foreign flints (�30 km, often much more – re-

turn after some days). Sadovec is c 9 km East of Lıga,

the locality comprising two flint-bearing formations,

Senon and Maastricht (Valev 1992) (Fig. VII.5). Pipra

is c 8 km to the south of Lıga; Pipra flint is quite

sturdy. Much of the foreign flint – supposedly, mainly

from far away, often to the South of the Balkan

range – is of high quality.

From the table (Fig. VII.3), it transpires that half

the flint is local, one third is regional, and the rest

foreign. Interestingly, there is a high percentage of

debitage only in local flint, suggesting that non-local

flint arrived mainly in finished or nearly finished

form. In House 3 at Lıga is a group or hoard of 9

blades (only the proximal end is preserved of one

specimen) stemming from the same core (Fig. III.24,

Fig. VII.6, 7). Otherwise, flint is rare inside the struc-

tures, no doubt a reflection of floors being regularly

swept. It should be added that flint was commonly

found in spaces between structures, likely temporary

work-shops, while animal bones mainly came from

particular garbage areas.

Looking at the most common artefact types, two

thirds of the Sickle-blades, with a short life span, are

made from local Sadovec flint, but only one third of

the knives, of which even a fourth is of foreign flint

(Fig. VII.4). The End-scrapers are divided equally be-

tween local and regional flints, only a tenth being for-

eign (Fig. VII.4). The foreign (and regional) flints –

in particular the knives – probably reflect exchange

systems, perhaps articulated through sheep/goat

transhumanence (cf. elsewhere in the publication, in-

cluding Chapter XII).

CONCLUSIONS & COMPARISONS

The following observations should be noted regarding

the flints of Lıga (cf. Fig. VII.1). There are virtually

no weapons or hunting-related tools among the flints.

By contrast, the sample is dominated by scrapers,

knives, borers and sickle-blades for crafts and agricul-

tural work. Local flint is widely used and has deliver-

ed the majority of cores, flakes and flakes. Artefacts

with a short life span (sicles) are mainly of local flints.

Knives are often of foreign flints, suggesting an import

of fine blades. Numerically, a standard tool-kit seems

to have consisted of an end-scraper, a knife, a sickle-

blade plus one to two blades, or multiples thereof. To

this comes some raw material.

Almost no parallel materials have so far been exca-

115Lıga

Fig. VII.5. Flint nodules at Sadovec. For scale: knife ca. 20 cm, left

part of the photo.

vated and published in Bulgaria. However, what little

data there are, seem to confirm findings of Lıga. From

Neolithic-Copper Age Karanovo, Southern Bulgaria

comes a rich sample of flints, but mainly from early

phases (Gatsov & Kurcatov 1997). Blades and blades

with various retouches dominate; some are sickles.

From beyond Bulgaria, a few parallel data-sets

have been published. With a few exceptions, no de-

cent typology or numerical tables have been pre-

sented, though. In Serbia, the Neolithic material from

Divostin (sixth millennium BC) has been studied by

somewhat other methods than at Lıga (Tringham et

al. 1988). Nevertheless, a dominance of blades/knives

and end-scrapers is noted, while sickle-blades seem

relatively few (correct identification?), as are also

scrapers that are not end-scrapers; by contrast, borers

are quite plentiful.

From Neolitic Anza (late seventh-sixth millennium

BC), former Yugoslav Macedonia, comes a sample

studied by yet other methods (Elster 1976). Borers are

rare, as are end-scrapers, while blades and knives are

common. Sickle-blades are only identified as a sub-

set of blades. A more recent study is on Neolithic

Selevac (early fifth millennium BC) in Serbia (Voytek

1990). Here end-scapers are very common, and

knives (including denticulated specimens), borers, and

sickle-blades common.

A somewhat atypical sample, however Copper Age

in date, and Bulgarian, comes from Durankulak cem-

etery (Sirakov 2002). Here, according to N. Sirakov,

is a clear dominance of blades (117), while knives (28),

end-scrapers (16), and microliths/transverse arrow-

Fig. VII.6. Eight flint blades and part of a blade (proximal end)

found together at the oven in House 3.

Fig. VII.7. Collectively found flint blades in House 3 refitted to-

gether.

heads (14) are relatively rare. In other words, the sug-

gested ‘‘Lıga’’ tool-kit is present in a version with a

high number of blades. Microliths have not been

identified at Lıga.

From the settlement of Hotnitsa-Vodopada, North-

ern Bulgaria, dated to the so-called Transitional

Period (to the Bronze Age, cf. elsewhere in this publi-

cation), comes a sample dominated by ‘‘flakes’’, per-

haps, indeed, flakes (65) (Sirakov & Tsonev 1995).

There are some blades (18), as well as blades with

various retouches, etc. (including knives) (19), and


end-scrapers (15). There are also various tools with

gloss – including ‘‘truncations’’ – no doubt sickle-

blades (14), arrow heads (7), borers (4), plus other

tools and demi-tools. It should be noted that also this

classification is differing from the present one con-

cerning Lıga. Nevertheless, some resemblance with

Lıga is noted.

The material from Sitagroi, northern Greece

(sixth-third millennium BC) is of several different

types of raw-material, even a very little obsidian

(Tringham 2003). Also so-called honey-flint, which

makes up a little more than half the material, was

brought to the site seemingly from far way, possibly

even northeastern Bulgaria (although other sources

have also been suggested). Blade-tools dominate the

sample, including 192 sickle-blades, 169 end-scrapers

and 114 so-called truncated blades (knives). There are

47 so-called retouched blades (also knives), 17 small

points (likely drills), 16 borers, 13 so-called denticu-

lates (saw-blades), and a few other artefacts. Notably,

only three arrowheads were found at Sitagroi. A cer-

tain resemblance to Lıga is noted.

Incidentally, at (Early) Bronze Age Troy, with in-

dustries dominated by ‘‘flakes’’, there is a high num-

ber of ‘‘notched tools’’ (supposedly for smoothing

rounded objects like arrows) (366), end-scapers (224),

‘‘truncations’’ (possibly sickle-blades) (195), and ar-

row-heads (170), while ‘‘retouched blades’’ (likely

knives) are relatively rare (40) (Gatsov 1998). Also this

study is following classifications of its own.

Indeed, both the relatively high number of items

found (652) and their detailed treatment and study

makes the Lıga sample quite unique and a highly

valuable reference base for the future.

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257ff.

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Gatsov, I. 1993. Neolithic Chipped Stone Industries in Western

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en und Forschungen in Karanovo Vol. 1;1–2 (Text & Tafel).

Salzburg (Archäologisches Institut, Universität Salzburg)/

Horn, Wien (Ferdinand Berger) & Sofia (Archäologisches Insti-

tut, Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften).

McParron, A. & D. Srejovic (eds.). 1988. Divostin. And the Neo-

lithic of Central Serbia. Ethnology Monographs 10. Pittsburgh

(Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh).

Nachev, C.I. & I.K. Nachev. 1986. Distribution and Evolution of

the Siliceous Rocks in Bulgaria. Comptes rendus de l’Academie

bulgare des Sciences. 39;8. 81ff.

Sirakov, N. 2002. Flint artifacts in prehistoric grave-good assem-

blages from the Durankulak necropolis. Todorova 2002/1.

213ff.

Sirakov, N. & T. Tsonev. 1995. Chipped-Stone Assemblage of Hot-

nitsa-Vodopada (Eneolithic/Early Bronze Age Transition in

Northern Bulgaria) and the Problem of the Earliest ‘‘Steppe

Invasion’’ in Balkans. Prehistoire Europeenne 7. 241ff.

Todorova, H. (ed.). 2002. Durankulak II. Die prähistorischen

Gräberfelder 1–2. Berlin (Deutsches archäologisches Institut).

Tringham, R. 2003. Flaked Stone. Elster & Renfrew 2003. 81ff.

Tringham, R. & D. Krstic (eds.). 1990. Selevac. A Neolithic Village

in Yugoslavia. Monumenta Archaeologica 15. Los Angeles (In-

stitute of Archaeology, University of California).

Tringham, R.E., A. McParron, J. Gunn & G. Odell. 1988. The

Flaked Stone Industry from Divostin and Banja. McPharron &

Srejovic 1988. 203ff.

Uenze, S. (ed.). 1992. Die spätantiken Befestigungen von Sadovec

(Bulgarien). Ergebnisse der Deutsch-Bulgarischen-Österreich-

ischen Ausgrabungen 1934–1937. Münchner Beiträge zur Vor-

und Frühgeschichte 43. Text.

Valev, P. 1992. Geologische und geographische Einführung. Uenze

1992. 23ff.

Voytek, B. 1990. The Use of Stone Resources. Tringham & Krstic

1990. 437ff.

VIII. STONE TOOLS(including contribution by Søren Albek)

INTRODUCTION

Ground stone tools, despite their abundance on

many prehistoric sites, are usually only listed by

naming their assumed functional properties. There

are few attempts to treat ground stone industries

with methodological consistency (Kanchev 1970;

Kanchev & Nikolov 1983). Therefore, besides gen-

eral statements, as with the flints (Chapter VII), de-

tailed comparisons are not possible. However, the

present study is inspired by the methodology applied

at the Neolithic site of Divostin in Serbia (Prinz

1988; Galdikas 1988).

The excavations at Lıga have produced a consider-

able amount of stone tools, indeed nearly 400 in all,

reflecting the diversity of daily activities in the Copper

Age. Every rock discovered was treated as a potential

implement, since the geological environment of Lıga

holds pebbles and small cobbles only (rarely reaching

8–9 cm). Thus, raw-materials for the larger stone im-

plements, if not the tools themselves, must have been

carried to the site from a distance. Micro-wear analy-

sis has not been possible, so the present classification

is based on morphology combined with functional as-

sumptions, as reflected by macro-wear traces.

The first and main set of definitions, mainly by I.

Merkyte, is analytical and primarily broadly func-

tional. The second set of definitions, by S. Albek, is

primarily typological and relates to the numerical

specifications of a table (Fig. VIII.6) (cf. below).

HAMMERSTONES, HAMMERS, POUNDERS,

AND PESTLES

Stone tools used for crushing and pounding/ham-

mering make up the most numerous group. Although

similar in function, the specimens reflect different ap-

plications. Hammerstones are regular, water rolled

flint/chert rocks or, occasionally, sandstone balls with

a diameter reaching 9–9.5 cm (Pl. 24:1). There are

usually no preferences as to the surface used, since the

hammerstone is rotated around its own axis. Some

hammerstones are slightly flattened on the ventral

side. All except one of the crushing stones were found

outside the houses.

Pounders and hammers, on the other hand, were

found in the houses. Some of these, lying close to

the ovens, may be connected with food processing

activities, while others, found on the floors, had likely

fallen down from their storage places (as the hammers

in the middle of House 2). Stone hammers are mass-

ive, frequently flat stones with an almost rectangular

shape, and are often heavily flaked with stepped scars

indicating striking blows on solid surfaces (Pl. 24:2–

4). The majority was produced of very hard, dense

and smooth stone (like diabase and diorite porphyry,

or other igneous rocks, but sandstones are not un-

usual either) and they are generally ground over the

entire surface. In several cases both ends were used.

Some hammers were reused broken large stone axes.

The length varies between 8.5 and 10.0 cm.

Pounders were also made of hard smooth stone

bearing less heavy traces of macro-wear, such as chip-

ping scars or flaking. The ends usually have a uni-

formly abraded or roughened surface. Pounders are

elongated in shape, often cylindrical; the cross-section

is rounded (Pl. 24:5,6).

A few tools held multiple functions. A combination

tool (16.6 cm long, 5.8 cm maximum width) made of

diorite porphyry was used as a pestle (the circular flat

end has grinding traces at the edges and roughened

surface), as a hammer (the opposite bevel end witness-

ed heavy flaking), and, possibly, as a hand stone (the

rounded sides reflecting mis-colouring) (Pl. 25:1).

It should be mentioned that practically every stone

found had some traces of use, often due to short

periods of ad hoc working – like pecking and crush-

ing – which leave traces which are not unambiguous

macroscopically.

MILLING STONES (QUERNS)

A dozen milling stones (querns), usually complete,

were discovered at Lıga. The majority was found out-

side the houses or in uncertain contexts. However, a


Fig. VIII.1. Stone adze discovered outside northern wall of

House 3.

walled grinding platform with a massive permanently

installed milling stone (45¿40¿18 cm) was discover-

ed in House 3, at the oven (Fig. III.12). In the vicinity

was found a smaller milling stone with a flat surface,

which most likely was used as a hand stone together

with the stationary milling stone. A third milling stone

also comes from this area, but the original context is

uncertain (found outside the house next to the wall)

(Fig. III.11). Only the stationary milling stone had

traces of intensive use, which resulted in deep troughs

on the grinding surface.

A number of both intact and fragmented milling

stones were discovered in ‘‘street areas’’ and at House

1. One big square milling stone (39¿16¿14 cm)

made of fine-grained sandstone was found along with

limestone rocks in the wall basis of House 4 (i.e., re-

used as a foundation stone). Some specimens, espe-

cially those fashioned of sandstone, were fire-crazed.

All the discovered milling stones were flattened on

one side and had a plano-convex cross-section, indi-

cating their unifacial utilization, a fact supported by

macro-wear analyses. The length varies between 27

and 37 cm with a maximum width of 20–25 cm, the

thickness between 11 and 13 cm. The weight of the in-

tact portable speciments is between 5.0 and 7.5 kg. The

usual shape is oval, only one specimen is rectangular.

The grinding surfaces are smooth and slightly concave,

reaching a depth of 5–11 mm measured from sur-

rounding edges. Some milling stones showed traces of

deliberate pecking to roughen the grinding face. All

were fashioned from medium-grained (in one case,

coarse-grained) rocks, often sandstones but also other

types, like granite, which has quartz components and a

grainy structure, were appreciated.

Fig. VIII.2. Stone adze (serpentine).

Milling stones dominate over hand stones (includ-

ing mortars), which are smaller, not exceeding 20 cm.

Remarkably, all four hand stones were found within

houses. Apart from the one mentioned as coming

from House 3, three specimens were found at big

storage containers in, respectively, House no. 1 (two

specimens) and 2 (one). Two types can be dis-

tinguished: big flattened specimens with rounded

sides to work with both hands in a back-and-forth

motion, and smaller round ones (not exceeding 11 cm

in diameter, only one found) to work in rotary mo-

tion. Both types were found in House 1.

Excavations at Sadovec-Kaleto have demonstrated

that utilization of milling stones was not limited to

cereal processing. Colour pigments, such as ochra,

could also be ground on such stones. Some worn-out

milling stones or querns with time became mortars

with different ranges of application. Ethnoarchaeol-

ogical analogies suggest that even soft foods could be

processed on milling stones.

AXES, ADZES, AND CHISELS

In separating these three categories of implements,

attention was paid to their shape, especially the cross-

section of the cutting edge, where axes have a sym-

metrical cross-section with the working edge located

in the middle, while the working edge of adzes is

skewed. Attention was also paid to use-wear striations

seen on the cutting edges. Micro striations perpen-

dicular to the cutting edge indicate the utilization as

an adze (i.e., chipping), while utilization as an axe

(i.e., chopping) is leaving striations diagonal to the

cutting edge (Semenov 1964; Prinz 1988).

119Lıga

The majority of adzes have a regular trapezoidal

shape with the sides tapering towards the butt end

(Fig. VIII.1, Pl. 25:2). The working edge is convex

(only in some cases straight and oblique) with a

characteristic adze asymmetry. The cross-section is

usually rectangular, but sometimes ellipsoidal. The

butt end is rounded or straight. The length varies be-

tween 5.0 and 6.5 cm, the maximum width being

about 4.0–4.3 cm. One of the discovered adzes was

almost triangular in shape, reaching 7.8 cm; it had a

flat base and a straight cutting-edge. Such implements

were used to work on or to create rounded surfaces

(Prinz 1988). Several implements had traces of hafting

noted by opposite/diametrical depressions, ca. 1/3

from the butt end. Such traces indicate that adzes

were hafted perpendicularly to the shaft.

Another adze type has similarities with the chisels,

being narrower than the first type, width ca. 2.5 cm.

It is rectangular and symmetrical in shape while the

convex working edge with perpendicular striations re-

flects utilization as an adze. Fine-grained igneous

rocks, like basalt, were preferred but softer rocks, like

serpentine, were also used (Fig. VIII.2). Macroscopic

flaking is often seen on the cutting edge, especially on

the lower face; butt ends are usually intact.

Axes appear in a variety of sizes and shapes. The

common feature for them all is heavy use-wear traces.

Often axes are broken, despite the use of hard types

of rock. The prevailing rock type among the large

axes is diorite porphyry, while it is basalt among the

smaller types. The smaller axes (up to 9.0¿4.5 cm)

are almost rectangular with slightly tapering sides to-

wards the rounded butt end (Pl. 25:3, 4). The cross-

section is rectangular and the working edge straight

and symmetrical. Another type (10.8¿4.5 cm) is the

highly ground axe, also rectangular in cross-section

and with straight cutting edge, but with a more elab-

orate side curvature, being twice as thick as the above

described types (Fig. VIII.3, Pl. 25:5).

The third type is not known as a whole piece; the

discovered fragments indicate that it was rather long,

reaching perhaps 15 cm with a maximum width not

extending beyond 5 cm. It was rectangular with a

convex edge and flattened butt end, the sides tapering

towards the cutting edge, which is the narrow part of

the implement. The edge is symmetrical, bevelled, the

angle from the side being 40 æ (Pl. 25:6, 7). Some

Fig. VIII.3. Stone axe discovered in House 1 (length – 10.8 cm).

Photo: R. Kolev.

Fig. VIII.4. Two chisels (1, 2) and axe (3) made of soft white stone.

macroscopic chipping may be found on the edge, and

rounded flake removals on the butt end. The function

of this implement type is not certain. The lack of

flakes on the cutting edge indicates a rather short use-

life while the narrowing towards the edge suggests

that such tools might have been used as chisels for

working with hard materials.

Among the axes there is also a conspicuous speci-

men made of soft white stone (Fig. VIII.4:3, Pl. 25:8).

Precise identification of the rock type is not possible

without specialist studies, since a variety of rocks re-

semble white compact chalk (Antonovic 1997). The


Fig. VIII.5. Stone chisel (basalt).

butt end of this axe has been broken in prehistory,

but the axe was used after that. The convex sym-

metrical edge was damaged during the excavation.

The present dimensions are 4.8¿3.8¿1.6 cm. Flake

removals over the surfaces and the direction of the

flaking indicate that the flattened butt end had been

exposed to blows. The cross-section is ellipsoidal. Al-

though macro-wear traces reveal that this soft axe was

in active use, its utilization remains unclear.

Two types of chisels have been identified. The

first type is a rather massive implement up to 6.0

cm in length and 2.5 cm in width, with a heavily

battered butt end (Fig. VIII.5). The chisels are al-

most rectangular and symmetrical, with bevelled

curved edges and a triangular or rectangular cross-

section. Basalt is the preferred type of rock for these

heavy duty chisels. The cutting edge often has traces

of bilateral macroscopic flaking. The second type of

chisel is a relatively long and narrow one, reaching

4.2 cm in length with the width varying between 1.2

and 1.6 cm (Fig. VIII.4:1, 2, Pl. 25:9). The cross

section is rectangular (angular or rounded). Despite

the small size and the assumption that soft woods

were worked with such chisels, damage can be seen

on both the cutting edge and the butt end. The cut-

ting edge of both chisel-types is located in the

middle.

Careful and fine grinding is noted on all the men-

tioned implements within this group of tools. To the

group should also be attributed a unique adze-like

implement of 8.6¿3.3 (maximum) cm, made of fine-

grained soft and porous sandstone, with a bevelled

asymmetrically rounded edge and flattened butt end.

It has ellipsoidal cross-section and a rough surface.

The cross-section of the edge indicates that it might

have been used as a digging implement (Pl. 23:19).

SHAFT-HOLE AXES: CORES

Although no shaft-hole axes was found, the discovery

of two cylindrical cores from axe-hole drills indicates

that this type of axes was also known and produced

on the site. One core was complete, 3.2 cm long with

end-diametres of 1.00 and 0.75 cm. It was made of

schist with clear groves reflecting the rotating move-

ment of the drilling tool. The other specimen was

made of serpentinite with an overall diameter of 1.35

cm; this was broken, the maximum preserved length

being 2.7 cm. The two cores show that two different

perforation techniques were known.

SLING-STONES

A number of sling-stones was discovered, mainly in

the area of Sector 1/House 1. These are 3.5–4.0 cm

long double-conical pebbles with a round cross-sec-

tion (Pl. 24:7). It should also be mentioned that

some sling-stones were in clay (Pl. 24:8). Presence of

sling-stones supports the zoological analysis (Chapter

X), demonstrating hunting of small animals, in par-

ticular.

RUBBING STONES AND POLISHERS

Several items, different in form, can be attributed to

this group. Flattened shiny surfaces indicate that the

tools were applied on organic materials like leather or

wool. Two schist pebbles had a natural bowl form

(4.0¿3.7 and 5.9¿3.0 cm), one piece was used on

the rounded ‘‘bottom’’ side, while the other had wear

traces on the ‘‘edges’’. Other finds include a rounded

quartzite pebble (5.4¿3.6¿3.3 cm) (Pl. 23:20).

Within House 1, a fine-grained reddish flat sandstone

was discovered, rectangular in shape (10¿12 cm),

which could be identified as polisher, used both for

stone and bone tools: firm conclusions not possible

without micro-wear analysis.

121Lıga

STONES CONNECTED WITH POTTERY PRODUCTION

An interesting find was made in House 2. One me-

dium size vessel contained a small biconical vessel and

14 water-rolled pebbles (Fig. V.3). These can be

grouped according to their size, shape and stone type.

The main part is quartzite with whitish or reddish

tinge while three pieces (fragmented) are of brown

black siltstone. As to shape and size, there are five

oval and one flat quartzite stone (2.7–3.1 cm long),

four big quartzite balls (3.0–4.8 cm long), three ob-

long pointed siltstones (3.8–4.5 cm long), and two tri-

angular quartzite pieces (4.6 cm long). In spite of the

remarkable numeric order of the stones, these are

most likely tools connected with production and sur-

face treatment (smoothing and burnishing) of tiny bi-

conical cups. Analyses of burnished pottery have led

to the identification of a tool with a pointed edge, 2–

3 mm broad. Among the discovered implements such

a tool seems to be lacking, the siltstones being the

only pointed ones.

Another group of implements connected with pot-

tery production is also found in structures (House 1

and 2). It is a matter of rounded or oval stone discs,

4.5–5.0¿3.1–4.6 cm, and 0.8–1.0 cm thick, thinning

out towards the edges, used in smoothing, for evening

of surfaces, and for scraping surplus clay away (Fig.

V.5). The shape was more significant than the rock

type and hence tools of both sedimentary and meta-

morphic rocks were found. Pottery surfaces could also

be smoothed with rather more massive stone im-

plements, flat in cross-section, with a flat dorsal edge,

and a ground surface on both sides of the edge. The

shape of such tools resembles pottery shards, which

are also used for pottery smoothing (Fig. V.4). Two

finds of heavily burned fragile coarse-grained sand-

stones should also be mentioned, perhaps prepared

for crushing and use as pottery tempering material.

SUMMARY

Ground stone implements are a varied and important

class of artefacts, finding application in all spheres of

daily life. The identification of their utilization is often

problematic, probably explaining why these tools –

perhaps apart from the wood-working ones – only

have received limited attention in scientific publi-

cations. At any rate, during the Copper Age, the ap-

plication of stone implements in food processing nu-

merically far outweighs their use in wood-working.

Besides milling, stone tools were used for crushing,

pounding, smashing, and so on.

Stone tools were also very important in pottery

production. Some stones were used for their natural

appearance, hence, a cone of locally found flint/chert

was recorded from Lıga. This had a round cross-sec-

tion; a natural hole through the middle of the stone

made a use likely as loom-weight possible without

further modifications.

Prehistoric carpentry is a relatively unknown field,

since little evidence on the final products has survived.

Often, suggestions can only be made on the basis of the

tools identified as relating to wood-working. Wooden

supports and split-logs used for construction of houses

evidently demanded massive axes and chisels, and ad-

zes or flint scrapers for debarking. The presence of

finer tools, especially those made of bones, suggests

broader demands and skills for more sophisticated

tasks than construction. Stone tools were no doubt also

used in other, as yet not fully acknowledged areas such

as masonry, including extraction and fashioning of the

lime slabs found at Lıga.

A separate issue is identification of the sources of

the raw-materials used, including both geological and

thorough comparative studies; such have not been

possible in the present case.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL TYPES

The table Fig. VIII.6 refers to the following typology

of stone artefacts developed by S. Albek, which devi-

ates some from the above classification:

Stones with facets are of fist size and with one or more

facets. Rock types are quartzite and finely grained

granite. The type is very common and no doubt had

several functions.

Ball-shaped stones are small smooth quartz-stones, 1–

2 cm in diameter, often found several together. These

are quite common, perhaps used in production of col-

ours and medicines.

Quern-stones are of two parts: a sleeper and a runner.

The oval sleeper is 35–50 cm in length. It is usually

made of reddish and greyish granite or sandstone.

The runner can be rectangular, circular or oval, vary-

ing in size from 35 to less than 12 cm, it is often in


Fig. VIII.6. Table of stone artefacts.

hard fine-grained stone. These are quite common,

and several were found in situ.

Mortars are oblong, slender stones with percussions

at one or both hemispherical ends, diameter about 5

cm; hard rocks were used, mostly granite, length 10–

15 cm.

Polishing stones are smaller stones, less than 6–8 cm,

the whole surface of which is usually finely polished

and shiny, probably used in ceramic or textile produc-

tion. Quartzite is used or other very hard finely grain-

ed rocks. The shape varies from egg, flatly oval to

ball-shaped or other. A few may well be sling-stones.

Hammerstones are up to fist size and used for ham-

mering or crushing; there is much variation and both

single and multiple hammering/crushing areas: no

doubt both an ad-hoc and a specialized tool, the latter

probably specimens in near perfect ball shape. Hard

materials were selected; some specimens are just a

coarse piece of unworked rock, of which one or two

areas were used.

Whetstones come in two types: finely grained sand

stone and very hard amorphous rock. The specimens

are flat, one or both sides with traces of sharpening,

about 8 cm in length.

Stones with smooth areas do not form a type of tool per

se. Nevertheless, they have been used by man, and

smaller or larger areas were being polished. Some or

all may originally be cobbles. Hard granite but also

some quartz and basalt were used. Most are frag-

ments, the original size being 5–15 cm. The real

number is higher, since some specimens not identified

during excavation.

Stone hammers and pounders are finely worked tools of

very hard finely grained rock or diabase, often with

sharpened or finely polished areas. Some are re-used

axes (without edge), others made for hammers; cross-

sections are rectangular or square.

Stone chisels are finely made in diabase or basalt, the

edges fine and sharp; the length is about 5 cm, the

width 1–2 cm.

Stone axes & adzes are, like hammers and chisels,

finely made, often polished to the like of metal. Two

drilling cores were found but no shaft-hole axes (see

Other).

Other comprises a fragment of a mould for a likely

copper axe with slightly protruding edges, a fragment

of a possible mould for metal plate (both sandstone),

a drop-shaped flat limestone with very smooth sur-

face, and two cylindrical cores from shaft-hole axes

(cf. above).

Tempering. Many stones found had the surfaced sys-

tematically hammered away, likely to produce temper

for ceramics. The material is coarse sandstone, red

with coarse grains, or yellow-green with fine grains,

and with mica.

COMPARISONS

The best parallel to Lıga in terms of stone tools is the

settlement of Sitagroi, Northern Greece (sixth to third

millennium BC), one of the very few localities in the

Balkans with published stone material from the Neo-

lithic-Copper Age (Elster 2003). The determined raw

materials used at Sitagroi are local (46 cases), non-

local (67), and unknown (58), respectively. The high

number of non-local rock likely reflects high mobility.

Sitagroi also used much foreign flint (Chapter VII).

The artefacts from Sitagroi were divided into Pri-

mary Tools (axes, etc.), Processors (stationary and

movable grinding stones etc.), and Presenters (sym-

bols, including mace heads), 505 specimens in all.

The primary tools comprise 171 specimens (or 34%).

The pertaining artefact types are: axe blades, 143

specimens, shaft-hole axes, 13, adze blades, 7, and,

other, 8. The processors make up 307 specimens

(61%). The pertaining types comprise: oval grinders/

123Lıga

rubbers (106), flat querns (61), saddle querns (39),

balls/pounders (37), hammer stones (29), and, other

(37). The presenters make up 27 specimens (5%).

The most marked difference to Lıga is the high

number of primary tools, mainly axes, at Sitagroi in

relation to other worked stone. The reason for this is

probably that all stones were collected and studied at

Lıga, since they evidently had come from some place

else. This raises the number of ‘‘non-axe tools’’ at the

Bulgarian site. By contrast, at Sitagroi, ‘‘common’’

stones have only been collected (and recorded) in the

case of evident tools, not just ‘‘somewhat worked’’

stones. Finally, at Lıga some ‘‘worked stones’’, suppos-

edly, in the main common ‘‘hammer stones’’ and

‘‘stones with facets’’ may, as least in part, have been

cobble stones from the first phase (Lıga 1) re-used in

Lıga 2.

The stone artefacts from Karanovo, in spite of an

Early Copper Age date, make up the best compara-

tive material to the Lıga sample (Hiller & Nikolov

1997). At Karanovo there is a very high number of

axes (mostly adzes) – about 2/3 of the tools collected;

there are some chisels too. In addition were found:

quernstones (sleepers and runners), many hammer-

stones, polishers (including round ones of quartzite)

and stones with traces of polishing, etc., including sev-

eral types not found at Lıga (f.ex., polishers of arrow-

shafts).

BIBLIOGRAPHYAntonovic, D. 1997. Use of Light White Stone in the Central Balk-

ans Neolithic. Rsaqinaq XLVIII, Belgrade. 33ff.

Elster, E. 2003. Grindstones, Polished Edge-Tools, and Other

Stone Artifacts. Elster & Renfrew 2003. 175ff.

Elster, E. & C. Renfrew. 2003. Prehistoric Sitagroi. Excavations in

Northeast Greece, 1968–1970 Vol. 2. The Final Report. Monu-

menta Archaeologica 20. Los Angeles (Cotsen Institute of Ar-

chaeology, UCLA).

Galdikas, B. 1988. Milling Stones. McPherron & Srejovic 1988.

338ff.

Hiller, S. & V. Nikolov. 1997. Karanovo. Die Ausgrabungen im

Südsektor 1984–1992. Österreichischbulgarische Ausgrabung-

en und Forschungen in Karanovo Vol. 1;1–2 (Text & Tafel).

Salzburg (Archäologisches Institut, Universität Salzburg)/

Horn, Wien (Ferdinand Berger) & Sofia (Archäologisches Insti-

tut, Bulgarische Akademie der Wissenschaften).

McParron, A. & D. Srejovic (eds.). 1988. Divostin. And the Neo-

lithic of Central Serbia. Ethnology Monographs 10. Pittsburgh

(Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh).

Prinz, B. 1988. The Ground Stone Industry from Divostin.

McPherron & Srejovic 1988. 255ff.

K{nxfc K., 1970: Kamfnni oq{eiÄ os nfolisnoso rflizf

kqai r. Xaceaq, Rouiirki okq{d. AqvfolodiÄ, kn. 4,

XXX.

K{nxfc K. & Nikoloc B. 1983. Oq{eiÄ na sqtea i rsopan-

rkiÄ gicos na rfliza os valkolisnasa fpova c{c

Cqaxanrko. IhcfrsiÄ na mthfisf c rfcfqohapaena

B{ldaqiÄ, 8, Cqawa. 9ff.

Semenov, S. 1964. Prehistoric technology: An experimental study

of the oldest tools and artefacts from traces of manufacture and

wear. London, Cory, Adams and Mackay.

IX. BONE ARTEFACTSby

Petar Zidarov

STATE OF RESEARCH

The primary data under study here come from recent

excavations at the settlement and cemetery of Lıga in

Telish, Pleven district, Northern Bulgaria. In previous

publications the site is referred to as Telish-Lıga, or

simply, Lıga (Gergov 2001; etc.) to discern it from

neighboring Telish-Redutite, the latter being the only

completely investigated Copper Age multi-layered

settlement in the area of the Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj

Hum Ia (KSB) cultural complex (Gergov 1985;

1992a; 1992b). Redutite also has an important bone

artefact assemblage.

The site of Lıga, located 1.2 km from Redutite, is

supposed to have been settled during periods when

Redutite was not occupied. Unfortunately, the worked

bone finds from Redutite have not yet been made

available with only a few single objects being pub-

lished (Gergov 1987; Ribarov & Boev 1997) or ex-

hibited at the Historical Museum in Pleven. Thus, in

the present study it will only be possible to present an

account of the observations from Lıga, leaving out

possible discussions on diachronic processes. Other

archaeologically related sites are Sadovec-Golemano-

vo Kale (Todorova 1968; 1992), Devetashka Peshtera

(Mikov & Dzhambazov 1960; Kunchev 1973), Krivo-

dol (Nikolov 1984) and Zaminec (Nikolov 1975) in

Bulgaria, as well as Salcuta in Romania (Berciu 1961)

and Selevac in Serbia (Tringham & Krstic 1990).

Only Selevac has furnished comparable material, all

other sites having only been studied through test

trenches aimed at establishing the stratigraphic se-

quence.

The only attempt to evaluate the role of bone

tools – in comparison to chipped and polished stone

tools from Copper Age sites in NW Bulgaria – is thus

based on relative calculations of tools recovered from

sounding trenches (of different dimensions) at various

sites, disregarding association with archaeological

structures as well as the nature of the particular de-

posits (Kanchev & Nikolov 1983). Such studies are

therefore considered irrelevant to the Lıga material

and will not be considered here.

Since 1998, the author has had the opportunity to

study several unpublished bone artefact collections re-

covered during systematic excavations at various sites

roughly synchronous to Lıga. These are the tell settle-

ments at Durankulak, Kableshkovo-Kozareva Mogi-

la, Yunatsite, Hotnica, and Krivodol, as well as the

cemeteries at Durankulak and Varna, courtesy of the

respective project directors and museum curators,

Prof. Dr. H. Todorova (Archaeological Institute and

Museum at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences), Dr.

P. Georgieva (Sofia University), Mrs. V. Matsanova

and Mrs. S. Ignatova (Museum of Pazardjik), Mr. N.

Elenski (Museum of Veliko Turnovo), Mr. G. Gane-

covski (Museum of Vratsa), and Dr. V. Slavchev (Mu-

seum of Varna). The purpose of the present study is

to offer a general presentation of the characteristic

traits of the assemblage. Thus microscopic examina-

tions of use-wear patterns will not be addressed here.

THE SAMPLE

The bone artefacts from Lıga belong to three distinct

periods of human activity at the site, from subsequent

phases of the Late Copper Age. Following the termin-

ology developed for this publication, they are de-

scribed respectively as: Lıga 1 – the initial occupation,

a level greatly disturbed by activity in subsequent

building horizons although recognizable as a distinc-

tive unit on the basis of architectural elements (so-

called House 0 – postholes, walls, plastered floor), pot-

tery, small finds, etc., Lıga 2 – three completely exca-

vated buildings with adjacent inter-building spaces

and waste areas, and Lıga 3 – a cemetery. The strati-

graphic distribution of the bone tools is shown in Fig.

IX.1. The majority of artefacts (72%) come from an

intensively occupied area of Lıga 2. It represents an

125Lıga

Fig. IX.1. Stratigraphic distribution of bone tools.

area with the highest percentage of bone tools per

household as compared to contemporary settlements

at Durankulak, Yunatsite, Hotnitsa or Kableshkovo-

Kozareva Mogila (Zidarov in print; unpublished per-

sonal observations). However, it must be noted that

all of the latter are at least 200–350 km from Lıga

and located in different types of landscapes, present-

ing various adaptive challenges and resulting in econ-

omic specializations. The said sites also differ signifi-

cantly from Lıga in terms of methods of recovery and

examination. Lıga is the only site where extensive

screening was used during excavation and where all

faunal remains were checked for traces of manufac-

ture and wear.

From a functional point of view, one can divide the

finds roughly into classes by identifying the tools and

the handles for tools as critical objects, in order to

distinguish them from body ornaments, figurines, and

flattened short bones, all referred to as ‘‘non-utili-

tarian’’ objects. Fragments bearing traces of manufac-

ture and/or use, as well as manufacturing waste, are

grouped as ‘‘other’’ (Fig. IX.2). Interestingly, whereas

the proportional ratio between utilitarian and non-

utilitarian finds in Lıga 1 and Lıga 3 tends to match

the expectation that there would be more tools found

in a habitation area and more body ornaments and

figurines in graves, Lıga 2 contained 55% non-utili-

tarian finds. Specifics about their distribution related

to dwelling structures in Lıga 2 are provided in Fig.

IX.3.

From a typological point of view, bone artefacts

constitute three main groups: tools, ornaments, and

miscellaneous. Typically for prehistoric sites, the most

numerous tools are points, followed by bevel-edged

and spatulate implements. The category of tools is

closely associated with bone and antler hafts. At Lıga,

antler was used to fasten chipped- or ground-stone

tools. The single handle from sheep metacarpus may

Fig. IX.2. Functional classes of bone artefacts: chronological distri-

bution (count).

Fig. IX.3. Lıga 2. Spatial distribution of functional classes of bone

artefacts (count).

have held a metal awl to judge by contemporary

examples from other contemporary sites. Ornaments

comprise beads, pendants and applique. ‘‘Miscel-

laneous’’ is the term used to group non-utilitarian ob-

jects such as figurines or flattened short bones. To a

great extent this division is mirrored in the archae-

ological context. Body ornaments at Lıga for instance,

are almost exclusively recovered from graves, unlike

the other two categories, occurring in habitation

areas.

LIGA 1: FIRST SETTLEMENT

Seven bone artefacts can be attributed to the earliest

occupational level at the site (Fig. IX.1): two bevel-

edged tools (Pl. 26:1,4), one point (Pl. 26:3), one antler

haft (for a polished stone chisel?), one flat anthropo-

morphic figurine (Pl. 26:6), one transversely sawn

deer antler tine without signs of use, probably manu-

facture waste (Pl. 26:2) and finally, a fragment of boar

tusk with rounded edges that has undergone dramatic

alteration due to extreme heat and subsequent weath-

ering, but which was likely employed as a scraping/

smoothing tool (Pl. 26:5). All tools from Lıga 1 are

made in an expedient manner from long bones of

large mammals, seemingly from pieces retrieved from

kitchen refuse, unlike the tools from Lıga 2 discussed

below. The single point and one of the bevel-edged

tools are most likely from cattle tibia splinters,

whereas the second bevel-edged tool is from cattle


Fig. IX.4. Lıga 2. Summary: bone artefacts and their spatial distri-

bution (count).

ulna. In all three cases, the natural form of the pieces

is basically preserved and only the active ends are

elaborately shaped through rubbing against abrasive

stone. Although relatively worn from use, the working

parts of all the tools are fully functional after minor

sharpening. Recent damage on two tools prevents dis-

cussion on whether they were discarded when fully

functional, or deposited in another way.

LIGA 2: SECOND SETTLEMENT

The finds of bone tools from Lıga 2 and their types,

are listed in Fig. IX.4, cf. Pl. 27. As noted, tools are

relatively evenly distributed. Each of the houses

yielded at least two pointed tools. There were points

only in House 2, while there is a tendency for further

specialization in the others. In House 3 there was a

concentration of bevel-ended tools while in House 1

five spatulate tools were found as well as 3 bone awls

π 1 copper awl (Fig. VI.13) and 2 copper pins (Fig.

VI.14). All hafts were concentrated in House 3. These

belong to different types: one is an antler sleeve with

two openings, one of which was inserted into a

wooden shaft. The other was meant to hold a polish-

ed stone tool, possibly an adze (Pl. 27:8). The third

one, made of sheep metacarpus, served as a socket

for a tiny metal tool: a copper pin or drill (Fig. VI.15,

Pl. 27:6). The distribution of the non-utilitarian finds

also reveals a clear asymmetrical pattern with a sig-

nificant concentration in House 1. The possible impli-

cations are discussed below.

Generally speaking, the majority of the tools from

Lıga 2 are very carefully planned, manufactured in a

uniform way, and often reworked. The large numbers

of worked bone per household clearly demonstrates

that as a category of artefacts they must have had a

certain importance, in spite of the co-existence of cop-

per technology, revealed in by metal implements

(Lıga 2) and crucibles (Lıga 1), cf. Chapter VI.

LIGA 3: CEMETERY

Several graves held artefacts made of animal skeletal

materials, mostly different combinations of bone and

shell. In possible association with Grave no. 1 – a

child of 6–7 years – a domestic pig metatarsus with a

flattened distal articulation was found (Fig. IX.5, Pl.

28:1). Such finds are specific for the Late Copper Age

in Bulgaria and are usually interpreted as a particular

kind of anthropomorphic figurine, having very close

counterparts made in clay (cf. Fol 1988, 254ff.; Biehl

2003). They are termed ‘‘prismatic figurines’’ (Comsa

1984), based on the outline, or ‘‘stupalni [foot] idoli’’

(in Bulgarian), emphasizing their biological origin

(Chilingirov 1910). In this particular case, the proxi-

mal end is missing but the important distal end is

seemingly intact. To judge by other specimens with

preserved copper earrings (Todorova & Vajsov 2001,

Pl. 44), this part is supposed to represent the head of

the figurine. Deposition of pars pro toto goods is often

seen in Late Copper Age burials in Bulgaria, for in-

stance at the cemeteries of Durankulak (Todorova

2002), and Varna (Ivanov & Avramova 2000; Fol &

Lichardus 1988). The attention paid to various small

bones in the Copper Age is discussed below. Another

possible pars pro toto item from Lıga is the cattle

horncore recovered in Grave no. 5 (Fig. XI.7–9), cf.

the cattle skulls (bucrania) recovered in cemetery of

Durankulak (Todorova 2002). Another prismatic

figurine, with an identical fragmentation pattern, was

discovered 1.2 m NE of Grave no. 2 (Pl. 28:2). The

grave pit is dug into settlement debris, making the

association with the grave questionable. A rectangular

bone plate decorated with diagonal rows of encircled

dots (Pl. 28:11) was discovered in Grave no. 4, in the

area of the chest, under the bent left arm. It is made

on the split rib of cattle or aurochs and has perfor-

ations on both short sides. With regards to context, it

seems to have hung on a long string around the neck.

127Lıga

Similar specimens are known from the Varna cem-

etery (exhibition, National Historical museum, Sofia)

and from Kirilovo (Todorova & Vajsov 2001, Pl. 24).

Shell necklaces of different compositions were recov-

ered in Graves nos. 6 and 7. In the first case, the

necklace consisted of 8 cylindrical dentalium beads

divided at the front by a bone imitation of a red deer

canine (Fig. XI.12, Pl. 28:10); it was recovered under

the mandible and between the skull and the atlas of

an 18–19 year old male, thus, hanging around his

neck. In Grave no. 7, a double grave of an adult male

(25–30 years) embracing a ca. 11⁄2 year old child,

dentalium shells again dominate, this time comple-

mented by cardium shells (Fig. XI.11); a single large

dentalium bead was found below the scapula of the

adult, thus showing that it either hung loosely from

the neck or was a separately deposited grave gift. A

double necklace of altering dentalium and cardium

shells ornamented the neck of the child (Fig. XI.15).

The composition of the necklaces requires particu-

lar attention. The two shell families, Dentalium and

Cardium are marine species and their presence more

than 300 km from the nearest seashore raises the

question of their provenance. A study by Willms

(1985), updated by Todorova (1995), demonstrates

that the Spondylus and Dentalium finds have their

highest concentration in the area of the Varna culture

but also spread gradually along the Danube and its

tributaries North-Westwards to the Rhine Valley.

Thus, the proximity of Lıga to the river Vit, one of

the principal southern tributaries of the Danube in

Bulgaria conforms well with the general distribution

pattern. Nevertheless, a working hypothesis was tested

that the shells could be mined fossils. In fact, in the

vicinity of Pleven (25 km from Lıga) fossil dentalium

and possibly cardium shells have been collected on

the surface at least until the 1970s (N. Zidarov, per-

s.comm.). Although the survey of the Lıga team in

2001 was not successful in obtaining reference

samples, a report by N. Andreasen, Copenhagen &

Cambridge universities, discards the fossil interpreta-

tion.

Another interesting issue is raised by the discovery

of the imitation of a red deer ‘‘Grandel’’, a canine,

in Grave no. 6. Its central position on a necklace of

imported exotic shells suggests a particular value,

likely due to the fact that only the adult red deer stag

Fig. IX.5. Pig metatarsus with flattened articulations of the distal

epiphysis, a so-called prismatic idol, found in Grave 1. Photo: R.

Kolev.

has a representative pair of such teeth. During the

Holocene, with very few exceptions, the wearing of

red-deer canines as beads is a phenomenon charac-

teristic for a timeline starting at the end of 6th and

ending sometime in the 4th millennium BC. The cus-

tom was widely spread throughout Europe only to be

replaced by predators’ canines sometime in the early

3rd millennium BC, possibly reflecting a significant

change in ideology towards warrior/hunter-related

values mediated through symbolic display. Usually

found in very rich graves, the canines are seen as signs

of prestige or clan affiliation (Choyke 2001). Contem-

porary graves from Varna and Durankulak – with

necklaces of dozens of real canines (Todorova &

Vajsov 2001, Tab. 24) – are highly suggestive. The


phenomenon of hoarding larger amounts of rare and

valuable items becomes clearly articulated towards

the end of the Bulgarian Late Copper Age (Gaydarska

et al. 2004).

NON-UTILITARIAN BONE FINDS

Lıga assemblages are particularly interesting because

of the number and variety of so-called ‘‘non-utili-

tarian’’ bone finds. Most of those interesting finds

come from reliable archaeological contexts.

The flat anthropomorphic figurine from Lıga 1 (Pl.

26:6) raises key questions regarding attitudes towards

such objects in Copper Age society. Close examina-

tion reveals at least two (if not three) superimposed

patterns of incised decorations on both faces. As pre-

viously recognized, the use-life of this kind of figurines

was extended by reshaping after damage, unlike the

clay figurines which, to my knowledge, were never

repaired or reused after breaking. A classic case of

novel use is a flat bone figurine from Kableshkovo-

Kozareva Mogila (Zidarov in press); this was broken

in two at the ‘‘waist’’, but the important lower part

was carefully preserved and furnished with a suspen-

sion hole. The dotted decoration pattern on this piece

(as well as numerous others) corresponds closely to

the Lıga specimen in the organization of the motive.

Thus, it possibly designates an element of the costume

that in this particular archaeological context might be

associated with the round gold cloth appliques, found

in great numbers in the Copper Age cemetery of

Varna I.

The two superimposed decoration patterns on the

Lıga figurine show that it was decorated by two differ-

ent owners having differing ideas about the motif.

The first carver prepared a stylized outline with pro-

portions closely following the natural ones, the ter-

mination of certain body parts being marked with in-

cised lines. The second carver, by contrast, departed

completely from the nature of the female figure, sig-

nificantly changing the place of the pubic triangle,

thus imposing rather abstract signifiers for body parts

and ornamental elements (costume?). Unfortunately,

the reasons for the deposition of the item cannot be

determined: it was found ca. one metre from the

outer southern wall of a house belonging to the Lıga

1 settlement, under the floor of House 1 of Lıga 2.

Hence, it cannot be excluded, that certain items

might have been intentionally deposited under the

floor of House 1 in a foundation ritual.

Particularly characteristic for the Lıga 2 assem-

blage is the attention paid to the shaping of various

kinds of short bones, such as astragalus, the 1st and

2nd phalanges of medium-size ungulates, and pig me-

tapodials (Pl. 28). To avoid confusion, the adjective

‘‘short’’ applied to a bone in the following discussion

will be used in a casual sense and thus somewhat in-

correctly in terms of anatomy. In general, skeletal ele-

ments are divided into three principal classes: long

bones – the tubular bones of the extremities that are

roughly round in section at the diaphysis and have

distinct epiphyses, such as the femur, tibia, etc.; flat

bones – mainly the bones of the cranium, the pelvis

and the ribs; and short or irregular bones – mainly

from elements of the vertebral column and the cubic

bones of the extremities, such as phalanges, astragali,

etc. Strictly speaking, the metapodials are always

classified as long bones, but in fact pig metapodials

do, in size, anatomical position, as well in overall ap-

pearance, closely resemble phalanges and would

probably be approached accordingly by anyone who

is not aware of present day taxonomy. That is why,

with regards to past cognition and for the purposes

of the present study, it was found appropriate not to

separate these bones from the short bones.

The flattening of the lateral sides of the astragali is

a characteristic trait for Anatolia, the Balkans and the

Carpathian Basin since the Neolithic. The assigning

of stylized anthropomorphic features to pig metapod-

ial is documented repeatedly at Late Copper Age sites

from the eastern parts of the Balkans, the two major

cultural areas of Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj Hum Ia

and Kodzadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI. Both

bones appear commonly in excavation reports, often

with the assumption that the former were used as

gaming pieces and the latter anthropomorphic idols.

Flattening of phalanges has only occasionally been

reported. R. Popov published a flattened red-deer

phalanx from Tell Kodzadermen, mentioning that

similar finds were discovered in his earlier excavations

at Salmanovo and Madara (Popov 1918:91f.). An-

other single find of a 2nd phalanx of sheep is known

from Tell Kozareva Mogila near Kableshkovo, in the

Burgas region (Zidarov in print). This has been flat-

129Lıga

tened on its palmar side, like the finds from Lıga, but

also on the caudal one at the distal epiphysis where,

additionally, a suspension hole was drilled. To my

knowledge, the interpretative implications of these

finds has never attracted particular scientific interest.

They seem to be underrepresented in excavation re-

ports as well. One of the reasons could be that faunal

material was often sampled during recovery and such

minor modifications would easily go unnoticed by

non-specialists. It is noteworthy that the major part of

the worked phalanges from Lıga were recovered only

after a thorough search of the faunal remains (cf.

Chapter X).

Here an interpretative analysis of the possible util-

ization of various flattened short bones will be sug-

gested, taking into account contextual data. Phal-

anges from the extinct Equus Hydruntinus were recov-

ered in Copper Age graves at the cemtery of

Durankulak (Todorova 2002). H. Todorova pays

special attention to the strict association of these items

with male graves rich in supposed ceremonial finds,

and suggests their possible use in ritual practices.

Along the same line of interpretation is the discovery

of more than 200 phalanges and astragali intention-

ally deposited under the floor of a Late Copper Age

building at Tell Hotnitsa in the Veliko Turnovo re-

gion (Chokhadzhiev & Elenski 2002:15). This assem-

blage, recovered within half a square meter, pertains

to a wide range of wild and domesticated animals,

including red-deer, cattle, aurochs, wild boar, sheep

and goat; the find could be interpreted as a founda-

tion deposit. These cases also give rise to the idea that

unworked phalanges could have been associated with

apotropaic powers over individuals and property.

The identification of flattened pig metapodials as

stylized anthropomorphic representations – prismatic

figurines or ‘‘stupalni idoli’’ in Bulgarian – was the

subject of one of the very first articles on worked bone

artefacts in Bulgarian archaeological literature, the

morphologically identical clay figurines being known

already at that time (Chilingirov 1910). A century

later, there are many publications of such finds, both

in clay and bone, some allowing a better understand-

ing of the stylized details encoded in the image. On

some figurines, facial traits are marked and metal ear-

rings attached to the articulations of the distal epiphy-

sis, thus, identifying the head, whereas others have a

significant opening at the lower part. Flattened pris-

matic figurines are likely to be identified with female-

related powers, whereas their modest size implies

apotropaic use as personal talismans. Often it is hard

to find contextual information in the excavation re-

ports about these artefacts. Luckily, during the first

excavation season at Lıga, one slightly worked pig

metapodium was found in Grave no. 1 (Pl. 28:1), an-

other might be associated with Grave no. 2 (Pl. 28:2),

cf. Chapter XI.

The flattened astragali are traditionally seen as

gaming pieces due to their similarity to the ones used

in the game of knucklebones. Varieties of this game

have been recorded in written and pictorial sources

from the Mediterranean ever since Homer (Iliad

XXIII.88). The rapid decrease in popularity of the

game seems to coincide with the industrialization of

traditional societies. In the past, astragali were also

intentionally deposited as votives in sacred places.

This custom is frequently documented during Classi-

cal Antiquity but often overlooked by archaeologists

dealing with prehistoric periods. Again, the limited

attention paid in the early days of archaeology to the

particular context of finds is not helpful when search-

ing for the possible ritual use of flattened astragali.

Nevertheless, a golden model of a sheep astragalus

furnished with a suspension hole, was recovered from

Grave 36 from the Copper Age cemetery of Varna I.

Grave 36 is a symbolic grave (cenotaph) in which no

human remains were found. Still, it is extremely rich

in goods, among which gold and copper regalia, zo-

omorphic representations in gold and clay, as well as

numerous cloth and body ornaments were mostly

found arranged as if ornamenting a human figure (Iv-

anov 1998:196f.). The composition of this extraordi-

nary find complex is certainly intended to reflect con-

ceptual constructs, furnishing clear evidence that dur-

ing the late 5th millennium BC laterally flattened

astragali played a role in ritual activities. As indicated

by the suspension hole, in this particular case, the

golden astragalus must have been worn as an orna-

ment, probably signaling a role in society not linked

per se to a particular person but rather – as indicated

by the symbolic grave – to the institution that the

powers in question embodied. Thus, the various small

bones with flattened sides – the prismatic figurines

from pig metapodials and the laterally flattened astra-


gali, even palmar-flattened phalanges, all seem to be

associated with ritual practices.

If one considers the particular archaeological situ-

ations in which various flattened short bone objects

were recovered at Lıga, noteworthy patterns emerge

(Fig. IX.4). The plotting of bone artefacts reveals a

significantly high concentration of various kinds of

objects in the interior and the area immediately out-

side House 1. Interestingly, this structure also displays

a concentration of a wide spectrum of special finds,

like ‘‘clay altars’’, ‘‘baby feeding bottles’’, copper

artefacts, anthropomorphic figurines, in addition to

the astragali, etc. (cf. Chapter VI). The latter come in

two sizes (cattle and sheep), one, with a perforation,

is also decorated (Pl. 28:5). This combination of finds

having a presumably ritual use reveals some particu-

lar aspects of the life of the occupants, as well as a

context for the use of flattened phalanges and astra-

gali in ritual practices. By contrast, the occurrence of

few astragali and phalanges in dwellings with mostly

mundane inventories probably indicate their popu-

larity as personal talismans, possibly also used in divi-

nation (rather than as a gaming piece). It should be

mentioned, that one of side-flattened sheep astragalus

was discovered inside a fine ware vessel in House 2

(Pl. 9:1).

SUMMARY

The bone artefacts from Lıga are significant in several

respects, in particular since their general contexts are

known – occupation levels, houses, and graves, as well

as differences in the composition of the documented

assemblages. Interestingly, the Lıga 1 assemblage is

characterised by expediency with regards to craft

peoples’ attitude towards bone as a worked material.

By contrast, a clearly attested tendency towards plan-

ning and careful execution of manufacture seems to

have been customary in Lıga 2.

The remarkable flat figurine reveals high work-

manship skills compared to the less careful work on

most Lıga 1 tools. The secondary decoration of the

figurine testifies to development in decorative con-

cepts through time (or across space, if imported) and

the co-existence of different perceptions. Change of

ownership is suggested by re-location of lines demark-

ing body regions on the same figurine. The rather

wide variety of tool types, especially in the Lıga 2, is

a testimony to the many craft activities practiced by

inhabitants of the village. Of special interest is the

abundance of non-utilitarian objects in the same

phase. The association of flattened astragali and phal-

anges with other special finds, or their occasional oc-

currence in funeral contexts, suggest that these small

bone items could have been possibly used for apotro-

paic purposes rather than as gaming pieces. Finally,

body ornaments recovered in the graves help in the

reconstruction of the personal ornaments of the

period. The necklaces, mostly composed of marine

shells, likely travelled several hundred kilometres,

demonstrate the wider limits and the directions of

contacts at Copper Age Lıga.

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X. ANIMAL BONESby

Jesper Sørensen Østergaard

THE SAMPLE

The animal bones from Lıga were studied already

during excavation and analyzed in the field (Fig. X.1).

Close instruction of the excavators raised the number

of animal bone fragments recovered several times

over. The location of every specimen was mapped

and the item individually classified according to de-

gree of preservation: no damage, damage old, or

damage recent (Fig. X.2). A distinction was also made

between natural damage, damage due to context, to

excavation tools, recovery, drying, transportation, or

to storage (in paper bags). Such notes are quite useful

since damage is much harder to classify after a period

of storage (and drying). In addition, information was

thereby obtained on the level of preservation of or-

ganic material in the different areas and levels of the

excavation, which aided the procedure of work. An

example is sondages 8A and 8B (refuse area), with

good preservation throughout.

The thin bones, such as shoulder blades, ribs, and

hips, are the weakest (large surface). These bones also

tend to generate a lot of fragments when excavated,

especially when dry. Also here notes on the state of

preservation are helpful, as are words on the weather

conditions during excavation (dryness generate more

fragments). Such time-consuming exercises are

necessary to determine the degree of representation

of a bone sample from different areas and layers in

an excavation. Flotation was carried out on important

soil samples (in and around ovens, for example). Dry

sieving was not productive and was abolished. Some

bone microfossils were probably lost, but not too

many (for details of excatation techniques, see above).

4820 bone fragments (N) were identified and ana-

lyzed according to standard methods and procedures

(Fig. X.1). All data were entered into an Access data-

base – point of departure for further studies as well

as the present tables and statistics. The number of

fragments may seem limited, but compared with the

modest extension of excavated area (275 m2) (Fig.

X.4). it is much higher than at other sites. Many

bones suffering from drying and splintering were re-

fitted. Unfortunately, it was not permitted to take the

bones to Denmark for a period of comparative studies

(for this reason, teeth and jaws were excluded when

determining age of individuals).

716 of the fragments (N) could be identified as to

species. The rather more uncertain minimum num-

ber of individuals (MNI) was also established for each

species (on the basis of paired bones). Among the

domesticated animals (164 MNI), cattle amounts to

Fig. X.1. Amounts and percentages of animal bones distributed in

the excavated sondages, cf. Fig. II.3.

133Lıga

36, sheep/goat to 94, pig to 17 and dog also to 17;

wild animals amount to 24 MNI. The ratio domesti-

cated animals versus wild ones is, in percentages, 87

to 13% on basis of the limited MNI numbers of the

present sample. Also age profiles were tentatively es-

tablished, by looking at the stage of growth of the

bones and joints. In the end, fragment numbers (N)

were employed generally, including teeth, to deter-

mine the differing weight of the species (Fig. X.3).

SECONDARILY IDENTIFIED TOOLS AND WEAR

TRACES

Some bones with traces of wear and work – even frag-

ments of bone tools – were recovered during the de-

tailed study of the bone sample, otherwise consisting of

refuse from meals and work (cf. Chapter IX on quality

bone artefacts). These fragments of tools, worked

bones etc. are not added to the species list. Fragments

of bone tools and figurines, and bones with marks of

work and wear amount to 150 (cf. Fig. X.2). Among

these bones, a few are with certainty cervidae (dear ant-

ler) or bos (horn of cattle). Pig-phalanxes without wear,

which may have been used for gaming pieces (or in rit-

uals), are included in the above species lists.

The techniques of manufacture and the function of

tools were also studied. A correlation exists between

the thickness of the wall of the bone and the type of

tool. Bones with walls above 0.5 cms are used for

heavy tools (blows and stabs), bones with walls below

0.5 cms are used for light tools (awls, etc.). Tools were

never made from casual fragments: quite the con-

trary, a thorough selection is noted with regards to

hardness of the material – soft tissue being ignored

and older animals preferred. Probably, the heavy duty

tools came from old large animals, in particular cattle,

with large massive tick-walled bones. The smaller

tools are likely from sheep/goat, the bones of which

are easily turned into awls.

COMPARISONSSELECTED SETTLEMENTS WITH ANIMAL BONE

SAMPLES

The following settlements in the Balkans have yielded

published animal bone samples of some size and in-

terest to the current study (cf. Fig. X.5).

Fig. X. 2. State of preservation and patterns of use of/damage to

the Lıga bone sample.

BULGARIA

Karanovo, Nova Zagora. Largest Neolithic tell in Bulgar-

ia, 250¿150¿121⁄2 m. Continuity Early Neolithic-

Late Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age. Excavated

by V. Mikov 1936, G.I. Georgiev & V. Mikov 1947–

57, S. Hiller & V. Nikolov 1988–2000.

Sofia-Slatina, Sofia. Early Neolithic (Karanovo I &

II). Bones (from upper level of settlement strata)

studied by S. Bökönyi.

Vaksevo, Kjustendil. At River Elesnica feeding

Struma. 850 m2 excavated. Early Neolithic, Late

Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age. The Vaksevo

sample is a collective one from neighbouring sites

(two) at Studeno Voda and (one) at Skaleto; studied

by H. Uerpmann & L. Ninov.

Ovcharovo-Gorata, Targoviste. Investigated by H. To-

dorova at the beginning of the 1980s. Karanovo II.

Bones studied by G. Nobis.

Golyamo-Delchevo, Varna. Tell 4.9 m high. Karanovo

I–II, III–IV, V & VI. Excavated by H. Todorova

1968–70. In Karanovo VI a cemetery of 31 inhu-

mations in hocker.

Ovcharovo, Razgrad. Tell 60 m across¿41⁄2 m. Poly-


Fig. X.3. Lıga bone sample. N – number of bones, MNI – minimal number of individuals.

anica (Karanovo V) & Gumelnita-Kodzadermen-Ka-

ranovo VI. Excavated by H. Todorova 1971–1973.

Vinitsa, Shumen. Tell 55¿45¿5 m. Karanovo V,

Sterile layer VI. Totally excavated 1965–69 by A. Ra-

duncheva. At the site were 46 inhumations from Kar-

anovo VI.

Drama, Yambol, Tundza Valley. Tell 160¿20 m. Kar-

anovo V, VI & Early Bronze Age. Excavated by Bulg-

arian-German team 1983.

Ezero, Nova Zagora. Tell 200¿145¿10 m. Karanovo

III, IV, V, VI & Early Bronze Age/Ezero A-B. Exca-

vated by V. Mikov 1952–58, by Bulgarian-Soviet

team 1961–71 headed by V. Mikov, R. Katincarov &

N.J. Merpert.

135Lıga

Fig. X.4. View from NE towards the excavated area. Front – area of Sector 2, back – area of Sector 1. In the background, the plain where

Telish village is situated.

GREECE

Sitagroi, Thessaly. Northeast of Thessaloniki, East of the

mouth of Struma. Tell. Cultural layer of 101⁄2 m,

Neolithic & Early Bronze Age. Close similarities to

the Balkan cultures in pottery and figurines. Exca-

vated 1968–69 by international team headed by M.

Gimbutas & C. Renfrew. Ca. 15,000 bones studied

by S. Bökönyi.

Platia Magoula Zarkou (P.M. Zarkou), Thessaly. On

Volos Bay near River Peneios. Tell. Neolithic to Early

Bronze Age. 11,613 animal bones studied by C.

Becker.

Otzaki Magoula, Thessaly. On Volos Bay near River

Peneios. Tell. Neolithic to Early Bronze Age. 776

bones studied by J. Boessneck

Achillion, Thessaly. On Volos Bay. Neolithic to Early

Bronze Age. 7,779 bones studied by S. Bökönyi.

Kastanas, Macedonia. On River Axios. Excavated at

the end of the 1970s. Early Bronze Age to Iron Age.

Ca. 90,000 bones from all layers, 35,104 determined

according to species, of which 926 Early Bronze Age.

MACEDONIA

Anza. Between Skopje and Stip (Ovce Polje region),

near Nikolskaja, a tributary to the Vardar. Excavated

in 1960, and 1969–70 by a joint Yugoslav-American

campaign headed by M. Garasanin and M. Gimbut-

as. Cultural layers mainly from Early Neolithic to

Copper Age. Ca. 45,000 bones of which 19,185 could

be identified as studied by S. Bökönyi.

COMMENTS

The data from Telish-Lıga have been compared to

published samples from Bulgaria and Northern Gree-

ce, and, in a single case, from Macedonia (cf. above &

137Lıga

Fig. X.5. Comparative table of studies other than Lıga of animal bones in Bulgaria, Greece, and F.Y.R. Macedonia. BGΩBulgaria, GRΩGreece, YMCΩ(Former) Yugoslav Macedonia. EΩEarly, MΩMiddle, LΩLate; NΩNeolithic, CAΩCopper Age, BAΩBronze Age. Karano-

vo: traditional settlement phases of Karanovo tell are applied here for the sake of temporal orientation (Roman numbersΩrespective phases).

Figures: either nos. of bones (N), or calculated minimum nos. of individuals (MNI), all in% under individual species.

Scholars use two approaches concerning statistical presentation. In some cases, percentages of domesticated animals are calculated on the

basis of the whole sum of species, i.e., including the wild animals (marked here with grey colour). In these cases, wild animal percentages

must be added to the domesticated ones to give 100%. In most cases, however, domesticates are calculated separately, adding up to 100%

without incorporating the wild animals. Site references: Sofia-SlatinaΩBökönyi 1992; KaranovoΩHiller & Nikolov 1997; VaksevoΩNinov

2001; Ovcharovo-GorataΩNobis 1988; Golyamo-DelchevoΩIvanov & Vasilev 1975; DramaΩBökönyi 1990; Brenitsa, Gradeshnitsa, Krivo-

dol, Ovcharovo & VinitsaΩVasilev 1978; EzeroΩGeorgiev & Merpert 1979; SitagroiΩBökönyi 1986; P.M. Zarkou, Achillion & Otzaki

MagulaΩBecker 1991; 1999; KastanasΩBecker 1986; AnzaΩBökönyi 1976.

Fig. X.5). Other Yugoslav (or ex-Yugoslav) sites, like

famous Bubanj in eastern Serbia, has only yielded

poor data (only the Early Bronze Age evidence is per-

haps of some value, including 11 horse bones: early

evidence of domesticated horse in the Balkans)

(Bökönyi 1991). Also the published Romanian data

are of low quality (Comsa 1989). A single KSB-cul-

ture site, at Sfogea near Cuptoare in Southern Ro-

mania, has only 52% domestic animal bones – per-

haps an indication of flexible economic strategies (1).

The Copper Age settlement of Redutite near Lıga

is particularly interesting, but, unfortunately, the

data – amost 6,000 animal bones – were not collected

stratigraphically and have only been published in

terms of measures of certain bones, plus a summary

1. A recent excavation at the Copper Age settlement of Magura

(tell) Gorgana at Pietrele near the Danube has yielded a small

animal bone sample seemingly with a lot of fish (76 fragments)

(N. Benecke in Hansen et al. 2004). Wild animals are common

(�50 fragments, mainly wild boar, plus some deer. Among the

domesticated animals are 11 fragments of cattle, 28 of pig, but

only 7 sheep/goat; 5 fragments were of dog. This sample is not

entered in the tables, or otherwise. Adaptation to a particular

environment is clear. The high number of fish bones is raising

questions about their rarity at Lıga.

list of species (Ribarov & Boev 1997). In northwestern

Bulgaria as a whole there are few published studies;

exceptions are Brenitsa, Gradeshnitsa and Krivodol

(Vasilev 1978). Apart from the fine work of Bökönyi,

Boessneck & Driesch, there is substantial variation in

the quality of study in the Balkans (and Greece), in

particular concerning investigations before the mid-

1980s. Very uncertain samples are not included here.

A general trend is the decline of cattle in the Late

Neolithic and the Copper Age, which also see more

old individuals. Sheep/goat is on the rise in the same

periods, but also these individuals are older than be-

fore. The number of pig is the same, but most were

killed young in later times. These comments on age

do not transpire from the tables. Wild animals

amount to about 10% or a little more in the Neo-

lithic, but the percentage rose in the Copper Age

(sometimes very high percentages of hunted animals

are seen, as at Sfogea), as well as in the Early Bronze

Age. Thus, in the Copper Age, with older domestic

animals, more stress was probably put on the so-

called ‘‘secondary’’ products, like power (cattle), milk,

and wool. Likely, a more mobile system of husbandry

was also introduced, including transhumance (sheep/

goat). This may also explain the high percentage of


wild animals, making up for losses in meat, and any-

way more available to mobile populations.

The composition of a particular domestic animal

population – even as seen from the dry bones of exca-

vation – is usually a close reflection of the natural

catchments of a settlement and its potential, in fact

the availability of water and fodder for the animals

throughout the year. As to pig, these are often, if nu-

merous, indicators of nearby forests, while a high

number of sheep/goat is a reflection of open land-

scapes, including dry plains and mountains; cattle

may be kept where water is plentiful, along streams,

and in forests too. The lower-lying meadows at Lıga

(at the stream) would have been a fine and easily

guarded area for cattle; such may also have grazed in

the supposed light forest ‘‘behind’’ Lıga. Open plains

are optimal for sheep/goat herding. Probably, the lat-

ter also took place further away, during the summer

likely in the lush mountains to the South.

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251.

XI. CEMETERY

INTRODUCTION

Seven graves (with eight bodies, all males and

children) were found in the southern half of the Lıga

settlement (Fig. XI.1 & Pl. 29) (1). Bone samples taken

from Grave no. 1 were AMS-dated by the Uppsala

laboratory. Calibrated, this burial is dated to ca. 4000

BC (Fig. II.12, II.13 & III.5). The scanty grave goods

also support a final Copper Age date. Grave no. 1

was discovered in 2000, the remaining in 2001.

The age and sex of the skeletal remains (except the

poorly preserved Grave no. 3) were determined by Y.

Yordanov (2) of the Bulgarian Academy of Science.

In his report is noted that the adults have a medium

to expressed massiveness of the post- and cranial

bones, and medium to strong relief, indicating a well-

developed musculature.

Reconstruction of the burial arrangements was

complicated by the circumstance, that all graves were

intrusive in relation to earlier Copper Age debris with

very rich material remains.

GRAVE NO. 1. INFANT I, 7–8 YEARS

This burial of a child was found 0.65 m below the

surface at the southern slopes of the site in an oval

grave pit of 0.93¿0.72 m, intersecting the outer west-

ern wall of House 1. The skeleton was orientated N-

S, the head being in the S with a slight eastern devi-

ation (159 æ/360 æ N). The body was placed in supine

position with flexed legs, the head lying on the left

side facing WNW (Fig. XI.2 & XI.3). The legs were

contracted on the left side and the arms collected on

the abdomen. The dead child was placed on a nat-

urally deposited layer of pebbles. Unfortunately, the

burial was only recognised when the top of the skull

became visible. Situated in an area with abundant

remains of animal bones, the higher lying fragmented

bones of the underarm were not immediately recog-

1. The graves were recorded together with Petar Zidarov.

2. The author is very grateful to Prof. Yordan Yordanov, Institute

of Experimental Morphology and Anthropology, Sofia for

undertaking anthropological investigations of the recovered

bone material from the graves.

nised as human. The grave pit was also only dis-

tinguished at its lower level.

Despite possible loss of information, this burial con-

tained the richest grave goods as compared with the

other burials. In the area of the chest were 5 tiny

copper beads made of rolled-up copper sheet (Fig.

VI.16). Due to the presence of these beads it was de-

cided to lift the grave in a metal frame with the inten-

tion of a more controlled excavation. In the area of

the chest was also found a zoomorphic bone idol

made of pig metatarsus (Fig. IX.5; Pl. 28:1). Two

rather big flint blades, perhaps representing cutting

tools, were discovered at the skull and at the feet,

respectively; these might also be associated with the

burial. During the cutting of the soil, when the metal

plate of the frame was pushed under the skeleton, a

rounded shell ca. 2 cm in diameter and with a hole

in the middle reaching almost 1 cm in diameter was

discovered below the right hip. Unfortunately it was

crushed in the process. The nasal bone of the child

had a greenish discolouration indicating perhaps a

vanished copper item.

It remains a mystery whether the only gold find

at the site – a pendant with rolled up terminals, and

hence interpreted as a phallic symbol – can be as-

sociated with the grave (Fig. VI.17). It was found in

loose soil close to the grave but a few days after the

burial was recognised. All the soil around the skel-

eton in the demarcated area of 2¿2 m was being

collected separately for flotation. Thus, the attention

invested in the excavation of the grave and the fact

that it was only superficially excavated before being

taken out in the metal frame speaks against direct

association with the gold find. The pendant has

raised many speculations not only due to its uncer-

tain association, but also its uncertain and possibly

late date. However, the form and manner in which

the pendant is produced can also be found in a

group of copper pins known from Late Copper Age

sites (Todorova & Vaisov 2002). Such a pin has been

discovered in the neighbouring Redutite settlement

(Gergov 1987).

The skeleton was exhibited in its frame at the Na-

tional museum in Sofia in 2000 (in connection with

141Lıga

Fig. XI.1. Photo of graves during the excavation process, view from the West.

the official visit to the country by the Queen of

Denmark). On that occasion, Yordanov inspected the

skeletal remains and concluded that the skull of the

child was bearing traces of an artificial deformation

made by a single ribbon bound behind the coronal

suture (Yordanov, pers. comm.).


Fig. XI.2. Drawing of Grave no. 1 prior to its lifting in a metal

frame. The lower part of the skeleton is covered with soil contain-

ing pieces of burned daub. Strong lines mark pottery shards stem-

ming from house debris of Lıga 2. A coherent nodule of burned

wattle is marked with oblique striation.

GRAVE NO. 2. ADULT MALE

This person was buried in a flexed (hocker) position,

on the right side and with the knees tightly contracted

at the chest, the hands collected and placed under the

head (Fig. XI.4). The grave was discovered 0.47 m

below the present surface, its orientation being N-S,

the head orientated towards the N with a slight devi-

ation towards the E (25 æ/360 æ N, following the main

axis, connecting the top of the skull with the middle

point of the pelvis); the face was facing West. The

burial was found in an oval pit with maximum dimen-

sions of 1.10 (N-S)¿0.82 (E-W) m. The burial is in-

trusive in relation to the Copper Age settlement and

was placed in the area between two dwelling struc-

tures (Houses 2 and 3). A large amount of flint chips

was collected during the excavation, indicating pro-

duction and re-sharpening of flint tools in the area

during the time of the Lıga 2 settlement. The skeleton

seems to have been placed on top of a layer of rather

large ceramic shards. The shards originate from dif-

ferent vessels (all could be recognized as stemming

from Lıga 2 assemblages) and their even distribution

underneath the skeleton points towards deliberate col-

lection and arrangement at the bottom of the grave

pit. The biggest density of shards was observed below

the head and the upper part of the body. Beyond the

southern edge of the burial pit two postholes were

seen, each measuring 0.17 m in diameter, the distance

between them being 0.32 m. The postholes are quite

shallow in relation to the burial, just some 0.16 m

deep as measured from the level of the skull and

therefore their temporal association with the grave is

not certain. The preservation of the bones is very

poor with high fragility and surface erosion. The

upper part of the skull has been cut-off by ploughing.

It should be noted that all teeth of the skeleton,

including the frontal ones, show very heavy wear,

with exposed dentine. The heaviest attrition is seen

on the premolars and the molars of the mandibula,

their buccal edges being abraded away. These traces

would indicate, that the teeth were actively exploited

as a tool for a purpose which demanded chewing,

pulling and tracking while the molars were kept

clenched. The cranial walls were twice as thick as

those of the other individuals, reaching 0.8 cm.

Thickened cranial walls were one of the indications

of an artificial cranial deformation in Grave no. 1.

However, the poor preservation of the cranial bones

of the present grave does not allow any conclusion on

this account.

No recognizable grave-gifts were found in the

grave, although it might be assumed that a bone idol

made of a pig metatarsal bone found 1.20 m NE of

the burial might be associated with this (Pl. 28:2). The

same type of idol was discovered in Grave no. 1.

GRAVE NO. 3. INFANT I, 4–6 YEARS

The dead person is an Infant I, according to the den-

tition of 6 years; however, the size of the humerus,

134 mm, corresponds to an individual of 3.5–4.5

years (Bass 1987). The skeletal remains were found

0.49 m below the present surface (Fig. XI.5).

This burial was almost totally destroyed by plough-

ing as refelected by wavy depressions, one of which

was exactly overlapping the skeleton, as seen in the

profile. The position of the legs is not known. The

traces of the other bones (a few fragments of skull and

mandibula, outlines of the right humerus, part of the

right radius and three ribs) indicate a flexed position

143Lıga

Fig. XI.3. Grave no. 1.




with the right hand placed under the head. The as-

sumed orientation of the head is N-NW. The grave is

intrusive in relation to cultural debris of the Lıga 2

settlement.

GRAVE NO. 4. INFANT I, 1–11⁄2 YEARS

The skeletal remains of this child were discovered

0.53 m below the surface. The body was lying in a

flexed position, the legs being bent and contracted at

the front until the line of the pelvis (Fig. XI.6). The

child was placed on the right side, the right hand

under the head, the left hand bent and placed over

the right one. The burial was found in an oval pit

with maximum dimensions of 0.80 (NNE-SSW)¿0.60 (NNW-SSE) m. The dead was orientated to-

wards the N, with a slight eastern deviation (25 æ/360 æ N, following the main axis, connecting the top

of the skull and the pelvis); the face was turned to-

wards the West. The grave pit was dug through the

outer wall of House no. 2 of the Lıga 2 settlement.

The skeletal remains were fairly well preserved, not

taking into account the missing upper part of the

skull, parts of the pelvis bones, and ribs and feet.

A bone plate was discovered as the only grave gift

(Pl. 28:11). This was located beneath the left hand

on the breast, placed upside down, i.e., the decor-

ated face towards the ground. It was rectangular in

shape (measuring 7.4¿3.8 cm, the thickness being

0.25 cm) and decorated with evenly spaced dots sur-

rounded by circles. The reconstructed corner holes

indicate that it was used as a breast-plate. Although

the described type of punched decoration makes its

wide appearance during the Bronze Age, a pendant

with similar decoration is known from Cucuteni

(Schmidt 1932). Similar bone plates, sometimes

supplemented with anthropomorphic heads, are not

unusual in Late Copper Age contexts and are re-

corded from Karanovo VI levels, e.g., Merdzumeki-

ja at Drama, and other sites (Sidera 1997). Breast-

plates are also occasionally found in graves (Todoro-

va & Vajsov 2002).

145Lıga


GRAVE NO. 5. INFANT II, 8–9 YEARS

The outline of this grave pit was visible 0.35 m below

the surface, immediately beneath the ploughing layer.

The skeletal remains appeared at a depth of 0.48 m.

The dead child was placed in flexed position (tightly

drawn-up hocker), the legs being bent and fully con-

tracted (to the chest) (Fig. XI.7). The body was lying

on the right side, both hands bent and pressed to the

chest, both wrists turned towards the claviculae. The

orientation of the skeleton is N-S, with a small devi-

ation towards the E (the head is towards the N),

24 æ/360 æ N. The face was turned towards the West.

The maximum dimensions of the oval pit was 1.04

(N-S)¿0.62 (E-W) m. The skeleton was dug into cul-

tural debris of the Lıga 2 settlement at the inter-struc-

tural space between Houses 2 and 3. The burial car-

ried traces of special marking: three pairs of postholes,

6–8 cm in diameter, were surrounding the area of the

upper part of the body. The first set was found 0.68

and 0.49 m E of the grave. The set at the head was

just 11–12 cm North of this. The western set of post-

holes was 0.50 m from the skeleton. A single posthole

was found 0.09 m from the feet. The state of preser-

vation of the main part of the bones was rather good,

despite the shallow depth. Several ribs were eroded,

or displaced, like the upper part of the skull.

The only recognizable burial gift was a cattle horn,

14.5 cm long with a maximum width of 5.5 cm (Fig.

XI.8). Both the proximal and the distal end of the

horn were framed by two vertically placed pottery

shards, almost like bed-posts. The horn was situated

7 cm to the N-NW of the skull, with the pointed end

towards the head. The horn was otherwise following

the orientation of the skeletal remains.

A particular aspect is the presence of intrusive hu-

man bones in association with the grave, most prob-



ably due to displacement by ploughing (Fig. XI.9).

0.07–0.10 m from the maxilla, in northwestern direc-

tion, was a left adult clavicula. 0.10 m in northwestern

direction from the right tibia was the proximal end of

an adult radius with totally fused epiphysis. None of

the excavated adult specimens were lacking these

bones.

GRAVE NO. 6. JUVENILE MALE, 18–19 YEARS

These skeletal remains of a young man were discover-

ed 0.76 m from the surface. The body was placed in

a flexed position, legs bent and contracted until the

line of the pelvis. The body was laid to rest on the

right side, hands bent and collected below the ster-

num so that the underarm of the right hand was per-

pendicular to the axis of the spinal column, while the

left hand embraced the upper part of the right hand

(Fig. XI.10). The orientation of the dead was N-S, the

head towards N, with a slight eastern deviation, 40 æ/

360 æ N, following the main orientation line, con-

necting the top of the skull and the pelvis. The face

was turned towards the West. The outline of the

burial pit was not clear, albeit it could be recognised

through a looser soil structure and a slightly darker

coloration in the western periphery of the grave.

Somewhat higher, an occurrence of small particles of

charcoal was observed around the bones and espe-

cially in the area around the sternum when compared

with the surrounding soil. The preservation of the

bones was very good. All bones were present and in

anatomic order. The only exception was the phal-

anges of the left hand and of the left foot, which were

detached from their original place due to post-depo-

sitional disturbances.

The burial deposits include 8 dentalium shells (Fig.

XI.11) in a row and a polished bone pendant

(2.0¿1.5 cm) made as an imitation of a red deer

tooth, the so-called Grandel (Pl. 28:10). The pendant

was in the middle of the row of dentalium shells,

147Lıga

Fig. XI.8. Cattle horn found in Grave no. 5.

forming a rather tight necklace (Fig. XI.12). All shells

and the pendant were found under the mandible or

between the mandible and atlas.

GRAVE NO. 7A–7B. ADULT MALE,

25–30 YEARS & INFANT I, 11⁄2 YEARS

This is a double grave containing an adult male and

a small child (Fig. XI.13, 14). The grave was dis-

covered 0.80 m below the surface. The adult body

was placed in a supine flexed position. The legs

were bent and originally the knees were pointing

upwards, calves and haunches forming and angle of

some 45 æ with 0.13–0.14 m between the heels. In a

course of decay, the legs had fallen down to the

right side. The left arm was contracted and the

hand placed on the manubrium (the top part of the

sternum). The right arm was contracted to the right

shoulder, which, from below and above, was holding

the head of the child. The head of the adult was

laid on the right side, facing the child, and West.

The child was buried in a flexed position on its right

side, the upper part of the body lying on the chest,

the legs bent. The left leg was contracted till the line

of the pelvis bones (forming a 90 æ angle with the

spinal axis), while the right leg was slightly contrac-

ted, forming a 135 æ angle with the spinal axis. The

hands of the child were placed under the head,

which was also turned towards the West. The child

was placed at the right side of the adult.

All bones were well preserved, but the bones of the

Fig. XI.9. Drawing of Grave no. 5, with specification of discovered

bones.

child to a lesser degree those of the adult. All the

principal bones of the skeleton of the adult were

found in anatomical order. There is a seeming dis-

placement of the bones of the left leg, where the dis-

tance between the distal end of the femur and the

proximal end of the tibia is 0.15 m. The displacement

occurred in the process of decay, when the vertically

placed flexed legs had fallen to the right side. The

bones of the child are disturbed. The hipbones were

found 0.30 m from each other, the sacrum 0.25 m to

the SW of the right hipbone. Also the teeth carry

signs of post-depositional disturbances, found scat-

tered in the area of the mandible and the neck. One

tooth was found close to the left hipbone, which was

the northernmost bone belonging to the skeleton of

the child. Post-depositional disturbances were also at-

tested through the presence of one metatarsus and



few phalanges belonging to another adult found close

to the child’s right femur.

Yordanov estimates the height of the adult to be

between 165.78 cm (after the formula of Pearson-Lee)

and 174.29 cm (the formula of Trotter-Gleser). The

atrition of the masticatory teeth of the adult is deter-

mined to be of 3rd degree, i.e., a strong attrition

reaching the pulp chamber. For the same adult, a

pathology of the vertebral column was established,

manifested in spondylosis and spondilo-chondrosis of

the articular surfaces.

Several animal bones were found in the grave, the

majority being of Bos Taurus (Fig. XI.13). A part of

these bones was close to the adult human bones, a

cattle calcaneaus at the bones of the right foot. 0.04

m South of the neck vertebrae was a molar of young

cattle. A massive cattle rib was crossing both the left

human ulna and the radius in the medial area. It is

probable that these bones were part of the burial in-

ventory. At the 2nd lumbar vertebra of the adult, on

the southern side, was a 5 cm long flint end-scraper

with a retouch at the proximal end and utilisation

traces on the lateral edge. 0.02 m South of the right

patella was a flint blade, which association with the

burial is not certain, however. Under the right scap-

ula of the adult, close to the right humerus, was a

dentalium shell, 2.7 cm long. The only burial gift of

the child was a rather loose double necklace of shells,

where each pair of dentalium was separated from the

subsequent one by a cardium shell (Fig. XI.15).

Both skeletons were placed on a layer of shards.

The less ordered distribution of the shards does not

indicate obvious intentionality, but the high concen-

tration together with the fact that the shards belong

to different vessels speak in favour of a built layer, in

fact a mat. The layer was more compact in the area

of the legs and feet of the adult.

Finally, a dozen shells of the Zebrina Detrita spe-

cies (as reported by N. Andreasen, Copenhagen &

Cambridge universities, in 2001) were collected from

Graves nos. 6 and 7. These shells were discovered

everywhere in the excavated area, although mostly in

149Lıga

Fig. XI.11. Dentalium and cardium shells discovered in Graves

Nos. 6 (upper row) and 7B (lower row).

the lower layers, belonging to the Lıga 1 settlement,

and should not be considered as intentional depo-

sitions in the graves.

CONCLUSIONS

All graves were discovered in the southern to south-

western part of the Lıga hillock. The regular distri-

bution allows the area to be interpreted as a formal

burial ground or cemetery, consciously chosen for the

purpose. Except for Grave no. 1, the graves were or-

ganized in both longitudinal and latitudinal rows.

Graves nos. 3, 4 and 5 were forming a frontal line of

burials organized along an E-W axis. These graves

were remarkably evenly spaced. Measuring from the

presumed centres of the skulls, the distance between

Graves no. 3 and 4 was 3 m, the distance between

Graves no. 4 and 5, 3.20 m. (Similar results are

achieved by measuring the distance in a straight line

from the humerus to the border of the next grave pit,

i.e., 2.40 m and 2.36 m. The humerus was the only

bone of Grave no. 3 with a fully preserved outline).

The distance between the burial pits of Graves nos. 4

and 5 was 2.22 m. Graves nos. 6 and 7 are forming

the next row of burials, orientated E-W and confirm-

ing the latitudinal spatial organisation of the burials.

The distance between Graves nos. 6 and 7 was ca. 2

m, as measured from the centres of the skulls (skull

7B, child, of the double grave).

The protrusive position of Grave no. 2 demon-

strates that the burials were also organised in a longi-

tudinal manner, following the N-S direction but par-

Fig. XI.12. Grave no. 6, reconstruction of necklace.

tially staggered, so that Grave no. 5 was slightly be-

hind Grave no. 2, yet in a more westerly position

than Grave no. 2. The remaining burials were also

organised in this manner, Grave no. 7 being behind

Grave no. 4, and Grave no. 6 behind the destroyed

Grave no. 3. The distance between the rows was

limited. Only 0.36 m was separating the grave pits of

Graves nos. 4 and 7. A similar distance was observed

between the Graves nos. 2 and 5.

Despite the fact that several fragments of human

bones were discovered in sondages nos. 7 and 6B of

the excavation, Graves nos. 2, 3 and 4 were marking

the northern edge of the burial ground. Grave no.

5 was the easternmost grave, and Grave no. 1 the

southernmost. In 1979, during sounding work at the

site, skeletal remains of a child were found (V. Gergov,

pers.comm.). Nobody realized the significance of the

find, then. The said skeletal remains were presumably

discovered in ‘‘Trench II’’ (‘‘Izkop II’’). During the re-

excavation of this trench, two cranial bones of a child

were discovered, indicating that the western borders

of the burial ground are probably somewhere in area

of ‘‘Trench II’’. Thus, it is possible to predict that the

burial ground originally was occupying an area of 120

m2, with a predicted number of graves at 25.

One important question remains unsolved, namely

the burials of the females, made ever more acute since

children were interred with adult men. Possibly, the

explanation lies in regulation of burial space between

the sexes, women being buried in a separate part of

the Lıga cemetery. Such interesting division is, e.g.,

observed in the Copper Age cemetery at Targoviste,

also in an old settlement (data, Angelova 1991), where

11 graves were discovered. Among these, four were


Fig. XI.13.Graves nos. 7A-B.

identified as male and four as female, lying in two

separate clusters.

Thus, at Lıga, affiliation with a gender-defined la-

bour group was more important to stress in death,

than the family-groups evident in the highly individ-

ual households of this egalitarian society. The

children are likely of the same sex as the adults they

are accompanying, thus the boys with men.

It is uncertain whether the two big postholes found

at the rear end of Grave no. 2 are related to the

burial, while the association of the sets of smaller post-

holes with Grave no. 5 is certain. The latter posts,

grouped regularly around the skeleton, demonstrate

that the place and position of the dead were held in

respect.

Despite some 400 years, which temporarily separ-

ate the last Copper Age settlement and the establish-

ment of the burial ground, the position of the graves

was clearly influenced by the structural debris of Lıga

2. Thus, the burial pit of Grave no. 1 was dug

through the outer western wall of House 1. Graves

nos. 3 and 4 were intersecting the outer southern wall

of House 2. The latter graves, together with neigh-

bouring Graves nos. 2 and 5, had the smallest depth

151Lıga

Fig. XI.14. Upper part of Graves nos. 7A–B.

below the present-day surface, not exceeding 0.50 m.

It is known from other Copper Age burial grounds,

like Varna and Durankulak, that differentiation in

depth was used to reflect status, gender and age (To-

dorova 2002). In the case of Lıga, another factor was

seemingly also playing a part.

The terrain after the abandonment of the Lıga 2

settlement was sculptured by disintegrating walls of

burned houses, which eventually formed house

mounds. Through field work in Southern Mexico and

southwestern Iran, M. & A. Kirkby have actually

demonstrated that the disintegration process of mud

houses has a certain pace and can even be used as a

means of dating (Kirkby & Kirkby 1976). Thus, in

the Oaxaca valley, with 500–700 mm annual rainfall,

the house mounds survive with recognisable profiles

for 500–800 years. Lower precipitation rates signifi-

cantly prolong the period of survival. The present

yearly precipitation in NW Bulgaria is 500–600 mm

(as measured during 1950–1990 (GHCN)). Regardless

of whether this number was higher or lower at the

end of the Copper Age, house mounds formed of

burned daub were distinguishable for several centur-

ies. Hence, it can be assumed that the collapsed house

walls of the Lıga 2 settlement created prominent

points in the terrain, which were selected for burials.

Later impact has levelled the terrain to its present

state. Thus, the depths of the graves at Lıga bear wit-

ness to the level of the ancient surface and can hardly

be considered a reflection of social differences among

the dead.

The above observations should perhaps be applied

to other Copper Age sites where insufficient obser-

vations are limiting understanding of the proper re-

lations between graves and dwellings, mainly the issue

of intermural burials versus formal deposition sites

(Bojadziev 2001). Thus, V. Mikov notes that at the

Kubrat (Balbunar) tell in NE Bulgaria, where 25 skel-

etons were found, the majority of the burials concen-

trated in the area with remains of destroyed houses


Fig. XI.15. Grave no. 7B, reconstruction of necklace.

(Mikov 1927, cited by Bojadziev 2001). Based on the

uniformity of the treatment the dead, it can be argued

that the site was used as a formal burial ground and

therefore should be separated in time from the settle-

ment.

Despite the temporal congruence between the

settlement and the burials, an apparent link exists be-

tween the two. The burials should be seen as reflec-

tions of the same ideas that governed the spatial or-

ganisation of the settlement, similarity being observed

in the matching N-S orientation of the dwellings and

the burials, and in the uniform and regulated spacing

patterns. In addition, the cemetery arrives as a virtual

Lıga 3 ‘‘settlement’’. Such translation of the principles

applied for establishing settlements into the sepulchral

sphere is challenging strictly functional interpretations

of settlement organisation, which have been criti-

cized, e.g., by J. Brück and M. Goodman (Brück &

Goodman 1999). The idea of a conceptual affiliation

between houses and burials, as seen through their

architectural similarity, has also been cultivated in

NW Europe for quite some time (Milisauskas 1978;

Hodder 1984; 1990). Evidence of interrelatedness be-

tween realms of the living and the dead is thus found

in SE Europe too, albeit in a rather circumstantial

manner.

Connections between houses and burials have

lately been attested at Durankulak, where the stone

architecture of this multi-layered settlement was par-

alleled in graves covered or framed with stone slabs

(Todorova 2002). Besides echoing the orientation of

the houses, certain elements of the domestic inventory

were also used in the graves, bucrania, for example,

is an important token in both houses and burials

(Hodder 1990; Todorova 2002). Following this line of

argument, it is natural to assume that the arrange-

ment of wooden poles around Grave no. 5 acted not

only as a marking but also as an enclosure, indeed, a

metaphoric house. In the same grave was a cattle

horn, likely a replacement of the deer antlers of the

Mesolithic as a most valued agent within the symbolic

and ritual sphere (cf. Tilley 1996). Nevertheless, the

red deer is not entirely removed from the symbolic

repertoire. In Grave no. 6 was a bone pendant in

imitation of a red deer tooth. The tooth is a Grandel,

a rudimentary upper canine (caninus) of the male red

deer (Cervus elaphus), which never erupts and thus

preserves its pearlwhite colour (Todorova 2002, 187).

The practice of imitation is well-known from the Late

Copper Age Varna I burials (Todorova 2002). Both

imitation and real teeth are here found in association

with male burials (Todorova 2002).

Two graves at Lıga contained necklaces made of

shells. The necklace of Grave no. 6 combined a bone

pendant and dentalium shells (Fig. XI.11, 12). The

child of Grave no. 7A-B had a double necklace com-

prised of dentalium and cardium shells (Fig. XI.11,

15). The relative ages of the dentalium shells actually

correspond to those of the accompanying humans:

tiny, not fully grown juvenile representatives with the

child, while the dimensions of the dentalium shells

found in the grave of the young adult are significantly

bigger, reaching 30¿9 mm. Dentalium shells are esti-

mated to be a rather costly item in the graves of Dur-

ankulak and Varna (Todorova et al. 2002, 185). They

might be collected in the Mediterranean and prob-

ably the Black Sea close to Bosporus (Todorova

2002). In the region of Pleven are several outcrops

with fossils of different geological periods (Granch-

arov 1999). The most readily available deposits are

found at the village of Opanets (with a possible Cop-

per Age settlement), where fossilized dentalium (of

Miocene date) can be collected on the surface (as re-

ported by N. Zidarov, Director of the Institute of Ge-

ology, Sofia). This source lies less than 25 km from

Lıga. Malacological analysis has, however, proved a

recent marine origin of the dentalium shells, which

were not affected by a long process of fossilization (N.

Andreasen, Copenhagen and Cambridge universities,

153Lıga

2001). Whether of eastern or southern origin, these

shells are found at considerable distance from their

natural source. Even the cardium shells included in

the necklace of the child of Grave no. 7A–B, were

juvenile (1.2¿1.4 cm). Part of the umbo was inten-

tionally ground away and a small hole created for

threading. This type of marine shells is more wide-

spread and might have been collected anywhere in

the Black Sea and the Mediterranean (Todorova

2002, 186).

In terms of treatment of the dead, no apparent dif-

ferentiation can be noted, as might have been ex-

pected from the data in NE Bulgaria, in casu the fam-

ous Varna graves. The only striking exception is

Grave no. 1. The two AMS-dates (based on bone col-

lagen), giving a late Copper Age date, are both from

this grave, so it is possible that the remaining graves

(with another orientation) are of a different, likely

later date, possibly the ‘‘Transional Period’’ (3). If so,

they are contemporary with the nearby Redutite IV

settlement. The relative proximity of the burials, to-

gether with the whole grave material, allows for a

holistic view, however.

The exclusiveness of the young dead person in

Grave no. 1 is stressed by the ‘‘reverse’’ southern

orientation (the head still facing West, though) and

the comparative richness of the grave gifts, as well as

the artificial deformation of the skull, even though the

practice of deformation during the Copper Age was

not unusual and commonly applied towards the end

of the period (Yordanov & Dimitrova 2002). Hence

almost 11% (23) of all skulls studied (mostly frag-

mented) at Durankulak and attributed to the Middle

and Late Copper Age have traces of morphological

changes of the one-ribbon circular type (Yordanov &

Dimitrova 2002). Perhaps the child of Grave no. 1

originated in Eastern Bulgaria.

In Anatolia and other Near Eastern regions, where

artificial deformation is widespread in the Neolithic,

the practice is interpreted as the result of a need for

ethnic markers in an expanding system of communi-

cation and exchange (Özbek 2001). The distribution

of the phenomenon is tightly clustered in the Near

Eastern region. Skull deformations in Bulgarian

graves should probably also be seen as exceptions,

3. Further samples will be submitted for dating later.

hence the separation of the child compared to the

other dead persons discovered at Lıga: no doubt a

testimony to a growing complexity of society, which

may even have encompassed hereditary positions.

Skull deformations gain an even wider distribution in

the Early Bronze Age: thus, 14 of the 36 skulls dis-

covered in the burials of the Grave-Pit culture in Bul-

garia have traces of changes in the morphology of the

skull, conducted through the same one-ribbon

method (Yordanov & Dimitrova 1989).

BURIALS IN THE KSB CULTURE AND THE

‘‘TRANSITIONAL PERIOD’’

Despite the surprising Lıga discovery, the absence of

burials in the area occupied by the KSB culture re-

mains unresolved; the same can be said of the Thra-

cian plain, densely dotted with tell settlements. This is

in stark contrast with NE Bulgaria, where large burial

grounds, along with smaller deposition sites at the

settlements, have produced several thousands of

graves. Y. Bojadziev lists nine localities with regular

burial grounds and two sites with possible intra-mural

burials in the NE part (including the coastal areas) of

Bulgaria (Bojadziev 2001). In the Thracian plain,

there are only two known burial sites, so far, both

containing multiple Late Copper Age skeletal re-

mains, Okrazhna Bolnitsa in Stara Zagora (three skel-

etons) and Yunatsite at Pazardzik (Bojadziev 2001).

In NW Bulgaria, graves associated with Copper

Age remains were found in the Devetaki Cave. The

temporal position of the earliest skeletal find of 1926 –

the body being placed in a flexed position – is not

known with certainty (Gaul 1948). During an exca-

vation in 1952, burials of four children were recorded,

loosely attributed to the Copper Age (Boev 1959). Re-

peated excavations in the cave in the 1990s have pro-

duced one more child burial, which held pottery typi-

cal of the KSB culture (Gergov, pers. comm.).

The Yugoslavian data on burials in the area of the

KSB culture are even more penurious than in Bulgaria.

The only grave, which can be associated with the KSB

culture, was discovered in 1967 at Lepenski Vir (Letitsa

1972). It was the burial of a female, 40–60 years old

and 1.54–1.56 m tall, dug into an area occupied by nu-

merous Mesolithic and Early Neolithic burials. The

skeleton was found orientated N-S (163 degrees), with


the head towards the S. The dead person lay in a prone

position and on the face, with backwardly crouched

legs. The Lepenski Vir grave was dated on the basis of

four vessels characteristic of the KSB culture. One of

these vessels, a big bowl (destroyed prior to the depo-

sition), was almost completely covering the legs, a fea-

ture typical of Gumelnita burials.

Records of the Romanian burial material related

to the KSB culture is also very limited. With some

reservation, three single child burials from as many

sites, Baile Herculane (Nikolova 1999, 55), Vadastra,

and Orlea (Letitsa 1972), can be attributed to the

latest phase of the culture. The same can be said of

two burial grounds, Ostrovul Corbului at the Iron

Gates and Draganesti-Olt at Corboaica (Nikolova

1999, 57, 58 & 359 ff.). 51 graves were discovered at

Ostrovul Corbului, dominantly with bodies in a flex-

ed position on the left side and orientated towards the

East (Nikolova 1999, 57, 58 & 359 ff.). The presence

of Bodrogkeresztur pottery among the grave goods

dates these burials at least 100–200 years later than

Grave 1 from Lıga (Forenbaher 1993). Similar rites

were employed in the somewhat later burial ground

of Draganesti-Olt, with 9 skeletons (Nikolova 1999,

57 & 363).

RELATIONS WITH THE COAST

In general, the Lıga graves demonstrate close ties with

the burial traditions known in the coastal areas of Bul-

garia, despite a temporal difference: the last Copper

Age burials in the East being dated to ca. 4200 BC,

as at Durankulak (Todorova 2002, 61ff). In all known

burial grounds – Varna, Devnya, and Durankulak, as

well as Lıga – a northern orientation of the skeletons

dominates. A flexed position on the right side is pre-

vailing among female burials (Todorova 1986). The

males are usually found in a stretched supine position

(Todorov 1986), even though a right hocker has oc-

casionally been applied. In Lıga, all bodies rested on

the right side, in flexed positions of varying degrees.

Two of the bodies (Graves nos. 2 and 5), one of which

was determined to be a male by Yordanov, were even

post-mortally bound in an extreme flexed position,

with the knees pressed towards the breast.

The coastal areas of Bulgaria have been defined as

divergent in terms of burial practices, when compared

to the sites of the inland (Todorova 1986, 2002). The

governing principle in the inland ever since the Neo-

lithic was to bury the dead in a flexed position on the

left side, the head orientated towards the East (Todo-

rova & Vajsov 1993). Almost without exception, such

rules of burial were recorded in the Copper Age

burial grounds at Golyamo Delcevo, Ovcarovo, Poly-

anitsa, Radingrad, and others, all in the NE part of

the country (Todorova 1986).

In this light, the ritual behaviour recorded at Lıga

poses interesting questions about cultural traditions.

The investigations at Durankulak have demonstrated

that throughout the whole Copper Age a northern

orientation was dominant, and that the shift from a

northern to an eastern orientation (in flexed position

on the left side) only took place with the emergence,

even the arrival, of novel social groups during the

so-called Transitional Period (termed ‘‘Proto-Bronze

Age’’ by I. Vajsov) (Vajsov 2002,159 ff). Hence, the

burials at Lıga might be seen as witnesses to the ar-

rival in the Northwest of people with affiliation to the

coastal areas. Or, if preferred, they can be viewed,

neutrally, as regionally specific elements of the KSB

cultural package. The presently available material

does not allow any conclusive generalisations con-

cerning the rites of the KSB, although the parallel to

the East is evocative.

XII. CONCLUSIONS

FACTUAL SUMMARY

The archaeological Late Copper age site of Lıga is

situated about one kilometre north of the modern vil-

lage of Telish in Cherven Briag Municipality, Pleven

County (Fig. I.1). Nearby, 1.2 km south of the site,

lies another famous site from the same period known

as Redutite. This contained three building horizons of

the Copper Age and one of the so-called Transitional

Period. The research objectives for Lıga were to a

high degree dictated by the excavations at Redutite,

supplemented by information from Sadovec-Gole-

manovo Kale and Pipra sites. These data were con-

sidered a good starting point for building-up a local

sequence of land-use at Lıga, and, most importantly,

for tracing movements of peoples and ideas. So far,

the majority of settlement investigations in Western

Bulgaria have produced a mass of isolated phenom-

ena, coupled up merely with the help of particular

types of artefacts. A different situation presented itself

around Telish, with an opportunity to produce and

to piece together evidence into coherent historical se-

quences, resembling those of the southern area of Bul-

garia (with the impressive tells). In this light, issues

such as spatial organisation, changes in the planning

of settlement and its architecture, duration and causes

of abandonment, etc. could be set in a broader tem-

poral and geographical perspective, revealing the

‘‘dialectics’’ of a Late Copper Age settlement.

The site of Lıga is situated at the edge of a broad

plateau, 20 m high, 195 m above sea level (Fig. I.2 &

I.3). The Redutite site is located on the same plateau.

Towards southwest and northeast the plateau has a

wavy appearance. The hillock chosen for the Lıga

settlement is deliminated by ravines in the south and

north, created during seasonal runoff of water. At the

foot of the site there used to be stream, presently a

system of three dams known as the Lake of Gorni

Dabnik. In all, 275 m2 were excavated, excluding sur-

vey trenches. The depth of the excavated trenches

varied between 0.5 and 1.2 m. The excavation strat-

egy was aimed to concentrate on few areas where the

archaeological contexts could be investigated fully

and at great detail (Fig. XII.1). As a result, it has been

established that the site was in use several times until

the present. The earliest occupation – Lıga 1 – is dat-

ed to the beginning of the Late Copper Age. Traces

of this settlement were only established in some parts

of the excavated area. Remains of one dwelling were

recorded on the southern fringes of the site. This

structure was supported by a wattle frame, resting on

massive timbers. It was 7.6 m long, the estimated

internal space being 39–40 m2. The orientation of the

dwelling was N-S. At the SE corner of the house was

part of a regular stone pavement made of water-worn

well-sorted cobbles of sandstone and brown flint (Fig.

II.5). The pottery from the house had dark lustrous

surfaces, often painted with graphite and occaionaly

with red and yellow pigmens (Pl. 6:1–7), in this sharp-

ly contrasting the generally light pottery of the follow-

ing phase. The Lıga 1 settlement was abandoned for

reasons as yet unknown.

Around 4400 BC (calibrated) a new settlement –

Lıga 2 – was established at the site. Level terraces

were created on the remains of the Lıga 1 dwellings,

causing severe destruction of the debris of the pre-

vious occupational phase. The archaeological exca-

vations at Lıga were concentrated on the material

vestiges of this settlement. Three dwellings were fully

investigated. Their identification was uncomplicated

due to the settlement was burned down, and reddish

burned daub clearly outlined the structures. In the

northern part of the excavated area, numerous lime-

stones were discovered, displaying a semi-circular or

oval pattern. Stones in such configurations obviously

belong to structural features, in fact house founda-

tions, even when lacking preserved burned daub.

House 1 was discovered almost exactly on top of

the house from the previous occupational phase. With

a slight deviation towards the East, it even followed

the orientation of the earlier construction (Pl. 2). The

size was 6.50¿5.70 m, the internally available area

28.3 m2. House 2 is perhaps the one, which applies

the best to a supposed standard, since a partly exca-

vated neighbouring house had a similar length (Pl. 1).

External dimensions of House 2 are 7.4¿6.0 m, the

internal area being 34.5 m2. House 3 was the longest

among the investigated houses (Pl. 1). It was 8.45 m

long and 5.90 m wide in the middle part (external


Fig. XII.1. Working at Lıga, view from the East.

lengths). The internally available area was 37.80 m2.

The houses were orientated N-S. Except for House

1, the uncovered remains indicate that usually the en-

trance was in southern wall, while the oven of the

house stood at the northern wall.

The western part of the Lıga site was left unoccu-

pied. During Lıga 2, the slopes of the hillock were

made steeper by a shallow ditch or trench (0.8 m

deep), an arrangement intended to inhibit movement

up and down the slopes, thus perhaps made to protect

livestock, kept in the 500–550 m2 unoccupied area.

Sounding of the terrain established that the houses of

Lıga 2 were occupying an area of ca. 50¿55 m. The

total area with burned remains of buildings extended

over ca. 1900 m2 (Fig. II.1).

The Lıga 2 settlement was abandoned after the con-

flagration. The proximity of C-14 and AMS dates

available from Redutite and Lıga implies that soon

after the abandonment of the Lıga 2 settlement a new

settlement was established at Redutite – Redutite II.

The abandonment of the Lıga site lasted until ca. 4000

BC. At that time, the southern part of the site was se-

lected for a cemetery with several burials. In the exca-

vated area alone, seven graves have been discovered,

one grave holding remains of two individuals.

During the Early Bronze Age, the excavated area

was part of a marginal activity zone for a settlement

higher up on the plateau. The occupational debris of

this was partly overlapping with the eastern limits of

the Lıga 2 settlement, as has been established through

drillings. Besides scattered pottery shards, found dur-

ing the excavation, one pit is with certainty attributed

to the EBA, Orlea-Sadovec culture. Another pit, in-

tersecting House 3, contained vessels of Early Iron

age Basarabi culture. This pit is dated to 875 BC.

Some materials from Lıga are attributed to the Late

Antiquity.

Material recovered from the Lıga site was subjected

to several specialist studies. Pottery investigations

(Chapters IV & V) demonstrated a great degree of

individuality in pottery production, questioning estab-

lished chronology. Ceramic sets from widely different

periods of the Copper Age, according to traditional

chronology, were found in contemporary houses.

157Lıga

Fig. XII.2. Comparative chronological table. KSB Ia – the Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj Hum Ia cultural complex, KGK – Kodzadermen-

Gumelnita-Karanovo cultural complex, LN – Late Neolithic, FN – Final Neolithic, TN – Early Neolithic, MN – Middle Neolithic.

Flint studies (Chapter VII) revealed reliance on both

local but also regional sources of flint. Research on

ground stone tools (Chapter VIII) shows that these

were as important as flint and bone tools. Bone arti-

facts (Chapter IX) demonstrate the amplitude of con-

cepts applied to bone as medium for answering both

utilitarian and non-utilitarian demands. Finally, im-

portant in understanding past economies, the animal

bones (Chapter X) show a stress on sheep/goat but

also cattle as being a vital source of subsistence.

PERSPECTIVES

The main challenge of the Lıga project has been to

carry out highly detailed excavations producing a

huge data-set, other fieldwork, analyses, and studies

of the available archaeological data from the Telish

region in Northern Bulgaria during the Late Copper

Age of the fifth millennium BC; this in order to create

a historical perspective on a general cultural process.

In addition, very may other studies in and out of Bul-

garia were accomplished.

The original aspiration was to arrive at an under-

standing of the the ‘‘Copper Age Gap’’, the ephem-

eral period of transition to the Bronze Age. But

gradually it was acknowledged that the Copper Age

proper held the key to an understanding: a period

following upon the Neolithic, but powered to become

a historical shortcut which – if it had been successful –

would have created a totally different European de-

velopment in the fourth millennium BC (Fig. XII.2).

The excavations at Lıga were at first regarded as

the crucial bit of evidence, which, when pieced to-

gether with regional data – including the neighbour-

ing site of Redutite – would provide data to bridge

the ‘‘Gap’’. Contrary to expectations, Lıga has instead

become a cornerstone anchoring data and studies, not

least the still unpublished material from Redutite.

Through a context orientated research programme,

with maximum focus on details, new standards have

been set for future projects in the area. Although very

time consuming (1.3 tonnes of ceramic sherds were

analyzed, for example), such a strategy has provided

a new basis for understanding daily life in a Late Cop-


per Age settlement and – through this – detected and

explained the main currents of regional socio-econ-

omic development and thereby even larger processes.

Several archaeological periods are represented at

Lıga, but the fullest account was achieved in the

layers of Lıga 2. This settlement provided testimony

on a community, which possessed the operational in-

struments to organize its members into viable cooper-

ative networks ensuring day-to-day survival. This de-

pendence on fellow members is manifested by the

uniform layout of the nucleated settlement, resem-

bling most of all the hutments of a military camp.

Bigger houses reflect bigger households and are not

openly aimed to undermine the communal equality.

Arenas for rivalry and competition – so to say – were

created inside the houses, for example by various

forms of display of graphite painted pottery. From the

outside, all structures might well have looked the

same: clay houses with dull grey walls likely undecor-

ated.

It has been demonstrated that proliferation of tech-

nological variability in pottery production is a reflec-

tion of new modes of networking, based on, and with

implications for, the economic orientation. The tra-

ditional archaeological approach to the Copper Age

in the Balkans views the Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj

Hum (KSB) Ia-complex’s open settlements (in the

West) in contrast to the tells in rich plains of the Kod-

zadermen-Gumelnita-Karanovo VI group (in the

East). A main achievement of the present study is that

such settlement strategies should not be viewed as ex-

cluding and opposing each other, but as parallel in

nature. In terms of social complexity, sense of terri-

toriality, and settlement arrangements they exhibit

and stem from a common background.

By shifting from the easily tillable plains to exploi-

tation of new and varied environments, wholly differ-

ent requirements were set on these innovative and

symbolically intelligent communities, recognised as

the bearers of the KSB-complex (cf. Sherratt 1980).

A point, which has also been developed in the present

study is that animal husbandry (mainly sheep/goat

but also cattle) was increasing in importance over

time, from being merely a supplement to agriculture

to an equally vital source of subsistence. Animal hus-

bandry would inevitable lead to increased mobility

and, likely, to a regular practice of transhumance. In

support of this are the few studies on paleoecology

related to the Copper Age conducted in Bulgaria so

far. For instance, palynological evidence collected

from Pirin Mountains in South-western Bulgaria (be-

longing to the KSB area) points towards seasonal up-

land pasturage beginning in the Copper Age (Stefano-

va & Bozilova 1995).

Distribution maps of KSB sites show that these

were located on routes of ancient communication, de-

termined by passages across the Balkans. Emphasis

on geographical setting is clearly demonstrated by the

remains of Roman roads, which used the same localit-

ies to build their strongholds and road stations in or-

der to protect traffic. Telish, as attested through the

remains of Late Roman strongholds at Sadovec and

Pipra, was situated at a very cross-roads, which later

on, in Roman times (as also today), led along the Iskar

River to the Oeskus (at Gigen, where the Romans

built a bridge across the Danube in 328 AD) in the

North and to Serdica (Sofia) in the South, to Mon-

tana in the West and to Storgozija (Pleven) in the

East, and from there on to mighty Philippopolis

(Plovdiv) in the southeast (Neikov 2001).

The high degree of mobility in the Lıga-societies

can even be observed from the flint where a high 18%

of the tools are from localities more than 30 km away.

Analyses of 16 copper items from Redutite show that

these come from 15 different sources (Pernicka et al.

1997). One of the awls is probably from the Majdan-

pek-region in Eastern Serbia, also under influence

from the KSB-complex.

Higher mobility required a more complex settle-

ment system, which even encompassed five different

types of settlements in the Telish area, from fortresses

to permanent open settlements like Lıga and caves

used only temporarily. By contrast, the patterns of

settlement in areas dominated by tells, e.g. around

the Polyanitsa Tell in NE Bulgaria (Todorova 1982),

demonstrate close range networking between several

coexisting settlements within a distance rarely exceed-

ing five km. The contemporary KSB sites are not

spaced that densely; instead the settlers were relying

on a system of strongholds and refuge places and bas-

ing their networking on regionally remote alliances.

They were thus delineating a structure characteristic

of much of Europe in the fourth millennium BC and

later.

159Lıga

Detachment from ground-water agriculture (cf.

Sherratt 1980) was the one factor which first of all

provided the higher flexibility of the bearers of the

KSB-complex – the last of the Copper Age groups –

thus preparing them for the changes that caused the

termination of the Copper Age: Likely climatic

worsening, decline in population, perhaps warfare

and even migration along the alliance routes, likely

towards the North. Significantly, Central Europe is

seeing marked growth almost everywhere, eventually

also in metallurgy, in the fourth millennium BC, while

the ‘‘Copper Age Gap’’ signals a decline in South-

Eastern Europe.

PLATES

Plate 1. Sector 2. Plan of archaeological remains. L2 – Lıga 2 (CA), L3 – Lıga 3 (CA), L4 – Lıga 4 (EBA), L5 – Lıga 5 (EIA), R – recent

disturbance. 1 – Layer of compact daub, 2 – Layer of less compact daub, 3 – Layer with loose particles of daub, 4 – Mixed artefacts: shards,

animal bones and stones, 5 – Layer of charcoal, 6 – Traces of wattle.

161Lıga

Plate 2. Sector 1. Plan of archaeological remains. L1 – Lıga 1 (Late Copper Age), L2 – Lıga 2 (Late Copper Age), L3 – Lıga 3 (Late Copper

Age), LA – Late Antiquity/Lıga 6; p – posthole of undetermined date, later than L1 & L2, R – recent disturbance. 1 – Layer of compact

daub, 2 – Layer of less compact daub, 3 – Layer with loose particles of daub, 4 – traces of calcinated wood, 5 – mixed artefacts: shards,

animal bones and stones, 6 – remains of oven.

Plate 3. Profile drawings of the central area of Sector 2 and of the Southern wall of Sondage 8A. Debris accumulated in this sondage held the most complete information

on the earliest settlement, Lıga 1, including remains of a lime plastered floor destroyed by later construction. 1 – humus layer, dark brown, h2 – older humus layer containing

charcoal, brown black, 2 – layer of naturally deposited pebbles, 3 – layer of clay and coarse sand with moderate amounts of organic matter, dark grey; very compact

(original surface of the plateau), 4 – layer of clay mixed with gravel, grey (together with Layers 2 and 3Ωthe original surface), 5 – layer of grey clay, like 3, but without

coarse sand, therefore interpreted as anthropogenically created, i.e., transported clay for house foundations, medium to light grey, 6 – layer of compact burned daub, red

to orange, 7 – like 6, but less compact, 8 – mixed layer of humus, burned daub, animal bones and shards: house debris (note the dashed line which marks the floor level),

brown reddish, 9 – like 8, but with higher contents of humus, 10 – layer of domestic waste with high contents of ashes, light grey, 11 – clay-rich layer, firm, abundant

organic matter and lime, with small (1–2 mm) particles of charcoal containing finds attributed to Lıga 1, light grey, 12 – posthole, attributed to Lıga 1, medium grey, 13 –

blackish spots, clay rich with high content of organic matter, possibly traces of wooden beams, 14 – sandy silt loam, light grey, 15 – layer no 11 mixed with humus layer

(layer no 1), 16– layer of burnt organic matter, grey black, 17 – clay loam with high content of lime, loose, grey whitish, 18 – remains of lime plastering (floor level of Lıga

1 structure, Sondage 8A), 19 – lime rich layer, grey yellow, 20 – posthole, consisting of fill from layers nos. 8 and 11 mixed with organic matter, post-Lıga 2 date (indicated

by presence of particles of burnt daub), 21 – layer (pit), consisting of fill from layer no. 8 mixed with layer no. 11, post-Lıga 2 in date, 22 – stones, 23 – pottery shards.

ST – survey trench 1979, R – Recent disturbance, L4 – Bronze Age pit (Lıga 4), L5 – pit interpreted as ritual and attributed to the Early Iron Age (Lıga 5).

163Lıga

Plate 4. Example of a section plan produced with Total Station (A), and as hand drawing (B). The area includes Sondages 5, 7, 6A & 6B –

mainly House 2.


Plate 5. Floor level at the E part of House 4 (Sondage 4G). Signaturec: cross – bone, right striation – limestone, x – flint blade, dashed line –

profile balk.

165Lıga

Plate 6. Examples of pottery from Lıga 1 settlement (1–7) and pottery recovered from Lıga 2 settlement (8–21), varying provenience.


Plate 7. Pottery from House 1.

167Lıga


169Lıga


171Lıga

Plate 12. Pottery from House 3. 1–3 – pottery with incised decoration, 4–17 – pottery with graphite painted decoration.


Plate 13. Comparative arrangement of pottery from Houses 2 & 3.

173Lıga

Plate 14. Scheme of typological ordering of shapes of vessels discovered in Lıga 2 settlement. Bowls and their derivatives.


Plate 15. Scheme of typological ordering of shapes of vessels discovered in Lıga 2 settlement. Biconic vessels with cylindrical necks.

175Lıga

Plate 16. 1–19 – Small and miniature vessels from Lıga 2 settlement (7 – possibly a template for biconic cups, see Pl. 6:21); 20–24 – lids;

26 – vessel rim; 26–29 – pot stands and a lower part of a footed vessel; 30–32 – clay pans. 13–14 – miniature vessels from the Late Copper

Age site at Sadovec-Golemanovo Kale (after Todorova 1992).


Plate 17. 1 – milk strainer; 2–3 – vessels with zoomorphic representations; 4–6 – clay spoons; 7–8 – clay zoomorphic figurines; 9 – model of

oven; 10–11 fragments of crucibles (no. 10 contained copper deposits at the bottom); 12–16 – spindle whorls; 17–19 – clay beads; 20–21 –

abraded pottery shards.

177Lıga

Plate 18. Fragments of anthropomorphic clay representations, all of Lıga 2 settlement. 1 – 9024 (internal numbering system of finds at Lıga,

given here for reference), 2 – 9427, 3 – 8000, 4 – 10654, 5 – 2001/127, 6 – UN005/9A, 7 – 9405, 8 – 2001/4, 9 – 4040, 10 – 9005, 11 –

9086, 12 – 9022.

Plate 19. Distribution chart of fragments of anthropomorphic representations (1) and small table-like devices (2). Numbering stems from the

system applied during excavations. Fragments nos. 14000, UN005/9A, and 2001/127 are of unknown or uncertain contexts. Weak proveni-

ence has been established for items nos. 2000/15 & UN009/9B, therefore, their position is only specified as to sondage. Numbers in white

correspond to house numbering. a – scale applied for fragments, b – scale applied for the background plan, 3 – Late Copper Age houses,

4 – place of oven inside Lıga 2 houses, 5 – graves, 6 – destructions of post-Copper Age date.

179Lıga

Plate 20. Representations of table-like devices and fragments of such, nos. 1 & 2 of Lıga 2 settlement, no. 3 – of Lıga 1 settlement. – No. 1 –

42026 (internal numbering system of finds at Lıga), 2 – 9001, 3 – 2001/250.


Plate 21. Fragments of representations of table-like devices, all of Lıga 2 settlement. – No. 1 – 4625 (internal numbering system of finds at

Lıga), 2 – 10659, 3 – 14000, 4 – 2000/15, 5 – 9028.

181Lıga

Plate 22. Flake and blade tools, including scrapers (1–6, 8), scraper with concave working edge (7), knives (9, 10–11) & retouched crested

blade (knife?) (12).


Plate 23. Flint (1–18) and stone tools (19–20), including heavy pointed tool (a large borer?) (1), sickle-blades with gloss (2–5), borers (6–8),

exhausted core (9), knives (10–14), scraper (15), part of a pointed biface (16), biface knife (17), and an arrow head (18). Stone tools: digging

implement (?) (19), and rubbing stone (20).

183Lıga

Plate 24. Items of stone (1–6) and clay (8), including hammerstone (1), stone hammers (2–4), pounders (5–6), sling stone (7) and ‘‘sling stone’’

of clay (8).


Plate 25. Some ground stone tools, including combination tool (1), adze (2), different types of axes (3–8), and chisel (9).

185Lıga

Plate 26. Lıga 1 – Various objects. Bevel-edged tools on long bone splinter (1) and cattle ulna (4); unfinished object/debitage on antler tine

(2); pointed tool on long bone splinter (3); side-scraping tool on boar’s tusk (5); and, flat anthropomorphic figurine (6).


Plate 27. Lıga 2 – Various tools. Pointed tools on metapodium of small (1–2) and large ungulates (7, 9); pointed tools on long bone splinters

(3, 5); manufacture waste from production of pointed tool on metapodium of small ungulate (4); haft for metal tool on metatarsus of small

ungulate (6); and, antler haft/sleeve (8).

187Lıga

Plate 28. Lıga 2 and 3 – Non-utilitarian finds and body ornaments. Prismatic figurines of pig metapodium (1–2), side-flattened sheep (3–5),

and, cattle (12); astragals with (3, 5) or without (4, 12) incised decoration or stringing hole (3); palmar flattened phalanxes of small ungulates

(6–8, 13); unworked incisivus of large ungulate (9); imitation of red-deer canine bead made on long bone splinter, from Grave no. 6 (10);

decorated pectoral on rib, from Grave no. 4 (11); unidentified worked bone object, possibly manufacture waste from production of flat

figurine (14).

Plate 29. Distribution of graves in Sector 2.

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