1. ACTS 27 COMME TARY Written and edited by Glenn Pease I TRODUCTIO 1. William Barclay, Paul has embarked upon his last journey. Two things must have lifted up his heart. One was the kindness of a stranger, for all through the voyage Julius, the Roman centurion, treated Paul with kindness and consideration which were more than mere courtesy. He is said to have belonged to the Augustan Cohort. That may have been a special corps acting as liaison officers between the Emperor and the provinces. If so, Julius must have been a man of long experience and with an excellent military record. It may well be that when Paul and Julius stood face to face one brave man recognized another. The other uplifting thing was the devotion of Aristarchus. It has been suggested that there was only one way in which Aristarchus could have accompanied Paul on this last journey and that was by enrolling himself as Paul's slave. It is probable that Aristarchus chose to act as the slave of Paul rather than be separated from him--and loyalty can go no further than that. 2. IVP COMME TARY, During the apostle Paul's "ministry in chains" he has successfully maneuvered around mob attack, scourging, plot and ambush (21:32-33; 22:22-25; 23:10, 12-34; 25:3-12). Just when he appears to be "home free," granted safe passage to Rome, Paul faces his greatest challenge: a storm at sea. Will natural forces do what human opponents have been unable to do--thwart God's gracious purposes for Paul to preach the gospel in Rome (19:21; 23:11)? 3. Ray Stedman, The chapter divides itself readily into four major movements which we will look at together. The first one reads almost like a page out of a ship's log. It gives us the list of important passengers on this voyage and also explains some of the problems they faced as they began to sail from Caesarea to Rome. Thus the story begins on a note which is characteristic of it all the way through -- there are difficulties and delays in this voyage. You remember that Paul had been committed to appear before the emperor ero as a result of his appeal to Caesar after finding it impossible to obtain justice in the courts of the governors of Judea. He is now on his way to Rome to appear before the emperor, still a prisoner, still in the custody of the military, still chained for much of the time to a Roman guard. Here are the major personalities we will meet in this chapter. Paul, of course, is central in all of this story, as he is throughout the latter portion of Acts. He is

2. delivered to the charge of a centurion named Julius whom we have not met previously but who appears to be a very kindhearted individual who treats Paul with great courtesy and respect throughout this voyage. Julius obviously does not regard Paul as a common criminal but as a political prisoner worthy of consideration. The centurion belongs to the Augustan Cohort of the Roman military establishment which is a very prestigious unit, a picked body of soldiers responsible directly to the emperor himself, and he has considerable authority as a result. With them travels Dr. Luke who was obviously invited to go along because he was Paul's personal physician. Many scholars have felt that this helps to confirm the fact that the apostle was suffering from physical difficulty and needed his physician with him. The other person mentioned is Aristarchus, a young man whom Paul had met in Thessalonica on his second missionary journey and who now faithfully accompanies the apostle wherever he goes. The interesting thing about his presence here is that because Paul was a prisoner it was necessary, most scholars feel, for Aristarchus to be Paul's slave in order to accompany the apostle on this voyage. So great was his love of Paul and so strong was his desire to minister to his needs that he volunteered to serve in that capacity. 4. Allan Mao, Its such a vivid, and detailed story. Can you almost feel the waves crashing over the boat and smell and taste the salt in your mouth? Why did Luke devote so much attention in Acts to this journey? Because Luke himself was actually there. This is a true story. otice the rst person plural we used in this chapter - Luke himself was there with Paul. A two-week ordeal, a disastrous voyage, a terrible storm - Lukes emotions must have been severely affected. Heres our opportunity to get the insider story of Pauls fourth missionary journey to Rome. 5. Bob Deffinbaugh, When I come to Acts chapter 27, it is like a breath of fresh air to me. I have always looked upon the Apostle Paul as a godly man, a zealous servant of Jesus Christ, and a powerful preacher of the gospel. But it is here, in our text, that I see Paul as a very wise man in practical matters, a man who is a leader of men, and whose counsel is taken seriously because he knows what he is doing. Pauls leadership emerges on board the ship, on which he was headed toward Rome. As time went on, as Paul was better known, and as the crises on board the ship became more pronounced, Paul stepped forward, giving both direction and hope to all the others on ship. Paul accomplishes all this without any formal leadership position or authority. He was not the captain of the ship, nor one of the soldiers. He was not a sailor; in fact he was not even a paying passenger. Paul was a prisoner, on his way to stand trial before Caesar in Rome. The chapter may be outlined in this way: Verses 1-8: From Caesarea to Fair Havens 3. Verses 9-13: A Critical Decision Verses 14-20: A Sudden Storm and Lost Hope Verses 21-26: Pauls ight Visitation and Words of Encouragement Verses 27-29: earing Land Verses 30-32: Sailors Stopped From Abandoning Ship Verses 33-41: Pauls Encouragement and the Ships Grounding Verses 42-44: Prisoners and Passengers Spared From Death Paul Sails for Rome 1When it was decided that we would sail for Italy, Paul and some other prisoners were handed over to a centurion named Julius, who belonged to the Imperial Regiment. 1. Jamison, should sail, etc. The we here reintroduces the historian as one of the company. ot that he had left the apostle from the time when he last included himself (Act_21:18), but the apostle was parted from him by his arrest and imprisonment, until now, when they met in the ship. delivered Paul and certain other prisoners State prisoners going to be tried at Rome; of which several instances are on record. Julius who treats the apostle throughout with such marked courtesy (Act_27:3, Act_27:43; Act_28:16), that it has been thought [Bengel] he was present when Paul made his defense before Agrippa (see Act_25:23), and was impressed with his lofty bearing. a centurion of Augustus band the Augustan cohort, an honorary title given to more than one legion of the Roman army, implying, perhaps, that they acted as a bodyguard to the emperor or procurator, as occasion required. 4. 2. Barnes, when it was determined - By Festus Act_25:12, and when the time was come when it was convenient to send him. That we should sail - The use of the term we here shows that the author of this book, Luke, was with Paul. He had been his traveling companion, and though he had not been accused, yet it was resolved that he should still accompany him. Whether he went at his own expense, or whether he was sent at the expense of the Roman government, does not appear. There is a difference of reading here in the ancient versions. The Syriac reads it, And thus Festus determined that he (Paul) should be sent to Caesar in Italy, etc. The Latin Vulgate and the Arabic also read he instead of we. But the Greek manuscripts are uniform, and the correct reading is doubtless what is in our version. Into Italy - The country still bearing the same name, of which Rome was the capital. And certain other prisoners - Who were probably also sent to Rome for a trial before the emperor. Dr. Lardner has proved that it was common to send prisoners from Judea and other provinces to Rome (Credibility, part i. chapter 10, section 10, pp. 248, 249). A centurion - A commander of 100 men. Of Augustus band - For the meaning of the word band, see the Mat_27:27note; Act_10:1note. It was a division in the Roman army consisting of from 400 to 600 men. This was called Augustus band in honor of the Roman emperor Augustus (see the notes on Act_25:21), and was probably distinguished in some way for the care in enlisting or selecting them. The Augustine cohort or band is mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of ero, 20. 3. Clarke, when it was determined, etc. - That is, when the governor had given orders to carry Paul to Rome, according to his appeal; together with other prisoners who were bound for the same place. We should sail - By this it is evident that St. Luke was with Paul; and it is on this account that he was enabled to give such a circumstantial account of the voyage. Julius, a centurion of Augustus band - Lipsius has found the name of this cohort on an ancient marble; see Lips. in Tacit. Hist. lib. ii. The same cohort is mentioned by Suetonius, in his life of ero, 20. 4. Gill, when it was determined that we should sail into Italy,.... The chief city of which was Rome, the metropolis of the empire, where Caesar had his palace, to whom the apostle had appealed; and his voyage thither was determined by Festus, with the advice of Agrippa and his council, pursuant to the apostle's appeal, and which was founded on the will of God; all which concurred in this affair: it was the decree and will of God that the apostle should go to Rome, which was made known to him; and it was his resolution upon that, to go thither, wherefore he appealed to Caesar; and it was the determination of the Roman governor, not only as to his going there, but as to the time of it, which was now fixed: the Vulgate Latin, Syriac, 5. and Arabic versions, read "he", instead of "we"; and the Ethiopic version reads expressly "Paul"; but the Greek copies read we: by whom are meant the apostle, and his companions; as Luke the writer of this history, and Aristarchus the Macedonian mentioned in the next verse, and Trophimus the Ephesian, who was afterwards left at Miletus sick, 2Ti_4:20and who else cannot be said; these were to sail with him to Italy, not as prisoners, but as companions: this resolution being taken, they delivered Paul and certain other prisoners; who very likely had also appealed to Caesar, or at least the governor thought fit to send them to Rome, to have their cases heard and determined there; and these by the order of Festus were delivered by the centurions, or jailers, in whose custody they had been, unto one called Julius; in the Alexandrian copy of the third verse, he is called Julianus; he was either one of the Julian family, or rather was one that had been made free by some of that family, and so took the name: a centurion of Augustus' band; of a Roman band of soldiers, which belonged to that legion which was called "Augusta"; for it seems there was a legion that bore that name, as Lipsius observes, and it may be from Augustus Caesar. 5. Henry, does not appear how long it was after Paul's conference with Agrippa that he was sent away for Rome, pursuant to his appeal to Caesar; but it is likely they took the first convenience they could hear of to do it; in the mean time Paul is in the midst of his friends at Caesarea - they comforts to him, and he a blessing to them. But here we are told, I. How Paul was shipped off for Italy: a long voyage, but there is no remedy. He has appealed to Caesar, and to Caesar he must go: It was determined that we should sail into Italy,for to Rome they must go by sea; it would have been a vast way about to go by land. Hence, when the Roman conquest of the Jewish nation is foretold, it is said ( um_24:24), Ships shall come from Chittim,that is, Italy, and shall afflict Eber,that is, the Hebrews. It was determined by the counsel of God, before it was determined by the counsel of Festus, that Paul should go to Rome; for, whatever man intended, God had work for him to do there. ow here we are told, 1. Whose custody he was committed to - to one named Julius, a centurion of Augustus's band,as Cornelius was of the Italian band, or legion, Act_10:1. He had soldiers under him, who were a guard upon Paul, that he might not make his escape, and likewise to protect him, that he might have no mischief done him. 6. Julius was just like all other Roman Centurion's mentioned in the Bible in that he was always represented in a favorable way in all six places he is referred to. He strives to be fair and kind to all even though he is dealing with criminals and prisoners. He was especially kind to Paul. Here we have an example of a Christian and a pagan cooperating together to save all the lives that they were involved with. Christians need to cooperate with unbelievers in many situations for the good of all. 6. It is folly not to be kind and cooperative with unbelievers unless they are doing what God has forbidden. Paul was able to get along with people even is they were opposed to his views, and this is an obligation for all believers. It is no excuse to say I cannot agree with the life views of so and so, and so I cannot get along with them. 7. Preacher's Homiletical Commentary, This shows (Lardner, Paley) that it was customary to forward accused persons to Rome to be tried ; an inference confirmed by Josephus (life, 3). Julius. Tacitus (Hist., ii. 92, iv. 11) mentions about this time a centurion of this name, Julius Priscus, one of the praetor- ians, who, seven years afterwards, was promoted by Caesar Vitellius to be Praetorian Prefect, and who, when his royal patron died a miserable and dishonourable death, declined to survive, and committed suicide by falling on his own sword. Hausrath (JDer Apostel Paulus, p. 466) conjectures he may have come to Palestine on some important mission, and been entrusted with command of the prisoners about to be despatched to Eome. Augustus', or, the Augustan band to which he belonged has been supposed to be (1) a cohort of soldiers from Sebaste or Samaria (Kuinoel), in support of which is cited the mention by Josephus (Ant., XIX. ix. 2; XX. vi. 1) of a squadron of Sebastene cavalry; or (2) a bodyguard organised by ero, and called by him Augustani (Suet., er., xx. 25) or Augustiani (Tacit., Ann., xiv. 15), which would harmonise with the preceding statement from Tacitus (Wieseler); or (3) an auxiliary cohort belonging to Agrippa's army, and bearing the name Augustan in honour of the emperor, as many other cohorts did (Holtzmann, Ramsay) ; or (4) an independent cohort which waited on the procurator, and was styled the Augustan because it corresponded to the emperor's life guard at Rome (Hackett). That it was identical with the Italian cohoit 7. mentioned in x. 1 (Meyer, Evvald) is doubtful (Zockler). 2We boarded a ship from Adramyttium about to sail for ports along the coast of the province of Asia, and we put out to sea. Aristarchus, a Macedonian from Thessalonica, was with us. 1. Jamison, ship of belonging to. Adramyttium a port on the northeast coast of the Aegean Sea. Doubtless the centurion expected to find another ship, bound for Italy, at some of the ports of Asia Minor, without having to go with this ship all the way to Adramyttium; and in this he was not disappointed. See on Act_27:6. meaning to sail by the coasts places. of Asia a coasting vessel, which was to touch at the ports of proconsular Asia. one Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, being with us rather, Aristarchus the Macedonian, etc. The word one should not have been introduced here by our translators, as if this name had not occurred before; for we find him seized by the Ephesian mob as a man of Macedoniaand Pauls companion in travel (Act_19:29) and as a Thessalonian accompanying the apostle from Ephesus on his voyage back to Palestine (Act_20:4). Here both these places are mentioned in connection with his name. After this we find him at Rome with the apostle (Col_4:10; Phm_1:24). 2. Barnes, ship of Adramyttium - A maritime town of Mysia, in Asia Minor, opposite to the island of Lesbos. This was a ship which had been built there, or which sailed from that port, but which was then in the port of Caesarea. It is evident, from Act_27:6, that this ship was not expected to sail to Italy, but that the centurion expected to find some other vessel into which he could put the prisoners to take them to Rome. We launched - We loosed from our anchorage, or we set sail. See Act_13:13. By the coasts of Asia - Of Asia Minor. Probably the owners of the ship designed to make a coasting voyage along the southern part of Asia Minor, and to engage in traffic with the maritime towns and cities. One Aristarchus, a Macedonian - This man is mentioned as Pauls companion in travel in Act_19:29. He afterward attended him to Macedonia, and returned with him to Asia, Act_20:4. He now appears to have attended him, not as a prisoner, but 8. as a voluntary companion, choosing to share with him his dangers, and to enjoy the benefit of his society and friendship. He went with him to Rome, and was a fellow- prisoner with him there Col_4:10, and is mentioned Phm_1:24as Pauls fellow- laborer. It was doubtless a great comfort to Paul to have with him two such valuable friends as Luke and Aristarchus; and it was an instance of great affection for him that they were not ashamed of his bonds, but were willing to share his dangers, and to expose themselves to peril for the sake of accompanying him to Rome. 3. Clarke, ship of Adramyttium - There were several places of this name; and in different MSS. the name is variously written. The port in question appears to have been a place in Mysia, in Asia Minor. And the abb Vertot, in his history of the Knights of Malta, says it is now called Mehedia. Others think it was a city and seaport of Africa, whence the ship mentioned above had been fitted out; but it is more probable that the city and seaport here meant is that on the coast of the Aegean Sea, opposite Mitylene, and not far from Pergamos. See its situation on the map. Aristarchus, a Macedonian - We have seen this person with St. Paul at Ephesus, during the disturbances there, Act_19:29, where he had been seized by the mob, and was in great personal danger. He afterwards attended Paul to Macedonia, and returned with him to Asia, Act_20:4. ow, accompanying him to Rome, he was there a fellow prisoner with him, Col_4:10, and is mentioned in St. Pauls epistle to Philemon, Phm_1:24, who was probably their common friend. - Dodd. Luke and Aristarchus were certainly not prisoners at this time, and seem to have gone with St. Paul merely as his companions, through affection to him, and love for the cause of Christianity. How Aristarchus became his fellow prisoner, as is stated Col_4:10, we cannot tell, but it could not have been at this time. 4. Gill, entering into a ship of Adramyttium,.... Which was in the port of Caesarea; for from thence they set sail to the place where this ship was bound, which very likely was the place here mentioned; there was a city of this name in Africa, and which was built upon the sea shore, and is sometimes called Hadrumentum (g), as this is called Adramantos, in the Syriac version; and in the Alexandrian copy, and in another manuscript, "a ship of Adramyntum"; it is mentioned with Carthage, a city in Africa, by Pliny (h) and Solinus (i); the one calls it Adrumetum, and the other Adrymeto; and the latter says, that it, as well as Carthage, was built by the people of Tyre; and so Sallust (k) says, that the Phoenicians built Hippo, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other cities on the sea coast; and the name seems to be a Phoenician name, "Hadarmuth", which signifies "the court of death"; perhaps it might be so called, either from the badness of the air in which it was, or the dangerousness of its haven: Jerom calls it Hadrumetus, and says (l) it is a city in Byzacium, a country in Africa; he seems to design another place, the metropolis of the Byzacian country, the most fruitful of all the parts of Africa, and which in the Phoenician language was "Hadarmeoth"; which signifies "the court of a hundred"; that is, it was a 9. place so fruitful that it brought forth an hundred fold; and agreeably to which is what Pliny says (m), they are called Libyphoenicians, who inhabit Byzacium, a country so named, in circuit two hundred and fifty miles, and of such great fruitfulness that the land returns to the husbandmen an hundred fold. The former of these is most likely to be the place here meant; and though we nowhere read of the apostle being here, nor of the Gospel being preached here in the early times of Christianity; yet in the "fourth" century there was a church in this place, and Philologus was bishop of it, who subscribed at a council held at Carthage in this century; and in the "fifth" century we read of several bishops of this place, as Aurelius, who was in the Chalcedon council, Flavianus in that at Ephesus, which was reckoned an infamous one, and Helladius, who was in the first Ephesine council, and Felix, who was banished by Gensericus (n). There was another city of the same name in Aeolia, or Mysia (o), and which was formerly called Pedasus, and since Landermiti, and was a seaport, and bids fair to be the place here intended; though since there was an island of Lycia called Adramitis (p), now Audromety, and it was at Myra, a city of Lycia, where this ship stopped, Act_27:5 and where the passengers changed their ship, this seems most likely to be designed: we launched; in the said ship from Caesarea: meaning to sail by the coast of Asia; the lesser Asia, along by Ephesus and Miletus, as they did; for in this last place, as before observed, Trophimus was left sick; the Alexandrian copy reads, "that was about to sail"; that is, the ship of Adramyttium was about to sail, or just ready to sail by the coast of Asia, wherefore the company entered, and set forth in it on their voyage: one Aristarchus a Macedonian, of Thessalonica, being with us; the same person that was with the apostle at Ephesus, and accompanied him into Asia, Act_19:29 the same went through with him to Rome, and became his fellowlabourer, and fellow prisoner there, Phm_1:24 Col_4:10. 5. Calvin, . Luke setteth down Pauls voyage by sea most of all to this end, that we may know that he was brought to Rome wonderfully by the hand of God; and that the glory of God did many ways appear excellent in his doings and sayings even in the very journey, which did more establish his apostleship. He is delivered to be carried with other prisoners; but the Lord doth afterward put great difference between him and the evil-doers, who were in bonds as well as he. Yea, moreover, we shall see how the captain doth loose him, and let him be at liberty, when the rest lie bound. I know not what band that was which Luke calleth the band of Augustus, unless, peradventure, it be that which was commonly called the praetors 633 band, before the monarchy of the Caesars. And Luke setteth down in plain words, that they were put in a ship of Adramyttium; because they should sail by the coast of Asia. For Adramyttium is a city of Aeolia. I cannot tell out of what haven they launched. Because they could not sail with a straight course to Sidon, unless the maps do greatly deceive me, we may well guess that they were brought thither, 10. either because they could find a ship nowhere else, or else because they were to take the other prisoners, of whom mention is made, out of that region. . Luke setteth down Pauls voyage by sea most of all to this end, that we may know that he was brought to Rome wonderfully by the hand of God; and that the glory of God did many ways appear excellent in his doings and sayings even in the very journey, which did more establish his apostleship. He is delivered to be carried with other prisoners; but the Lord doth afterward put great difference between him and the evil-doers, who were in bonds as well as he. Yea, moreover, we shall see how the captain doth loose him, and let him be at liberty, when the rest lie bound. I know not what band that was which Luke calleth the band of Augustus, unless, peradventure, it be that which was commonly called the praetors 633 band, before the monarchy of the Caesars. And Luke setteth down in plain words, that they were put in a ship of Adramyttium; because they should sail by the coast of Asia. For Adramyttium is a city of Aeolia. I cannot tell out of what haven they launched. Because they could not sail with a straight course to Sidon, unless the maps do greatly deceive me, we may well guess that they were brought thither, either because they could find a ship nowhere else, or else because they were to take the other prisoners, of whom mention is made, out of that region. 6. Henry, bottom he embarked in: they went on board a ship of Adramyttium (Act_27:2), a sea-port of Africa, whence this ship brought African goods, and, as it should seem, made a coasting voyage for Syria, where those goods came to a good market. 3. What company he had in this voyage, there were some prisoners who were committed to the custody of the same centurion, and who probably had appealed to Caesar too, or were upon some other account removed to Rome, to be tried there, or to be examined as witnesses against some prisoners there; perhaps some notorious offenders, like Barabbas, who were therefore ordered to be brought before the emperor himself. Paul was linked with these, as Christ with the thieves that were crucified with him, and was obliged to take his lot with them in this voyage; and we find in this chapter (Act_27:42) that for their sakes he had like to have been killed, but for his sake they were preserved. ote, It is no new thing for the innocent to be numbered among the transgressors. But he had also some of his friends with him, Luke particularly, the penman of this book, for he puts himself in all along, Wesailed into Italy, and, Welaunched, v. 2. Aristarchus a Thessalonian is particularly named, as being now in his company. Dr. Lightfoot thinks that Trophimus the Ephesian went off with him, but that he left him sick at Miletum (2Ti_4:20), when he passed by those coasts of Asia mentioned here (v. 2), and that there likewise he left Timothy. It was a comfort to Paul to have the society of some of his friends in this tedious voyage, with whom he might converse freely, though he had so much loose profane company about him. Those that go long voyages at sea are commonly necessitated to sojourn, as it were, in Mesech and Kedar, and have need of wisdom, that they may do good to the bad company they are in, may make them better, or at lest be made never the worse by them. 11. 3The next day we landed at Sidon; and Julius, in kindness to Paul, allowed him to go to his friends so they might provide for his needs. 1. Jamison, day we touched at Sidon To reach this ancient and celebrated Mediterranean port, about seventy miles north from Caesarea, in one day, they must have had a fair wind. Julius courteously (See on Act_27:1). gave him liberty to go to his friends no doubt disciples, gained, it would seem, by degrees, all along the Phoenician coast since the first preaching there (see on Act_ 11:19and see on Act_21:4). to refresh himself which after his long confinement would not be unnecessary. Such small personal details are in this case extremely interesting. 1B. Charles Dailey, If Julius had known Paul for a while, we can understand why he took the professional risk in releasing him to visit. Remember, Paul is an unconvicted prisoner. - Undoubtedly his friends are the Christians in Sidon. - Perhaps he needed food or clothing or a haircut. 2. Barnes, touched at Sidon - See the notes on Mat_11:21. Sidon was about 67 miles north of Caesarea, and the passage could be easily accomplished, under favorable circumstances, in 24 hours. It is probable that the vessel, being a coaster, put in there for purposes of trade. Sidon is the last city on the Phoenician coast in which the presence of the apostle can be traced. And Julius courteously entreated Paul - Treated him kindly or humanely. And gave him liberty ... - The same thing had been done by Felix, Act_24:23. Unto his friends - In Sidon. Paul had frequently traveled in that direction in going to and returning from Jerusalem, and it is not improbable, therefore, that he had friends in all the principal cities. To refresh himself - To enjoy the benefit of their care; to make his present situation and his voyage as comfortable as possible. It is probable that they would furnish him with many supplies which were needful for his long and perilous voyage. 3. Clarke, at Sidon - For some account of this place, see the notes on Mat_11:21; 12. and Act_12:20. Julius courteously entreated Paul - At the conclusion of the preceding chapter, it has been intimated that the kind treatment which Paul received, both from Julius and at Rome, was owing to the impression made on the minds of Agrippa and Festus, relative to his innocence. It appears that Julius permitted him to go ashore, and visit the Christians which were then at Sidon, without using any extraordinary precautions to prevent his escape. He was probably accompanied with the soldier to whose arm he was chained; and it is reasonable to conclude that this soldier would fare well on St. Pauls account. 4. Gill, the next day we touched at Sidon,.... This was a famous city in Phoenicia, upon the northern border of the land of Israel; it was a maritime place, and noted for trade and navigation; Mela (q) calls it rich Sidon, and the chief of the maritime cities; Jerom (r) calls it the ancient city Sidon; and Curtius says (s) it was renowned for the antiquity and fame of its founders; it is thought to be built by Sidon, the firstborn of Canaan, Gen_10:15from whom it took its name; so Josephus (t) affirms, that Sidonius, as he calls him, built a city in Phoenicia after his own name, and it is called by the Greeks Sidon; some say it was built by Sidus the son of Aegyptus, and named after him: according to R. Benjamin (u) it was a day's journey from hence to Tyre; and with others (w), it was not more than two hundred furlongs, about twelve or thirteen miles, which was another city of Phoenicia, as this was: Jerom's (x) account of Sidon is this, "Sidon, a famous city of Phoenicia, formerly the border of the Canaanites, to the north, situated at the foot of Mount Libanus, and the artificer of glass:'' and so Pliny (y) calls it, it being famous for the making of glass; and Herodotus (z) speaks of it as a city of Phoenicia: Justin the historian says (a) it was built by the Tyrians, who called it by this name from the plenty of fish in it; for the Phoenicians call a fish "Sidon": and indeed Sidon or Tzidon seems to be derived from , "Tzud", which signifies "to fish"; and the place is to this day called Said or Salt; and so R. Benjamin calls it Tzaida (b): to this city they came from Caesarea, the day following that they set out on, and here they stopped awhile: and Julius courteously treated Paul; the centurion into whose hands the apostle was delivered, used him with great humanity and civility; he found grace in his sight, as Joseph did in the sight of Potiphar, and as he himself had done before with Lysias, Felix, Festus and Agrippa: and gave him liberty to go unto his friends to refresh himself; for as there were disciples at Tyre, Act_21:3 so it seems there were at Sidon, both which cities were in Phoenicia, and are often mentioned together; and the apostle was allowed to go ashore, and visit his friends, and be refreshed by them, both in body and spirit, and be provided for by them with things convenient for his voyage. It is highly probable 13. that there was here a Gospel church, but by whom planted cannot be said; our Lord himself was at the borders of this place, Mat_15:21 and the ministers of the word scattered at the death of Stephen, went as far as Phoenicia preaching the Gospel, Act_11:19 and that there were brethren there, appears from note on: See Gill on Act_15:3, in which country Sidon was: in the "third" century there was a church in this place, and Zenobius was presbyter of it, who suffered martyrdom under Dioclesian (c); in the "fourth" century there was a bishop of the church here, at the synod held at ice; in the "fifth" century the bishop of the Sidonians, in the council of Chalcedon, declared his opinion with others against Dioscorus, whose name was Damianus; in the "sixth" century, mention is made of a bishop of Sidon, in the acts of the council held at Rome and Constantinople, and in the same century a synod met at Sidon, in the 20th year of Anastasius the emperor (d): the account of the bishops of Sidon, as given by Reland (e), is as follows; Theodorus bishop of Sidon subscribed in the first icene council, in the year 325; Paulus subscribed in the first council at Constantinople, in the year 381; Damianus was in the council held at Chalcedon, in the year 451; Megas is mentioned in the acts and epistles subjoined to the Chalcedon council; Andreas, bishop of this place, is taken notice of in a letter of John of Jerusalem. 5. Henry, course they steered, and what places they touched at, which are particularly recorded for the confirming of the truth of the history to those who lived at that time, and could by their own knowledge tell of their being at such and such a place. 1. They touched at Sidon, not far off from where they went on board; thither they came the next day.And that which is observable here is, that Julius the centurionwas extraordinarily civil to Paul. It is probable that he knew his case, and was one of the chief captains, or principal men,that heard him plead his own cause before Agrippa (Act_25:23), and was convinced of his innocency, and the injury done him; and therefore, though Paul was committed to him as a prisoner, he treated him as a friend, as a scholar, as a gentleman, and as a man that had an interest in heaven: He gave him liberty,while the business of the ship detained it at Sidon, to go among his friendsthere, to refresh himself;and it would be a great refreshment to him. Julius herein gives an example to those in power to be respectful to those whom they find worthy of their respect, and in using their power to make a difference. A Joseph, a Paul, are not to be used as common prisoners. God herein encourages those that suffer for him to trust in him; for he can put it into the hearts of those to befriend them from whom they least expect it - can cause them to be pitied, nay, can cause them to be prized and valued, even in the eyes of those that carry them captive, Psa_106:46. And it is likewise an instance of Paul's fidelity. He did not go about to make his escape, which he might have easily done; but, being out upon his parole of honour, he faithfully returns to his imprisonment. If the centurion is so civil as to take his word, he is so just and honest as to keep his word. 6. IVP COMME TARY, Borne along by the Syrian coastal current--the ile water that runs north--the ship, moving at a speed of three knots, covers the sixty- nine nautical miles to Sidon in twenty-three hours. Sidon, mother city of the 14. Phoenicians, with its double harbor, figures prominently in Luke's Gospel as a model of repentant Gentile receptivity to the teaching of Jesus (Lk 6:17; 10:13-14; compare 4:26). It was probably evangelized during the Hellenistic Jewish Christian dispersion after Stephen's death. There were a number of times during Paul's earlier ministry when he may have visited the church there (Acts 11:19, 30; 12:25; 15:3). Through the kindness of the centurion Paul is freed, probably under guard, to visit friends in the city. They provide for his needs, which, as I. Howard Marshall (1980:404) conjectures, may have included conversation, a meal and some gifts to help on the journey. 7. Calvin, He suffered him to go to. Paul might have hid himself 636 in a large city, which joined to the sea; but he was bound with the oracle, that he could not withdraw himself from the calling of God. Again, because the centurion had so courteously entertained him, that he suffered him to go to his friends, that they might dress and refresh him, whom he might have left in the stinking ship, 637 he ought not nor could he provide for his own life, with the other mans danger, without filthy treachery. 638 either must we in any case suffer those who have courteously intreated us to be deceived by their courtesy through our fault. Let the readers fet [seek] the voyage whereof Luke speaketh out of those which describe places and countries; 639 only I say thus much, that all that which is said tendeth to this end, that we may know that their sailing was dangerous and tempestuous, after that they were once gone out of the haven of Sidon, until they came near to Melita; and that afterward the mariners did strive long time with contrary winds, until a cruel storm 640 arose, whose end was shipwreck, as we shall see. 8. Can a non-believer be a blessing to a believer? We see it here, and it happens millions of times a day as Christians interact with the world. on-believers are doing acts of kindness right along with believers all over the world, for being kind to others is a universal principle practiced by all religions and by those with no religion. on-Christians can be as thoughtful and kind as anyone else, and it is a Christian duty to encourage that kind of behavior and support it in all people. It is part of the goal of living peaceably with all people. The world would be a tragic place if non-Christians were all unkind. 4From there we put out to sea again and passed to the lee of Cyprus because the winds were against us. 1. Jamison, we had launched set sail. from thence, we sailed under Cyprus, because the winds were contrary The wind blowing from the westward, probably with a touch of the north, which was adverse, they sailed under the leeof Cyprus, keeping it on their left,and steering between it and the mainland of Phoenicia. 2. Barnes, sailed under Cyprus - For an account of Cyprus, see the notes on Act_ 15. 4:36. By sailing under Cyprus is meant that they sailed along its coasts; they kept near to it; they thus endeavored to break off the violent winds. Instead of steering a direct course in the open sea, which would have exposed them to violent opposing winds, they kept near this large island, so that it was between them and the westerly winds. The force of the wind was thus broken, and the voyage was rendered less difficult and dangerous. They went between Cyprus and Asia Minor, leaving Cyprus to the left. A sailor would express the idea by saying that they sailed under the lee of Cyprus. Had it not been for the strong western winds, they would have left it on the right. The winds were contrary - Were from the west, or southwest, which thus prevented their pursuing a direct course. 3. Clarke, sailed under Cyprus - See on Act_4:36(note). 4. Gill, when we had launched from thence,.... From Sidon: we sailed under Cyprus, because the winds were contrary; that is, they sailed below the island of Cyprus; of which see Act_4:36whereas if the wind had been right for them, they would have sailed above the island; leaving it on the right hand, in a straight course to Myra; but now they were obliged to go below it, leaving it on the left hand, going in part about it, through the seas of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Lycia, as follows. 5. Henry, thence sailed under Cyprus,Act_27:4. If the wind had been fair, they had gone forward by direct sailing, and had left Cyprus on the right hand; but, the wind not favouring them, they were driven to oblique sailing with a side wind, and so compassed the island, in a manner, and left it on the left hand. Sailors must do as they can, when they cannot do as they would, and make the best of their wind, whatever point it is in; so must we all in our passage over the ocean of this world. When the winds are contrary yet we must be getting forward as well as we can. 5When we had sailed across the open sea off the coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia, we landed at Myra in Lycia. 16. 1. Jamison, we had sailed over the Sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia coasts with which Paul had been long familiar, the one, perhaps, from boyhood, the other from the time of his first missionary tour. we came to Myra, a city of Lycia a port a little east of Patara (see on Act_21:1). 2. Barnes, sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia - The sea which lies off the, coast from these two regions. For their situation, see the notes on Act_6:9, and Act_13:13. We came to Myra, a city of Lycia - Lycia was a province in the southwestern part of Asia Minor, having Phrygia and Pisidia on the north, the Mediterranean on the south, Pamphylia on the east, and Carla on the west. 3. Clarke, - See on Act_2:10(note). Myra, a city of Lycia - The name of this city is written variously in the MSS., Myra, Murrha, Smyra, and Smyrna. Grotius conjectures that all these names are corrupted, and that it should be written Limyra, which is the name both of a river and city in Lycia. It is certain that, in common conversation, the first syllable, li, might be readily dropped, and then Myra, the word in the text, would remain. Strabo mentions both Myra and Limyra, lib. xiv. p. 666. The former, he says, is twenty stadia from the sea, , upon a high hill: the latter, he says, is the name of a river; and twenty stadia up this river is the town Limyra itself. These places were not far distant, and one of them is certainly meant. 4. Gill, when we had sailed over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia,.... For these two seas joined, as Pliny says (f), "mare Pamphylium Cilicio jungitur", the Pamphylian sea is joined to the Cilician; and in another place (g) he observes, that in the Pamphylian sea were islands of no note, and in the Cilician sea of the five chiefest was Cyprus (an island mentioned in the preceding verse), and a little after, the sea of Cilicia is distant from Anemurius fifty miles: we came to Myra a city of Lycia; not Limyra in Lycia, though that lay by the sea side; for according both to Pliny (h) and Ptolomy (i), Limyra and Myra were two distinct places in Lycia; which was a country, according to the latter, which had on the west and north Asia; (according to others, Caria on the west, and part of Lydia on the north;) on the east part of Pamphylia, and on the south the Lycian sea, or, as others, the Rhodian sea: much less was this the city of Smyrna, as some have said, which lay another way in Ionia, over against the Aegean sea; and still less Lystra, as the Alexandrian copy and Vulgate Latin version read, which was in Lycaonia, and 17. in the continent many miles from the sea: Lycia was a country of the lesser Asia, and lay between Caria and Pamphylia, and so it is mentioned with Caria and Pamphylia, in: "And to all the countries and to Sampsames, and the Lacedemonians, and to Delus, and Myndus, and Sicyon, and Caria, and Samos, and Pamphylia, and Lycia, and Halicarnassus, and Rhodus, and Aradus, and Cos, and Side, and Aradus, and Gortyna, and Cnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene.'' (1 Maccabees 15:23) and the Carians, Pamphylians, and Lycians, are frequently put together in history; and the Lycians are said (k) to be originally of Crete, and to have their name from Lycus the son of Pandion; though some think that Lycia took its name "a luce", from light, and of this country Myra was the metropolis: Ptolomy calls it Myrra, as if it had the signification of "myrrhe"; and so Jerom or Origen (l) reads it here, and interprets it "bitter"; but Pliny and others call it Myra, as here, and it signifies "ointment"; and here the apostle staying some time, though it cannot be said how long, no doubt opened the box of the precious ointment of the Gospel, and diffused the savour of it in this place; for in the beginning of the "fourth" century, in Constantine's time, we read of one icolaus, a famous man, bishop of Myra in Lycia, who was present at the council of ice, and there showed the scars and marks upon him, because of his constant confession of Christ under Maximinus; in the "fifth" century there was a bishop of this place, whose name was Romanus, and was in two synods, in the infamous one at Ephesus, where he favoured Eutyches, and in that at Chalcedon; in the "sixth" century mention is made of a bishop of this church in the acts of the synod at Rome and Constantinople; in the "seventh" century, Polyeuctus, bishop of Myra, was in the sixth synod at Constantinople, and in this century Myra was the metropolitan church of Lycia; in the "eighth" century, Theodorus, bishop of it, was in the icene synod; and in the ninth century this place was taken by the Saracens (m). 5. Henry, a port called Myra they changed their ship; that which they were in, it is probable, having business no further, they went on board a vessel of Alexandria bound for Italy, Act_27:5, Act_27:6. 6There the centurion found an Alexandrian ship sailing for Italy and put us on board. 18. 1. Jamison, ... found a ship of Alexandria, sailing into Italy, and he put us therein (See on Act_27:2). As Egypt was the granary of Italy, and this vessel was laden with wheat (Act_27:35), we need not wonder it was large enough to carry two hundred seventy-six souls, passengers and crew together (Act_27:37). Besides, the Egyptian merchantmen, among the largest in the Mediterranean, were equal to the largest merchantmen in our day. It may seem strange that on their passage from Alexandria to Italy they should be found at a Lycian port. But even still it is not unusual to stand to the north towards Asia Minor, for the sake of the current. 2. Barnes, ship of Alexandria - A ship belonging to Alexandria. Alexandria was in Egypt, and was founded by Alexander the Great. It appears from Act_27:38that the ship was laden with wheat. It is well known that great quantities of wheat were imported from Egypt to Rome, and it appears that this was one of the large ships which were employed for that purpose. Why the ship was on the coast of Asia Minor is not known But it is probable that it had been driven out of its way by adverse winds or tempests. 3. Clarke, ship of Alexandria - It appears, from Act_27:38, that this ship was laden with wheat, which she was carrying from Alexandria to Rome. We know that the Romans imported much corn from Egypt, together with different articles of Persian and Indian merchandise. 4. Gill, there the centurion found a ship of Alexandria,.... Alexandria was the chief city in Egypt, built by Alexander the great, from whom it took its name; it was situated near the sea, and had a famous haven or port, which R. Benjamin (n) calls , "the port of Alexandria"; from hence ships were sent into several parts for trade and commerce, and one of these Julius found at Myra: the top sail was a distinguishing sign of a ship of Alexandria, for none might spread their top sails but ships of Alexandria (o); these were not obliged to strike sail when they came into a port: the Jewish writers make frequent mention of , "a ship of Alexandria" (p); by which they intend a ship of a large bulk, which had a cistern in it for fresh water for a long voyage; and by this they distinguish ships of bulk from those small ones, that were used about their coasts; a ship of Alexandria with them was a ship that went from the land of Israel to Alexandria; whereas here it seems to design one that belonged to Alexandria, and went from thence to other parts: and this ship was sailing into Italy; and it was usual for ships to go from Alexandria to Puteoli in Italy, and from thence to Alexandria upon trade and business (q). 19. and he put us therein; the centurion removed Paul and his companions, and the rest of the prisoners, with whatsoever soldiers were under his care, out of the ship of Adramyttium, into the ship of Alexandria; that is, he ordered them to remove out of one into the other. 5. Henry, was now the chief city of Egypt, and great trading there was between that city and Italy; from Alexandria they carried corn to Rome, and the East-India goods and Persian which they imported at the Red Sea they exported again to all parts of the Mediterranean, and especially to Italy. And it was a particular favour shown to the Alexandrian ships in the ports of Italy that they were not obliged to strike sail, as other ships were, when they came into port. 7We made slow headway for many days and had difficulty arriving off Cnidus. When the wind did not allow us to hold our course, we sailed to the lee of Crete, opposite Salmone. 1. Jamison, slowly many days owing to contrary winds. and scarce with difficulty. were come over against Cnidus a town on the promontory of the peninsula of that name, having the island of Coos (see on Act_21:1) to the west of it. But for the contrary wind they might have made the distance from Myra (one hundred thirty miles) in one day. They would naturally have put in at Cnidus, whose larger harbor was admirable, but the strong westerly current induced them to run south. under the lee of Crete (See on Tit_1:5). over against Salmone the cape at the eastern extremity of the island. 2. Barnes, sailed slowly - By reason of the prevalence of the western winds, Act_ 27:4. Over against Cnidus - This was a city standing on a promontory of the same name in Asia Minor, in the part of the province of Caria called Doris, and a little northwest of the island of Rhodes. The wind not suffering us - The wind repelling us in that direction; not permitting us to hold on a direct course, we were driven off near to Crete. We sailed under Crete - See Act_27:4. We lay along near to Crete, so as to break the violence of the wind. For the situation of Crete, see the notes on Act_2:11. 20. Over against Salmone - ear to Salmone. This was the name of the promontory which formed the eastern extremity of the island of Crete. 3. Clarke, slowly many days - Partly because the wind was contrary, and partly because the vessel was heavy laden. Over against Cnidus - This was a city or promontory of Asia, opposite to Crete, at one corner of the peninsula of Caria. Some think that this was an island between Crete and a promontory of the same name. Over against Salmone - We have already seen that the island formerly called Crete is now called Candia; and Salmone or Sammon, or Samonium, now called Cape Salamon, or Salamina, was a promontory on the eastern coast of that island. 4. Gill, when we had sailed slowly many days,.... Because of contrary winds, as in Act_27:4or else for want of wind, as some think; the Syriac version renders it, "and because it sailed heavily"; that is, the ship being loaden with goods: and scarce were come over against Cnidus; or "Gnidus", as it is sometimes called; it was a city and promontory in Doris, in the Chersonese or peninsula of Caria, famous for the marble statue of Venus made by Praxiteles (r); it was over against the island of Crete, and is now called Capo Chio; it was the birthplace of Eudoxus, a famous philosopher, astrologer, geometrician, physician and lawgiver (s); it is made mention of in: "And to all the countries and to Sampsames, and the Lacedemonians, and to Delus, and Myndus, and Sicyon, and Caria, and Samos, and Pamphylia, and Lycia, and Halicarnassus, and Rhodus, and Aradus, and Cos, and Side, and Aradus, and Gortyna, and Cnidus, and Cyprus, and Cyrene.'' (1 Maccabees 15:23) Jerom (t) says, it was a famous island over against Asia, joining to the province of Caria; some think it has its name from the fish "Gnidus", which is taken about this place, and which is of such an extraordinary nature, that when taken in the hand, it stings like a nettle; others (u) derive it from "hanad", or "gnad", which, in the Phoenician language signifies "to join"; because, as both Pausanias (w) and Strabo (x) say, it was joined by a bridge or causeway to the continent: it had two ports in it, as the last mentioned writer says, but into neither of them did the ship put, in which the apostle was; nor do we read of the Gospel being preached here, or of a church in it until the "sixth" century, when mention is made of a bishop of Gnidus in the acts of the synod at Rome and Constantinople (y): the wind not suffering us; to go right forward, as the Syriac version adds: we sailed under Crete; or below it, as in Act_27:4 This is now called Candy; See Gill 21. on Act_2:11, over against Salmone; now called Capo Salamone: this, by Pliny (z), Ptolomy (a), and Mela (b), is called Samonium or Sammonium, and by them said to be a promontory in the island of Crete, on the east side of it, over against the island of Rhodes; Strabo calls it Salmonion, an eastern promontory of Crete; and Jerom a maritime city of the island of Crete. 5. Ray Stedman, The difficulty they met raises a question which we will face increasingly as we go through this chapter: Why would the apostle experience such grave difficulty from natural forces when he is obviously in the center of the will of God, on the way to Rome where the Lord wants him to be? The Lord Jesus had appeared to Paul in Jerusalem and had told him that he wanted him to go to Rome, that he would take him there, and that he must appear before the emperor. And Paul is not disobedient; he is moving right in accord with God's purpose. Nevertheless the winds are contrary and everything else seems to go wrong on this voyage. God, who controls the winds and the waves, could surely have made it easy for Paul to get to Rome. The question with which this confronts us is one which we all face: Why is it that, even when we are doing what we take to be God's will for us, we oftentimes still have such great difficulty in accomplishing it? We are going to face the implications of that before we get to the end of the chapter, but there is still a lot more difficulty ahead. 8We moved along the coast with difficulty and came to a place called Fair Havens, near the town of Lasea. 1. Jamison, And hardly passing it with difficulty coasting along it, from the same cause as before, the westerly current and head winds. came to ... the Fair Havens an anchorage near the center of the south coast, and a little east of Cape Matala, the southern most point of the island. nigh whereunto was the city Lasea identified by the Reverend George Brown [Smith, Voyages and Shipwreck of St. Paul, Appendix 3, Second Edition, 1856]. (To this invaluable book commentators on this chapter, and these notes, are much indebted). 2. BarnesK, And, hardly passing it - Scarcely being able to pass by it without being 22. wrecked. Being almost driven on it. They passed round the east end of the island because they had been unable to sail directly forward between the island and the mainland, The fair havens - This was on the southeastern part of the island of Crete. It was probably not so much a harbor as an open roadstead, which afforded good anchorage for a time. It is called by Stephen, the geographer, the fair shore. It still retains the name which it formerly had. It is called in ancient Dutch and French Sailing Directions the beautiful bay. Nigh whereunto was the city of Lasea - There was no town or city at the Fair Havens, but the city of Lasea seems to have been well known, and it is mentioned here to identify the place. 3. Clarke, The Fair Havens - This port still remains, and is known by the same name; it was situated towards the northern extremity of the island. Was the city of Lasea - There is no city of this name now remaining: the Codex Alexandrinus reads , Alassa; probably Lysia, near the port of Gortyna, to the eastward. 4. Gill, And hardly passing it,.... That is, Salmone, with great difficulty, because of the winds: came unto a place which is called the Fair Havens; called by other writers Cale Acte, or the fair shore, and is placed by Ptolomy (c) in Eubaea, and by Herodotus (d) in Sicily; but by Stephanus (e) is said to be a city of the Cretians, and which agrees with this account; nigh whereunto was the city of Lasae; there was a city in Crete called by Solinus (f) Lisson, and by Ptolomy (g) Lyssus, which he places on the south side of the island; and by Pliny (h) Lasos, which comes pretty near to this name, but then he places it in the midland part of Crete; who also makes mention of an island called Lasia over against Troezenium, and another that was one of the Cyclades; the Syriac version here read, "Lasia": Jerom (i) says, Lasea is a city on the shore of the island of Crete, near the place which is called the Fair Havens, as Luke himself explains it; for which some corruptly read "Thalassa"; as do the Vulgate Latin and Ethiopic versions; and the Alexandrian copy "Alassa": Beza conjectures that it is the same with Eloea, which Pliny makes mention of in the above cited place, as a city in Crete. 5. Henry, With much ado they made The Fair Havens, a port of the island of Crete, Act_27:7, Act_27:8. They sailed slowly many days, being becalmed, or having the wind against them. It was a great while before they made the point of Cnidus, a port of Caria, and were forced to sail under Crete, as before under Cyprus; much difficulty they met with in passing by Salmone, a promontory on the eastern shore of the island of Crete. Though the voyage hitherto was not tempestuous, yet it was very tedious. They many that are not driven backward in their affairs by cross providences, yet sail slowly, and do not get forward by favourable providences. And many good Christians make this 23. complaint in the concerns of their souls, that they do not rid ground in their way of heaven, but have much ado to keep their ground; they move with many stops and pauses, and lie a great while wind-bound. Observe, The place they came to was called The Fair Havens. Travellers say that it is known to this day by the same name, and that it answers the name from the pleasantness of its situation and prospect. And yet, (1.) It was not the harbour they were bound for; it was a fair haven, but it was not their haven. Whatever agreeable circumstances we may be in in this world, we must remember we are not at home, and therefore we must arise and depart; for, though it be a fair haven, it is not the desired haven, Psa_107:30. (2.) It was not a commodious haven to winter in, so it is said, Act_27:12. It had a fine prospect, but it lay exposed to the weather. Note, Every fair haven is not a safe haven; nay, there may be most danger where there is most pleasure. 9Much time had been lost, and sailing had already become dangerous because by now it was after the Fast.[a] So Paul warned them, 1. Jamison, when much time was spent since leaving Caesarea. But for unforeseen delays they might have reached the Italian coast before the stormy season. and when sailing the navigation of the open sea. was now dangerous, because the fast was now ... past that of the day of atonement, answering to the end of September and beginning of October, about which time the navigation is pronounced unsafe by writers of authority. Since all hope of completing the voyage during that season was abandoned, the question next was, whether they should winter at Fair Havens, or move to Port Phenice, a harbor about forty miles to the westward. Paul assisted at the consultation and strongly urged them to winter where they were. 2. Barnes, When much time was spent - In sailing along the coast of Asia; in contending with the contrary winds. It is evident that when they started they had hoped to reach Italy before the dangerous time of navigating the Mediterranean should arrive. But they had been detained and embarrassed contrary to their expectation, so that they were now sailing in the most dangerous and tempestuous time of the year. Because the fast was now already past - By the fast here is evidently intended the fast which occurred among the Jews on the great day of atonement. That was on the tenth of the month Tisri, which answers to a part of September and part of October. It was, therefore, the time of the autumnal equinox, and when the navigation of the Mediterranean was esteemed to be particularly dangerous, from the storms which usually occurred about that time. The ancients regarded this as a dangerous time to navigate the Mediterranean. See the proofs in Kuinoel on this place. 24. Paul admonished them - Paul exhorted, entreated, or persuaded them. He was somewhat accustomed to the navigation of that sea, and endeavored to persuade them not to risk the danger of sailing at that season of the year. 3. Clarke, Sailing was now dangerous, because the fast was now already past - It is generally allowed that the fast mentioned here was that of the great day of atonement which was always celebrated on the tenth day of the seventh month, which would answer to the latter end of our September; see Lev_16:29; Lev_23:27, etc. As this was about the time of the autumnal equinox, when the Mediterranean Sea was sufficiently tempestuous, we may suppose this feast alone to be intended. To sail after this feast was proverbially dangerous among the ancient Jews. See proofs in Schoettgen. 4. Gill, Now when much time was spent,.... In sailing against the wind, or by staying at the Fair Havens; for so the Syriac version renders it, "where we stayed a long time"; and the Ethiopic version, "and there we remained many days": it follows, and when sailing was now dangerous, because the fast was now already past; the Syriac version reads, "the fast of the Jews"; this was the day of atonement, which was the grand fast of the Jews, on which day they afflicted their souls, Lev_23:27 in memory of the worshipping of the golden calf; on that day they neither eat nor drink, nor do any work, neither do they wash, nor are they anointed, nor do they bind on their shoes, or make use of the marriage bed; nor do they read anything but sorrowful things, as the Lamentations of Jeremiah, until the setting of the sun, and the rising of the stars; and hence this day is called by them , "the day of fasting", and , "the great fast, and the day of the fast of atonement, and the fast of the atonement" (k): now this day was on the 10th of the month Tisri, which answers to the latter part of our September, and the former part of October; so that it was now Michaelmas time, when winter was coming on, and sailing began to be dangerous; about this time of the year the Pleiades set, which brings on tempestuous weather, and unfit for sailing: Paul admonished themPaul admonished themPaul admonished themPaul admonished them, or gave them some advice to continue where they were. 5. Henry, What advice Paul gave them with reference to that part of their voyage they had before them - it was to be content to winter where they were, and not to think of stirring till a better season of the year. 1. It was now a bad time for sailing; they had lost a deal of time while they were struggling with contrary winds. Sailing was now dangerous, because the fast was already past, that is, the famous yearly fast of the Jews, the day of atonement, which was on the tenth day of the seventh month, a day to afflict the soul with fasting; it was about the 20th of our September. That yearly fast was very religiously observed; but (which is strange) we never have any mention made in all the 25. scripture history of the observance of it, unless it be meant here, where it serves only to describe the season of the year. Michaelmas is reckoned by mariners as a bad time of the year to be at sea as any other; they complain of their Michaelmas-blasts; it was that time now with these distressed voyagers. The harvest was past, the summer was ended; they had not only lost time, but lost the opportunity. 6. Calvin, And when much time was spent, and when sailing was now jeopardous, because all the time of fasting was now passed, Paul admonished them, 10. Saying unto them, Sirs, I see that this voyage will be with hurt and great loss, not only of the burthen and of the ship, but also of our souls, [lives]. 11. But the centurion believed rather the governor and the master of the ship, than those things which were spoken of Paul. 12. And because the haven was unfit to winter in, many took counsel to depart thence, if by any means they might come to Phenice, and there winter. That is a haven of Candia, and lieth toward the south-west and by west, and north-west and by west. 13. And when the south wind blew softly, supposing to obtain their purpose, when they had loosed nearer, they sailed beyond Candia. 14. But not long after there arose over against it a stormy wind, which is called Euroclydon. 15. And when the ship was caught, and could not resist the wind, we let her go, and were carried away. 16. And when we were carried into a certain isle called Candia, [Clauda] we could scarce get the boat: 17. Which they took up, and used helps, undergirding the ship; and, fearing lest they should fall into syrtes, [quicksands] they strake sail, and so were carried. 18. And when we were tossed with an exceeding tempest, on the morrow they lightened the ship; 19. And the third day we cast out with our own hands the tackling of the ship. 20. Furthermore, when neither sun nor stars appeared now many days, and no small tempest lay upon us, all hope that we should be saved was then taken away. 9. When sailing was now jeopardous. He doth not only mean that the winds were contrary then, but also that the time of the year was not then commodious, which he expresseth more plainly afterward, when he saith that the fast was passed; for I think that this word was added by way of exposition, to note the end of harvest. Neither do I pass for that, that that solemn time of fasting, whereof Luke speaketh, was strange to the centurion and the rest of the mariners; for he noteth out the times of the year according to the custom of the Jews. Furthermore, we need not doubt but that it was the harvest [autumnal] fast. Though I am not of their mind who think that it was one of the four fasts which the Jews did appoint after the carrying away into Babylon. For Luke would not have put down simply, without adding any distinction, the third fast, which was in the seventh month, seeing it was not more famous than the rest, being commanded to be kept because of the death of Godolia, and because of the destruction of the rest of the people. Again, I cannot tell whether that custom were retained by the people after their return. It is more likely that he meaneth the feast of the atonement, wherein the Lord commanded them to humble their souls seven days. And they began the tenth day of the seventh month; whereto partly September and partly October doth now agree (Le 16:29). Therefore, seeing they were now entered into October, it is said, not without cause, that sailing was jeopardous at that 26. time. But and if you refer it unto hunger, (as some do) I do not see what sense can be gathered thence; for they had as yet store of wheat in the ship, so that they needed not to be hunger starved. And why should he say that the time of the voluntary fast was passed? Moreover, it shall hereafter appear by the text, that they were, therefore, exhorted by Paul to stay because winter was at hand, whose sharpness [severity] useth to shut up the seas. For though he were assured that God would govern the ship, yet he would not tempt him rashly by making too great haste. 7. Bob Deffinbaugh, The decision that faced these sailors is not an uncommon one, even in our day. Airline pilots must constantly monitor weather conditions, and make decisions as to the route they will take, their altitude, and even their destination. I read in the paper the other day that when faced with the decision as to whether he should change to an alternate airport or press on to the original destination, the pilot of a commercial airliner left the choice with his passengers. Some things dont change. 10"Men, I can see that our voyage is going to be disastrous and bring great loss to ship and cargo, and to our own lives also." 1. Jamison, Sirs, I perceive, that this voyage will be with hurt and much damage, etc. not by any divine communication, but simply in the exercise of a good judgment aided by some experience. The event justified his decision. 1B. Charles Dailey, Paul is an old hand at shipwrecks by now. 2 Corinthians 11:25 was written before this event. There he mentions three other shipwrecks. 1C. Paul was pessimistic here, for he could see that there would be loss of life as well as loss of ship and cargo, but he had not yet received the promise that no life would be lost. He saw only part of the future, but the part he did not see was yet to be revealed, and it was the good new that no life would be lost, and all would survive. We need to be aware that we can never know all of the future, for God alone is in control of that, and until he reveals it, the best we can do is state our conviction at this point, just as Paul was doing here. 2. Barnes, Sirs - Greek: Men. 27. I perceive - It is not certain that Paul understood this by direct inspiration. He might have perceived it from his own knowledge of the danger of navigation at the autumnal equinox, and from what he saw of the ship as unsuited to a dangerous navigation. But there is nothing that should prevent our believing also that he was guided to this conclusion by the inspiration of the Spirit of God. Compare Act_27:23-24. Will be with hurt - With injury or hazard. It is not meant that their lives would be lost, but that they would be jeoparded. The lading - The freight of the ship. It was laden with wheat, Act_27:38. Paul evidently, by this, intended to suggest the propriety of remaining where they were until the time of dangerous navigation was past. 3. Clarke, I perceive that this voyage will be with hurt, etc. - Paul might either have had this intimation from the Spirit of God, or from his own knowledge of the state of this sea after the autumnal equinox, and therefore gave them this prudent warning. 4. Gill, And said unto them, Sirs, I perceive,.... Not only by the tempestuous weather which they had met with, and still continued, and which they must expect to have, if they continued on their voyage; but by a spirit of prophecy, which he was endued with, by which he foresaw, and so foretold, as follows; that this voyage will be with hurt, and with much damage not only of the lading and ship, but also of our lives; or of our persons, or bodies, that is, of the health of them; for certain it is that it was revealed to the apostle, that not one life should be lost; but yet through the shipwreck, what with the fright of it, and being in the water, much damage must accrue to their persons, as well as the ship and all its freight be lost. 5. Henry, Paul put them in mind of it, and gave them notice of their danger (Act_27:10): I perceive (either by notice from God, or by observing their wilful resolution to prosecute the voyage notwithstanding the peril of the season) that this voyage will be with hurt and damage; you that have effects on board are likely to lose them, and it will be a miracle of mercy if our lives be given us for a prey. There were some good men in the ship, and many more bad men: but in things of this nature all things come alike to all, and there is one event to the righteous and to the wicked. If both be in the same ship, they both are in the same danger. 6. IVP COMMENTARY, Paul's warning is well founded (v. 10). Vegetius described the dangers of "winter sailing" as scant daylight, long nights, dense cloud cover, poor visibility and the double raging of winds, showers and snows (Military Institutions of the Romans 4.39). The dangerous period saw the beginning of such conditions. 7. Bob Deffinbaugh, Paul had a fair bit of experience with sea travel. He had already survived one shipwreck, and he knew the dangers of sea travel:Three times I was beaten with rods, once I was 28. stoned, three times I was shipwrecked, a night and a day I have spent in the deep. {I have been} on frequent journeys, in dangers from rivers, dangers from robbers, dangers from {my} countrymen, dangers from the Gentiles, dangers in the city, dangers in the wilderness, dangers on the sea, dangers among false brethren (2 Corinthians 11:25-26). Pauls caution is rather interesting. I would think that Paul would have more reason to be reckless than these seasoned seamen and the centurion, because he was a Christian. He had God on his side. His God was in control of all things, including the sea. But more than this, God had already assured Paul that he would reach Rome. Paul was as secure as any man could be. But Pauls concern here was not for himself, but for others. Paul knew that he would reach Rome, but he also strongly sensed that the ship and some of its passengers would not. After all, a number of the passengers could not even swim (see verses 43-44). It was needlessly endangering others that Paul was trying to avoid. Furthermore, Paul was an apostle, a man through whom God had worked many signs and wonders. As the journey to Rome continues, there are yet to be more signs and wonders accomplished through the hands of Paul (see 28:3-10). But Paul did not presume to have God on tap and thus to be able to perform some miracle any time his wished. To Paul (in my opinion) this would be akin to jumping off the pinnacle of the temple, and thus putting God to the test (Luke 4:9-12). Gods power and His sovereign control are no pretext for carelessness or recklessness. To sail on, therefore, was a foolish decision in Pauls opinion, and thus he discouraged it as strongly as he could, but to no avail. 11But the centurion, instead of listening to what Paul said, followed the advice of the pilot and of the owner of the ship. 1. Jamison, Nevertheless the centurion believed the master and owner ... more than ... Paul He would naturally think them best able to judge, and there was much to say for their opinion, as the bay at Fair Havens, being open to nearly one-half of the compass, could not be a good winter harbor. 1B. Charles Dailey, Julius had treated Paul well, but he did not pay adequate attention to his advice. But the professionals had it wrong and the Lord's man had it right. 2. Barnes, The master - The person who is here meant was the helmsman, who occupied in ancient ships a conspicuous place on the stern, and steered the ship, and gave directions to the crew. The owner of the ship - Probably a different person from the master. He had the general command of the ship as his own property, but had employed the master, or the pilot, to direct and manage it. His counsel in regard to the propriety of continuing the voyage would be likely to be followed. 29. 3. Clarke, The centurion believed the master - , the pilot; and owner of the ship, , the captain and proprietor. This latter had the command of the ship and the crew; the pilot had the guidance of the vessel along those dangerous coasts, under the direction of the captain; and the centurion had the power to cause them to proceed on their voyage, or to go into port, as he pleased; as he had other state prisoners on board; and probably the ship itself was freighted for government. Paul told them, if they proceeded, they would be in danger of shipwreck; the pilot and captain said there was no danger; and the centurion, believing them, commanded the vessel to proceed on her voyage. It is likely that they were now in the port called the Fair Havens. 4. Gill, Nevertheless the centurion believed the master and the owner of the ship,.... Who were either one and the same person, or if two persons, the one was the owner, whose the ship was, and the other, he that was at the helm, and steered and directed it; or the one might be the captain, and the other the pilot. The , or "governor", as he is here called with the ancients, was he who sat on an eminence in the stern of the ship, at the helm, and had the direction of it; he gave the orders, which others executed: what qualified him for his post chiefly lay in three things; in the knowledge of the constellations, and winds, of the former that he might direct the course of the ship according to them, and by them foresee future tempests, and of the latter, that he might be acquainted with the several points, from whence they blew; also in the knowledge of ports, and places to put into, and of rocks and sands, that they might be escaped; likewise in the knowledge of the use of the helm, and sails (l); for one part of his business, as (m) Seneca observes, was to give orders after this manner; so and so move the helm, so and so let down the sails, &c. in every ship there was a governor, and in larger ones sometimes there were two; (n) Aelianus says, the Carthaginians had always two governors in a ship: the other word, , is in the glossary rendered "navicularius", which signifies "the owner" of the ship; and so we render it; though perhaps he is the same with the "proreta", who governed the prow or head of the ship, and was the next in dignity to the governor, and a kind of a sub-governor; and his business was to observe tempests, to explore promontories, rocks and sands, and show them to the governor (o); and so Isidore (p) says, the owner of the ship is called Naucleros, because the ship is in his lot, "cleros" signifying lot: and as these best understood naval affairs, Julius gave more heed to what they said, and rather believed them, than those things which were spoken by Paul; by a spirit of prophecy, which he had no notion of; for though he treated him civilly as a man, he had no regard to him as a Christian, or as one endued with the Spirit of God, which he knew nothing of. 5. Henry, They would not be advised by Paul in this matter, Act_27:11. They thought him impertinent in interposing in an affair of this nature, who did not understand navigation; and the centurion to whom it was referred to determine it, though himself a passenger, yet, being a man in authority, takes upon him to overrule, though he had not 30. been oftener at sea perhaps than Paul, nor was better acquainted with these seas, for Paul had planted the gospel in Crete (Tit_1:5), and knew the several parts of the island well enough. But the centurion gave more regard to the opinion of the master and owner of the ship than to Paul's; for every man is to be credited in his own profession ordinarily: but such a man as Paul, who was so intimate with Heaven, was rather to be regarded in seafaring matters than the most celebrated sailors. Note, Those know not what dangers they run themselves into who will be governed more by human prudence than by divine revelation. The centurion was very civil to Paul (Act_27:3), and yet would not be governed by his advice. Note, Many will show respect to good ministers that will not take their advice, Eze_33:31. 6. Calvin, But the centurion. The centurion is not reproved because he hearkened rather to the master and governor of the ship than to Paul. For what should he have done? For though he did well like 641 Pauls counsel in other matters, yet he knew that he was unskillful in sailing. Therefore he suffered himself to be governed by those which were expert, which was a point of a wise and modest man. Yea, very necessity did almost compel him to do this; for the haven was not commodious to winter in. Neither did the governor give counsel to commit the ship to the main sea, but to thrust into the next haven, which was almost in view. So that, with taking a little pains, they might commodiously pass the winter. Luke reciteth this not in vain; but that we may know that Paul was from the beginning furnished with the sense of the Spirit, so that he did better see what things were profitable than did the masters. We know not whether he were taught by oracles, or whether he gave this counsel through secret inspiration. This is certain, that it served afterward to his commendation. Furthermore, in that he saith that they sailed beyond the coast of Candia, until they were caught and carried away; our friend Beza doth justly reprove the error of interpreters in this word , who make of an adverb the name of a city. 7. William Barclay, It is quite certain that Paul was the most experienced traveller on board that ship. The Fast referred to is the Jewish Day of Atonement and on that year it fell in the first half of October. According to the navigational practice of the time, sailing was considered doubtful after September and impossible by ovember. It has always to be remembered that the ancient ships had neither sextant nor compass and in cloudy and dark weather they had no means of finding their way. It was Paul's advice that they should winter in Fair Havens where they were. As we have seen, the ship was an Alexandrian corn ship. The owner would be rather the contractor who was bringing the cargo of corn to Rome. The centurion, being the senior officer on board, had the last word. It is significant that Paul, the prisoner under arrest, was allowed his say when counsel was being taken. But Fair Havens was not a very good harbor nor was it near any sizable town where the winter days might be passed by the crew; so the centurion rejected Paul's advice and took the advice of the master and the contractor to sail farther along the coast to Phoenicia where there was a more commodious harbor and a bigger town. 12Since the harbor was unsuitable to winter in, the majority decided that we should sail on, hoping to reach Phoenix and winter there. This was a harbor in Crete, facing both southwest and 31. northwest. 1. Jamison, Phenice Phenix, now called Lutro. which lieth toward the southwest and northwest If this means that it was open to the west, it would certainly not be good anchorage! It is thought therefore to mean that a wind from that quarter would lead into it, or that it lay in an easterly direction from such a wind [Smith]. Act_27:13 seems to confirm this. 2. Barnes, The haven - The fair havens, Act_27:8. Was not commodious to winter in - Not safe or convenient to remain there. Probably it furnished rather a safe anchorage ground in time of a storm than a convenient place for a permanent harbor. The more part - The greater part of the crew. To Phenice - In the original this is Phoenix - Foinix. So it is written by Strabo. The name was probably derived from the palmtrees which were common in Crete. This was a port or harbor on the south side of Crete, and west of the fair havens. It was a more convenient harbor, and was regarded as more safe. It appears, therefore, that the majority of persons on board concurred with Paul in the belief that it was not advisable to attempt the navigation of the sea until the dangers of the winter had passed by. And lieth toward - Greek: looking toward; that is, it was open in that direction. The southwest - kata liba. Toward Libya, or Africa. That country was situated southwest of the mouth of the harbor. The entrance of the harbor was in a southwest direction. And northwest - kata chron. This word denotes a wind blowing from the northwest. The harbor was doubtless curved. Its entrance was in a southwest direction. It then turned so as to lie in a direction toward the northwest. It was thus rendered perfectly safe from the winds and heavy seas; and in that harbor they might pass the winter in security. It is sometimes called Lutro. Of this harbor Mr. Urquhart, in a letter to James Smith, Esq., whose work on this voyage of Paul has obtained so wide a reputation, says, Lutro is an admirable harbor. You open it like a box; unexpectedly the rocks stand apart, and the town appears within ... We thought we had cut him off, and that we were driving him right upon the rocks. Suddenly he disappeared - and, rounding in after him, like a change of scenery, the little basin, its shipping, and the town presented themselves ... Excepting Lutro, all the roadsteads looking to the southward are perfectly exposed to the south or east. 3. Clarke, Might attain to Phoenice - It appears that the Fair Havens were at the eastern end of the island, and they wished to reach Phoenice, which lay farther towards the west. Toward the south-west and north-west - . The libs 32. certainly means the south-west, called libs, from Libya, from which it blows to. wards the Aegean Sea. The chorus, or caurus, means a north-west wind. Virgil mentions this, Geor. iii. ver. 356. Semper hyems, semper spirantes frigora cauri. It is always winter; and the cauri, the north-westers, ever blowing cold. Dr. Shaw lays down this, and other winds, in a Greek compass, on his map, in which he represents the drifting of St. Pauls vessel from Crete, till it was wrecked at the island of Melita. Travels, p. 331, 4to. edit. 4. Gill, And because the haven was not commodious to winter in,.... Which was called the "Fair Havens", Act_27:8 which name it might have by an antiphrasis, it being just the reverse; it might be a good summer haven, but not be fit for winter: perhaps it might be an open road or bay, and having nothing to shelter from the boisterous waves, was a place very improper for a ship to be in, in stormy weather; for in open places, as bays and roads, the sea tumbles in very violently in bad weather: this was a haven fit for fair weather only, and therefore might be so called: the more part advised to depart thence also; the major part of the ship's company were of the same opinion with the master and owner of it, and advised as well as they, to sail from the Fair Havens in quest of a better port; the Syriac version reads, "the most of ours", of the apostle's companions; so that they were against him, according to that version, which is not likely; however, the majority in the ship were for sailing: if by any means they might attain to Phenice, and there to winter, which is an haven of Crete, and lieth toward the south west and north west: this place is called in the Syriac version Phoenix; and Ptolomy (q) makes mention both of the city and haven of Phoenix, as on the south side of the island of Crete: and whereas it is here said to lie towards the south west and north west, this may be reconciled to that, as well as to itself; for the haven considered in general lay towards the south, but having its windings and turnings, with respect to them it lay towards both the south west and the north west, and so was a very commodious haven to winter in. 5. Henry, The ship putting to sea again, and pursuing her voyage at first with a promising gale. Observe, 1. What induced them to leave the fair havens: it was because they thought the harbour not commodious to winter in; it was pleasant enough in summer but in the winter they lay bleak. Or perhaps it was upon some other account incommodious; provisions perhaps were scarce and dear there; and they ran upon a mischief to avoid an inconvenience, as we often do. Some of the ship's crew, or of the council that was called to advise in this matter, were for staying there, rather than venturing to sea now that the weather was so uncertain: it is better to be safe in an incommodious harbour than to be lost in a tempestuous sea. But they were outvoted when it was put to the question, and the greater part advised to depart thence also; yet they aimed not to go far, but only to another port of the same island, here called Phenice, and some think it was so called because the Phenicians frequented it much, the 33. merchants of Tyre and Sidon. It is here described to lie towards the south-west and north-west. Probably the haven was between the two promontories or juttings-out of land into the sea, one of which pointed to the north-west and the other to the south- west, by which it was guarded against the east winds. Thus hath the wisdom of the Creator provided for the relief and safety of those who go down to the sea in ships, and do business in great waters. In vain had nature provided for us the waters to sail on, if it had not likewise provided for us natural harbours to take shelter in. The Storm 13When a gentle south wind began to blow, they thought they had obtained what they wanted; so they weighed anchor and sailed along the shore of Crete. 1. Jamison, when the south wind blew softly, supposing they had attained their purpose With such a wind they had every prospect of reaching their destination in a few hours. 2. Barnes, The south wind - The wind before had probably been a head-wind, blowing from the west. When it veered round to the south, and when it blew gently, though not entirely favorable, yet it was so that they supposed they could sail along the coast of Crete. Had obtained their purpose - The object of their desire; that is, to sail safely along the coast of Crete. Loosing thence - Setting sail from the fair havens. Close by Crete - Near the shore. It is evident that they designed, if possible, to make the harbor of Phenice to winter there. They weighed anchor and passed around Cape Matala. The distance to this point is four or five miles; the bearing west by south. With a gentle southerly wind, the vessel would be able to weather the cape, and then the wind was fair to Phoenix or Phenice (Lutro), which was 35 miles distant from the cape, and bore from thence about west-northwest. 34. 3. Clarke, When the south wind blew softly - Though this wind was not very favorable, yet, because it blew softly, they supposed they might be able to make their passage. They sailed close by Crete - Kept as near the coast as they could. See the track on the map. 4. Gill, And when the south wind blew softly,.... Or moderately, which was a good wind for them: supposing that they, had obtained their purpose; that things would succeed according to their wish, and favour their design: loosing thence; from the Fair Havens; the