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Chapter 4
Adivasi Situation in Wayanad
Introduction
The highland district of Wayanad in northern Kerala is selected for our analysis. This district has
the highest percentage of adivasi population in the state. The region was under British rule from 1805 to
1947. Today the district is the focal point of adivasi struggle for land which is a historical struggle for
justice by the poorest and the real fight of the truly powerless against the powerful. The elites of course
think that the landlords occupying govt. lands are philanthropic nobles while the landless tribals are
mere encroachers. The vast areas of the forest in this district which were once described to be clean,
prestine, enchanting and hypnotizing have also undergone tremendous degradation. It is in this context
of the political importance of the region (especially the adivasi movement) and its ecological fragility
that the district has been selected for our analysis. This chapter will provide an account of the district and
the adivasi issues therein.
District Profile
Wayanad district lies at a height of 700-2100 m above sea level, nestled among the mountains of
the W. Ghats. on the north-eastern part of Kerala. Its geographical area is 2131 sq. km. Some important
mountains in the district are Chembra peaks, Vellarmala, Banasuramala, Brahmagiri, Kunnelipadimala
and Thariodemala. Kabani river is one of the three east flowing rivers of Kerala. Kabani and its tributaries
constitute a powerful river system in Wayanad. The district has three taluks viz. Vythiry, Mananthavady
and Sulthan’s Bathery. It is also divided into three blocks- Kalpetta, Mananthavady and Sulthan’s Bathery.
There are 25 gram panchayats and one municipality. Sulthan’s Bathery, Mananthavady and Kalpetta are
in the process of gaining urban status.
Irrigation projects and Industry
Karapuzha irrigation project is the first irrigation project taken up in Wayanad. Banasura Sagar
hydro electric project and Mananthavady hydro-electric project are two other projects in the district.
There are no significant major industrial units except tea processing factories and timber mills. Though
more than 4000 small scale industrial units are registered in this district, only 2335 of them are functioning
at present. An analysis of district wise per capita income shows that Malappuram recorded the lowest per
capita in 2008-09 and that it was preceded by Wayanad, Kasargode and Palakkad. The lowest growth
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Table 4.1Profile of Wayanad district
Area (in sq. km) 2,131
Population 7,80,619Males 3,91,273Females 3,89,346
Sex ratio: Females/1000 995Density of Population (persons/squm) 366Per Capita Income (in Rs.) 34,123
Literacy Rate M-89.77 %,F-80.72%
Coastal line Nil
Forest area in ha 78787
Water bodied area in ha. 936
Source: NIC, Wayanad
Table 4.2District-wise Per Capita Income at constant prices
(1999-2000)
District2007-08 Rank 2008-09 Rank Growth Rate
(P) (Q) (%)Rs. Rs. 2008-09
Thiruvananthapuram 40700 4 43247 3 6.26Kollam 34593 3 36698 10 6.09Pathanamthitta 39597 10 42166 5 6.49Alappuzha 37606 5 40089 6 6.60Kottayam 43722 6 46362 2 6.04Idukki 35548 2 37374 9 5.14Ernakulam 56060 9 59970 1 6.97Thrissur 39658 1 42316 4 6.70Palakkad 34541 4 36487 11 5.63Malappuram 24067 11 25291 14 5.09Kozhikode 36488 14 38798 7 6.33Wayanad 26847 7 28047 13 4.47Kannur 36321 13 38634 8 6.37Kasargod 32310 8 34006 12 5.25State 37507 12 39815 6.15P: Provisional, Q: QuickSource: Department of Economics and Statistics & Economic Review 2009
rate is recorded in Wayanad district (4.47 %). The district wise per capita income with growth rate is
given in the table below.
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District wise and Sector wise analysis of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) shows that the
highest contribution from primary sector income was in Kottayam and the lowest therein was in Wayanad
district. The highest income from secondary sector during 2008-09 was in Ernakulam district and the
lowest secondary sector income was in Wayanad district. The tertiary sector highest income during
2008-09 was also in Ernakulam district and ranked the lowest here as well in Wayanad district. One of
the notable features of Wayanad is thus the lowest contribution in all three sectors - primary, secondary
and tertiary. The district wise details of sectoral income and growth rate are presented in Table 4.3.
Table 4.3District wise and Sectoral wise distribution of Gross State Domestic Product
2008-09 at constant (1999-2000) prices (Quick Estimate) (Rs. Crore)
District
GSDP Annual GSDP Annual GSDP Annual
in primary Growth in secondary Growth in Tertiary Growth
Rate (%) Rate (%) Rate (%)
Thiruvananthapuram 1280.55 1.44 3964.91 9.94 9696.23 6.80
Kollam 1541.07 1.39 2036.08 10.15 6397.27 7.06
Pathanamthitta 903.45 0.54 877.10 10.36 3540.86 7.56
Alapppuzha 876.67 0.80 2072.35 10.04 5806.36 7.00
Kottayam 1602.09 0.46 1860.99 10.09 6031.92 7.31
Idukki 1139.26 0.34 812.90 8.70 2401.95 7.04
Ernakulam 1587.89 0.72 7599.91 9.97 10751.26 7.57
Thrissur 1169.87 0.90 3443.72 10.38 8724.47 7.27
Palakkad 1446.30 0.82 2622.44 9.51 6140.34 6.68
Malappuram 1380.25 0.92 2201.52 10.94 6721.71 6.47
Kozhikode 1197.41 0.97 3040.91 10.94 7699.95 6.81
Wayanad 589.19 0.38 350.36 10.66 1500.57 6.78
Kannur 1095.67 0.74 2239.47 11.09 6408.23 6.70
Kasargode 978.40 0.44 707.14 11.52 2762.50 7.10
State 16788.07 0.81 33829.80 10.25 84584.62 7.02
Source: Department of Economics and Statistics & Economic Review 2009
Forestry & Agriculture
Wayanad is a land of forests, which accounts for 37 percent of the total area of the district. Of the
total 2131 Sq. km of land, 78787 hec. is forest. In fact, most of the reserve forests in the state are in this
district. In the 20864 hectares of reserve forest, the major portion is teak plantation.
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Wayanad is basically agrarian, with plantation economy playing a major role. 1142 Sq. km of the
total area is used for agriculture which forms 54% of the total land area of the district. Census of India
2001 reveals that 47.3 % of the total work force of the district is involved in agriculture while the figure
for the State of Kerala is 22.8%. The district is characterized by perennial plantation crops and spices
with coffee forming the main crop. Coffee is cultivated in 66973 hectares. Coffee in the district it covers
80% of the total coffee plantations in the State of Kerala. Other major crops are Pepper (40839 ha),
Coconut (10947 ha), Rubber (6451 ha), Arecanut (7201 ha), Cardamom (4107 ha), and Ginger
(3450 ha). Pepper is grown along with coffee in the north eastern parts of the district, especially in
Pulpally and Mullankolly(Wayanad Suicides: A Psycho-Social Autopsy).
Unrestrained imports and hostile changes in tariff regimes brought in by the neo-liberal economic
reforms promoted by successive Union governments have led to a drastic crash in the price of agricultural
commodities, especially the plantation crops in Wayanad. Three factors have resulted in the severe agrarian
crisis in the district. (1) crash in prices of agricultural produce (2) indebtedness and (3) drought, disease
and depletion of water resources. Price falls in major plantation crops led to evaporation of incomes
which translated into declining food entitlements (Helena, Norberg-Hodge, 2002, p.467.). The worst
affected are the small farmers, as they are more vulnerable to crop losses and a price fall. In Wayanad
due to agricultural crisis, the suicide rate in 2003 was forty five percent, which came down to 38.02
percent in 2005. Thus successive drought years, plummet in the farm production, plant diseases, failure
in the repayment of loans, a series of suicides by the farmers etc is the agricultural face of Wayand.
Excessive use of pesticides and chemical fertilizers destroyed the fertility of cultivable lands and the
reformation activities of governments hastened this process (Transforming Lives Ag. Processes and
Preventing Deaths 6N0009 Caritas India). The district which was once a hill queen was thus transformed
into a death trap for agriculturists in the fields. The incidence of deprivation here is 46.3 per cent. This is
significantly higher than the official head count index of poverty (30 percent) in Kerala [Human
Development Report 2005,2006, p.62].
Public Distribution System
The district has 289 ration shops, for 146927 ration card holders. There are 19 Maveli stores, 21
Neethi stores and 4 Haritha stores through which people can purchase groceries and vegetables at a
subsidized rate. However the PDS prices and open market prices are almost equal for basic food grains
and kerosene. The curtailment of the PDS system has adversely affected the food security of the tribal
people. In the remote and hilly tribal areas the vulnerability of tribal people to hunger and starvation
deaths has increased due to total collapse of PDS.
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Population
The population of the district is 7,80,619. The female-male sex ratio is 995 women per 1000 men.
The density of population was 260 per sq. km. in 1981, 315 per sq. km in 1991 and 366 per sq. km in
2001. Different religious groups are represented here. The district has a mixed population of Hindus,
Christians and Muslims. As per 1991 census, of the total population of the District, 50% is Hindu, 26% is
Muslim and 23% is Christian. In the early historic period, Jainism and Hinduism played a significant role
in the religious life of the people of Wayanad. The oldest inhabitants of Wayanad were Nairs and
Nambuthiris. Another major community was Ezhava. Jains, Chettys, Muslims and Christians are migrants
to Wayanad. According to the ancient history of Wayanad, Jains are the first group who migrated to this
region. The migrated Jains first came to Panamaram on the banks of Kabani river. From there the Jain
groups spread to different parts of Wayanad. These Jains were basical1y farmers. By the end of the
eighteenth century, the religion became too weak because of the increasing influence of the Hindu
religion and the invasion of Saiva - Vaishnava sects. In this period many Jain temples were destroyed and
taken over by Hindus. At present, Wayanad is considered to be one of the last surviving Jain centres in
Kerala. According to the latest survey the total Jain population in Wayanad is 1581. Among them 797 are
male and 784 are female. In Wayanad the main places wherein this community lives are: Mananthavady,
Panamaram, Anjukunnu, Varadoor, Kalpetta and Kaniyambatta(Jainism in Wayanad, 2009).
Chetties had migrated from north India, Karnataka and Malabar in the 16th century for trade. In
fact the entire trade in the region soon came under their control. Today one fourth population of Wayanad
is constituted by Christians. Most of them are settlers from Travancore. The economic slump, difficulties
and miseries creeping as a result of the Second World War into the lives of the common people compelled
them to seek pastures a new on the virgin soil of Wayanad. In the first years of settlement, thousands
succumbed to Malaria and the attack of wild animals. Those who survived these and cold conditions
transformed the history of Wayanad (www.wayanad.com).
Tribal population in Wayanad
Wayanad has the highest concentration of tribals (136062), constituting 37.36 percent of the total
tribal population in the state. As per 2001 census, the major communities in Wayanad are Paniyas (44.77
percent), Mullu Kuruman (17.51 percent), Kurichya (17.38 percent), Kattunaickan (9.93 percent), Adiyan
(7.10 percent), Urali Kuruman (2.69 percent) and others (0.61 percent). These tribal communities are
mainly marginal farmers, agricultural labourers and forest dependents. Paniyas, Adiyas and Urali Kuruman
constitute the agricultural labourers in Wayanad. They together form 55 percent of the total tribal population
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in Wayanad. The Kattunaickan belong to PTG. Kurichian and Mulla Kurumans are traditional agricultural
communities forming 35 percent of the total tribal population in Wayanad. After the 2001 census
publication, Govt. of India has included Wayanad Kadars, Thachandan Mooppan and Karimbalan
communities in the Schedule Tribe list. Added up they form 0.61 percent of the tribal population in
Wayanad.
Kurichias
The Kurichias are mainly a settled agriculturalist community who practice co-operative farming.
Majority of them have land holdings, and agriculture is their principal economic activity. The word
‘Kurichyan’ came from two words ‘Kuri’ and ‘Chiyan’. ‘Kuri’ meaning target and ‘Chiyan’ meaning
those who hunt or shoot at the target. They are very efficient in using bows and arrows. They constituted
the army of Pazhassi Veera Varma Rajah who engaged the British forces in several battles. They are
famous for hunting. They claim an equal status with Brahmins and call themselves Malanamboothiries.
They practice untouchability towards all castes other than Brahmins. They have their own language with
alphabets (Bindu, Ramachandran, 2003, p.36.). They follow the joint family system and are matrilineal
in inheritance. The Kurichias believe in a creator, who in their prayers is referred to as Perumal. They
have their own temple and religious experts to perform religious performances.
Paniyan
Paniyas, are the largest single tribe in Wayanad. The Paniyas have associated themselves with the
forests for many a century. The word ‘Paniyan’ means ‘worker’ as they were the workers of non-tribes.
Paniyas had to endure a lot of hardship during earlier times as they were bonded laborers and were sold
along with plantations by the landlords. The main deity of the tribe is ‘Kuli’ and they also worship the
banyan tree. Monogamy appears to be the general rule among the Paniyas. A detailed description of this
tribe will be done in the next chapter.
Adiyan
Adiyans are the landless agricultural labourers of Wayanad. They were subjected to the worst
form of bonded labour till 1976. They have no control over the resources of the area. Their culture and
economy are languished by the traits of bonded labour system. The term Adiyan is synonymous with the
sub-servant role that they played in the past under the landlords. Their name is reported to have originated
from an old rule that they should maintain a distance of ar (six), adi (feet) to avoid pollution. They are
also known as ‘Ravulayar’ traditionally.
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They follow nuclear type of family, where husband is the head of the family. Bride price is given
to the parents of the bride by the groom. Divorce, widow marriage etc. are permitted. Polygamy is also
practiced. The ancestors of this tribe migrated from Coorg. The only indication of this is in the name of
their deity ‘Kuttath Karinkali’- the first word being supposed to be a corrupt form of a word Kotaku or
Coorg (Gopalan Nair, C., 2000, p.97.). The economy of the Adiyan revolves round the activities of food
procurement which consist of food gathering, marginal agriculture, animal husbandry and agricultural
labour (Bindu Ramachandran, 2004).
Kattunaicken
Kattunaicken are a food gathering tribe also known as ‘Thenkuruman’. As their name implies,
they are experts in honey collection. They are also experts in bamboo cutting and other related works.
Bamboo grains called “mulayari” are also collected from forest. Nuclear family is the minimum social
and economic unit among Kattunaicken. They are patrilineal and trace their descent through the male
line. They have an acephalous political structure in which ‘modale’ is the supreme authority. He is
considered as the religious specialist and medicine man. They are mostly distributed in the Wayanad and
Kozhikode districts of Kerala. Their huts are erected on a sloping ground which has no raised basement
and entrance is given at the lowest point. Their economy is centered on the forest(Bindu, Ramachandran,
Sarit K. Chaudhari & Suchata Sen Chaudhari (eds.) 2005, pp.102-105.). Traditionally these people live
very close to forest. They practise untouchability towards the Paniyas.
Kuruman
The Kuruma tribal community is spread over Sulthan Bathery and Kalpetta taluks in Wayanad
district and form the only tribe in the district to have a king. The three subdivisions of Kuruma include
Uralikuruma, Mulla Kuruma and Jen Kuruma. Among the Kuruma tribals in Wayanad, the Mulla Kurumas
consider themselves as superior to the other Kuruma sects. Traditionally they are settled cultivators.
Today they are marginal farmers and agricultural labour is the predominant economic activity. They
have a unique culture and follow ethnobotanical practices. They are also seen in the Nilagiri district of
Tamil Nadu. A number of rituals and customs are followed in their day to day life. Community living is
traditionally followed by this group. They also use medicinal plants obtained form the forest and their
premises.
The tribal communities are found in all the twenty five panchayats of the district and in Kalpetta
municipality. However their major concentration is in Noolpuzha with 39.29 percent and Thirunelly
with 40.72 percent. In all the other panchayats their population is below thirty per cent. Panchayat wise
distribution of Scheduled Tribe population is given below.
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Table 4. 4Panchayat wise distribution of ST population
Panchayat Total population ST Population Percentage of ST
Ambalavayal 34345 4775 13.90
Edavaka 31168 4910 15.75
Kaniambetta 29516 6035 20.45
Kottathara 16636 4600 27.65
Mananthavady 45477 6819 14.99
Meenangadi 32067 7099 22.14
Meppady 39849 3516 8.82
Mullenkolly 29519 2741 9.29
Muppainad 24033 988 4.11
Muttil 31227 4562 14.61
Nenmeni 44096 7086 16.07
Noolpuzha 26184 10288 39.29
Padinjarathara 24823 2647 10.66
Panamaram 42922 10056 23.43
Poothadi 39687 7262 18.30
Pozhuthana 17397 3266 18.77
Pulpalli 34293 7143 20.83
Sulthan Bathery 42059 4894 11.64
Thariyode 11843 2649 22.37
Thavinjal 38654 6790 17.57
Thirunelly 27450 11178 40.72
Thondernadu 22455 4374 19.48
Vellamunda 36415 5720 15.71
Vengapally 11072 2661 24.03
Vythiri 17820 875 4.91
Kalpetta Municipality 29612 3128 10.56
Total 780619 136062 17.43
Source: Census 2001 & Wayanad Initiative: A Situational Study and Feasibility Report for the ComprehensiveDevelopment of Adivasi Communities of Wayanad (2006), KIRTADS, Government of Kerala.
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Tribal livelihood
The tribals in Kerala may be divided into four categories on the basis of their economic activities
viz. (1) shifting cultivators, food gatherers and hunters (2) Agriculturists (3) Plantation and farm labourers
(4) Bonded labourers (Mathur, P.R.G., 1975, p.212.). Paniyans and Adiyans are involved with paddy
cultivation. Kattunaickans are mainly forest dependent and are a food gathering community. Till the
large scale migration of settler farmers from plains to Wayanad, this community was leading an almost
independent life fully depending on the forest then rich in resources, mainly as food gatherers. After the
migration of non-tribes to this region, the mode of traditional economic activity of the tribes in Wayanad
underwent drastic changes. Shrinking forest resources led them to seek alternative livelihoods transforming
a major section of them as agricultural labourers to settler farmers (Wayanad Initiative, 2006). For instance,
Urali Kurumar, traditionally an artisan community of Wayanad shares much in common with the aforesaid
Adivasi communities viz. Paniyan, Adiyan and Kattunaickan in terms of their economic activity today.
The community was once known for its non-agricultural skills like basketry.
Adiyans, Paniyans, Kattunaickans and Urali Kurumans form almost two third of the total tribal
population of Wayanad and are the most vulnerable section of the adivasi communities of the District.
Conditions of traditionally settled cultivators like Kurichians and Mullu Kurumans are relatively better
than the rest of the Adivasi communities of the District. They together form nearly one third of the total
Adivasi population of the district. In terms of developmental indicators, they remain much ahead of the
other Adivasi communities of Wayanad and are almost in par with the general population of the district.
Traditionally these communities claimed higher status among other Adivasi communities, which in turn
was ‘acknowledged’ by them by addressing these community members as “Mooppan”, meaning
master(ibid.).
Forest and tribal livelihood
The forests of Wayanad abound in large number of non-timber forest produces. Naturally, they
contribute to the household food security of tribal communities. Many varieties of wild leaves are
consumed by tribals. They are used in soups, stews and relishes that add flavour to staples. Frequently
eaten leaves include Mudungachappu (Solan nigrium), Ponnamkanni (Alternanthera sessilis), Maracheera
(Emberia tsjeriam-cottam), Kuppacheera (Amaranthus virdis), Mullencheera (Amaranthas spinosus),
Aliyanchappu (Zehenria mysoresensis), Kallurikki (Scoparia dulcis), Kattuthakkali (Passiflora calcaratta),
Kozhuppacheera (Trianthema portulaccastrum), Kuriyankaya (Diplocyclos palmatus), Aalanchappu
(Bidens biternata) etc. The flowers and fruits commonly consumed includes Kattumunthiri (Rubus fulvus),
Koombichappu (Adenia hondala), Jack fruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus), Mango (Mangifera indica),
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Kattuthakkali (Passiflora calcaratta), Rose apple (Szgium cumini)(Anil Kumar, N. & Ratheesh Narayanan,
M.K., 2005,). The Paniyas have knowledge about different herbal medicines, but their knowledge is less
compared to other communities like Kurichyas. Kavial a tuber is steam boiled and taken for itching by
Paniyas. Nuran tuber is used for diarrhoea, honey for burning and nilapulladi for injuries (Shailaja, A.S.
& Sauda P.P., 1995).
The Kurichya food also includes plenty of vegetables like nymphoea alba flowers, Clerodendron,
Hydrocotyle roxburguia and roots like ceropegis and elaecarpus for preparing side dishes with rice or
ragi. The pharmacological analysis of the leafy and root vegetables they consume have reported beneficial
influence on cardiac protection and retardation of the aging process. Heracleum and Ceopegia roots
were the two found to retard aging process. Nymphoea alba is said to be good for cardiac
protection(Mahadevan, K. , Subramaniam, G. & Vishwanathan, N., 1995, pp.45-46.). But the shrinking
of the flora and fauna as a result of deforestation and alienation of adivasi land has resulted in the
shrinking of medicinal knowledge and a reduction in the use of these non-timber forest products by the
adivasis. Today the Paniyar and Adiyas are the worst victims of tuberculosis, scabies, worm infection,
malnutrition etc.
History of land alienation
Once upon a time Wayanad was ruled by the Rajas of the Veda tribe. Later the political authority
came to the Kottayam Royal Dynasty. The earliest change in tribal society was triggered during this
period. The Kottayam Rajas assigned power to some upper caste Hindus. The land in Wayanad got
distributed among Checkyur Nair, Thonadan Nambiar, Pulpadi Nair and Kuppathode Nair. This resulted
in considerable expansion in agriculture and hence immigration of plainsmen to this region. These Hindu
aristocrats captured the fertile land of Wayanad and enslaved the poor hunting and food gathering tribal
communities. As a result of this, adivasi communities moved further into the forest. The Kurichya and
Kuruma communities who did settled agriculture got alienated form their land, while Paniya and Adiya
communities were enslaved and put to work for the landlords. The Nair landlords with the political
support of Rajas expanded the rice cultivation in Wayanad. This resulted in increase in slavery in Wayanad.
Later Wayanad came under Tipu Sultan. Tipu introduced a new revenue system for the cultivators. It
provided the way for extension of cultivation and more intense farming in these regions. This agricultural
extension was not accompanied by expansion in labour availability. Labour shortage was compensated
by exploitation of adivasi communities. Along with this Chetties and Gowdans migrated from Tamil
Nadu and Karnataka. They bought land and enslaved the adivasis in the forest areas of Nilagiri and
Wayanad. By the treaty of Seringapatam (1792) signed between the British and Tipu after the latter failed
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in the Third Anglo-Mysore War, Malabar was ceded to the British. The British then began to work for
establishment of their supremacy in Malabar. There were fierce encounters between the British and
Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja, the “lion of Kerala”, through guerilla type encounters with the British. This
guerilla warfare was fought for a period from 1792-1805. Traditionally taxes were paid by the adivasis in
kind. But the British compelled them to pay in cash more which paved the way for their opposition. They
fought against the British army with their conventional weapons. The Kurichyas of Wayanad have a
great martial tradition and constituted the army of Pazhassi Raja. In the end Pazhassi Raja killed himself
and Wayanad fell into the hands of the British.
The British regime
After the death of Pazhassi, the tribals especially the Kurichyas who had land and for whom land
was given by the Raja, were brutally treated by the British. Many of their lands were captured by the
British. The other subordinate communities who did not own any land of their own were enslaved and
sold like slaves and they remained as agricultural bonded labourers. The adivasis resisted and on 1812
March 25, there was a tribal rebellion against the British. This was a mass uprising of the Kurichyas. But
after two months the revolt was completely suppressed by the British.
The British rule was a turning point in the history of Wayanad. They opened up this land for
cultivation of tea and other cash crops. They laid roads across the dangerous slopes of Wayanad from
Calicut and Thallessery. These roads were extended to Mysore and Ootty through Gudallur (Short History,
year not mentioned). The British supremacy in Wayanad also paved the way for the emergence of a new
class of landowners. This also made the situation of the tribals more adverse. The adivasis got squeezed
on one side by British and on the other by the feudal landowners. Thus they became the poorest sections
of the society both economically and socially.
The forests of the state had been a prominent source of timber for ship building much before the
advent of British. The Malabar region had a forest and timber tradition since earliest times. In the feudal
times, forests were considered as private property. In fact, the history of reckless exploitation of forests
with no consideration for forest conservancy dates back to these times. The land-owners either carried
out felling themselves or gave them on petty contract purely for economic gains. As a result, there was a
dearth of large-sized teak trees in the middle of the last decade. This caused considerable anxiety in the
minds of the British authorities as these forests were the source of timber for ship building in the Bombay
naval dockyard. In 1840, Conolly, the Collector of Malabar initiated the world’s first teak plantations at
Nilambur which led to regular plantations of this valuable timber species. In the forests of the former
Travancore and Cochin states, there also prevailed a system under which trees of teak, rosewood, ebony
and sandalwood were deemed to be the property of the state irrespective of where they were found
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(K.N.S. Nair & V.K.Baby, 1992). In 1922, the system of taungya for raising plantations was introduced
in Kerala. The word taungya is reported to have originated in Myanmar (Burma) and means hill (Taung)
cultivation (ya). Like shifting cultivation, this was a forerunner to agro forestry. The net result of British
rule was that forests of Wayanad were recklessly destroyed through conversion into plantations, clearance
for settlement etc.
Eva Cheung Robinson has described the colonial treatment of forests as an onslaught of destruction
to meet three categories of requirements of the state;
1. the first requirement was for Indian teak for ship building for the Royal Navy in Britain.
2. the second requirement came from the need for revenue from agricultural land, which could be
assessed for taxation.
3. the third requirement which came after 1853 was to build the railway, which would provide
increased access to the hinterlands for resource exploitation.
This demand increased the deforestation exponentially. To provide a sense of the scope of the
requirement; 250000 railway sleepers (or the equivalent of 35,000 trees) were needed annually during
the Madras Presidency; and railway expansion rose from 1,340 km. of tracks in1860 to 51,658 km. in
1910. Both European and Indian contractors were responsible for cutting the necessary trees to meet this
demand. Later, wood was also needed to provide fuel for the train engines.
This domination of modern forestry did not meet with passivity. The indigenous people, whose
rights to forests were most severely curtailed were deeply hurt. Despite, conflicts between them and the
government, the colonialists went ahead with this modern forestry that was equated within the context of
‘development’ which in turn has been deemed to be modernization by both protagonists and critics. This
development is a process of economic, political, social and cultural change which is considered necessary
for modernization of third World societies. These changes are characterized on the economic side by
industrialization, urbanization and the technical transformation of agriculture. On the political side it
resulted in rationalization of authority and the growth of rationalizing bureaucracy. On the social side,
the weakening of accretive ties and the rise of achievement as the basis for personal advancement came
through. Culturally, it led to the ‘disenchantment’ of the traditional tribal world, the growth of science
and modernization based on increased literacy and numeracy (Eva Cheung, Robinson, 1998, p.24-47).
A study conducted by the Kerala Agricultural University points out that- the worsened land-man ratio
has progressively degraded the environmental quality of Wayanad. The large scale illegal encroachment
and clearing of forests by land hungry people, extensive felling of trees, increasing utilization of forest
lands for grazing and firewood collection and un-scientific cultivation of cash crops on hill sides and
tops have contributed to destabilize the micro climate, obstructing the flow of underground water,
increasing soil erosion and denudation of the catchments and even frequent occurrences of catastrophic
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land eruption (Report on Impact of New Settlers in the Western Ghat Region on the Socio-Economic
Conditions of the Tribal Population-The Case of Wayanad District in Kerala, 1992, p.14).
Adivasis in the post-independence period
In 1956, when Kerala state was formed, Wayanad was a part of Kannur district. Later North Wayanad
and South Wayanad were joined to form Wayanad district on November 1st 1980. Even after
independence, large tracts of forest in Wayanad continued to be cleared for agriculture and colonization.
The massive deforestation in Wayanad is a consequence of the unbridled expansion of plantation, agro-
business, timber extraction, forest based industries, river valley projects and land grabbing by settler
communities. The opening of the forest to various operations by raising teak plantations including the
taunga resulted in the migration of more plainsmen to the tribal areas. This exposed the tribal communities
to eventual exploitation by traders who initially indebted them and ultimately dispossessed them of their
land. The tribals also lost the wide variety of minor forest produce which the natural forests provided and
the teak plantations could not. The penetration of plantation capital in Wayanad no doubt impacted the
pre-capitalist mode of production of the tribal cultivating communities. As the plantations became older
and the employment opportunities dwindled, the tribal people suddenly suffered from the loss of wage
incomes too. Above all, their indebtedness to the small traders and money lenders strangled them.
After independence the non-tribal immigrants especially from Travancore and Cochin states started
migration to these areas intensively. The net result of this migration was a process of land alienation that
was detrimental to the tribals. In fact, the mechanism of dispossession took place mainly in three ways:
1. Non-tribal immigrants advanced loans to the tribals on security of land at exorbitant rates of
interest. Being unproductive consumption loans taken during the lean months, the tribals could
hardly find sources to repay the loans and the accumulated interest thereon. Consequently, the
pledged land passed into the hands of the non-tribal creditors.
2. The tribal people in many cases advanced loan to the non-tribals for varying periods. In course
of the implementation of land reforms laws, this gave loopholes to non-tribals to putforth claims
that they were tenants. These claims were often accepted and thus non-tribals obtained ownership
of such lands.
3. Immigrants acquired tribal land also through fraud and force. Though some tribals resorted to
legal methods, they did not meet with success in the absence of documentary evidence
(Unknown, Chapter 6, year not mentioned).
In fact, in the years that followed independence, immigrants emerged as a powerful group,
demanding the regularization of encroachments through legal deeds. The decadal population growth of
different districts during the 50s, 60s 70s and 80s are given in table 4.5
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Table 4.5Population growth in different districts
DistrictDecadal population growth
1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91
Thiruvananthapuram 24.76 26.29 21.24 18.98
Kasargod 24.60 26.03 18.08 13.19
Kannur 30.24 31.82 24.34 16.27
Wayanad 62.60 50.35 33.87 21.15
Kozhikode 25.71 29.81 23.25 16.37
Malappuram 20.67 33.80 29.47 28.74
Palakkad 12.79 23.06 21.30 16.23
Ernakulam 21.37 27.38 17.18 10.36
Idukki 74.72 32.18 26.64 11.07
Kottayam 16.04 17.13 10.29 7.20
Alappuzha 20.45 19.01 11.62 6.71
Pathanamthitta 23.50 15.75 9.45 5.45
Kollam 31.59 25.88 18.27 10.25
Thrissur 20.32 26.09 14.60 12.08
Source: Prakash, P.K. (2002), Anyadheenappedunna Bhoomi: Adivasi bhoomi prasnattinte charithravumrashtriyavum (Malayalam), Pappiyon, Kozhikode, p.25.
According to the 1951 census, the total population of Wayanad was 106,350. It got increased to
275,255 in 1961, and the tribal population got reduced to a minority. The new migrants came with their
curious dried fish and dried tapioca smells, alien cultures, priests and mullahs, and institutions. The
settler’s religion, their cultural institutions and religious bureaucrats started exercising decisive influence
in Wayanad. This process of modernization and urbanization saw the demise of an ancient culture and
way of life and the original inhabitants were relentlessly pushed to the sidelines by the influx of the
migrants. The large influx of immigrants also encroached the land hitherto used by the Adivasis. Thus
marginalization of the original inhabitants was in an all-round manner-socially, politically and economically
and economic dispossession was the key to all other manifestations of the marginalized process (Jacob,
T.G., 2006, pp.25-28.). Needless to say, the original inhabitants who once freely moved in the forest of
Wayanad started having a hand to mouth existence. Their livelihood security itself became threatened
and their land got alienated from them for ever.
By 1976, sixty one percent of the adivasi households had become landless. Large number of
Kurichyas and Kurumas who traditionally had land, were dispossesed by the immigrants. Most of them
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got reduced to wage-labour. In fact, the proportion of tribal workers increased from 43 percent in 1961
to 72 per cent in 1976. To make the situation worse, the government got control of the forests through
legislation. With land under the control of the settlers and forests under the fiefdom of government, the
adivasis were cheated and/or forced out of their traditional rights over means of production. For the
implementation of the Kerala Scheduled Tribes (Restriction on Transfer and Restoration of Alienated
Lands) Act, 1975, 2279 applications were submitted in the Sub-Collector office, Mananthavady. The
land claimed for restoration was 3788.50 acre. But only 3.05 acre of land was ordered to be restored
through this law. Most of the applications were rejected because the poor adivasis failed to submit legal
documents. The details of applications submitted in the sub-collector office taluk wise are given
below:
Table 4.6Land allotted to adivasis as per 1975 Act
TalukTotal submitted Land demanded Land allotted
applications (in acre) (in acre)
Mananthavady 504 693.72 2.50
Sulthan Bathery 1204 2114.39 0.55
Vythiri 571 980.49 —
Total 2279 3788 3.05
Source: Office of the Sub Collector, Mananthavady & Prakash, P.K. (2002), Anyadheenappedunna Bhoomi:Adivasi bhoomi prasnattinte charithravum rashtriyavum (Malayalam), Pappiyon, Kozhikode, p.31.
The study of Sreekumar, T.T. and Govindan Parayil (2006) finds that the average level of landlessness
in Wayanad is as high as 40.7 percent. The land ownership of adivasis according to the study is as
follows:
Table 4.7Land ownership of tribes (in acres)
Land Ownership No. of households Percentage
Above 1.00 2600 12.02
Greater than 0.5-1 3522 16.28
Greater than 0.2 –0.5 2000 9.25
Below 0.2 4702 21.75
Landless 8798 40.70
Total 21622 100.00
Source: Sreekumar, T.T. & Govindan Parayil(2006), ‘Interrogating Development: New Social Movements,Democracy and Indigenous People’s Struggles in Kerala’, Joseph Tharamangalam (ed.),
Kerala: The Paradoxes of Public Action and Development, Orient Longsman, New Delhi.
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These changes in the local economy had a direct impact on the livelihood security of economically
weaker sections of society which no doubt included landless adivasis. Clear felling triggered ecological
disturbances and curtailment of traditional forest rights and land alienation eroded the traditional base of
livelihood of tribes. The depletion of forests, degradation of environment, agricultural crisis, lopsided
development approach, land alienation and falling access to livelihood resulted in increased poverty.
Thus the adivasis were pushed to a crisis of survival.
The liberalization of the export-import policy of the Indian government added to the problems as
it created a crisis in the Kerala plantation economy. This led to the layoff of plantation workers, many of
which are adivasis in Wayanad. Krishnakumar (2004) in his study has pointed out that in Mananthavady
nearly 5,660 families of plantation workers, most of whom were not getting wages and that they are
struggling for survival. A classic example is the Priyadarshini tea estate which was started in 1984 to
rehabilitate the erstwhile ‘bonded tribes’. The raisond’etre behind its establishment was to save the tribals
in the Wayanad district from the clutches of feudal lords. The plantation project was envisaged to provide
food, shelter and round-the-year employment for the labourers. It assured them steady income and daily
jobs. But the field reality was a far cry. Due to mismanagement, gradually the estate plunged into a deep
financial crisis. For years the plantation was in total disarray. Starvation deaths, diseases, malnutrition
and countless ailments, even some unknown to the modern world, haunted their lives (Wayanad Tea
County).
Kerala Development Report (2006) shows that the level of poverty among adivasis is about
two-and-a-half-times higher. Access for them to medical facilities is poor. Starvation deaths and diseases
such as tuberculosis, leprosy, scabies and sickle-cell-anemia are rampant among them.
In fact in the year 2001, there occurred many starvation deaths in different parts of the state like
Wayanad, Palakkad and Kannur. The Report of ‘Working Group on the Development and Welfare of SC
and ST and Rural Development and Poverty’ states that Tribal Sub plan component of the Annual plan
for the year 2001-2002 constitutes a sum of Rs 58 crore. Of this the gram panchayats were distributed
Rs. 19.86 crore. But the field situation on remains grim despite these tall figures. The report itself admits
that the government is receiving complaints about the poor performance of local governments regarding
implementation of Tribal Sub Plan. The slow pace of expenditure and lack of involvement of beneficiaries
in planning and implementation leaves much to be desired.
Adivasi Movements in Wayanad
The struggle for survival and denial of livelihood has resulted in the formation of many adivasi
organizations in Wayanad (See Appendix II) In fact, the history of Adivasi mobilizations in Wayanad
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dates back to the fifties when the Communist Party of India was gradually gaining foothold in the area by
initiating struggles against the landlords for the first time. Some of these organizations are examined here
based on their activities, politics, function etc.
Wayanad Adivasi Samgam
When faced with dominant influence of Marxists, Jan Sangh sympathizers within WASSS left the
organization to form another one with the patronage of Jan Sangh and RSS. This group was named
Wayanad Adivasi Samgam (WAS) (Wayanad Initiative, 2006). The Kurichyas of Wayanad with the
assistance of Jana Sangh organization in Kozhikode district formed this organization in 1969. Wayanad
Adivasi Samgam (WAS) consisted of members from the land holding tribal communities particularly
Kurichiar. The stated objectives of the Wayanad Adivasi Samgam were (a) creation of a tribal district in
Wayanad (b) restoration of alienated tribal land (c) opposing the spread of Christianity and Islam in
Wayanad. (d) abolition of bonded labour. WAS was successful in raising Adivasi issues to the mainstream
politics. The movement raised issues including right to use forest products, special courts in Adivasi
areas, etc. It continued its political activity till the declaration of emergency in 1975 when many of their
cadres got arrested.
Wayanad Adivasi Swayam Sevak Sangh
The adivasi sympathizers in Communist Party of India (Marxist) formed this organization. The
major demand of this organization was the establishment of tribal tribunal recommended by the Dhebar
Commission. Though registered as a non-political society, the Wayanad Adivasi Swayam Sevak
Sangh overtly involved in mobilizing the Adivasis. WASSS undertook various civil protests against levying
of tax for Adivasi farmers as well as against alienation of tribal land. The membership of WASSS was
open to sympathizers from non-Adivasis too(Wayanad Initiative, 2006). While Wayanad Adivasi Swayam
Sevak Sangh was gaining popularity in Wayanad, the youth cadres of Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali
Union organized peasants and adivasis and struggled against landlords.
Kerala Girivarga Sangam
Congress sympathizers within the WASSS came out of it forming Kerala Adivasi Samajam. This
organization is the predecessor of Adivasi Vikas Parishad of Indian National Congress. The remaining
members of WASSS supported the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in floating another tribal
organization in the district named, Kerala Girivarga Sangam. This new group worked as a support
organization of the peasant union of CPM, Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union (KSKTU).
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Wayanad Naxalite Movement
The armed uprising in Naxalbari under the leadership of Charu Majumdar and Kanu Sanyal in
May 1967 inspired the naxalite movement in Kerala also. In fact, the Naxalbari incident had a far-
reaching impact throughout India. In this naxalite movement the ‘petty bourgeoisie’ intellectuals played
a vital role in mobilising the peasants and adivasis of rural areas. They spread the message of Naxalbari
movement among them. They in turn were guided by the Maoist ideology. In 1968, the first spark of
revolution inspired from the Naxalbari uprising occurred in Pulpally in Wayanad. This was followed by
revolts in Kuttiyadi(1969) and later in Thirunelly(1970). The attacks on police stations and the killing of
a few policemen and looting of arms were total failures, but succeeded in creating a new political era of
left militancy across the state for which Wayanad bore the brunt of state repression. Soon the Naxalite
movement was suppressed with its leader Varghese being killed in a fake encounter with the police in
1970. Encounter killing is a expression that originated in India with the Naxalite movement. This kind of
encounters are mostly fake and the deaths are caused by cold blooded murders. The killing of Varghese,
a young man from Wayanad in the Naxalite organization aimed at the liberation of the most downtrodden
Adivasis and who was honored as ‘Peruman’ was also like this. The former Inspector-General of Police
in Kerala, K. Lakshmana, has been sentenced to life imprisonment by a CBI Special Court in the case
relating to the killing of the Naxalite leader A. Varghese. Holding that the case did not come in the
category of rarest of rare cases so as to attract capital punishment, the judge held that it was “an instance
of custodial violence and murder” going by the facts and circumstances of the case and that the accused,
therefore, deserved life imprisonment. The court hence convicted Lakshamana (75) for “the brutal killing
of Varghese” in the Thirunelli forest in Wayanad 40 years ago. The judge found Lakshmana, the second
accused, guilty of the offence punishable under Section 302 (murder) read with Section 34 (acts done by
several persons in furtherance of common intention) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) (The Hindu, 2010).
Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha
This organization was formed in 2001 by C.K. Janu in the backdrop of starvation deaths in the
adivasi settlements. The aim was to struggle for the protection of their rights. In fact, it was the report of
starvation death of thirty two adivasis in July 2001 that triggered the adivasis into action. They captured
a mobile food shop belonging to the Civil Supplies Corporation in Wayanad and distributed food to
adivasis (Darley Jose Kjosavik & N. Shanmugaratnam). The Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha set up a refugee
camp in front of the State secretariat in 2001 and went in for 48 days of struggle. The setting up of
refugee camp created a serious crisis for the government. On 16th October 2001, the state acquiesced to
various demands after a 48 day struggle that involved the setting up of huts in front of important state
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offices (C.K.Janu, 2003). The government promise was to distribute land and embark upon a programme
of other rehabilitation measures for them. The agreement included the following clauses:
1. the distribution of five acres of land to all adivasi families with less than one acre of land before
December 2001.
2. a decision to include Adivasi areas in the Fifth Schedule (See Appendix).
3. a guarantee for the participation of the Samara Samithi in all decision making and implementation
processes relating to the agreement.
However, as the government did not keep its words even after a year, they took the path of struggle
in Muthanga. The adivasi action in Muthanga was part of a state-wide campaign to occupy land. According
to adivasi leaders, the movement was both an attempt to redress the wrongs and an act of protest against
the state’s failure to live up to its commitments made more than a year earlier.
The Muthanga Struggle
When the government cheated, the Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha selected the Samara Bhoomi in a
degraded section of a eucalyptus plantation in Muthanga situated in Wayanad District that was owned by
the Forest Department. They declared the Muthanga forest as an Adivasi self-rule area in accordance
with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution. The central objective of this constitutional clause is to impose
total prohibition on transfer of immovable property to any person other than to a tribal, for peace and
proven good management of a tribal area and to protect the possession, rights, titles, and interests of the
indigenous people. The adivasis built huts in the occupied area and posted pickets to prevent the entry
of forest guards or policemen. They occupied the forest till February 19th 2003. But the government
unleashed a well-coordinated evacuation operation involving several hundreds of special armed police.
In the letter dated January 24, 2003, the MoEF requested the Chief Minister of Kerala to have the
encroachers evicted immediately from the Muthanga Range of the Wayanad Sanctuary. With the intention
of evicting the encroached adivasis in the bioreserve the state police unleashed a direct clash upon the
adivasis on the 19th of February 2003. The hurried operation paved the way for a bloodshed. One tribal
man and a police constable were killed in the encounter. The police booked many adivasis under false
charges. The government action was a well planned brutal operation against men, women and children,
who had been struggling even for a hand to mouth existence for a long time. Their struggle was not
specifically against any social group or state. Their demands were addressed to the government, which
is duty bound to protect their legitimate rights. It was a logical and organic development of their earlier
refugee camps in the State Capital (Jacob, T.G., 2006).
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The struggle of the adivasis continues. Following the Muthanga struggle, the adivasis have occupied
sate lands in various regions in Wayanad. In Irulam village there are three new Samara Bhoomis - one
located in vested forest lands, and the other two in the Cheeyambam and Mariyanad coffee plantations
under the control of Kerala Forest Development Corporation. The government has not taken any action.
It seems like the government was paralyzed into inaction. The adivasi families have divided the Samara
Bhoomi into several plots of land between one and two hectares each and each family has built a hut and
is living there. In Cheeyambam plantation there were 203 such families who had occupied the plantation
on 28th March 2003, soon after Muthanga Struggle. They were determined to continue their struggle
until they received land (Darley Jose, Kjosavik, & N.Shanmugaratnam). The events that lead to Muthanga
and thereafter clearly show that the government has truly helped the powerful settler people alone. The
majority of the tribal people are no better off than they were before and continue their struggle not only
for land, but also to make both ends meet.
Tribal Development Programs
The promotive measures instituted by government for uplifting adivasis includes education, health,
housing etc.
Education
Major chunk of the non-plan expenditure of Scheduled Tribe Development Department is set apart
for educational development activities including scholarships, boarding charges, incentive to parents,
etc. The Plan and Non Plan outlay and expenditure during 2002-03 to 2009-10 in respect of education
sector are furnished in the table below:
Table 4.8Details of Educational Concessions distributed by ST Department
YearNo. of students Plan Non Plan
(pre-matric & post matric) (post- matric) (pre-matric & postmatric)[Rs. Lakh] [Rs. lakh]
2002-03 62766 100.00 331.00
2003-04 69809 96.31 492.28
2004-05 78382 199.77 545.13
2005-06 82935 399.97 781.45
2006-07 82935 257.22 704.38
2007-08 84849 526.80 845.95
2008-09 83044 585.36 1157.05
2009-10(As on on 30.11.2009) 77581 264.39 529.51
Source: Directorate of ST Development & Economic Review 2009
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For providing quality education to Scheduled Tribe students a model residential school was started
in Nallornadu (Wayanad) in 1990-91. One more model residential school was started in 1997-98 in
South Wayanad. One Ashram school (primary) was started at Noolpuzha during 1991-92, which is
specially meant for primitive tribes in Wayanad district. High school classes were started in the Noolpuzha
Ashram school in 1998-99.
Housing
The requirement of new houses for STs is more than 25000 in the state, where as the houses
completed including spillover during 2008-09 is only 224 which shows the total apathy of authorities in
this sector. The Scheduled Tribe Development Department, TRDM, Rural Development Department
(IAY Scheme) and the local bodies are the major agencies involved in the tribal housing field. For
2009-2010, Rs. 5 Crore was sanctioned for undertaking construction of new houses and for the completion
of spillover houses. The outlay and expenditure of the housing schemes under plan implemented by the
Department during the period 2002-03 to 2008-09 are given in Table 4.9.
Table 4.9Housing Expenditure
YearPlan
Outlay Expenditure
2002-03 311.68 308.01
2003-04 211.68 188.11
2004-05 —- —-
2005-06 100.00 99.16
2006-07 1227.19 1194.36
2007-08 300.00 296.98
2008-09 400 390.04
2009-10 500 196.06(As on on 30.11.2009)
Source: Directorate of ST Development & Economic Review 2009
Health and Nutrition
The government of Kerala has taken various measures for providing medical attention to STs.
There are 63 PHCs in the tribal areas. The district has a full fledged Allopathic hospital as part of the
Mananthavady Health Project, which was installed for the benefit of 35,000 tribals in Wayanad. There
are also Ayurveda dispensaries and Homeo dispensaries functioning in tribal areas under the Tribal Sub
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Plan. Outlay and expenditure for plan and non-plan health program for the period 2002-03 to 2009-10
are given in table 4.10.
Table 4.10Details of Health Programmes
(Rs. Lakh)
YearPlan Non-plan
Outlay Expenditure Outlay Expenditure
2002-03 120.00 120.00 76.11 56.95
2003-04 229.56 119.42 68.81 66.02
2004-05 137.50 183.09 85.46 75.42
2005-06 120.00 106.90 91.33 85.50
2006-07 280.00 129.86 130.73 100.98
2007-08 1217.00 1201.62 148.76 115.98
2008-09 170.00 116.11 137.58 114.96
2009-10(As on on 30.11.2009) 75.01 53.63 148.71 75.50
Source: Directorate of ST Development & Economic Review 2009
Even after the allocation of funds and construction of hospitals the health situation of tribes in
Wayanad is in an inferior position. The panchayat level statistics of Government of Kerala (2006) points
out that health problems are common among the tribes. Anemia and Vitamin-A deficiency affect the
tribal children who are malnourished and under nourished. Absence of sanitary latrines, non-availability
of good drinking water, ill-ventilated and crowded houses, ignorance of medicine and treatment are
some of the issues that have led to the deterioration of their health. Sickle Cell Anaemia, Tuberculosis,
Vitamin-A deficiency, worm infection, scabies etc are even now common among adivasis in Wayanad
(Mohandas, M., 1995, p.68.).
Sickle Cell Anaemia
A study conducted by Health Department as well as AIIMS, New Delhi show that nearly 15 percent
of the tribal families in Wayanad and Palakkad district have traits of the genetical problem “Sickle Cell
Anaemia”. This has resulted in programmes for rehabilitating Sickle Cell Anaemia patients being under
taken in Wayanad district. During 2009-2010 Rs. 8.40 lakh was provided to Swami Vivekanda Medical
Mission, Kerala for extension of vocational cum production centres for rehabilitating Sickle Cell Anaemia
patients belonging to ST communities of Wayanad (Economic Review 2009).
Clinical examination and haemoglobin electrophoresis was done by Medical College, Calicut in
1016 tribals and 268 members of Chetti community in Wayanad district, by visiting hamlets and schools
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and evaluating everyone present at the time of the visit. The gene frequency of haemoglobin S ranged
from 0.119 in Kattunayakan to 0.196 in Wayanadan Chettis. Kurumas, Adiyas and Wayanadan Chettis
showed a high number of homozygotesi with the oldest being 48 years. The frequency of the sickle cell
trait (HbAS) and sickle cell anaemia (HbSS) and the gene frequency of HbS in various communities are
given in the table 4.11.
Table 4.11Frequency of sickle cell gene in Wayanad
Community n AA AS SSGene frequency
of HbS
Paniya 279 228 49 2 0.095
Kuruma 256 170 80 6 0.18
Adiya 91 62 25 4 0.181
Kattunaykan 52 50 2 0 0.119
Oorali 11 10 1 0 0.045
Kurichian 68 68 0 0 0
Chetti 214 141 62 11 0.196
Settlers 23 0 0 0 0
Source: Feroze, M. & Aravindan, K.P.(2001), Sickle Cell Disease in Wayanad, Kerala’,The National Medical Journal of India, 14 (5).
Wayandan Chettis showed the highest gene frequency of 0.196 followedby the Adiya, Kuruma,
Kattunaykan and Paniya communities. The disease was mild in 52.2% of cases. Painful crises were
found in 43.5% and splenomegalyii and leg ulcers in 4.3% each. The mean haemoglobin F rate in
homozygotes was 25. 9%. It was higher in clinically mild cases and in those showing an absence of
irreversible sickle cells in the peripheral smear. The problem of sickle cell anaemia is likely to increase as
more homozygotes survive and reach adulthood. A comprehensive strategy to tackle this problem is
necessary. The study further says that sickle cell disease cannot be seen as a problem in isolation but is
linked to the overall socio-economic development of the tribal communities (Feroze, M. & Aravindan,
K.P., 2001, pp.267-69).
Other schemes for tribal development
Other schemes introduced include those of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India.
Two Care Homes for Tribal Destitutes were formed in Sugandhagiri and Mananthavady during 2004-05.
These homes have facilities to accommodate 25 inmates each. For undertaking employment cum income
generation activities and infrastructure incidental to activities based on family and Self Help Groups a
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Special Central Assistance to Tribal Sub Plan (SCA to TSP) was released by the Government of India as
additive to State Plan Fund. For the year 2009-10 an amount of Rs. 450 lakh was allotted.
Present situation
‘Wayanad Initiative’, a situational study undertaken by the Centre of Excellence under the Indian
Institute of Management-Kozhikode (CEx-IIMK), has come up with a study, commissioned by the
Department of SC/ST Development. The report says that provision of land to Adivasi communities as
declared by the Government and as agreed between the Adivasis and the Government is a precondition
for their development. The study also cited absence of regular income, poor health conditions and
educational disadvantages as the key issues confronting the Adivasi population. The actual living condition
of the tribals of Wayanad reveals that a majority of the tribal population in Wayanad is below 40 years of
age. Barring the Kurichians and the Kattunaickans, the Aduvasi communities show favourable female to
male sex ratio. For the Kattunaickan and the Kurichian, the female ratio is alarmingly low. For Kurichian,
a community that is relatively better off, the sex ratio is as low as 886 for 1,000 males. Though it is
generally assumed that non-timber forest produce collection is a major economic activity of the Adivasis
of Wayanad, the baseline survey has shown that it is an economic activity for only 5.63 per cent of the
Adivasi population – a data that sends alarm signals. Nearly 8 per cent of the Adivasis are engaged in
forest labour and 75 per cent in agricultural labour. Only 2.88 per cent of the population works in the
Government sector and 1.51 per cent in the private sector. Unfortunately, a significant portion of their
income gets spent on tobacco and alcohol. For almost seven months a year, most of the Adivasis do not
have any significant source of income. Landless families hardly have two meals a day during these lean
months (Centre for Excellence). The settler communities have completed the process of deforestation
originally pioneered by the colonialists and the feudalists. This degradation of ecology has severely
affected the livelihood of adivasis in Wayanad, especially the weaker landless communities among them.
The shift from food to cash crops and from indigenous to hybrid seeds have also undermined the livelihood
of these people. Keeping in mind this general deprived scenario of adivasis in Wayanad, we will examine
the socio-economic life of the most downtrodden Paniyas in Wayanad in the next chapter.
References
Anil Kumar, N. & Ratheesh Narayanan, M.K., (2005), ‘Nutritious Weeds’, Down To Earth, 14 (9),
September 30.
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Accessed on December 2010.
Economic Review 2009, State Planning Board, Government of Kerala, 2010.
Feroze, M. & Aravindan, K.P.(2001), Sickle Cell Disease in Wayanad, Kerala’, The National Medical
Journal of India, 14 (5).
112
Gopalan Nair, C., (2000), Wayanad, Its People and Traditions, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi.
Helena, Norberg-Hodge, (2002), ‘From Global Dependence to Local Interdependence’, Vandana, Shiva
& Gitanjali, Bedi (eds.), Sustainable Agriculture and Food Security: The Impact of Globalization,
Sage Publications, New Delhi.
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i Homozygotes means an animal or plant which breeds true to type having inherited a pair of genes identical withrespect to a characteristic.
ii Splenomegaly means abnormal growth of the spleen resulting in its gross enlargement.