akurgal, ekrem_the early period and the golden age of ionia_aja, 66, 4_1962_369-379
TRANSCRIPT
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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The Early Period and the Golden Age of IoniaAuthor(s): Ekrem AkurgalSource: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 66, No. 4 (Oct., 1962), pp. 369-379Published by: Archaeological Institute of AmericaStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/502024 .
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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T h e
E a r l y
P e r i o d
n d
t h
o l d e n
g e
o
I o n i a
EKREM
AKURGAL
The
excavations and
researches
carried
out
in
recent
years
in
western
Asia
Minor
provide
us with
some new evidence
about the
Aeolians
and
Ionians
who,
coming
from
mainland
Greece,
established
themselves
in
their new
homeland
after
the
Trojan
War and
the
collapse
of the Hittite
Empire.2
The
present
article
aims to
discuss
the
emergence
and
development
of these
colonies,
and to examine
the
position
of
Ionian
art within
the
Hellenic
world
in
the
light
of new
archaeological
materials.3
The
Early
Period
(1050-650)
FIRST
PHASE
(1050-750).
ESTABLISHMENT
OF
THE
COLO-
NIES
AND
EXPANSION
OF
THE
IONIAN
CITIES
(PAN-
IONION)
The
Anglo-Turkish
excavations
at
Bayrakli,
that
is
ancient
Smyrna,
have
yielded
successive
habita-
tion
levels
from
the
Protogeometric
period
to
Hel-
lenistic
times.4
The
earliest
Greek cultural
remains
are
Protogeometric
vases
which
represent
note-
worthy
products
made after
Attic
models
(pl.
96,
figs.
1-2).
They
have been found in
Bayrakli
in a
relatively
noticeable
quantity,
although
this
level
was
excavated
to a rather
limited
extent
only.
Some
of the
pieces
may
date
from the
i
ith
century.
A
small
well-preserved
cottage
of oval
form
be-
longs
to the
latter
part
of
this
Protogeometric
level
and
dates
from
the
end of
the
ioth
century
(pl.96,
fig.3).
It
is a
primitive
house with
mud-brick
walls
PLATES
96-103
and
most
probably
with
straw
roof,
consisting
of
a
single
room. But
it
represents,
with
its
handsome
courses
of mud-brick
and
intact
ground plan,
the
best
preserved
of
early
Greek
buildings,
and in
fact
is
the
earliest
one
in existence.
In
the next
level,
characterized
by
east
Greek
pottery
of
Early
Geometric
style
and
dating
back
to
the
9th
century,
rectangular
houses
appear;
these
likewise
consist
of a
single
but
large
room with
stone
foundations.
Three
well-preserved
houses
of
this level have been uncovered.6
In one
of
them
primitive
domestic
installations
of
unbaked
clay
were
found
in
position
on the
floor.
The
Protogeometric
and
Early
Geometric
levels
of
Bayrakli
represent
the first
phase
of
the
Aeolo-
Ionian
civilization.
Miletus
is the
next
Greek
city
of Anatolia
which
has
yielded
remains
belonging
to
this
time.'
Here
were
found
Protogeometric
and
Early
Geometric
pottery
in noticeable
quantity.
The
excavations
at
Phocaea
also
provided
some
Proto-
geometric
sherds.
And
finally,
John
Cook
has
dis-
covered
a stratum
with
Protogeometric
pottery
on
a small
peninsular
site near
Kugadasi,8
down the
coast
from
Ephesus.
He
likewise
found
Protogeo-
metric sherds
in
Mordogan
and
Clazomenae.f
Thus
the
present
state
of
research
shows
clearly
enough
that
the western
coast
of
Anatolia
was
in-
habited
by
the
Aeolians
and
Ionians
during
the
ioth
century
at
least.'0
It
is
even
possible
that
the
upper
limit
may
go
back
to
the
middle
of
the
i ith
1
This
paper
presents
a
part
of the lectures
which
the writer
has
given
as
visiting
Professor
at
Princeton
University
in the
academic
year 1961-1962.
2 The systematiccolonization of western Asia Minor and the
adjacent
islands
by
the
Greeks
took
place
after
the
Trojan
War
and
the
downfall
of
the Hittite
Empire,
as
a continuation
of
the
Mycenaean
establishments
which were
founded
in this
area
during
the
third
quarter
of
the
second
millennium.
For the
problems
of
Ionian
colonization
see:
F.
Cassola,
La
lonia
nel
Mondo
Miceneo
(1957)
and
M.
B.
Sakellarion,
La
Migration
Grecque
en
lonie
(1958).
The
Mycenaean
trade
settlements
and
the
kingdom
of
Ahhi-
jawa
are,
on the other
hand,
certainly
related
to the
first Indo-
european
invasion
dating
back
to
the
end of
the
third
mil-
lennium,
when
the
Hittites,
Luwians,
Lydians
and
many
other
Indoeuropean peoples
immigrated
into
Anatolia. See
in
this
connection
A.
Goetze,
Kleinasien
(Miinchen 1956)
and
G.
L.
Huxley,
Achaeans
and Hittites
(1960).
3
For
the
position
of
Ionian
art
within
the
Hellenic
world
see
George
M.
A.
Hanfmann,
Ionia,
Leader
or Follower?
HSCP
61(1953)1-37;
see also
E.
Akurgal,
Die
Kunst
Anatoliens
(Berlin
1961).
Die Kunst
Anatoliens
will
be
quoted
hereafter
as DKA.
4
Concerning
the results
of
the
excavations
of Old
Smyrna
see
John
M.
Cook,
JHS
67(1949)42ff;
70(1950)10-12;
71(1951)
247-249;
72(1952)104-10o6
and
BSA
53-54(1958-1959)I-34.
E.
Akurgal,
DKA
8ff,
175-190.
5
Akurgal,
DKA
9.
6
ibid.
9-12,
fig.
2.
7
IstMitt
7(1957)102-132;
9-10o(1959-60)1-96.
8
John
M.
Cook, Greek
Archaeology
in
Asia Minor
(1960)
40.
9
ibid.
40.
10
For
the
historical
and
archaeological
problems
of
the
Aeo-
lian
and
Ionian
cities
see
John
M.
Cook,
CAH
II
chapter
38(1961)1-33;
cf. also
J.
M.
Cook, Greek Archaeology
in
West-
ern
Asia Minor
(1960)1-57.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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370 EKREM AKURGAL
[AIA
66
century.
The
future
excavations
on the western coast
of Anatolia and further
research into
the
chronol-
ogy
of
Protogeometric
pottery
will
provide
us
with
a more definite idea about the
date
of
the founda-
tion of the Greek
colonies.
As of the
present
mo-
ment the writer has proposed the date 1050,which
is
approximately
that
given by
Eusebios for
the
foundation of the Aeolian
cities. The
lower
limit
of
this
first
phase
may
be fixed
to
the
middle
of
the
8th
century,
since
the
corresponding period
in
Old
Smyrna
(levels
I-II)
ends without
showing any
late
geometric
pottery.
The Greeks of
the
western coast of Asia
Minor
during
this
first
phase
of
their civilization led a
very
simple
existence
based
mainly
on
agriculture.
In the levels
I-II
of
Old
Smyrna
there are no
no-
ticeable
remains of
any
cultural artifacts
besides
pottery.
There is
no
sign
at all of
imports
from the
Orient
and
of
course we
do not
expect
the use
of
writing
in
this
early
time. But
we
may
assume
that
the settlers
in their
struggle
with the native
peoples
kept
alive
the
custom of
singing
tales
of the
achieve-
ments of
their ancestors. Thus
they
must have
pre-
served
as
an oral tradition
the
song
of the
deeds of
Achilles
and
Agamemnon
and
of
all
Achaean
he-
roes
who
preceded
them in the
adventure of coloni-
zation.
The tumuli of
Assarlik near
Bodrum,
in
which
Protogeometric pottery
was
found,'2
re-
veal another
Mycenaean
element 3brought
to Ana-
tolia
by
the Greek invaders.
These
tumuli,
showing
a
krepis,
a
dromos
and
a stone
chamber,
observe
strictly
the
tradition
of
the
Mycenaean
tholoi.
The
best known
example
of
this kind
of
tumulus is
the
so-called
Tumulus
of
Tantalus at
Smyrna, 4
ocated
on
the
southern
slopes
of
Mount
Sipylus.
The
low
standard of
living
in
this first
phase
of
Aeolo-Ionian
civilization
is
distinctly
reflected
by
the
primitiveness
of the
houses
of
Smyrna
I-II
de-
scribed
above.
Certainly
we
may
expect
that
the
buildings dominating the sea side of the city-mound
of
ancient
Smyrna,
and
especially
the
dwellings
of
great
and
famous
cities like
Ephesus
and
Miletus,
were
better and
had
more
elaborate
domestic
in-
stallations than these houses
beside
the
city
wall fac-
ing
the
rocky
southern
slopes
of
Mount
Sipylus.
However, it does not seem likely that the difference
could
be a
very
great
one.
The
rectangular
houses
of
the
second
level of
Bayrakli
are
covered
with
a
burnt
layer
which
shows
us
that
they
have been
destroyed by
violence.
Perhaps
this
destruction
of the
buildings
and
the
city
wall is connected
with
the
conquest
of
the
Aeo-
lian
Smyrna
by
the
lonians of
Colophon,
an
event
recorded
by
Mimnermus
and
Herodotus.'5
The
originally
non-Ionian
cities
of
Clazomenae
and
Phocaea must have
been
conquered
by
the
Ioni-
ans also
as
early
as the
capture
of Old
Smyrna.
Thus
it
seems
that
the
expansion
of
the
Ionians,
which
was
directed
two centuries
later
towards the north-
ern
parts
of
western
Anatolia,
had
begun
at
the
end
of
the
9th
century.'
This
means that the
Panionion,
actually
a
political
league
of the
Ionian
cities,
was
founded
at least
by
the end
of
the
9th
century.'
The rise of
the
Ionian
cities is
due
to
their
early
political
union which enabled them to
enlarge
their
territories
to
the
disadvantage
of
the
Aeolian
cities.
SECOND
HASE
750-650).
THE
RISE
OF IONIAN
CIVILI-
ZATION;
CONTACT WITH THE ORIENT. CREATION OF THE
HOMERIC
EPIC
The
Early
Geometric level
of
Smyrna
(Bayrakli
II),
with
the
rectangular buildings,
was succeeded
by
a third stratum
(Bayrakli
III)
which
reaches
from somewhere before the
middle of
the
8th
cen-
tury
down
into the
middle
ranges
of
the
7th,
and
has
yielded
east Greek
pottery
of
late
geometric
style.
In this
level
the
oval house is
dominant
and
rectangular
ones
rarely appear.
Curved
buildings
of this era are
already
known from
excavations
elsewhere in the Hellenic world, but Old Smyrna
11
DKA 16.
12Bean-Cook,
BSA
50(I955)I25,I66.
E.
Akurgal,
DKA
16o.
13
A
further
Mycenaean
survival in Anatolia is
preserved
on
a
Phrygian
monument
dating
from
the first
half of the
6th
century.
Jaan
Puhvel,
Minoica,
Festschrift
1.
Sundwall
(Berlin
1958)327-333
and G.
L.
Huxley, Greek-Roman
and
Byzan-
tine Studies
2
(Cambridge,
Mass.
I959)
85ff,
have
pointed
out
that
the
title,
Lawagetas
and
Fanax,
of
a
king Midas,
occurring
in the
inscription
of a
Phrygian
monument
(Akurgal,
DKA
fig.
67),
are
similar
to
the names
of
classes of
rulers
written on
the
Mycenaean
tablets. For the
Mycenaean
cultural
continuity
in
Athens see 0.
Broneer,
AJA
52(1948)II1-114,
and
for
My-
cenaean survivals or
revivals
after
the
fall of the
Mycenaean
Empire
see
Emily
Townsend
Vermeule,
Archaeology
13(1960)
74ff.
14
E.
Akurgal,
Smyrne
a
lI'poque
Archaique Grecque,
Belleten
9(i946)77ff,
pls.18,19.
15
DKA
I2.
See
also
G.L.
Huxley,
Mimnermos
and
Pylos,
Greek,
Roman and
Byzantine
Studies
2(1959)1o3-1o7.
16E.
Akurgal,
Anatolia
I(I956)I5ff;
see
also
DKA
12,20o.
17
For
the
early
date
of
the
foundations
of
Panionion
cf:
M.O.B.
Caspari,
The
Ionian
Confederacy,
JHS
(1915)177;
Carl
Roebuck,
The
Early
Ionian
League,
CP
I(1955)26-40;
Carl
Roebuck,
Ionian
Trade
and
Colonization
30;
John
M.
Cook,
Greek
Settlement
in
the Eastern
Aegean
and Asia
Minor,
CAH
2,
chapter
38(I96I)3I;
DKA
12,20.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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1962]
EARLY PERIOD
AND
GOLDEN AGE OF
IONIA 371
presents
us
with the
first
complete,
accurately
dated
ground
plans.
This
phase
of
the
Aeolo-Ionian
civilization
is the
first
great period
of the east Greek cities. The most
important
religious
buildings
of
Samos,'8
the first
Hekatompedos and its followers, belong to this
period.'9
Handsomely
constructed houses have been
uncovered
also in
Antissa.20
Especially
in
the
latter
parts
of
this
phase,
be-
longing
to the end
of
the
8th
century
and
to the
first
half
of
the
7th,
the east Greek
cities made con-
siderable
progress
in different
fields
of
cultural ac-
tivity.
We
observe the
first
appearance
of
an
import
from the Orient. In
Samos
were
found
ivory
and
bronze
objects
of
Syro-Hittite
origin going
back
to
the late
8th
century.21
It
is
possible
that some
of the
earliest Greek bronze factories were at work in
Samos.
Here
may
have
been
produced
cauldrons
with
griffin22
and
lion
protomes
and those
with at-
tachments
in the
form
of
a woman's
and man's
head,23
all made
after Urartian
and
Syro-Hittite
models,24
rtifacts
which
were in
vogue
in the whole
Mediterranean
world
about
700 B.c.
The
excavations
of
Miletus
conducted
by
Carl
Weickert
have
yielded
also some
bronze
objects
of
Syro-Hittite
manufacture,2
and one handsome
caul-
dron
attachment
in
the
form of
a
griffin
protome
of
the earliest
type
made
by
Greek
artists.26
The most
important
achievement in this
period
was
the
development
of
the
Greek
epic.
As we
have
already
said,
the new settlers
needed,
in the
strug-
gle
with
the native
peoples
in
Anatolia,
the heroic
songs
of their
ancestors,
and
kept,
therefore,
in the
form
of an oral
tradition,
the
epic
which
they
had
brought
from
mainland
Greece. After
the
period
of
establishment,
Homer,
a
poet
of the
Aeolo-Ioni-
an
border,
possibly
a
Smyrniote,
created
the
Iliad.
Certainly,
Homer
knew the
subject
matter
of
the
Hesiodic
theogony
in its essential
features
before
the Boeotian
poet
had
composed
his
poems.
The
Hurrian elements and other oriental
influences in
Hesiod's works
disclose
that the
earliest Greek
literary
creations arose
just
after the middle
of
the
8th
century.27
This
is
the crucial
period
in which
the Greeks came for the first time in close contact
with
the Orient.
We
may
observe,
if
we
look at the
map
of western
Asia
Minor,
that the
Greek settlers established
their
cities
mainly
on
small
peninsular
sites
or
on
islands
lying
very
near to
the coast. The
Greek
Smyrna
was founded
on a
very
small
island28
located
on the
northern
part
of
the
Smyrnian
gulf
and
inhabited
since
the
beginning
of
the
3rd
millennium.29
Pi-
tane,
Gryneion,
Phocaea,
Clazomenae,
Side
and
also
colonies of later
foundations,
Sinope
and
Cyzicus,
likewise represent cities on peninsular sites, of
which some
were
originally
islands but connected
afterwards
by
an
artificial
isthmus with the coast.
These
cities
were
of
very
small dimensions.
Smyr-
na
and
Phocaea
had
no
more
than some
twenty
or
thirty
hectares
of
land at
their
disposal.
It
is
clear
that
only
a
couple
of
thousand
inhabitants
could
be
housed30
on
these
very
small sites.s'
The
semi-insular
geographical
position
of the
Greek cities
in
western
Asia Minor
reveals
that
they
faced
enemies
both
from the sea and
from
the
land
side.
Hence,
they
fortified themselves
with
strong
walls. Old
Smyrna already
possessed
a
city
wall
in the
9th
century.32
In the
early
days,
the colonists
lived,
as we see
in the
Iliad,
from
brigandage
and
piracy.33They
had
at
their
disposal
bondsmen
among
the native
peoples
who
cultivated
the
neighbouring
land
for
them.3 '
he
Aeolians
and
Ionians possessed,
as
did
the
Phrygian
and
the
Lydian
aristocracy,
a
well
organized
cavalry
which
was
their
weapon
of
su-
periority
against
the
subjugated
native
people. 3
In
spite
of
the smallness
both
of
population
and
18Buschor,
AM
55(I930)Ioff;
Buschor
and
Schleif
AM
58(1933)I46ff;
Buschor,
Ein
friihhelladischer
Ringhallentem-
pel,
Festschrift
Andreas
Rumpf
32-37.
19
George
M.A.
Hanfmann,
Ionia,
Leader or Follower?
9ff,
n.42.
Akurgal,
DKA
15-16.
20W.
Lamb,
BSA
32(1931-1932)42,
pls.18,I9.
21
E.
Akurgal, Spdthethitische
Bildkunst
78,
pl.37.
22
Ulf
Jantzen,
Griechische
Greifenkessel
3off,
pl.I
fig.4,
pl.2
fig.i
and
pls.11-15ff.
23Rodney
S.
Young, AJA
64(1960)386.
24
The
Griffin
and Lion
protomes
of
the Barberini Tomb of
Praeneste
are
of oriental
origin (DKA
56-69).
25
Carl
Weickert,
IstMitt
7(1957)126ff,
pl.40,I.
26
ibid.
129-130
and
Akurgal,
DKA
188-190,
fig.145.
27E.
Akurgal,
DKA
16; Akurgal-Hirmer,
Die
Kunst der
Hethiter
(Miinchen
i961)52-54.
28
John
M.
Cook,
Old
Smyrna,
BSA
53-54(1958-1959)15,
fig.3.
29
Prehellenic
Smyrna:
Akurgal, Bayrakli,
Erster
Vorldufiger
Bericht
iiber
die
Ausgrabungen
in
Altsmyrna
(Ankara
1950)54-
58.
30
Concerning
the
problem
of
population
in
Ionia
see
John
M.
Cook,
BSA
53-54(i958-I959)i9ff;
Carl
Roebuck,
Ionian
Trade
and Colonization
21-23.
31
John
M.
Cook,
CAH
vol.2,25.
32
R.V.
Nicholls,
BSA
53-54(I958-I959)35ff.
Hermann
Bengston,
Griechische Geschichte
54.
34
Wilamowitz-Moellendorf,
Ober die ionische
Wanderung 35.
85
bid.
41.
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372
EKREM AKURGAL
[AJA
66
of
inhabited
area,
the Greeks
in western Asia Minor
developed, probably
under the
inspiration
of
the
Hittite
small states
of
Anatolia
and
Syria,
the first
organized
cities
of the Hellenic world
in the
proper
sense of
a Greek
polis. Kingship
seems
to have
been the universalpolitical institution in the Greek
cities of
these
early
periods.36
A
simple
urban life
based
on
agriculture
with
constant warlike
activity,
under
aristocratic nstitu-
tions,
was
an
appropriate
climate
for the
develop-
ment
of
the
epic
and of
lyric
poetry;
but
achieve-
ments
at
a
high
level
in the
fine
arts
are
always
connected
with a
large
international trade
and for-
eign
markets
for
the sale
of
manufactured
products.
The Greek
cities
in
western
Asia
Minor,
which had
no notable sea trade before the middle of the
7th
century
and which were landlocked because of
the
autochthonous
peoples
of inner
Anatolia,37
were
not
able to
develop
a
high
standard of
living
based
on manufactured
and industrial
activity.
The finds
in Al
Mina,18
in the
northern
Syrian
harbour,
show
clearly
that mainland
Greece and
some islands had
already begun
with
the
conquest
of
the
Mediterranean
in
the second
half
of
the 8th
century,
whereas
in
the same
location,
that
is Al
Mina,
the
east
Greek
products appear
a
century
later.
The
artistic
activity
of Samos and Miletus
which
was, as we saw, initiated at the end of the 8th cen-
tury
seems
to have
been
of
short duration.
Since
they
did not
possess foreign
markets,
even
these
wealthy
cities
of the east
Greek
World
were
not
able
to
compete
with centres
in
the
motherland.
Although
these
two
Ionian
cities and
mainland
Greece
commenced under
Oriental
inspiration
from
the same
starting
point
and at
the same
time,
the
canonic
types
of
lions,
griffins
and
other
fantastic
animals,
and
especially
the
perfection
of
the human
figure
in
painting
and
sculpture,
were
elaborated
in the following period, the second quarter of the
7th
century, by
the
workshops
of
Corinth
and
At-
tica,
but
not
by
the
artists of Samos and
Miletus.39
The east
Greek world
depended,
therefore,
throughout
the whole
7th
century,
in the field
of
fine
arts,
on mainland
Greece,
as was
the
case with
the
previous periods.
Thus the east Greek
cities
received even Oriental influences
through
their
mother country. 4
It
is
important
to state once more that the
Phrygi-
ans
and
the
Lydians
did
not
transmit,
in this
phase,
any
noteworthy
Oriental
elements
in
the
domain of
fine
arts to the
east Greek world. The
successful
excavations
by
the
University
of
Pennsylvania
un-
der the direction of
Rodney
S.
Young
at
Gordion,
in
the
capital
of
King
Midas,
have
indeed
brought
to
light magnificent
works
of
art of
fascinating
beauty
and
grandiose
buildings.41
All
Phrygian
re-
mains of this
period,
between
725
and
675
approxi-
mately,
are excellent
witnesses to
the
high
standard
of
Phrygian
civilization,42
especially
the
monumen-
tal architecture in
Gordion. For
instance,
the
city
gate
with
its
buttressed
towers,
standing
to
a
height
of
more than
30
feet,
and
the
megaron
house
with
its
magnificent
pebble
mosaic
floor,43
are
unrivaled
among
the
Aeolian
and
Ionian
cities of
the same
period.
But this does not mean
that
the
Phrygian
civilization
was
superior
to that of
the
Greek cities
in
Anatolia,
and
that
they
were in a
position
to
transmit the culture of
the
Orient to
the
Greek
world. Midas
was a
powerful
king
with
unlimited
political ambitions. Therefore in building his
capi-
tal he
profited
from
all
the
achievements
of
the
Orient
and Occident of that
time to
strengthen
his
prestige
and
reputation.
However,
the
Phrygian
kingdom,
which
was in
the
very
beginning
of
its
sudden and
glorious
rise,
entered
the
scene a
little
late,
in
the last
quarter
of
the 8th
century,
and
was
therefore
not in a
position
to
act as
intermediary
between East and
West. The
Greek
cities
which
came
directly
into
contact
with the
near
eastern
world
just
after
the middle
of
the 8th
century,
and
even founded colonies like Al Mina on the north
Syrian
coast,
certainly
did
not need
Phrygian
media-
tion
to obtain
works
of
art made in the
Orient.4
36
The
problem
of
kingship
in
Ionia
has
been studied
re-
cently by
C.
Roebuck,
Ionian Trade and
Colonization
30-31,
and
John
M.
Cook,
CAH
2,31 (chapter
38).
37E.
Akurgal, Phrygische
Kunst
Io8-iio.
38Martin
Robertson,
JHS
60(1940)20-21.
John Boardman,
Greek Potters at
Al
Mina?
AnatSt
9(1959)I63-169.
39
DKA 68ff and
Spdthethitische
Bildkunst
76ff,
8Iff,
145.
Akurgal-Hirmer,
Die
kunst
der
Hethiter
105.
40
C.
Schefold,
Idl
(1942)142;
George
M.A.
Hanfmann,
AJA
(1945)579-580.
See
also E.
Akurgal,
Spdthethitische
Bildkunst
145
n.289.
41
Accounts of
the discoveries
are
being
published
in
this
journal
annually;
see
especially AIA
60(1956)250-266; 61
(1957)320-331;
62(1958)139-154; 66(1962)153-168.
42
DKA
70-121.
43
Rodney
S.
Young
ILN
(Nov.17, 1956) 859,
figs.Io,II.
44
For
the
relationship
between
the Greeks of
Western Asia
Minor
and
the
Phrygians
as
well as the
other
autochthonous
peoples
see
T.J.
Dunbabin,
The
Greeks
and
their
Neighbours
(London
1957)
and
Rodney
S.
Young,
AJA
64(I96o)385ff;
see
also
DKA
70-121.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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1962]
EARLY PERIOD
AND
GOLDEN
AGE OF
IONIA
373
Midas
intended to
create
an
empire
with
a
great
future.
He would
perhaps
have hindered the
Ionians
from
their mission to
lay
the
foundations of
western
civilization if the
Cimmerian
invasion
had
not
put
an end
to his
ephemeral kingdom.
But as
long
as
the western part of the Anatolian plateau,governed
first
by
a
great
number of smaller and
bigger prin-
cipalities
and later
by
the
Lydian
kingdom, lay
between
Phrygia
and
Ionia,
the
Phrygians
were
not
able
to affect in
any way
the
development
of the
Aeolian
and
Ionian
cities.
The Golden
Age
of
lonia
(650-494)
Ionia
was at its
highest period
of
prosperity
be-
tween
650
and
494
B.c.
This
is
the Golden
Age
of
Ionia, which began just after the foundation of the
colonies
in
the Mediterranean and the Pontus
and
came
to an end with
the
Persian
capture
of
Miletus.
The rise
of
Ionia
and its Golden
Age
are due to
the
favorable
geopolitical
conditions of the
long pe-
riod
which
emerged
in Anatolia after the
destruc-
tion of
Troy
and
the
collapse
of the
Hittite
empire,
and which
lasted
until
the
formation of
the
power-
ful
Achaemenid
kingdom.
Even the
dangerous
Cimmerian
invasions and the
pressure
which
came
from
the native
peoples,
as
well
as
the
Lydian
threat,
turned
out to
be
an
advantage
to the
Greek
cities in Anatolia.
Certainly
the Cimmerians devastated
some
Greek
cities,45
but
much more
important,
as we
have
al-
ready
stated,
was the fact
that
they
caused
the
dis-
solution
of the
feudal
kingdom
of
Midas,
the con-
tinued existence
of
which would
indeed
have
been
more
dangerous
to
the
Greeks.
The
Lydian
attacks
also caused
great
trouble,
sometimes
with
catastrophic
results.
Herodotus 4
tells
us
that
Gyges, Ardys
and
Alyattes
fought
against
Miletos,
Smyrna,
Kolophon
and
Priene.
The excavationsof Bayraklidisclosedclearlyenough
how
pitilessly
Alyattes
destroyed
the
strong
fortifi-
cation of
Smyrna,
and,
as
is recorded
by
Strabo,47
that
he
indeed
forced the inhabitants
to
leave the
city
and
to
establish
themselves
in
villages.
On the
whole
the
Greeks
of
Anatolia
were
strong
enough
to deal
with
this
situation.
Nonetheless
the
Lydians
kept
them
from
benefiting
from
the hinterland.
And
the
native
peoples,
who worked
the earth for
the
Greeks,
probably
profiting
from
the
political
cir-
cumstances caused by the Lydians, seem to have
liberated themselves from
the
subjugation
of the
Ionian
cities 8
ometime in
the
first
half of
the
7th
century.
The
Ionians,
who
were thus
deprived
of
their
hinterland
and their
bondsmen,
sought
to
find some
other
way
of
earning
a
living.
So
they
began,
as
Wilamowitz
von
Moellendorf has
pointed
out,49
to
develop
an
industry
and to
establish colo-
nies
in the
Mediterranean
and
the
Pontus.
FIRST
PHASE
(650-600).
FOUNDATION
OF THE
COLONIES
IN
EGYPT
AND THE
PONTUS
A
sherd found in the excavations at
Smyrna,
bearing
the name of one
Istrokles
and
dating
from
the middle of
the seventh
century,
discloses
clearly
that the
Ionians
had
already
penetrated
the
regions
of
Istrus,
that
is,
the west
Pontus,50
n
the
first half
of
the
7th century.
The
remains which
have
come
to
light
in
the Pontus
up
to the
present
do
not
go
back earlier than the date
630 given
by
the tradi-
tion.5'
The
investigations
and
excavations which
the writer made
in
Cyzicus
and
Daskyleion
did
not
yield pottery
that could be earlier
than the
begin-
ning
of the
7th
century.52
If this is not a mere
accident,
then we
must
believe that
the
Ionian
expansion
which had
already begun
in
the
9th
cen-
tury
continued toward the north
of the
western
coast
not earlier
than the
beginning
of
the
7th
century.
This
would
mean that
the
Ionians,
who
began
under
the
pressure
of
the
Lydian
threat to
seek
colonies,
first
occupied
the
Propontis
and
then,
after the construction of
the
necessary
fleet,53
tarted
to
establish colonies in
the Pontus
and in
Egypt
just
after
the
middle of
the
7th
century.
As a result of the foundation of colonies, we ob-
serve
in
the
Levant,
for
the first
time,
the
appear-
ance
of
east
Greek
ceramics
like
the bird
bowls
and
the
vases
of wild
goat style,
which
became
almost
dominant
in
the
following
period. 4
45
Lehmann-Haupt, Pauly-Wissowa,
RE
77,1 (Kimmerier)398-
431.
46Her.
1.14-15.
47
Strabo
14.1.37(646).
48Wilamowitz-Moellendorf,
Ober die
ionische
Wanderung
40.
49
bid.
50
DKA
229
and
fig.23
on
page
308.
The connection between
the
inscription
and the colonization of the Black
Sea
was
first
shown
by
John
M.
Cook,
ILN
(Feb.
28,
1953) 329.
51
Robert M.
Cook,
Ionia
and
Greece
in
the 8th and
7th
Centuries
B.c.,
JHS 66(1946)67-98;
Akurgal-Budde,
Vor-
Idufiger
Bericht
iiber
die
Ausgrabungen
in
Sinope.
52E.
Akurgal,
Anatolia
1(1956)24.
53Rhys Carpenter,
The Greek
Penetration of
the Black
Sea,
AJA
52(I948)Iff.
54DKA
176.
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374
EKREM
AKURGAL
[AJA
66
The
attractive vases
of the
wild
goat
style,
with
the
charm
of their
decoration and
coloring,
are one
of the most
successful Greek
creations55
n
the
field
of
fine arts.
Architecture also attainedin
this
period
a
high
standard
of
quality.
The
temple
of
Old
Smyrna, which was being enlarged at the time but
was
destroyed by
Alyattes
at
the end of the
7th
century,
has a
podium
wall in
rectagonal
and
polygonal technique
of
exquisite beauty
and
per-
fection.5
It is the
best and
the earliest
example
of
a
Greek
wall we
possess.
A
capital,
a
master work
of stone
carving
(pl.ioi,
fig.22)
which
we
shall
con-
sider
in
the
following
pages,
also
belonged
to
this
temple. '
Smyrna
was
embellished
during
this
pe-
riod with a new and handsome
polygonal city
wall. 8
The walls
of
Phocaea,
which
are
highly
praisedby Herodotus 9but have totally disappeared
today,
must have
had,
a
generation
later,
a
Lesbian
construction
with fine
joints
and
carefully
smoothed
surfaces like that of
Smyrna.
The
houses of
Smyrna
which were
uncovered in several
trenches
during
the
excavations
of
Bayrakli
and
belong
to this
level
(Bayrakli
IV)
are oriented
without
exception
from
north
to
south.60
This
means that
in
the second
half
of the
7th
century
Old
Smyrna
was
already
built
according
to a
regular city plan,
later called
the
Hippodamian
plan.61
The walls of the
houses are
of
stone
and show
in
some
examples
the fine tech-
nique
of Lesbian work.62
In one
of these
houses
of
the late
seventh
century
a
small
private
bathroom
has
been
cleared;
the
bath
itself is of
terracotta.
Fragments
of several
other
terracotta baths
have
been
brought
to
light
in
the course of
excavations.63
The
majority
of
them
belong
to
houses from
the
last
quarter
of
the
7th
century,
and
convey
a
good
idea
of
the
high
standard
of
living6'
of
the
Ionian
cities
in
Anatolia
at
the
time.
Writing spread
in
this
period
and came
into
common use
among
the Greeks of
Anatolia.
The
earliest
Ionian
inscription
known
up
to now is a
graffito
mentionedabove
bearing
the name
of
Is-
trokles.It
dates,
according
o the
style
of a
frag-
ment
of
the dinos on which it
is
engraved,
o
the
middle
of
the
7th
century.65
his is the
period
in
which
the Aeolian and
Ionian
lyric
arose as
one
of the finestpoeticcreations f westerncivilization.
In
thedebrisof the
temple
of
Smyrna
were
found
a
great
numberof
terracottatatuettes nd
pieces
of
a life-size terracotta
statue,66
ll
in
Cypriotestyle.
Some of the vases show
inscriptions
n the
Carian
language;
and a
great
deal of
pottery
with
linear
decoration
must have
belonged
o the
Lydians
iv-
ing
in
Smyrna.Lydian
pottery
and
Lydian
weap-
ons
were found in
a
tumulus of the
necropolis
of
the
city,
in which
apparently Smyrniote
citizen
of
Lydian
origin
was buried.
Thus
the
finds
show
clearlyenoughhow cosmopolitewas.Old Smyrna
in
this
period
of
international rade
which
the
Ioniansdeveloped
after the middle of the
7th
cen-
tury.
We have evidence
of this from
other
sources
as
well.
The fatherof
Thales,
Hexamyes,
and the
dedicantof the
statue of Hera
from
Samos in the
Louvre,
Cheramyes,
had Carian
names.67
Chiton,
the characteristicunic
of the
Ionians,
s also
a
Cari-
an
word.68
yrannos
s
a
Lydian
word;
and
it
was
from the
Lydians
hatthe
Ionians
earned o
strike
coins.In
Smyrna
and Pitane
were
found
representa-
tions,
one in each
city,
of a
lyre
with
seven
strings. 6
We
know
that
Terpander
of
Lesbos
had
invented
the
heptachordyre
under
he
inspiration
f
Lydian
models.7
n the
following
pages
we
shall
see
that
in
Ephesus
some of
the
priests
and
priestesses
re
definitely
a non-Greek
ethnic
type,
and
we
can
imagine
how
considerably
he
Anatolian
mother
goddess
must
have
influenced
the
Greek
Cybele
and the
goddess
Artemis
of
Ephesus.
Religion,
mu-
sic
and
dance
are the
fields
in
which
the
Ionians
were
greatly
stimulated
by
the
indigenous
peoples.
The
luxurious
way
of
living
that the
Ionians
iked
was also influenced
by
their
wealthy
neighbours.71
55
W.
Schiering, Werkstdtten
orientalisierender
Keramik
auf
Rhodos
(Berlin
1957).
DKA
178-181.
56
DKA
182ff,
figs.131-i33.
57
John
M.
Cook,
JHS 72(1952)104, pl.6.
58
DKA
186,
fig.I36.
59
Her.
1.163.
60E.
Akurgal,
ILN
(Feb.28,
1953)328-329.
61
DKA
184.
62
E.
Akurgal,
Bayrakli,
Erster
vorldufiger
Bericht
iiber
die
Ausgrabungen
in
Alt-Smyrna
(Festschrift
der
Philosophischen
Fakultdt
der
Universitdt
Ankara
vol.
8,
1950)
pls. 2,3.
DKA
184,
fig-134.
63John
M.
Cook,
JHS
70(1950)IO-II.
64DKA
I84ff.
65
DKA
308, fig.3.
There the
date
is
given
in
the
caption
mistakenly
as the
2nd
quarter.
However,
in
the text
(p.229)
correctly
as the
middle
of
the
7th
century.
For
another
early
Greek
inscription
from
Smyrna, dating
back
to
the
second
half
of the
7th
century,
see DKA
308,
fig.24;
the
same
inscription
now: L.H.
Jeffery,
The
Local
Scripts
of
Archaic
Greece
(1961)
341, pl.66,
fig.69.
66John
M.
Cook,
JHS
71(195I)247-249.
67
Cf.
George
M.A.
Hanfmann,
Ionia,
Leader or
Follower?
3.
68Rodney
S.
Young,
AJA
64(I960)385.
69
DKA
13ff,
fig.3.
70
Max
Wegner,
Das
Musikleben
der
Griechen
48.
DKA
14.
71
Carl
Roebuck,
Ionian
Trade and
Colonization
3ff.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
8/20
1962]
EARLY PERIOD
AND
GOLDEN
AGE OF
IONIA
375
We
may
even
say
that the
Ionian
charm is
partly
due to the
exotic
contribution
of
the
autochthonous
peoples
of
Anatolia.72
SECONDHASE
600-545).
THECLIMAX
OF IONIANCIV-
ILIZATION
The
most brilliant
years
of
Ionia73
were of course
those between
600
and
545,
in
which
the east Greek
world
was
leading
in
all
aspects
of cultural life
with the one
exception
of
painting.
In
this
crucial
epoch
of
history
the cultural
leadership
of
mankind
passed
from
Orient to Occident. The
philosophers
and scientists
of
Miletus,
Thales,
Anaximander
and
Anaximenes,
laid the
foundations
of
abstract
geom-
etry
and
discovered the first
positive
way
of think-
ing
and
research.In
Samos,
Miletos,
Ephesos
and
many other east Greek cities there arose monumen-
tal marble
temples
of the
Ionic
order which are not
only
grandiose
constructions
but
also
represent
some
of the
most beautiful
creations
in
the
history
of
the
world.
At
the
same time
the
softly
smiling
maidens
of the
Ionian
sculptors, together
with
the
enigmatic
charm
of
Aeolo-Ionian
poetry,
conquered
the heart
of all
Hellas.
The earliest
works
of
art of the
Golden
Age
of
Ionia
have
come to
light
in
Samos,
Miletus,
Ephe-
sus,
Smyrna
and some other cities of the east Greek
world.
From this first
phase,
which can
be
dated,
in
the
present
state of
the
finds,
to the
end of
the
7th
century,
we
possess
only ivory,
wood
and bronze
statuettes.
Monumental
sculpture,
as we know
from
some
fragmentary
remains,7'
also
existed,
but not
in
that
high
quality
which Attic statues
of
the same
period possessed.
The most
important
center was Samos. The
Ger-
man excavations
yielded
excellent
statuettes
n
ivory,
bronze and
wood.75
The
recently
published
ivory
statuette76
f a
youth
shows
a
remarkably
high qual-
ity
of
execution
(pl.97,
figs.4-6).
It
is
the
best Greek
work
of art
of its
time and
category.
The
deeply
carved
eyebrows betray
the
influence
of oriental
models,
but the
sharp profile
of the face shows that
we
have
to
do with
a
Greek
work.
A
Samian
wooden
statuette77epresenting
Hera
and Zeus n
the motif
of
the sacred
marriage
s
another
outstanding
work from
the
early
Greek
period
pl.97,
igs.8,9).
The divine
couple
appears
here in
a
Hittite
ceremonial
chema,
n which the
goddess s alwaysshown to the left of herconsort
(pl.97,
fig.Io).7
The intertwinedarms
of the dei-
ties
reproduce
Hittite
motif79
which
occurs
as
well
in
Egyptian
art,
but
the
Hittite monument
(pl.97,
fig.io),
belonging
to
the
beginning
of the
7th
cen-
tury,
is the
example
closest
n
time
to
our
Samian
statuette.
Another
statuette from the
same
period
found
in
Delphi
(pl.97,
ig.7),
is
also,
as P.
Amandry
has
pointed
out,so
a
product
of an east
Greek
ivory
workshop.
Karl Schefold has
compared
it
with
earlyterracottafiguresof Samos. 8The renderingof
the
features
reminds one of the
foregoing
Samian
statuettes.82
The lion
here,
with its
head
turned
to
the
side,
is
an
example
of
the Milesian
lion
type
which
goes
back to
Egyptian
models.83
The
hair of
the
god
falls down his
back in
a
mass;
the strands
of
the
hair
are shown
with
carefully
incised
lines.
The same hairdress occurs on
a Samian
bronze
statuette
from the
beginning
of
the
6th
century. '
The Zeus
of
the
foregoing
Samian
ivory
statuette
also has
the
same hairdress
pl.97,
fig.9).
A
bronze
statuette which
came to
light
in the
excavations
at
Smyrna5
is
the
earliest
stratified and
surely
dated
east
Greek
bronze work we
have
(pl.98,
figs.II-I3).
It was
found in the
debris of
the
temple
and
belongs,
therefore,
to the
last
decade
of the
7th
century.
t
is
important
o
mention
that
the
essential characteristics of
Ionian
sculpture
of
the
6th
century
already
occur n
this
statuette.
Spe-
cifically
Ionian
are
the soft
and
fleshy
modeling
of
the
body,
the
sloping
shoulders,
he
roughly
indi-
cated and
obliquely
set mouth. Its
hairdress s ex-
actly
the same as that which we observed on
the
above mentioned
east Greek statuettes
from Samos
and
Delphi.
We
find
the
same
Ionian
characteristics,
but in
a
more
elaborate
rendering,
on
a bronze statuette
72
George
M.A.
Hanfmann,
Ionia,
Leader or
Follower?
22:
DKA
295ff.
73
Carl
Roebuck
has
carefully
and
systematically
studied the
problems
of
the
social
and
economic
development
of the
east
Greek world: Ionian
Trade
and
Civilization
(New
York
1959).
74Buschor,
Altsamische
Standbilder
2(1934)23ff.
75
ibid.
4(I96o)6Iff.
76
bid.
62ff,
figs.238-248.
77
D.
Ohly,
Holz,
AM
68(I953)77ff,
Beilage
13-15.
78
E.
Akurgal,
Spdthethitischeildkunst
I
I-I8.
79
Akurgal-Hirmer,
ie Kunst der Hethiter
pl.I39.
so
P.
Amandry,
Syria
24(I944-45)I9ff.
81
Karl
Schefold,Orient,
Hellas
und Rom
107.
82
DKA
218.
83
ibid.
276ff.
84Buschor,
Altsamische
tandbilder
,
pls.5,7,8.
DKA
figs.
178-18o0.
85
DKA
I86ff,
figs.137-I39.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
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376
EKREM AKURGAL
[AJA
66
in
the National Museum
of
Stockholm
(pl.98,
figs.i4-i6).
This
fine
piece86
is
a
generation
later
than
the statuette
from
Smyrna,
and must have
been
produced
in
one of the
east Greek bronze
workshops belonging
to the Milesian school.
Another east Greek ivory carving workshop lo-
cated
in
Ephesus produced
remarkably
fine statu-
ettes. The
foundation
deposit
of the
temple
of Arte-
mis
contained
some
well
preserved
ivories, 8
which
are
now
in
the
Museum in
Istanbul.88
The woman
with distaff and
spindle
(pl.99, fig.
17)
is
a
unique
representation
from the
period
of
a
woman
shown
in the
act
of
spinning:8
in
the
left
hand,
held across
the
waist,
she
grasps
a
distaff
on
which
is a ball
of wool. The
right
hand,
with
fingers
extended,
rests
flat
upon
the
thigh.
Between
the
right
hand
and the
thigh passes
the
thread,
with
the
spindle hanging
from
it
nearly
to the
feet.
It is
interesting
that the
ivory
carver was
able,
even
in
the
conventional
and stiff archaic
schema,
to
il-
lustrate
the
act
of
spinning.
The
woman
wears a
high
cylindrical
headgear
which
seems to
represent
the
Lydian
mitra mentioned
in
Greek
poetry.
We
know that
Sappho9o
very
much
appreciated
the
Lydian
mitra,
regretting
only
that she
could
not
get
it for her
daughter
because the
law-giver
of
Lesbos,
Pittacus,
had
forbidden the
importation
of
luxurious
artifacts.
An older
example
of
this
kind
of
headgear
occurs, as Poulsen and
Barnett
have
pointed out,91
on the
late
Hittite-Aramaean rock-
relief
of
Ivriz
near
Konya.
Here it
is
worn
by
King
Warpalawas,
who lived in the last
quarter
of
the
8th
century.
The
work from
Ephesus
dates
from
about 6o00
B.c.92
The statuette shows a
non-
Greek
profile;
it
may
therefore
represent
one
of
the
Lydian
maidens
who
were
charged,
as
we
know
from
Aristophanes,93
o
stay
in
the
temple
in order
to venerate
the
goddess
Artemis.
The
statuette of a eunuch
priest 9
s also a
fine
work in east Greek style (pl.99, fig.I8). He wears a
hat of
nearly
cylindrical
form
and
a
long
chain of
beads
around
the
neck,
a
sign
of
priesthood.
The
squat
and
feminine structureof the
body
suggests
its
identification as a
eunuch,
who served
as
priest
for
the
worship
of the
goddess
Artemis
of
Ephe-
sus. The
vivid
expression
of the face with its
archaic
smile
discloses
the
Greek
origin
of
the
statuette.
The finest
ivory
work
of
Ephesus
is a
representa-
tion of a priestess95 f Artemis. She wears a luxuri-
ous dress with rich
embroidery.
She
holds
in
her
right
hand
an
oinochoe and
in
her
left
hand a
Phryg-
ian
bowl.96
Both
were
probably
in
gold.
The
priestess
herself
may
be of
Lydian
or
Phrygian
origin
too.
Her
face,
which is
apparently
represented
with all its
individual
characteristics,
does not
be-
long
to
the Greek
ethnic
type.
But
the
mode of
her
garment
and
her
hair,
falling
down her
back
in a
long
and
large
mass,
and
the
stylized
contours
and soft
modeling
of the
forms,
are
typically
east
Greek. 9
The bunched
folds of the
skirt between
the
legs, ending
with a
zigzag edge
just
above
the
feet,
is also a
peculiarity
of
Ionian
art.
The
sim-
plicity
of
this
zigzag
edge
dates the
statuette
about
570
B.c.
The
large-scale
stone
sculpture
of
Ionia
reached
its ultimate
achievement
in the
second
quarter
of
the sixth
century.
It
is
an
absolutely
original
ac-
complishment,
perfect
in
sense,
spirit
and
style.
In
the
following
paragraphs
we
shall consider
only
an
outstanding group
of
Ionian
sculpture
which
has
not
yet
receivedthe
attention
it merits
from
archae-
ologists.
The marble head of a
girl
from
Miletus,
now
in
Berlin,
and the
maidens
from
the
sculptured
columns
of
the
temple
at
Didyma,
likewise
in
Ber-
lin,
belong
to
this
group.
The
woman
in
Berlin
(pl.ioo, fig.19)
exhibits
an
original
and
charming beauty
with her
sensitive
and
enigmatic
face. 98
he
sharp
outlines
of
the
almond-shaped
and
narrow
eyes
and
the fine
edges
of
the
veil are
delicately
carved.
They
produce,
to-
gether
with
the
obliquely-set
mouth,
a
successful
contrast to
the
softly
modeled
forms
of her
face
and,
head. The slightly smiling and ironic expression
of the
girl
is
typically
east
Greek.
The
maidens
from
the
temple
in
Didyma
(pl.Ioo,.
fig.20)
represent
a
similar
style
of
softly
modeled
86
Oscar
Antonsson, Antik
Konst
33,
figs.I-2.
DKA
202-203,
figs.1
62-I64.
87Hogarth,
Excavations
at
Ephesus
(I908).
P.
Jacobsthal,
The
Date of
the
Ephesian
Foundation-Deposit,
JHS
71(1951)
86.
S8DKA
192-2II,
figs.147-177.
89ibid.
195ff, figs.155-157.
90
See
Mazzarino,
Athenaeum
2I(1943)57-58,
and
Carl
Roebuck,
Ionian Trade
and
Colonization
3.
91
Fr.
Poulsen,
Der
Orient
und die
friihgriechische
Kunst
I02;
R.D.
Barnett,
JHS
68(1948)7.
92DKA
59,81,
fig.
38.
Akurgal-Hirmer,
Die
Kunst
der
Hethiter,
fig.140,
pl.24.
93DKA
207.
9'ibid.
198,
figs.158-I59.
95ibid.
204-210,
figs.I69-173.
96ibid.
I08,
pl.3a.
97E.
Langlotz,
Bildhauerschulen
122.
DKA
270.
98DKA
256,262,
figs.221-222.
99
Th.
Wiegand,
Didyma I
p1.214,
F.724.
Greifenhagen,.
Antike
Kunstwerke
(Berlin
I96I)
I,
pl.I.
DKA
256,
figs.223-
224.
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8/9/2019 Akurgal, Ekrem_The Early Period and the Golden Age of Ionia_AJA, 66, 4_1962_369-379
10/20
1962]
EARLY PERIOD AND GOLDEN AGE
OF IONIA
377
forms
and
sharply
carved
calligraphic
design.
They
have the
same
enigmatic
smile
of Mediterranean
nonchalance.
They
all
belong
to
the same
circle
of
Milesian ateliers but are works
of different
sculp-
tors.
A round base with dancing figures,1oolately
found
at
Cyzicus
(pl.Ioo,
fig.21),
is
closely
con-
nected
with the same
artistic center in Miletus. The
woman in
the
middle has
the same
type
of face and
wears
a
veil
similar
to that
of the
girl
in Berlin.
The master has used the
motif of
the
dancing
woman to show
his
artistic
ability,
and has
given
a
graceful
liveliness to her
body.
The
three-quarter
turn of the head
and
the
asymmetric
representation
of
the
veil,
together
with the
slightly turning
mo-
tion of the
body
and
arms,
extended
sidewards,
pro-
duce a charming effect full of life. The woman is
slim and
conveys
an idea of how slender
a
figure
each
of
the
foregoing
marble
heads in
Berlin must
have
had. The
incised
lines
indicating
the folds of
her tunic are
typically
Samian and
show
us
that
the
round base
and the maidens
in
Berlin
belong
to
the
middle
of
the
6th
century.
A
head
found
in
Ephesus o'
and
belonging
to
one of the
sculptured
columns
of
the
temple
of
Artemis is
a
further
example
of
sculpture
in
which
the hair
and the
eyes
are carved in
precise
design,
while the
forms of the
face are
softly
modeled.
The
picturesque
effect of a head found in
Ephe-
sus102
displays
another
characteristic
of
the
Ionian
sculptors.
The
head
is
an extreme
example
of
the
soft
style
with delicate transitions
from
plane
to
plane.
The contrast
of
light
and
shadow
produces
an
illusionistic
impression,
an artistic
performance
unrivaled
among
the
sculptors
of mainland
Greece.
Ionian
sculpture,
of which
we
have considered on-
ly
a few
examples,
exercised,
together
with
contem-
porary
east
Greek
poetry,
an
important
influence
on Attic
sculpture
of
the
second
half of the
6th
century. The chiton, the himation, the representa-
tion of the
folds
of
drapery
and the
joyful
faces of
the
maidens
of
the
Acropolis
are
specifically
char-
acteristic
of Ionian
art.'03
The
Ionic order in
architecture,
too,
developed
into
its
canonic form
during
the first
half of
the
6th
century.
Our
material,
formerly
known from
several
Aeolian and
Ionian
cities,
has been enriched
by
some
new finds
of
great
importance.
The ex-
cavations
at
Phocaea have
yielded
a
good
number
of architecturalfragments probably going back to
the archaic
temple
of
Athena.'04
A
capital
consist-
ing
of
a
girdle
of
pendant
leaves
(pl.Ioi,
fig.23)
belongs
to
the
first construction
of the
temple,
ap-
proximately
the second
quarter
of
the 6th
century.
The
most
important
find
of
an
archaic
capital 05
was
made
ten
years
ago
in
the excavations
at
Smyr-
na
(pl.ioi,
fig.22).
It
is the earliest
exactly
dated
capital
in
Greek
architectureand
belongs
to
the last
decade
of
the
7th century.
It
still bears some
traces
of
coloring
in red and
yellow.
Another east
Greek
capital, '6probablydating also from the end of the
7th
century,
was
found in Neandria
(pl.Io2,
fig.28).
The
capitals
from Neandria and
Smyrna
are east
Greek creations
from oriental
prototypes.
Contem-
porary
Assyrian,
Phoenician and Urartian
furniture
in
bronze and
ivory
from
the
second
half
of
the
seventh
century might
have
served
as
models.7 '
The
Urartian
furniture
in
bronze,'08
especially,
has
columns
representing girdles
with
hanging
leaves
(pl.0o2,
fig.26)
which remind us
very
much
of
the
east
Greek
example.
The
origin
of
the
Ionic
capital
has
often been
sought
in the
Orient,
and has been connected
by
many archaeologists
with the
hieroglyphic
mono-
grams
of
the Hittite
kings
under
the
winged
sun
disc.
The two
signs
in
a
symmetrical
position
sup-
porting
the
sun-disc'09
remind one indeed of
Ionic
capitals.
But this is
a
mere
accident,
since
the
sign
in
question
is
a
compound
word and
consists of
two
symbols.
The
conic
sign
means
king
and the
volute
shaped sign great ;
both
together
mean
Great
King.
In
the cartouche of the
king they
appear
in
antithetic
position
because
of
heraldic
necessity. The Hittites, moreover, knew neither
column
nor
capital,
but
only
the
pillar. '
The Ionic
capital
is
an
original
creation
of the
east Greek architects and was
developed
from
the
Aeolic
capital.
The
Aeolic
capital (pl.1o2, fig.28)
100
DKA
256,257,262,
figs.200,22o.
101
ibid.
247,
figs.212,213.
102
ibid.
247, figs.218,219.
103
ibid. ix.
104Anatolia
I
(I956)7ff.
DKA
284ff.
105
DKA
284, fig.251.
106
Koldewey,
Neandria
33ff.
L.
Kjellberg,
Corolla Archaeo-
logica 238ff.
Karl
Schefold
WJh
31(1938)42-52.
A.
Gerkan,
Zum
Tempel
von
Neandria,
Festschrift
Bernard Schweitzer
70-76.
Anatolia
5(i96o)3ff.
DKA
291.
10o
DKA
293.
108
Lehmann-Haupt,
Armenien einst
und
jetzt
484ff;
Leh-
mann-Haupt,
Zur Herkunft
der ionischen
Sdiule,
Klio
13
(1913)468-484;
Akurgal,
Anatolia
5(1960)7;
DKA
293.
109
Akurgal-Hirmer,
Die Kunst
der
Hethiter
fig.78,
pl.19.
11
R.
Naumann,
Architektur
Kleinasiens
126ff;
Akurgal-
Hirmer,
Die Kunst der Hethiter
76.
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378 EKREM
AKURGAL
[AJA
66
consists
of two vertical
volutes bound
together;
the
empty space
between the
volutes
is filled
with
a
palmette.
Optically
considered,
the
weight
of
the
superstructure
is
supported only by
this
palmette.
Furthermore,
the
wedge-shaped palmette
produces
an impressionof dividing the capital into two parts.
The
Greeks,
who attached
great importance
to
the
optical
effect,
could not
long
use such an
untectonic
element
to
carry
the
superstructures
of their
marble
temples.
We
possess
Greek
capitals
showing
sev-
eral
types
of
attempts
to
avoid
this
optical
illusion.111
But
it
was
an
Ionian architect who
linked the
two
vertical
volutes
horizontally
and
solved the
prob-
lem in
an
ingenious way:
the
palmette
disappeared;
its
upper part
in
the
form
of a fillet became
the
abacus;
the
girdle
of
the
hanging
leaves
moved
up
between the
volutes below the
channel
and
the
Ionic
capital
was
created
(pl.1o2,
fig.29).
The
capital
from
Neandria
mentioned in
this
article
(pl.1o2,
fig.28)
is
a
restored
one. 2
However,
since we
possess
a
representation
of an
Aeolic
capital
on
a bronze
plaque.
from Samos
showing
the
three
essential elements of
the
capital
of
Nean-
dria,
volutes,
palmette
and the
girdle
with the
hang-
ing
leaves
(pl.io2,
fig.27),
we
may
assume that
this
type
of
capital
really
existed and
served as a
model
for
the
creation
of the Ionic
capital.
We
may
re-
gard
it as
a
step
in the
evolution
of the
Ionic
capi-
tal, composed as it is of the two different types
which
preceded
it,
that with
the
vertical
volutes
and that
with the
girdle
of
hanging
leaves.
The
canonic
form
of the
Ionic
capital
must
have
been
perfected
on the
Anatolian
coast at
the
begin-
ning
of
the
second
quarter
of the
6th
century.
The
Naxian column
in
Delphi
with an
Ionic
capital114
supporting
a
sphinx,
from
about
570
or
56o
B.c.,
is
the earliest
example
known
up
to
the
present
that
we can date
almost
certainly
according
to
the
style
of the
sphinx. 5
The
magnificent
marble
tem-
ple of Ephesus, erected before the middle of the
6th
century,
was
one of
the
finest
architectural
crea-
tions of
western
civilization.
The
elegance,
charm
and
originality
of
Greek
architecture
are in
great
part
due to
the
creative
power
and fine artistic
feeling
of the
Ionian
spirit.
When,
in the Periclean
Age
in
Athens,
the
Doric
order,
which
had become
canonic,
needed
enrich-
ment,
Attic
architectsembellished
the Doric
tem-
ples
with
the elements
and the slender
proportions
of the Ionic order.
Painting
was the
only
branch
of
the fine arts
in
which
Ionia
never held
a
leading
position.'?
The
Ionian
potters
produced,
however,
vases
of
fascinat-
ing
beauty.
As the most
important
east
Greek
prod-
ucts
of this
period
in
ceramics,
we
might
mention
the handsome
Chian vases
which were
found in
the
excavations
at
Pitane,
the ancient Aeolian
city
lo-
cated some
20
km. southeast
of
Pergamon.
The
drawing
of
a
stemmed
skyphos
crater,
consisting
of
crouching sphinxes
and
lions,
is
careless,
but
the
composition
of the whole
picture displays con-
siderable
charm,
and the attractive
shape
of the
vase
has
grea