al-qaeda chief ayman al-zawahiri the coordinator 2015 part 4-1- tb-36- akhtar mohammad mansour shah...

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Al-Qaeda chief Ayman al-Zawahiri The Coordinator 2015 Part 4-1- TB-36- Akhtar Mohammad Mansour Shah Mohammed-5

The Islamic Emirate pledged their allegiance with Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansoor as Amir-ul-Momineen in accordance with the principal of listening and obedience

Al-Qaeda's Zawahiri pledges loyalty to new Taliban chief12 minutes agoFrom the section Asia

Al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri has not released a message for almost a yearAl-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri has pledged allegiance to the new Afghan Taliban chief in an audio message posted online. The pledge to Mullah Akhtar Mansour was issued by Al-Qaeda's media arm Al-Sahab and was Zawahiri's first message since September last year.There had been speculation about whether Zawahiri was himself dead since the death of former Taliban head Mullah Omar was confirmed last month. Zawahiri offered his condolences.Al-Qaeda and Zawahiri considered Mullah Omar to be the leader of the global jihadist movement.This was however contested by Al-Qaeda's rival, the Islamic State militant group, which announced the establishment of a caliphate last year.

Al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri pledges allegiance to new Taliban chief Mullah Mansour August 13, 2015 14:08 BST

Ayman al-Zawahiri has pledged allegiance to new Taliban leaderAl-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri has pledged allegiance to the new chief of the Afghan Taliban Mullah Akhtar Mansour in an audio statement posted online.Zawahiri, who is believed to be holed up in the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area, said: "We pledge our allegiance... to our lord, leader of the faithful, Mullah Mohammad Akhtar Mansour, may god protect him".A deputy leader under the charismatic and elusive Mullah Omar, Mullah Mansour, who is believed to be in his forties and from southern Afghanistan, is a stable choice for the Taliban as it looks to the future without its one-eyed founder, who was confirmed dead on 30 July.In a 33-minute message released on 1 August, Mansour vowed to follow Mullah Omar's footsteps, despite rumours that he is a pragmatist who favours peace. "We should not concentrate on peace talks or anything related to that. We should focus on implementing the Islamic system," he said. "We should keep our unity, we must be united, our enemy will be happy in our separation.""This is a big responsibility for us. This is not the work of one, two or three people. This is all our responsibility to carry on jihad until we establish the Islamic state." He continued: "We have to continue our jihad, we shouldn't be suspicious of each other. We should accept each other. "Whatever happens we must comply with Sharia law, whether that be jihad, or talks, or an invitation to either." A Taliban spokesman told the BBC that Mansour's appointment was made without the consultation of certain factions within the jihadist group.

“No matter who is in charge of the Taliban in Afghanistan, they will have no choice but to have a good relationship with the Pakistani state”. “Mansour has been running Taliban affairs for two years now, negotiating and organising fighting successfully, so he’s fully capable (to take over)”, “Omar’s death will not affect the insurgency so greatly but politically the Taliban are handicapped”. said Shah.

1The farther back you can look, the farther forward you are likely to see. –Winston ChurchillCees de Waart: Intel to Rent of 8

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Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansoor as Amir-ul-Momineenas the deputy heads of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan;

Moulavi Haibatullah Akhunzada Mullah Sirajuddin Haqqani --

Mansour developed his relationship with Pakistani intelligence during the 1980s, when he fought against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, Hasibullah Fawzi, a senior member of Afghanistan government’s High Peace Council, said by phone. Moreover his longstanding ties to Pakistan, viewed by many Taliban as a capricious, unreliable ally motivated exclusively by self-interest, has led some to suspect him of being little more than an ISI puppet. The Taliban warned IS recently against expanding in the region, but this has not stopped some fighters, inspired by the group’s success, defecting to swear allegiance to IS chief Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi instead of the invisible Mullah Omar.

Al Qaeda After Omar Why His Death Could Hurt the Terrorist Group and Empower ISISBy Barak Mendelsohn Last month’s announcement of the death of the Taliban leader Mullah Omar occasioned a barrage of commentary about the implications for the Taliban and the ongoing Afghan peace talks. But his final departure from the scene could have a momentous impact on the jihadi movement as well, strengthening ISIS and further diminishing al Qaeda.The reclusive Omar was a strong ally of al Qaeda, and his passing is a major blow to the group and its leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri. Omar had been a loyal friend to al Qaeda since the Taliban took control of Afghanistan in 1996. In those years, he stood by Osama bin Laden even as the al Qaeda chief defied his orders to stop giving interviews to Western media, which were complicating the Taliban’s efforts to normalize relations with the international community. Omar’s loyalty to bin Laden even caused discord within the Taliban; one faction wanted Omar to cut ties with the uncontrollable Saudi. The costs of protecting bin Laden and his followers mounted still further after 9/11, when Omar refused to hand over bin Laden, leading to the U.S. invasion that toppled the Taliban regime.

Al Qaeda’s approach toward the Taliban was more utilitarian. In 1998, bin Laden pledged allegiance to Omar, reluctantly and through a proxy rather than in person. It was an effort to assuage the Taliban’s anger about al Qaeda defying Omar’s instructions to lower its profile and avoid doing anything that harmed Afghanistan’s interests. In subsequent years, al Qaeda continued to view the pledge (Bay’a) through a pragmatic lens, shifting the way it used the oath to suit its own interests. After the Islamic State (also called ISIS) began its rise, al Qaeda found the pledge a useful tool for thwarting its former branch.Still reeling from the death of bin Laden and other senior leaders, and grasping for a response to the events of the Arab Spring, al Qaeda didn’t have much power to counter ISIS. It was too weak to discipline its Iraqi branch by force. So instead, al Qaeda chose to disavow the group, only to see ISIS’ power continue to grow a few months later when it captured Mosul and gained control over large swaths of Iraq and Syria. When ISIS followed its success by announcing the revival of the caliphate, with its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as the new caliph, al Qaeda remembered its old friend, the Taliban. In an effort to resist ISIS encroachment and to challenge the legitimacy of the self-styled caliphate, Zawahiri renewed the Bay’a to Omar. The leaders of al Qaeda’s branches followed suit, reiterating their allegiance to Zawahiri and, through him, to the Taliban leader.Omar’s death makes al Qaeda more vulnerable to ISIS’ demand that it—along with Muslims everywhere—recognize Baghdadi’s authority.

Al Qaeda’s logic was simple. First, it wished to challenge ISIS’ claim to represent all Muslims by reminding jihadis and their sympathizers worldwide that Omar had assumed the title of the Emir of the Faithful years before Baghdadi. The Taliban presented itself as only an emirate, a much less


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ambitious claim than calling itself a caliphate, but Omar’s title was sufficient to suggest that ISIS’ authority was contested. Second, by reiterating its ties to the Taliban, al Qaeda sought to fend off ISIS demands that it submit to the self-styled caliph. Third, al Qaeda tried to distinguish itself from ISIS by signaling that it adheres to its commitments. Baghdadi, in contrast, reneged on his oath to Zawahiri. Finally, by reaffirming Bay’a, Zawahiri suggested that al Qaeda was focused on pleasing God and acting for the good of the Muslim community, whereas Baghdadi was seeking personal power.Now that Omar’s death has been announced, al Qaeda’s strategy could crumble. At the very least, it makes al Qaeda more vulnerable to ISIS’ demand that it—along with Muslims everywhere—recognize Baghdadi’s authority. Al Qaeda’s allegiance to Omar does not transfer automatically to his successor. In theory, Qaeda could reassess the situation and shift its allegiance to ISIS, but it is highly unlikely that Zawahiri would ever agree to subordinate himself to al Qaeda’s former branch. At the same time, defending a decision to stick with the Taliban is going to be more difficult. Omar has been replaced by a considerably less well regarded leader, and the succession process exposed some major internal rifts within the Taliban.

Zawahiri had been quite successful at keeping other al Qaeda branches loyal to him during ISIS’ meteoric rise. Although the group has suffered from defections to ISIS, primarily from rank-and-file and mid-level operatives, most leaders have continued to stand by Zawahiri. Even when the leaders of al Qaeda’s franchises in Yemen and Somalia died in drone strikes, their successors remained loyal to central command. But Omar’s death is likely to intensify pressure from members to join hands with ISIS. The reports that the Taliban kept Omar’s death a secret for two years (denied by the Taliban) undermine the militant group’s credibility and bolster ISIS’ allegations that the Afghanistan-based group suffers from religious deficiencies; after all, if Omar indeed died long ago, the Taliban was led for two years by a figure who was not nominated through a legitimate Islamic procedure. True or not, the doubts regarding the timing of Omar’s death will weaken al Qaeda’s ability to use the Taliban as a counterweight to ISIS and are bound to lead to a wave of defections to ISIS. The longer it takes for Omar’s successor, Mullah Akhtar Muhammad Mansour, to unite the Taliban around his leadership, the harder it will be for al Qaeda to contain the fallout. ISIS is likely to continue to use the gap between the reported date of Omar’s passing and the Taliban’s announcement to intensify doubts about Zawahiri. If Omar has been dead for two years, the question of what Zawahiri knew is bound to come up. On the one hand, it is possible that he knew about the death of the Taliban leader, but could not divulge the information in deference to the Taliban’s leadership. But if that was the case, al Qaeda’s effort to use the authority of a dead man to delegitimize the Baghdadi’s self-styled caliphate makes it complicit in the Taliban’s deceit. On the other hand, if he did not know that the Taliban leader was dead, Zawahiri could be exposed as uninformed, making it evident that al Qaeda’s influence in Afghanistan and Pakistan has been greatly diminished. Thus, unless evidence is produced that Omar has only very recently died, Zawahiri will come under attack for ignorance, poor judgment, or both. Either way, his leadership has suffered a major hit.

The ability of al Qaeda’s leader to preserve the organization will be further limited by threats to his own survival. Zawahiri has not been heard from since September 2014 when he introduced AQIS, al Qaeda’s newest branch in the Indian subcontinent. He has become increasingly dependent on


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al Qaeda’s franchises in Yemen and Syria to keep the organization afloat. Already under pressure, Zawahiri has to worry about ISIS loyalists on the ground even as he continues to watch for U.S. drones above. After all, for ISIS, capturing the al Qaeda chief could be a game-changer.

Al Qaeda’s misfortune is ISIS’ good luck. The group’s leaders can celebrate not only weakening the opposition to its expansion in Afghanistan and Pakistan, but also the boosting of its claims for leadership of the jihadi movement. Although the demise of the Taliban leader is unlikely to strengthen ISIS’ authority over all Muslims, the group no doubt sees Omar’s death as another positive omen that its caliphate is here to stay.

Afghan officials said the Taliban recaptured the district centre of Now Zad over two days last week. Our withdrawal was inevitably going to lead to the reoccupation of many areas by the Taliban. “Many British soldiers lost their lives fighting to keep the Taliban out of Now Zad and other places like it. We are going to see this more and more in the future, Intelligence sources in Kabul say the Taliban are "highly active" across Helmand and have also taken control of Kajaki and parts of central Helmand including Sangin where British forces suffered heavy losses. --Colonel Richard Kemp, former commander for British forces in Afghanistan

A wave of attacks on Afghan police, army and NATO installations in Kabul have killed more than 50 people and wounded hundreds of others, dashing hopes that Taliban fighters might be weakened by a leadership struggle after news of their longtime leader's death. The attacks on Thursday and Friday, which included a massive truck bomb in a heavily populated civilian area and a suicide attack on a police academy, were some of the most serious in months and the first in Kabul since the Taliban named a new leader last week. The incidents represent another blow to a tentative peace process that held its first meeting in July but was suspended last week. Such a complex and coordinated set of attacks appear to suggest a message of intent from the Taliban, at an especially delicate time following last week's revelation of Mullah Mohammad Omar's death and the subsequent leadership dispute. The new leader Mullah Akhtar Mansour, who had previously been seen as open to peace talks, has pledged to continue an insurgency that has already killed and wounded hundreds this year.

KABUL, Aug. 08, IEA – A successful martyr attack was carried out on a joint NATO-Afghan base in Qasba area of Kabul city last night. The attack carried out of 4 martyrdom seekers – Ali Shan and Ahmad Tawaf from Kunar, Khiyal Muhammad from Kabul and Roshanyar from Zabul – who initially detonated an SUV packed with explosives at the defense perimeter of the base, killing all the guards at the gate. The remaining 3-man squad armed with heavy and light weapons entered the base and engaged the foreign and hireling troops in combat. Several foreign and hireling troops were killed in the ensuing protracted fighting and bombings after which all the Mujahideen embraced martyrdom (may Allah accept them). Around 20 enemy troops were reportedly killed in the fighting and dozens of others wounded as well as the base heavily damaged. It should be mentioned that the report of the operation was delayed due to security reasons.7 Aug A suicide attacker has struck near the Kabul police academy, killing at least 20 cadets and wounding 27 others, officials said, in the second major attack in the Afghan capital in 24 hours. The bomber managed to place himself in a queue as police trainees were waiting to be searched before entering the academy, a senior intelligence official told AFP news agency on Friday, requesting anonymity. "A suicide bomber on foot blew himself up near the academy," Deputy Interior Ministry Spokesman Najib Danish said. "Casualties are expected." Al Jazeera's Jennifer Glasse, reporting from Kabul, said that fighting had also taken place close to the airport where a third explosion occurred on Friday, killing at least five people. The incident, which comes as cadets were returning to the academy after their two-day weekend, marks a serious breach of security at a premier training institute for Afghan security forces. Heavily-armed security officials cordoned off the area and ambulances with wailing sirens were seen rushing to the scene.The academy in west Kabul is a premier training


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institution for police forces in Afghanistan, with between 2,000 and 3,000 cadets graduating every year.

A Taliban suicide bomber has attacked a checkpoint near the entrance to the international airport in the Afghan capital Kabul, killing five people. Local officials said at least 16 people were injured in the blast, which happened at about midday (10 Aug 07:30 GMT). A Taliban spokesman said the attack targeted a convoy of foreigners but it is unclear if any died or were injured. A suicide bomber blew himself up near the city's police academy on Friday evening, killing about 20 recruits.A short while later, gunmen launched an attack on Camp Integrity, a Nato base that houses US special forces near the airport. Eleven people, including an American soldier and eight contractors, were killed in the attack on the base. Earlier on Friday, a truck carrying explosives was detonated near an army base in the Shah Shahid area of the capital, claiming 15 lives. The Taliban said it was behind the attack on the police academy but did not mention the two other incidents.

ISLAMABAD, Aug 10 : As signs of cracks within the Afghan Taliban become more visible, a senior leader of the ultraorthodox militia has ruled out any change in the new leadership, saying that ‘a few people’ opposed to the election of Mullah Akhtar Mansoor had no role in the 15-year-long resistance against the US-led ‘occupation of Afghanistan’. The statement came amid reports that a group of top pro-Taliban Afghan Ulema has started mediations to resolve differences over the successor of the movement’s longtime leader Mullah Omar. “The ‘Amirul Momineen’ (leader of the faithful) has been elected with a clear majority at a very sensitive time, and opposition to his election is aimed at sabotaging the system as there is no possible alternative,” said Abdul Hayee Motmaen, a senior Taliban political adviser and former spokesman for Mullah Omar. In an exclusive interview with The Express Tribune, Motmaen said Mullah Mansoor had been practically in charge of all organisational matters for five or six years and all commissions, all shadow governors and all senior leaders had been working under his leadership even when Mullah Omar was alive. It was the first-ever interview to a Pakistani media outlet by a senior adviser to Akhtar Mansoor’s political affairs committee.“The opinion of Mujahideen and those who had an active role during the resistance and are uninfluenced is credible and they are united on the election [of Mullah Mansoor]. A few people who have been misled by someone will oppose the new leader,” Motmaen said.He disclosed that Mullah Mansoor had initially refused to shoulder the responsibility but the majority of the Shura (council) members and Ulema convinced him to lead the movement. “The entire ‘Islamic Emirate’, its active commissions and their heads, all shadow governors, and Jihadi commanders and influential faces were unanimous on the election of Mullah Akhtar Mansoor and have sworn allegiance to him.”Asked about some senior Taliban leaders who have publicly rejected Mullah Mansoor’s ascendency, Motmaen said such people were few in number.Mullah Omar’s family When quizzed about the opposition of Mullah Omar’s family to Mullah Mansoor’s election, he said the deceased Taliban supremo had never even hinted that someone from his family should succeed him. “I agree that Mullah Omar’s family has yet not endorsed the election of Mullah Mansoor but I think this is not a serious issue as the whole movement and those who had been empowered by the ‘Amirul Momineen’ [Mullah Omar] now stand with the new leader,” he said. “It is a fact that Mullah Omar’s family commands respect among the Taliban but as far as I know they do not aspire leadership of the movement.”Peace talks About the new leadership’s policy vis-à-vis peace talks with the Afghan government, Motmaen said the Taliban believed in the political option alongside armed resistance. “However, all Mujahideen and leaders think there is a need for such an understanding that should not discredit the ongoing Jihad. This policy should not harm the achievements and sacrifices of Mujahideen,” he added.Qatar office Motmaen reiterated the Taliban’s longstanding stance that their Qatar office has been


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tasked to pursue peace talks. “I also want to categorically state that the Islamic Emirate has delegated all affairs of the reconciliation process to the Political Commission in Qatar. The responsibility rests with Qatar-based negotiators. All efforts should be carried forward through them.”Motmaen would not say the Pakistan-brokered peace talks are dead now. “These options have not been closed but there is a strong possibility that there could not be any visible progress [in peace talks] for a few months in the wake of the current situation.”Mullah Omar’s death Asked why Mullah Omar’s death was kept secret for so long, Motmaen said the family of the deceased Taliban supremo and some key Islamic scholars had issued a decree against disclosing the death of Mullah Omar, saying this could create problems.Published in The Express Tribune, August 10th, 2015.

By Merhat SharipzhanAugust 06, 2015The Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) is not only allied to the Islamic State (IS) group, it now considers itself part of it. In a 2-1/2 minute video viewed by RFE/RL on August 6, IMU leader Usmon Ghazi and his fighters are shown taking an oath of allegiance, in Arabic, to IS and its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. The confirmation of subservience, coming directly from Ghazi, would be significant in and of itself. But the leader of the extremist group active in Pakistan and Afghanistan does not stop there. Ghazi goes on to say, according to a narrator's translation of his oath, that "from now on we are not just a movement, we are a state." IMU fighters, he says, should henceforth be described as IS fighters from the Khorasan region. "Thank the Lord, following the Almighty's will we have pledged our allegiance (Bayaht, or Bay'a) to the Caliphate that has bowed to Islam," Ghazi is quoted as saying. "And we are now part of it."The declaration is significant because it is the latest, and perhaps final, step of the IMU's journey to full absorption into the IS, which seeks to establish a vast caliphate centered on the Middle East and extending into Asia.In September 2014, Ghazi issued a statement on the IMU's website in which he said that "on behalf of members of our Islamic Movement, I herewith announce to the world that we are siding with the Islamic Caliphate." But as Damon Mehl of the of the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point noted in a June analysis, Ghazi fell short of using the word Bay'a, which would indicate a pledge of allegiance. Such a pledge came in March, as reported by RFE/RL's Uzbek Service, but from a person named Sadulla Urgenji who claimed to be from a group of Uzbeks fighting for IMU in northern Afghanistan. Urgenji said his group was recognizing the authority of IS leader Baghdadi, but the message did not come from Ghazi himself.The latest message from the IMU leader leaves no uncertainty. "We now say that we have our state and there are possibilities for all for hijrat (holy migration)," Ghazi explains in the new video. "Those who want to join us, let them join." The video does not state when it was filmed, but it appears to show scenes from Afghanistan and describes itself as representing the Khorasan Vilayat, or Khorasan region. In January, an Islamic State spokesman announced the group's expansion into Khorasan -- an ancient

province that included parts of modern Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.The video's emergence comes shortly after the IMU issued a statement in which outlined its grievances with the Afghan Taliban, with which it has had longstanding relations. In the August 2 statement obtained by RFE/RL's Uzbek Service, the IMU accused the Taliban of lying about the death of Mullah Mohammad


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Omar, and demanded that it tell the truth about the late Taliban leader's demise. Afghan officials announced on July 29 that Omar died in 2013 in Pakistan, and the Taliban confirmed the news shortly thereafter, although without naming a time or place.The IMU statement declared that the Taliban "cannot be trusted," and accused the Afghan militant group of collaboration with Pakistan's spy agency, the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).The IMU mainly consists of men and women from Uzbekistan and other former Soviet Central Asian republics. Aside from its relations with the Taliban, it was also known to have ties to Al-Qaeda It is on the U.S. State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations and is banned in Central Asian countries and Russia.

ISIS militants are thought to be benefiting from a steady influx of young, disaffected ex-Taliban recruits joining their ranks. The rag-tag militia group has become an increasingly splintered organisation in recent months amid a leadership crisis after rumours circulated that its leader Mullah Omar, who led the group for 20 years, had died. The reclusive figure’s death was only confirmed last week by the Afghan government and subsequently by the Taliban who said the one-eyed cleric had succumbed to an illness. Fears are now being raised that fanatical ISIS militants could expand their reach into Afghanistan and Pakistan. ISIS's presence in the region threatens the supremacy of the Taliban, who once controlled as much as 90 per cent of the country of the war-torn country. Yet, despite the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, when the Taliban abandoned power, the organisation is still a force to be reckoned with. A Taliban suicide bomb exploded south of Kabul today in the first major insurgent attack since Omar’s death was announced.

Movement of extremist fighters from the Taliban to ISIS is a “cause for concern”, according to one expert in international security. Emma Winterbotham, a specialist in violent extremism, said splits in the Taliban caused by confusion over who was in charge “could work in ISIS's favour”. She said that while there did not appear to be “coherent links” allowing militants to cross seamlessly from one group to the other, there was evidence that many jihadis – particularly youngsters – were now realigning themselves with ISIS. “Former commanders realise that ISIS is the new thing on the block, and it is a very strategic decision in terms of generating funding,” the research fellow at think tank the Royal United Services Institute claimed. There have already been “a number of significant breakaways from the Taliban”, she added, with people leaving because they didn't believe former Taliban leader Omar was still alive. She told Express.co.uk: “Omar's death does cause some room for speculation about how the Taliban will move forward and how unified it can be as a movement without the symbolic presence of the supreme leader.” The US commander in Afghanistan, Army General John Campbell, also said that the death of Omar could fracture the Taliban and demoralise its fighters, offering an opportunity for renewed peace talks. Omar and his fellow Taliban fighters evaded capture for years despite a huge international manhunt launched in the wake of the September 11 attacks. Many survivors are still thought to be hiding in the Pakistani city of Quetta, while fresh reports suggests the Taliban are making headway in Pakistan's largest city, Karachi. But more than 10,000 US troops will remain in Afghanistan this year and militarily – if not politically - the Taliban is growing in strength. Dr Rudra Chaudhuri, from Kings College London's department of war studies, said it was clear that parts of the military wing of the Taliban were resurgent in Afghanistan - while others were keen to play a part in the peace process. He told Express.co.uk: "Splinter groups have burst into the open since the death of Mullah Omar. "ISIS is


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not good news for the Taliban, Afghanistan or the West."

The Islamic State (Isis) has released a new execution video from Afghanistan, where the terror group is fighting to gain ground from the stronghold of the Taliban. In the new Isis execution video, purportedly filmed in Afghanistan's Nangarhar province, ten men are shown sitting on the ground with improvised explosive devices (IEDs) planted under them and are then blown up. The ten men were charged with apostasy, the Isis video claimed. In true Isis fashion, the execution video is slick and well-edited, showing the Isis militants arriving on horses. The characteristic Isis black flags are seen throughout the video, as the militants plant IEDs in the ground. The men, some of them apparently aged, are then blindfolded and made to kneel on the explosives, which are then blown up. Isis militants are seen running from the scene moments before the explosives are detonated. It is not clear who the men were, though some Twitter posts suggested that they were either from the Taliban or were aiding the group. Isis had recently beheaded several Taliban fighters in Afghanistan, which it claims as 'Khorasan', as the two terror groups fight to wrest control from each other in the strife-torn nation.


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