allen, catherine. (1981). to be quechua. the symbolism of coca chewing in highland peru

8/19/2019 Allen, Catherine. (1981). to Be Quechua. the Symbolism of Coca Chewing in Highland Peru

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/allen-catherine-1981-to-be-quechua-the-symbolism-of-coca-chewing-in-highland 1/16

Wiley and American Anthropological Association are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to

American Ethnologist.

http://www.jstor.org

To Be Quechua: The Symbolism of Coca Chewing in Highland PeruAuthor(s): Catherine J. AllenSource: American Ethnologist, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Feb., 1981), pp. 157-171Published by: on behalf of theWiley American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/644493Accessed: 13-04-2015 20:12 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of contentin a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

This content downloaded from 152.17.158.178 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 20:12:13 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=anthro

http://www.jstor.org/stable/644493






http://www.jstor.org/stable/644493

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=anthro

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black

http://www.jstor.org/



to

be

Quechua:

he

symbolism

of

coca

chewing

in

highland

Peru

CATHERINE J.

ALLEN-George Washington University

In

many Quechua

communities

of the

high

Andes it is

customary

to

take

a

mid-afternoon

break to chew coca leaves.

During

one such

break,

as I

sat with

Don

Cipriano,

a

man of

45,

his children

surreptitiously

took

a

few coca leaves and

began

to chew

them.'

Do

children

chew

coca?

I

asked

in

surprise.

No,

he

answered,

children don't

chew

coca.

Then

he

added

indulgently,

Oh,

they play

at

chewing

coca,

but

they

don't

understand

it.

This

paper explores

what

coca

chewing

means to

Quechua

people.

Coca

is

an

integral

part

of

Quechua

life

in

Peru and

Bolivia

and is a

powerful

symbol

of

cultural

identity.

A

better

understanding

of the

cultural and

biological aspects

of

coca

consumption

in

the

Andes is

urgently

needed at this

time,

as Andean

nations

increasingly

find

themselves

under

international

pressure

to

eradicate coca cultivation.

It

is an

inescapable

fact

that

native

consumers of

the

coca leaf-as

opposed

to

cocaine-would be

profoundly

affected

by

such

a

development.

The

act of

chewing

coca leaves is an

unequivocal

statement of

cultural

loyalties.

Coca

chewing

identifies one as a Runa

(Quechua person).

It

is

not

enough simply

to chew

the

leaves, however;

one

must chew them

properly.

The

handling, sharing,

and

consumption of

coca

leaves is

governed

by

clearly

defined

rules of

etiquette.

As this

etiquette

is

prescribed

by

Quechua

cultural

tradition,

adherence

to it

implies

the

presentation

of

oneself

as a

par-

ticipant

in

this tradition.

Coca

chewing

plays

a

crucial

role

in

maintaining

basic

cultural

principles

in

the

minds of

individuals

living

in

a

Quechua-speaking

community

in

southern

Peru

(Province

of

Paucartambo,

Department

of

Cuzco).

This

paper explores the ceremonial uses of the coca leaf, focusing particularly

on

the

etiquette

for

hallpay

(coca

chewing)

during

the

daily

routine.

The

hallpay

ceremony

involves

reciprocal

sharing

of

coca

leaves

among

two

or more

individuals,

accompanied

by

prescribed

phrases

of

invitation

and

thanks,

and

by

invocation

to three

classes of

spiritual

beings.

The rules

for

performing

the

ceremony

express

the

fundamental

Quechua

concept

of

ayllu,

which is

community

rooted in

a

sense of

common

origin

in,

and

orientation

toward,

certain

sacred

places.

Ceremonial uses

of

coca in-

volve

standardized

forms

of

behavior,

the

observance

of

which

orients

the

actors

spatially,

socially,

and

religiously,

and

in

so

doing

integrates

them

into

a

larger

cultural

framework.

[ayllu,

coca

leaf,

symbolic interaction,

Quechua culture, ritual]

Copyright

?

1981

by

the

American

Ethnological

Society

0094-0496/81/010157-15$2.00/1

coca-chewing symbolism 157







Goffman

(1967:50)

observes

that when

an

individual

becomes

involved in

the

maintenance of

a

rule,

he

tends

also to

become

committed to a

particular

image

of

self.

By

focusing

on

coca-chewing etiquette

as a

set of

collectively

held rules

of

conduct,

we

focus

on a

process

of

self-definition on

the

part

of

Quechua

people.

In

the

following pages

I

explore

the semantic structure of the

actions

and words

pre-

scribed by the etiquette for coca chewing. These actions and words function as sign

vehicles for a

complex message

about

Quechua

culture,

operating simultaneously

through

ritual condensation

(Turner

1977:184)

in

cognitive,

emotional,

and social dimensions of

experience.

While the act of

chewing

coca communicates

one's

cultural

loyalties,

the

structure

of the

etiquette

itself

conveys

a more detailed

message

about

what these

loyalties

are. For the

participants,

to

chew coca in the

proper

manner

is

to summarize

their cultural

experience.

Thus

(following

Geertz

1966 and Turner

1977)

the

ceremony

of

coca

chewing

serves to

create,

maintain,

and transmit a

structuring

framework for

the

ex-

perience

of

Quechua

individuals.2

My

conclusions are based on

fieldwork carried

out

in

1975-76,

and the summer of

1978,

in the

community

of

Sonqo,

located

70 km.

northeast

of

Cuzco

in

the district

of

Qolqepata,

Province

of

Paucartambo.

Sonqo

is a

small,

dispersed

community

of

84

households located

at a

height

of

approximately

3900

m.

on the

steep

and barren

slopes

of

a

small

river

valley.

The

inhabitants

are subsistence

farmers

and

herders,

subsisting mainly

on

potatoes,

which

they supplement

with other

tubers,

broad

beans,

and

barley.

The harsh climate

precludes

the cultivation

of maize.

Llamas,

alpacas,

and

sheep

are raised for their

meat and

wool,

along

with other

animals such

as

pigs

and a

few

cattle.

Sonquenos govern

themselves in an

assembly consisting

of all heads

of

households;

the traditional

system

of varas coexists

with

the

Consejos

de Administracion

y

Vigilencia,

instituted

by

the national

government

in 1970.

coca's

physiological

effects

No

discussion of coca can

neglect

the

question

of its

physiological

effects on its users.

The

green,

lanceolate-shaped

leaves of the

bush

Erythroxylon

coca

act,

when mixed with

lime,

as a mild

stimulant,

slightly dulling pangs

of

hunger,

thirst,

and

fatigue. Quechua peo-

ple

in

the

region

of Cuzco

describe coca

as a balm for the

pain

of

living.

The custom of

coca

chewing

is said to have

begun

when a Mamacha

( Little Mother,

manifestation of the

Virgin)

lost

her

child. Sunk

in

grief,

she

absentmindedly pulled

some leaves off a coca bush

and chewed them. Ever since then, Runa have chewed coca to alleviate grief and pain.

In

spite

of its

mild

effects,

coca was until

recently

viewed

by

Westernized

observers as

a

kind of

drug,

the

source

of cocaine. It

was assumed that

coca

chewing

could be

equated

with cocaine use

and was the

cause and

symptom

of social

and economic

problems

(e.g.,

Gutierrez-Noriega

1949,1952;

UNESCO

1950),

an

opinion

still held

by

most

members of the

Latin

American middle and

upper

classes.

With

recent research a

different

picture

is

beginning

to

emerge.

It

is clear from the

work

of Hanna

(1971a, 1971b,

1974),

Burchard

(1975, 1978),

Bolton

(1976),

Carter

(1978),

and

Carter

and Mamani

P.

(1978)

that the

biological

and

psychological

effects

of

long-term

coca

chewing

are innocuous.

Moreover,

current research

indicates that coca

chewing

may

form part of an overall adaptation to the high altitude Andean environment (Picon-

Reategui

1968;

Burchard

1979;

Vitti

1979;

Bolton

1979;

Duke,

Aulik,

and

Plowman

1975;

Fuchs

1978;

Bastien

1979).

Other

research on economic

(Burchard 1974;

Albo

1978),

historical

(Rostorowski

1970;

Caceres

1978),

semantic

(Von Glascoe,

Metzger,

Palomino,

Vargas,

and

Wilson

1976),

and

ceremonial

(Wagner

1978;

Gifford

and

Hoggarth

1976)

aspects

of coca

are

beginning

to

158

american

ethnologist







prayer

at the end.

This

act is

pukuy

(blowing

the

k'intu).

Then

she

put

the

k'intu

into her

mouth and

chewed it.

The

next

step

was

to share

with her

companion.

Once

again

she

made

a

k'intu,

extending

it

toward

Maria,

shiny

side

up.

On a more

formal

occasion she

might

have

extended it

with

both hands.

Hallpakusunchis,

Let us chew

together,

she

said.

Maria answered

with

thanks

and blew the k'intu before she chewed it. Meanwhile she had offered Juana a k'intu, with

similar

invitation and

thanks;

Juana

blew on it for

the

spiritual

beings

and

chewed it.

Little

by

little each of

them

added leaves

from

their bundles to

the wads in

their

mouths,

pausing

from

time

to time

to offer

each other

another k'intu.

At

this

point they

were

ready

to add

some

Ilipta,

a

lump

of

compressed

ash

resembling

a

charcoal

briquette,

each

taking

a

small bite and

chewing

it

into her

coca

wad. This

sweet-

ened the

leaves and

activated

the

stimulating

alkaloids.

With

a

fine

quid

of

coca and

Ilipta

in

her

cheek,

Juana

was

ready

to work

hard for

another

two or

three hours.

Juana

soon tied

up

her

coca

bundle;

after a few

more

minutes

of

quiet

conversation she

took

the cow

and

left,

calling

out words of thanks

and farewell. The

hallpay

lasted

between

15

and 30

minutes.

As

experienced

coca

chewers,

they

swallowed the

juices

from

the coca

quid

but almost

nothing

of

the

quid

itself.

When the

quid

was

exhausted,

about

an

hour

later,

it was taken

carefully

from

the mouth and

gently

tossed

away.

Spitting

coca

is con-

sidered to be

extremely

bad

manners. Coca is

sacred

(santu)

and,

chewed or

unchewed,

it

must

be

treated

respectfully.

If

a Runa

happens

to

drop

some

in

the

dirt,

he/she

carefully

sweeps

it

up

and burns it in the

fireplace

rather than

leaving

it

to

deteriorate or to be

trampled.

Coca

is

a

chronically

scarce

commodity

in

high-altitude

communities.

Probably

Maria

and

Juana

obtained

their coca in the district

market,

buying

it with

money

received

from

selling potatoes

or

chunio (dehydrated potatoes). Possibly Juana's

husband

had recently

gone

to work

in

a coca

plantation

and

brought

some

back with

him,

a

money-making

scheme

he

often

employed.

Before

chewing

from

a

new

purchase,

Runa

burn a few

leaves

in

the

fireplace

for the

spiritual

beings.

This

done,

they

fill

their

unkhutnas

coca cloths)

and

ch'uspas

(coca

bags,

used

only

by

men)

which,

like all

good

Runa,

they

are never

without.4

If

Maria and

Juana

had been

part

of a

larger group

they

would have offered

k'intus

to

men before

women,

and

to

older

people

before

younger

ones

(a

respected

old

lady

may

take

precedence

over a

young unproven

man).

They

would have

tried to

reciprocate

all the

k'intus

they

received,

keeping

a

reckoning

in

their heads.

If

the

group

had consisted

of

more than

five or six

people, they

would

not have tried to share with

everyone, confining

themselves to those nearest them and persons of high status (e.g., community officials,

elders,

honored

visitors).

There are seldom more than three

exchanges

per person

and,

especially

in

a

large group,

a failure to

reciprocate every

k'intu is

not held

against

one.

The

score

will

even

out

in

future

hallpays.

This

brief

description

contains the whole

paradigm

for

coca

chewing:

1.

the unhurried

respectful

use;

2.

the

sharing

of k'intus

accompanied by

3.

prescribed

phrases

of

invitation

and

thanks;

and

4.

the invocation of

spiritual beings through

pukuy.

I

have

described

hallpay

in

the context of

a

routine

interpersonal

visit,

and it

is in such

contexts that coca is usually chewed. Friends meet on the road and sit down to chat and

chew;

men

gather

to work in a field and settle

down to

chew

for a while beforehand. Coca

is

chewed

by

every

adult

approximately

five times

daily:

after

breakfast,

mid-morning

(about

10

a.m.),

after the

midday

meal,

mid-afternoon

(about

3

p.m.),

and after

dinner. The

mid-morning

and mid-afternoon breaks

are called

hallpay

(literally,

coca

chewing )

and

function like the North American coffee

break.

160

american

ethnologist







place.

The Tirakuna

(sacred

places;

also called

Apus,

Lords,

or

Aukis)

are

plural

subdivi-

sions

imposed

on this

undifferentiated

ground.

They

are

said to

form a

community

and in

general

have

a male

aspect, being organized

through

formal,

hierarchical

principles.

Along

with

Pachamama,

the Tirakuna are the

most

important

deities

in

indigenous

Quechua

thought

(see

also

J.

Nunez

del Prado

Bejar

1970;

M.

Marzal

1971a;

Garr

1972).

Called runa michiq (pastors of men), they observe the life of the community below them,

overseeing group harmony.

They

also

guard

the health

of

people

and

animals

and

control

the weather.

In

their

system

of

hierarchy,

the

regional

Tirakuna

have

highest

rank and

the

most

power,

while

the

local

Tirakunahave

less rank and

power according

to their

height.

They

also

have

occupational specializations,

genealogical relationships,

and

even

compete

among

themselves.

In a

given community

every

place-every

hillside,

ridge,

ravine,

or

flat

spot-has

its

name

and

sacred

personality.

All

are

included in

the

generic

term Tirakuna. The

local

places

of

Sonqo,

lorded over

by

a hill

named

Antaqaqa,

guide,

protect,

and

punish

Sonquenos

throughout

their lives. This

local

hierarchy

of sacred

person/places

is

integrated

into

progressively

larger regional

units,

governed

by

ever

higher

and more

powerful

Tirakuna.

Regional

Tirakunahave an

absolute

value,

while local

ones

vary

in

importance

relative to a

given community

(cf.

Morissette

and Racine

1973;

Earls

1969).5

Quechua

spatial

and

religious

domains

are

both

organized

in

accordance with a

single

set of

principles.

The

sacred

is

expressed

spatially,

while

space

is

given

a

sacred

organiza-

tion.

Coca

pukuy

expresses

these

principles;

it

provides

the individual Runa with a

spatial

orientation to

the

places

around

him;

it

also

orients

him

religiously

by

invoking

his

relation-

ship

to

the

Beings

that animate these

places.

Let

us examine

how

this

orientation is accom-

plished.

the

grammar

of

coca

chewing:

what

makes a

good

pukuy?

rules for

the Invocation Here are a few

examples

of

pukuys

I

heard

in

Sonqo.

A. Santa

Tira, Tirakuna,

Sonqo.

B. Santa

Tira,

Kinsa

Qocha,

Antaqaqa chiripata,

Machukuna.

C.

Pachatira

Mama,

Machula

Aulanchis,

Aukikuna. Manan

para paranmanchu tarpunay-

paq.

Example

A

illustrates

a minimal

discharging

of

good

hallpay

manners. The

actor

simply

calls

on (1) the Mother Earth(who may be called Santa Tira,Pachamama, or PachatiraMama); 2)

the

sacred

places

(Tirakuna,

Urqokuna, Apukuna,

Aukikuna);

and

(3)

his

ayllu

(community;

see

below).

These basic

rules for

doing

pukuy

were

articulated

by

Don

Cipriano.

Within the

rules

the individual

has

quite

a bit of

leeway,

however,

as

examples

B and

C

illustrate.

Example

B

shows

a

different

way

of

expressing

rules

2 and

3

(above).

Instead of

using

a

generic

name

for

the sacred

places

(rule

2),

the

speaker

calls

on

specific

places-

Kinsa

Qocha

and

Antaqaqa

chiripata (Antaqaqa

the

cold

place).

In

rule

2,

sacred

places

may

be called

upon

either

as a

group

of

individually.

Kinsa

Qocha

refers to three lakes

in

another

community. Antaqaqa

is the most

prominent

and sacred mountain

within the con-

fines

of

Sonqo.

Thus,

calling

on

Antaqaqa discharges

both rules

2 and

3.

Antaqaqa

is

a

sacred place which can stand for Sonqo itself. When invoking Sonqo in pukuy, Runa usual-

ly

turn

their

eyes

toward

Antaqaqa.

However,

it

is not

satisfactory

to call on

Antaqaqa

alone;

thus the

speaker

has called

on

another sacred

place

outside

Sonqo.

Example

B

also invokes

the

Machus,

quasi-demonic

ancestral

beings

who live on

Antaqa-

qa.

This is an

expression

of rule

3,

since the Machus are

closely

identified

with

their locali-

ty.

Example

C

calls on the

Machula

Aulanchis,

the benevolent

aspect

of the Machus.

162

american

ethnologist







Example

C

also illustrates

a

fluidity

in the order

of invocation. The Earth

(rule 1)

is

in-

voked

first;

then the

locality

of

Sonqo

(rule 3) (as

Machula

Aulanchis);

then

the

sacred

places

(rule 2).

This

change

in

the

order

is

not uncommon.

The

Earth

is

usually

invoked

first,

but

even this

is

variable.

The

prayer

included

in

Example

C

gives

a clue as to how the order

of

invocation

is

deter-

mined. Don Eusevio is worried about his potato planting; thus the ancestral Machula Aulan-

chis,

who

help

the

potatoes grow,

are

particularly

important

to

him

at the

moment.

He

calls

on

the sacred

places

third,

using

a

generic

title;

moreover,

this

title,

Aukikuna,

is

occa-

sionally

applied

to

ancestors as well as to

places.

Pachatira

(the

Earth in

a

malevolent

aspect) expresses

his awareness

that the Earth

may

be in a hostile mood

during planting,

and he

placates

her with

the addition

of

Mama.

Thus the

whole

invocation

expresses

Eusevio's

current

preoccupation

with

planting,

down to

the

specific

request

he

includes,

i.e.,

that

it

not rain.

Pukuy

defines

a

relationship

between

the human

actor and

spiritual

beings

who

animate

local and

regional

geography

and

who

are

inseparable

from

Quechua concepts

of

space

and time.

Therefore,

pukuy

provides

the actor

with

an

orientation

in

space

and

time. It

orients

him

to

his own

activities

and

mediates

his

personal

relationship

with

the

deities.

orientation

In

space

Pukuy

involves

calling upon

the

Earth

in

general

and

calling upon

places

on

the

Earth,

both

the

more

distant,

regional

ones and

the local ones.

Thus,

the

rules

for

pukuy

express

the nested

concept

of

space

described

earlier,

beginning

on

the most

im-

mediate

level with an

orientation toward

local

places.

The localities

are

integrated

within

progressively

larger regional

units,

which

are

oriented

to

the

highest

hills

overlooking

that

region.

Both local and

regional places

must

be

involved

in

pukuy.

One's own

sacred

place,

or

ayllu,

must

be

invoked,

along

with

more distant

places.

When

Runa

travel,

they

look with

interest and

apprehension

to

the

local

Tirakuna

hey

are

passing.

They

know

that Tirakuna are

likely

to

look

upon

them,

as

outsiders

to

the

locality,

at worst with

hostility

or

at best

with

indifference.

They

assiduously

blow

their

k'intus

to

introduce themselves to

the

Tirakuna.

When I

first

entered

Sonqo

I

was warned

to

blow

my

k'intus

to

Antaqaqa.

In

Cuzco, however,

Don

Cipriano

instructed

me

to blow

my

k'intus

to

Calle

Sapphi,

the street

where

my

lodging

was

located.

He

said it was

all

right

to

continue

blowing

to

Sonqo,

but

Calle

Sapphi

was of

more

immediate

importance.

During

a

trip

over

the

high puna

(tundra),

my

companions spent

an

especially long

time

doing

pukuy

in

preparation

for

crossing

the

pass

over

a

range

of

nasty

mountains.

They

became

ex-

tremely disturbed when I wandered off before they had finished chewing. I was disregard-

ing

the

placation

of

important

and

hostile

deities.

The

grammar

of

pukuy

provides

a

paradigm

for

both

religious

and

spatial

organization.

When Runa

orient

themselves

in

space,

they

enter

into

a

personal

relationship

with

places.

orientation

In

time

As

with

space,

we

can

distinguish

two

aspects

of

temporal

organiza-

tion that

are

analogous

to the local

and

regional

aspects

of

spatial

organization

and

that

I

call

local

(or immediate)

time

and

distant time.

Coca

chewing

is

a

time

to

prepare

one's

thoughts

for

the work

ahead;

Runa

seldom

begin

a

major

task

without

sitting

down to

chew,

even

if

alone or

briefly.

Runa, then,

orient

themselves

to their

activities

through

the

hallpay ceremony. As there are prescribed times during the day for hallpay, coca chewing

marks off

the

passing

of

time.

Intervals of

time can

be

expressed

by

the

amount of

time it

takes to

exhaust a

coca

quid;

Mortimer

(1974

[1901]:204)

reported

that a

chew

of

coca

equaled

about

40

minutes,

which

he said

was

equivalent

to

three-quarters

of

a

league

in

space.

Hallpay

marks

the

day

into

intervals

and,

on

an

even

more

immediate

scale,

articu-

lates

one's

current

preoccupations

to one's

activities.








On a

more

distant,

greater

dimension of

time,

we see

that

rule 3-the

prescription

to

include one's

ayllu

community

in

pukuy-draws

the

speaker

to call on

ancestral

and

parental-type figures,

like the Machula Aulanchis

and

Antaqaqa.

As

I

will

explain

below,

the

ayllu

itself is

thought

of

by

the Runa as an

eternal

entity, drawing

the

speaker

into

both

past

and future.

The

obligatory

invocation

of

Pacha,

who

envelopes

both

time and

space,

also draws one into time on this cosmic scale. Moreover, the very act of chewing coca

declares to the world one's

identification

with

traditions

handed down

from

the Incas. The

Incas,

who are hidden from the

present,

are

beings

of

the

past

and,

in millenarian

thought,

of the

future

(Ortiz

1973).

In

pukuy,

Runa first orient

themselves to

Earth

as a whole and then to the

overlapping

subdivisions

of

space

and

time

imposed

on

her,

in

both local and more

distant dimensions.

This

analysis

still leaves out another essential

dimension: the

ayllu,

which

integrates

human

beings

and

sacred

places

into

a

single

community.

ayllu: he concept of community

Much has

been

written

about the

Andean

ayllu,

a subtle

and difficult

concept

(e.g.,

Zuidema

1977;

Isbell

1977,

1978;

Mayer

1977).

Here

I

discuss the

ayllu

in

Sonqo

as

it

relates

to

the

ceremony

of coca

chewing.

Ultimately,

the manifestation

of

ayllu

which

I

found

in

Sonqo

should

be understood

within

the

general

theoretical

framework

of Andean

social

organization,

but such

an

undertaking

is

beyond

the

scope

of this

paper

(see

Wagner

1978).

Sonqo

is a

dispersed

puna

ayllu (high

tundra

community).

There

is no subdivision

into

moieties.

The

term

ayllu

refers

to the

community

as a

whole and

is

not

used

in

reference

to

a kin group (the term for close kin, up to or including second cousins is p amilia).

Sonquenos

explain

the

concept

of

ayllu

in

terms

of

locality.

For

them,

any

place

in

the

community

is a

potential

ayllu.

To

be an

ayllu

a

place

must

have

houses

on

it,

with

people

living

in them.

Any place

where

Runa

live

is

an

ayllu.

Wasi

(house)

and

tiyana

(seat,

living

place)

are

synonyms

for this

neighborhood-level

ayllu.

Fellow

members

of an

ayllu

need

not

be

related

through

blood

or

marriage

(though they

usually

are);

they

are

ayllu

masis

(ayllu

mates)

by

virtue

of

common

residence.

Logically,

then,

the

concept

of

ayllu begins

with the

home,

its

boundaries

to

the out-

side

(Zuidema

1977:257)

defined

by

the

natural

physiognomy

of the

locality.

Within

Son-

qo's

territory

there

are

many

local

ayllus

and countless

potential

ones.

The next logical extension is to the community as a whole. Climbing above the communi-

ty

into

the

puna

no-man's-land,

one

views

Sonqo

as

a

many-armed

ridge,

extending

from

the

high

pass

of

Pana

Punku

down

to the

Qolqepata

Mayu

(river).

The

adjoining

com-

munities,

each

also

an

ayllu,

are

geographically

defined

by

the

valleys

to

either

side of

this

ridge.

The

community ayllus together

form

a

basically endogamous

unit.

Sonquenos

go

on

to

explain

that

Qolqepata

Ayllu

is

part

of Paucartambo

Ayllu

(the

province),

which is

part

of Cuzco

Ayllu

(the

department).6

The

logic

of

ayllu

follows

the

logic

of

spatial

and

religious

hierarchy

described

previously,

giving

each

individual

a

very specific

local

orien-

tation

by higher

and

higher

landmarks-to

a

large-scale

regional

orientation.

According

to

Sonqo's origin

myth,

the

ayllu

came

into

being

in

the

distant

past

when

three ancestors emerged from three places in Sonqo's territory. The myth thus emphasizes

the

identification

of the

people

of

Sonqo

with the

places

of

Sonqo,

as the

origin

of the

ayllu

lies

in

a

bond of

kinship

between

people

and

territory.

All

living

members

of

Sonqo

Ayllu

are therefore

considered

at least

distant

relatives.7

In

the

minds of

Sonqo

Runa, however,

ayllu

membership

consists

not

so

much

in

com-

mon

descent

as

in common

allegiance

to

sacred

places.

This

sense of

intrinsic

group

164 american ethnologist







solidarity

is remarkable for its

persistence

in the face

of

tensions,

jealousies,

and

bickering

that

characterize

community

life. The

ayllu

is a

major

source of self-identification

and

emotional

stability

(see

Montgomery

1971).

This

relationship

to

places

is

compared

to

the

relationship

of

parents

and

children.

They're

the ones

who nurture us

(uywaqninchis),

ex-

plained

a

middle-aged

man,

his

face

lighting

up

at

the

thought.

The essence of

Quechua

social organization lies in this relationship, close and continually felt, of Runa with

Tirakuna.

the structural

position

of coca

In

Quechua thought

the

manipulation

of

coca has

far-reaching practical

effects;

it is im-

perative

to one's

well-being

(allinkawsay)

to maintain

a

good relationship

with

the

Tirakuna,

from whom

spring

one's social

and

spiritual identity.

A

Runa monitors his

relationship

with

the Tirakuna

hrough

the

vicissitudes

of

his

fortune;

stumbling, losing

a

sheep,

and

getting

caught in the rain are signs of something amiss. To avoid such an imbalance, a Runa blows

his k'intus

and,

if

need

be,

makes

other

offerings.

For

example,

one

morning

I

was

caught

in

a dense

fog

that caused

me

to lose

my

way.

When

I

asked Don

Cipriano why

this

had

hap-

pened,

he

replied

that the

Tirakunawere

angry

with

me;

obviously,

he

said,

I

hadn't been

blowing

my

k'intus

properly.

He

proceeded

to

give

me

my

most

careful lesson

in

pukuy.

To me

you

will

blow

your

k'intus is one

of

the Pachamama's

primary injunctions

to

mankind

(Gow

and

Condori

1976:9).

This

is

the most

basic of

religious

duties.

In

elaborate

religious

rituals of the home or of the

community,

the ideas

expressed

are

the

same

as

in

routine

hallpay:

that the deities

who

control

human,

plant,

and animal welfare must be

drawn

into

the

ongoing

reciprocal

interaction which

is

the basis for

Quechua

community.8

Coca leaves also are used in divination, the Tirakunaspeaking through configurations of

leaves

(e.g.,

Bastien

1978).

In structural

terms,

coca

mediates between

the human

and

the

supernatural.

Since well-

being

depends

on

close communication between human

beings

and sacred

places,

the

use

of

coca maintains an

orienting

sense of

cognitive

and

emotional

stability

in

a

spatial,

tem-

poral,

and

moral universe.

Coca,

in its

mediating position,

facilitates a

relationship

of de-

layed, asymmetrical

reciprocity

between Runa and

Tirakuna.

While

the deities

provide

well-being,

humans,

in

pukuy

or in

libations of alcohol

(ch'allay),

provide

the samincha

which denotes

spiritual

essence of the

substance. Of all the

nourishment that

you

eat or

drink,

before

consuming

it

you

have to blow its

scent to the earth and to the machu

aukis,

since

they

nourish

themselves

by

savoring

the

fragrant

samincha

(Valderrama

and

Escalante

1977:55).

the k'intu

exchange

The

reciprocal

exchange

in

pukuy

between humans

and

super-

naturals

is one of two

types

of

exchange

that

occur

in

coca

chewing.

The

other

relationship

of

reciprocity

is

between the human

actors

in

the

ceremony

and

is

expressed through

the

exchange

of

k'intus.

I

turn

now to a

closer

analysis

of this

aspect

of

hallpay

etiquette.

Reciprocity

has

been described

as the

ethos of Andean

culture

(D.

Nufez

del Prado

Bejar

1972).

During

the last

two decades

a

great

deal

of

attention

has

been turned to the

modes

of

reciprocity

that

govern

Andean

economic and

social

life,

to

demonstrate that

traditional economic forms

are

inextricably

involved with

kinship

and

the ritual

life

of

the

community

(Alberti

and

Mayer

1974a,

1974b;

Isbell

1977;

Fonseca

1974;

Mayer

1974, 1977).

In

southern

Peru the

dominant mode of

reciprocity

is

ayni,

a

symmetrical exchange

of

de-

layed

reciprocity

between

equals,

usually

manifest

in

labor

exchanges.

Another

important

mode

of

reciprocity

is

mink'a,

an

asymmetrical

hierarchical

relationship

in

which ser-

coca-chewing

symbolism

165







vices

are

repaid

n food

or

goods.

In

hallpay,

reciprocity

between humans

and deities

may

be termed

mink'a,

while

the

exchange

of k'intus is an

expression

of

ayni

(e.g.,

Gonzalez

Holguin

1952

[1608]).

Mink'aand

ayni

are both

institutionalized

orms of a

give-and-take

which

permeate

An-

dean social

existence.

The

ayni

is a

subtle thread

in

the fabric of

life,

coloring

the

most

basic human activities ... It is said 'Life is an ayni'meaningall activities are interwoven

through

this

medium

(0.

Nunez del Prado

1973:30).

Reciprocity

has a

strong symbolic

aspect

when the

exchanges

involved

serve to define

relationships

between

people

(Mauss

1954

[1925];

Mayer

1974:40).

In

hallpay

he

symbolic

aspect

of

reciprocal

xchange

is

maximized,

while

the economic

aspect

is

minimized. The

economic value of

the coca

leaves

exchanged

in

hallpay

is

negligible.

However,

each

prestation

of

leaves

is

accompanied by

an invitationto

the

social

activity

of

chewing together.Sharing

he leaves and

sharing

he

activity

are

implicit-

ly equated.

The

reciprocal

k'intu

exchange,

then,

symbolizes

a

social

relationship

f shar-

ing among

the

participants.

Thesocial uses of coca illustrate his point.Coca is usedto seal contracts.A

request

o

do

ayni

is

accompanied

by

a handfulof

coca;

once the coca

is

accepted

there

can

be no

backing

out

of

the

contractual

obligation.

A

man

chosen for a

community

office

signifies

his

acceptance

or

rejection

of this

cargoby

accepting

or

rejecting

a

bundle

of coca

offered

him

by

the

mayor

of the

community

also

see Gifford

and

Hoggarth

976:5).

Requests

o

community

officials

may

be

accompanied

by

coca,

although

they

are more

often accom-

panied

by gifts

of

alcohol,

which is

also

used

to seal

contracts.

The fate

of

the

request

is

clearly

revealed

by

the

acceptance

or

rejection

of the

prestation.

Although

coca

which

is offered to seal

a

formal

contract

may

be

politely

refused,

refusal

is

impossible

n

routine

hallpayamong

Runa.The

rejection

of coca denotes

a

refusal

o

par-

ticipate

in

Quechua

society

and defines one as a misti

Mestizo).

Like

he

adoption

of

West-

ern

dress

and the

Spanish anguage,

the

rejection

of coca

signifies

a

transfer

of

loyalties

from the

Quechua

to the

Hispanic

cultural raditions.Most mistisare viewed with distrust.

Similarly,

when some

North

American

acquaintances

refused

coca

k'intus,

the Runa

in-

volved

quietly

stopped

associating

with them.

Among

Runathe social contract

is

continually

resealed

as

adults

chew

coca

together

many

times

a

day

in

variouscontexts. Because it involves

sharing

a

material

ubstance,

he

social

bond is

made

tangible.

Since

the

deities receive

part

of

what

is

shared,

hey

too

par-

ticipate

in

the

human nteraction.

Sonqo

Runa hemselves refer o coca as t'anta

bread)

r

hostia(the Host),in an explicit analogywith Christian ommunion ritual.The analogy is

precise

in

many respects,

for

in

hallpay

Runa

are

brought ogether, chewing

with

and

for

each

other

in

the

presence

of

the

deity.

Being

a sacred

substance,

coca sanctifies

reciproci-

ty

as

a fundamental

part

of the world order.

conclusion:

the

meaning

of

hallpay

I

have

explored

three

aspects

of coca

chewing

in a Peruvian

ommunity:

1. Pukuy:blowingon the k'intuwhileinvokingdeitiesaccording o prescribed ules.This

creates

a

relationship

of

delayed

asymmetricalreciprocity

between human

and

super-

natural.

The

internal

grammar

f the invocation

defines:

a)

spatial

orientation

n

both local

and

regional

dimensions;

b)

emporal

orientation

n

immediate

and

distantdimensions

i.e.,

to

present

activities and times of

day,

and to ancestral

figures);

and

(c)

religious

or

moral

orientation

with

respect

to

the

sacred,

including

he

ayllu.

166

american

ethnologist







2. K'intu

exchanges:

these

express

one-to-one

relationships

of

symmetrical

reciprocity

among

hallpay

participants.

If there are three or more

participants,

these

exchanges

also

ex-

press

a

hierarchical

organization

of the

group

through

the order

in which k'intus are

presented.

3.

Finally,

as

the

human

participants

invoke

the deities with each

others' k'intus before

consuming

them,

spiritual

beings

are

integrated

into human

society, expressing

the concept

of

ayllu.

The

ayllu-community

created

through

mutual ties to sacred

places-is

consid-

ered to be

omnipresent

and

eternal,

beginning

on an immediate local level and

expanding

through

time

and

space

to include all

groups adhering

to Incaic traditions

(i.e.,

all

Runa).

This

includes

the

ancestors,

invoked

in

pukuy,

as well as

the

Incas

themselves,

who

will

return

to reinstate their

reign

and revalidate their culture.

How can

we

know

the dancer from

the dance?

(Yeats

1963).

This

question, differently

phrased,

has

occupied many anthropologists

over the last

century. Recently,

Goffman

(1967:84)

answered Yeats

unequivocally:

For

a

complete

man

to

be

expressed,

individuals

must

hold hands in a chain of

ceremony,

each

giving

deferentially

with

proper

demeanor to

the one

on

the

right

what will be

received

deferentially

from

the

one on the

left.

The

self,

in

Goffman's

view,

exists

through

and

in

social interaction.

The

dancer cannot be

ab-

stracted

from the dance.

I

have

explored

the formulation

of a

Quechua

self

through

the dance

of

hallpay.

The

symbolism

of this dance defines

a

very large-scale

abstraction

(Langer

1962:63)-that

of

cultural

structure-through

metaphoric

condensation of diverse

dimensions of

physical,

mental,

and

emotional

experience.

Inasmuch as

the

hallpay

symbols

are themselves

ac-

tions,

the individual

literally

acts out basic cultural

principles. Participation

in

this

cultural

dance

puts

the

Runa

into a sacred

contract

to

participate

in

Quechua

tradition

with his fellows and with

spiritual beings.

When an individual

stops chewing coca, he

or

she

seeks

new

cultural dances and a new

definition

of

self.

notes

Acknowledgments.

wish to

thank he institutions hat

supportedmy

research: he

Henry

and

Grace

Doherty

CharitableFoundation

in 1975)

and the

National

Science Foundation

June-August

978;

# BNS

77-11319).

also

owe a

great

debt

of

gratitude

o

many

ndividualswho

helped

me,

both

in

Peru

and

in

the

United

States.

I wish

particularly

o thank he

people

of

Sonqo

and

Qolqepata

or

accepting

me and

teaching

me;

Dr.

R. T.

Zuidemaof the

University

f Illinois

or

guidance

and

moral

support;

and Richard

M.

Wagner,

who was

my

husbandand

fellow

traveler.Portionsof

this

paper

have

been

published

n

Spanish,

ontainedwithin Coca

y

estructura ulturalen los Andes

peruanos (Allpanchis

9:193-223,

1976;

America

Indigena

38(4):877-902,

978).

1

Personalnames have been

changed

to

protect

individual

privacy.

2

I

am

using

the

word

ceremony

n

Goffman's

1967:476-477)

ense:

A

ceremonialrule s one which

guides

conduct

for

matters

elt to have

secondary

or no

significance

in their

own

right,

having

their

primary mportance-officially

anyway-as

a

conventionalized

means

of communication

by

which the

individual

xpresses

his

characteror

conveys

his

apprecia-

tion

of

the other

participants

n

the situation.... The

code which

governs

ceremonial rules

and

ceremonial

expressions

s

incorporated

n

what we call

etiquette.

3

As

examples

of

regional

variation n

coca

etiquette

we

find

that

in

Cuzco the lime

that

is

chewed

with coca takes the formof hard umpsof compressedashcalled Ilipta. nAyacucho t is calledtoqra

(J.

Earls 975:

personal

communication).

n

Huanuco

Burchard

975:465),

owdered

ime

called ishku

is carried n

a small

gourd

ishkupuru)

itted

with

a

spatula chupadero)

nd

cap.

In

many

parts

of

Cuz-

co

divinationwith

coca is a

serious

act,

performedby

qualified people

in

private;

n

Ayacucho

and

Huanuco

(Burchard

975:465)

divining

is

part

of

routine

coca-chewing

etiquette.

In

Cuzco coca is

shared

hrough

xchanges

of

k'intus,

a

custom not

found in

Ayacucho

J.

Earls 975:

personal

commu-

nication)

or

Huancavalica

R.

Gamarra1978:

personal

communication),

hough

k'intus

have other

ritualuses in

those

areas.

While in

Cuzco the

word k'intu

refers o

an

offering

of three

or more

coca








leaves

placed

one

on

top

of the

other,

in

Ayacucho

and Huancavalica the word refers to

small,

perfect

coca leaves

(Zuidema

1977:

personal

communication;

R.

Gamarra

1978:

personal

communication).

In

Bolivia

(Bastien 1978:34),

men

exchange

coca

bags

when

they

chew

together,

a

custom

which

I

did not

observe

in

Peru.

The

extent

to

which

women

participate

in

coca

chewing

varies

considerably.

For ex-

ample,

women

in

Sonqo

chew

equally

with

men;

Gary

Urton

(1977:

personal

communication)

observed

that

women in

Misminay,

in the

neighboring

province

of

Urubamba,

chew far less and

ideally

are

said

not

to chew

at

all.

The

term

for

chewing

coca also

varies: in Cuzco it

is

hallpayj;

in

Puno,

p'inchay.

4

In

Sonqo

women

only carry

their

coca

in

cloths called

unkhuflas;

men use

unkhunas or

ch'uspas

(coca

bags).

Coca

bags

made from

baby alpaca

skins

(paqos)

are the

prerogative

of

mature

men and

are worn

hanging

down from the belt over

the

groin.

There is

an

overlay

of

symbolism:

alpacas

are a

sign

of

wealth;

coca

possesses

spiritual

potency;

and the

phallic-looking bag

implies

male

potency.

s

Regarding

the influence of

Christianity upon

this

system

(and

vice

versa)

see

J. Niuez

del Prado

(1970),

Marzal

(1971a,

1971b),

Garr

(1972),

and Gow

(1974,

1976).

6

Although

informants

described

Cuzco

Ayllu

as

being

the next level after

Paucartambo

Ayllu,

I

think that

originally

the ultimate

ayllu

would have been

composed

of all the communities which look

to

Ausangate

as chief

Apu

and which

participate

in

the annual

pilgrimage

to

Qoyllur

Rit'i,

which

draws

10,000

Runa from hundreds

of communities

to the

slopes

of

Ausangate.

7

One

of the most difficult

theoretical

problems posed

by

the Andean

ayllu

is

that

the term

may

refer to

apparently

contradictory types

of social

phenomena.

It

may

refer to a

lineage

(Zuidema 1964,

1977; Zuidema and Quispe 1968), to a bilateral kindred (Isbell 1977,1978; Mayer 1977), to moieties of a

community

(Palomino

1971;

Isbell

1978),

and to an

endogamous

community,

like

Sonqo.

It

is

par-

ticularly

difficult

to reconcile the

ayllu

as

an

exogamous

kin

group

(lineage

or

kindred)

with the

ayllu

as an

endogamous

community.

However,

Isbell also

reports

a

very general

definition of

ayllu,

verbalized

by

a native

informant as

any

group

with a

head. This definition

indicates that

in

order to

understand

any given

manifestation

of

ayllu

we must

identify

the head

and

analyze

the

relationship

of the head to the

ayllu's

member-

ship.

Zuidema

(1977)

describes

the

Inca

ayllu

as a descent

group consisting

of an

apical

male

ancestor

and four

generations

of

descendents,

males

in

a

patriline

and females

in

a

matriline. The head

in

this

case

is the

apical

ancestor. Zuidema reconciles

this

lineage-type

ayllu

with

the

community-type

ayllu

by observing

that

within the

lineage marriage

was

proscribed

until

the

fourth

generation, making

the

nearest

marriageable

relative a third cross cousin

(FFFZddd).

He

points

out

(1977:258)

that

if

everyone

in a community were to marry a third cross cousin, the community would become an endogamic

group.

Thus

the

ayllu

as a local

group

would have

originated,

conceptually,

in

the

ayllu

as

a kin

group.

To allow for

endogamy,

ayllu

membership

would

be defined as it

is in

Sonqo, by

residence

rather than

kinship.

But

what of the

apical

ancestor

who,

according

to this

explanation,

should still be the head of this

community-type

ayllu?

It is

common

in the Andes for the members

of a

community

to consider them-

selves descendents

of

a local

sacred

place

or

places,

as

I

have described for

Sonqo.

Thus the sacred

place

is the head or

ancestor,

and

allegiance

to this sacred

place,

which

provides

the emotional

basis for

ayllu

membership,

has its

ideological

basis

in a common

ancestry.

This closes the

gap among

the various

contradictory

usages

of the

term

ayllu.

a

Alcohol,

cooked

food,

and music

may play

a

similar

mediating

role

between

humans

and the

spiritual

realm.

In

religious

festivals,

coca

is

consumed

in

conjunction

with alcohol to

produce

a

state

of intoxication

thought

to facilitate communication

with the Tirakuna

see

Wagner

1978).

In

this

con-

text coca and alcohol play a role similar to that of hallucinogens in Amazonian societies (e.g., Harner

1973).

references

ited

Alberti,

Giorgio,

and

Enrique

Mayer

1974a

(eds.)

Reciprocidad

e

Intercambio

en los Andes

peruanos.

Peru

Problema

12. Lima: Instituto

de Estudios

Peruanos.

1974b

Reciprocidad

Andina:

Ayer

y Hoy.

In

Reciprocidad

e

Intercambio

en los

Andes Peruanos.

Peri

Problema

12.

Giorgio

Alberti and

Enrique

Mayer,

eds.

pp.

13-33.

Lima:

Instituto

de Estudios

Peruanos.

Albo,

Xavier

1978

El

Mundo de

la Coca en

Coripata,

Bolivia.

America

Indlgena

38:939-972.

Bastien,

Joseph

1978 Mountain

of the Condor.

American

Ethnological

Society Monograph

No.

64.

St.

Paul,

MN:

West

Publishing.

1979

Coca,

Food

and

Ritual

among

the

Qollahuaya.

Ms.

Department

of

Sociology,

University

of

Texas

at

Arlington.

168

american

ethnologist







Bolton,

Ralph

1976

Andean Coca

Chewing:

A

Metabolic

Perspective.

American

Anthropologist

78:630-633.

1979

On Coca

Chewing

and

High

Altitude Stress. Current

Anthropology

20:418-420.

Burchard,

Roderick

1974

Coca

y

Trueque

de

Alimentos.

In

Reciprocidad

e

Intercambio en los

Andes Peruanos.

Peru

Problema

12.

Giorgio

Alberti and

Enrique Mayer,

eds.

pp.

209-251. Lima:

Instituto de

Estudios

Peruanos.

1975 Coca Chewing: A New Perspective. In Cannibis and Culture. V. Rubin, ed. pp. 463-484.

Chicago:

Aldine.

1978

Coca

Leaf, Food,

Work

and

Peasant Health

in

the Andes.

Ms.

Department

of

Anthropology,

University

of

Manitoba.

1979

Recent

Anthropological

Research on the

Metabolic

Effects

of

Coca Use in the Andes.

Ms.

Department

of

Anthropology,

University

of

Manitoba.

Caceres,

Baldomero

1978 La

Coca,

el Mundo Andino

y

los

Extirpadores

de

Idolatrias de

Siglo

XX.

America

Indigena

38:769-788.

Carter,

William

E.

1978

Traditional Use of

Coca Leaf

in Bolivia.

La Paz:

Museo

Nacional

de

Etnologia

y

Folklore.

Carter,

William

E.,

and Mauricio Mamani

P.

1978

Patrones del Uso de

la Coca en Bolivia.

America

Indigena

38:905-938.

Duke, J. A., D. Aulik, and T. Plowman

1975

Nutritional Value of

Coca.

Botanical

Museum

Leaflets

24(6):113-119.

Cambridge: Peabody

Museum.

Duviols,

Pierre

1971

La

Lutte Contre

les

Religions

Autochtones dans le

Perou Colonial.

Lima:

Institute

Francais

d'Etudes Andines.

Earls,

John

C.

1969 The

Organization

of

Power in

Quechua

Mythology.

Journal

of the

Steward

Anthropological

Society

1(1

:63-82.

1972

Andean

Continuum

Cosmology.

Ph.D.

dissertation.

Department

of

Anthropology,

University

of

Illinois,

Urbana.

Fonseca

Martel,

Cesar

1974

Modalidades

de

la

Minka. In

Reciprocidad

e

Intercambio

en

los

Andes

Peruanos.

Peru

Prob-

lema 12. Giorgio Alberti and Enrique Mayer, eds. pp. 86-109. Lima: Instituto de Estudios

Peruanos.

Fuchs,

Andrew

1978

Coca

Chewing

and

High

Altitude

Stress:

Possible

Effects

of

Coca Alkaloids

on

Erythropoiesis.

Current

Anthropology

19:277-291.

Garr,

Thomas

M.,

s.

j.

1972

Christianismo

y Religi6n

Quechua

en la

Prelatura

de

Ayaviri.

Cuzco:

Instituto

de

Pastoral

Andina.

Geertz,

Clifford

1966

Religion

as

a

Cultural

System.

In

Anthropological

Approaches

to the

Study

of

Religion.

M.

Banton,

ed.

pp.

1-46.

London:

Tavistock.

Gifford,

Douglas,

and

Pauline

Hoggarth

1976

Carnival

and

Coca

Leaf:

Some

Traditions

of

the Peruvian

Quechua Ayllu.

New

York:

St. Mar-

tin's

Press.

Goffman,

Erving

1967

Interaction

Ritual.

Chicago:

Aldine.

Gonzalez

Holguin,

Diego

1952[1608]

Vocabulario

de la

Lengua

General

de

todo

el

Per(.

Lima:

Instituto de

Historia,

Universi-

dad

Nacional

Mayor

de

San

Marcos.

Gow,

David

1974

Taytacha

Qolyllur

Rit'i.

Allpanchis

Phuturinqa

7:49-100.

1976

The

Gods and

Social

Change

in

the

High

Andes.

Ph.D.

dissertation.

Development

Studies,

University

of

Wisconsin-Madison.

Gow,

Rosalind,

and

Bernabe

Condori

1976

Kay

Pacha.

Cuzco:

Centro

de

Estudios

Rurales

Andinos.

Gutierrez-Noriega,

Carlos

1949

El

Habito

de la

Coca en

Peru.

America Indigena 9(2):143-182.1952

El

Habito

de la

Coca en

Sud

America.

America

Indigena

12(2):111-120.

Hanna,

J.

M.

1971a

Further Studies

on

the

Effects of

Coca

Chewing

on

Exercise.

Human

Biology

43:200-209.

1971b

Responses

of

Quechua

Indians

to

Coca

Ingestion

during

Cold

Exposure.

American

Journal

of

Physical

Anthropology

34:273-278.

1974

Coca

Leaf

Use

in

Southern

Peru:

Some

Biological

Aspects.

American

Anthropologist

76:281-295.

coca-chewing symbolism

169







Harner,

Michael,

ed.

1973

Hallucinogens

and Shamanism.

London:

Oxford

University

Press.

Isbell,

B.

J.

1977

Those Who Love

Me:

An

Analysis

of

Kinship

and

Reciprocity

Within

a

Ritual Context.

In

Andean

Kinship

and

Marriage. Ralph

Bolton

and

Enrique Mayer,

eds.

pp.

81-105.

American

An-

thropological

Association

Special

Publication,

No.

7.

Washington,

DC.

1978

To Defend Ourselves:

Ecology

and

Ritual

in an Andean

Village.

Latin American

Monographs,

No.

47.

Austin: Institute of

Latin American Studies.

Langer,

Suzanne

1962

Philosophical

Sketches. Baltimore:

Johns

Hopkins

University

Press.

Marzal,

Manuel

1971a El

Mundo

Religioso

de

Urcos.

Cusco:

Instituto

Pastoral

Andina.

1971b

iPuede

un

campesino

cristiano ofrecer

un

pago

de

la tierra ?

Allpanchis Phuturinqa

3:116-132.

Mauss,

Marcel

1954

[1925]

The

Gift:

Forms

and

Functions

of

Exchange

in

Archaic

Society.

New

York: Free Press

of

Glencoe.

Mayer,

Enrique

1974 Las

Reglas

del

Juego

en la

Reciprocidad

Andina.

In

Reciprocidad

e

Intercambio

en

los

Andes

Peruanos.

Peru

Problema

12.

Giorgio

Alberti

and

EnriqueMayer,

eds.

pp.

37-65. Lima:

Instituto

de

Estudios Peruanos.

1977

Beyond

the

Nuclear

Family.

In

Andean

Kinship

and

Marriage. Ralph

Bolton

and

Enrique

Mayer,

eds.

pp.

66-80. American

Anthropological

Association

Special

Publication,

No.

7.

Washington,

DC.

Montgomery,

Evelyn

Ina

1971

Ethos

y Ayllu

en Coasa. Mexico:

Instituto

Indigenista

Interamericano.

Morissette,

Jacques,

and Luc Racine

1973 La Hierarchie

des Wamani:

Essai sur la Pensee Classificatoire

Quechua.

Signes

et

Langages

des

Ameriques

3(1-2):167-188.

Mortimer,

W.

Golden

1974[1901]

History

of

Coca:

The

Divine

Plant of

the

Incas.

San

Francisco:

And/Or

Press.

Murra,

John

1975 Formaciones Econ6micas

y

Politicas

del

Mundo Andino. Lima:

Instituto

de

Estudios

Per-

uanos.

Nunez del Prado

Bejar, Daisy

1972 La

Reciprocidad

como

Ethos de

la

Cultura

Quechua.

Allpanchis

Phuturinqa

4:135-165.

Nunez

del

Prado

Bejar,

Juan

Victor

1970 El

Mundo Sobrenatural

de los

Quechuas

del Sur

de Peru a

traves de la Comunidad

de

Qotabamba.

Allpanchis

Phuturinqa

2:57-120.

Nunez

del

Prado,

Oscar

1973

Kuyo

Chico:

Applied

Anthropology

in an

Indian

Community.

Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press.

Ortiz

Rescaniere,

Alejandro

1973

De

Adaneva

a Inkarri:una visi6n

indigena

del

PerG.

Lima:

Retablo

de

Papel

Ediciones.

Palomino,

Salvador

1971

Duality

in

the

Socio-Cultural

Organization

of

Several

Andean

Populations.

Folk

13:65-88.

Picon-Reategui,

E.

1968 The Effect of

Coca

Chewing

on

Metabolic

Balance

in Peruvian

High

Altitude

Natives. Occa-

sional

Papers

in

Anthropology

1:556-563.

University

Park:

Pennsylvania

State

University.

Rostorowski

de

Diez

Canseco,

Maria

1970

Mercaderes

del Valle

de

Chincha

en

la

Epoca

Pre-Hispanica:

Un Documento

y

Unos

Comen-

tarios.

Revista

Espanola

de

Antropologia

5:135-177.

Turner,

Victor

1977

Symbols

in

African Ritual. In

Symbolic

Anthropology:

A

Reading

in the

Study

of

Symbols

and

Meanings.

J.

Dolgin,

D. S.

Kemitzer,

and D.

Schneider,

eds.

pp.

183-194. New York:

Columbia

University

Press.

UNESCO

1950

Report

of

the

Commission

of

Enquiry

on

the

Coca

Leaf. Economic

and

Social Council Offi-

cial

Reports.

12th

Session,

Special

Supplement

No.

1. Lake

Success,

NY: United

Nations.

Urbano,

H. Oswaldo

1974 La

Representaci6n

Andina

del

Tiempo

y

del

Espacio

en

la

Fiesta.

Allpanchis

Phuturinqa

7:9-48.

Valderrama

Fernandez,

Ricardo,

and

Carmen

Escalante

Gutierrez

1977

Soy

Gregorio

Condori

Mamani:

autobiografia

de

un

cargador

indigena.

Cuzco:

Centro

de

Estudios

Rurales

Andinos.

170

american

ethnologist







Vitti,

Trieste

1979

Recent

Biochemical

Research

on Coca

Alkaloid: Metabolic

Implications.

Ms.

Department

of

Pharmacy,

University

of Manitoba.

Von

Glascoe,

C.,

D.

Metzger,

A.

Palomino,

O.

E.

Vargas,

and C.

Wilson

1976

Stages

in

the

Acquisition

of Coca

Realis: Are You

Going

to

Learn

to

Chew Coca

Like Us?

Social

Science

Working

Papers,

No. 16.

School

of

Social

Sciences.

Irvine:

University

of

California.

Wachtel,

Nathan

1973 Sociedad e Ideologia: Ensayos de Historia y Antropologia Andinos. Lima: Instituto de

Estudios

Peruanos.

Wagner,

Catherine

Allen

1978

Coca,

Chicha

and

Trago:

Private

and

Communal Rituals

in a

Quechua

Community.

Ph.D. dis-

sertation.

Department

of

Anthropology,

University

of

Illinois-Urbana.

Yeats,

William

B.

1963

Among

School

Children.

In

The

Collected

Poems

of

William Butler Yeats.

New

York:Macmil-

lan.

Zuidema,

R.

T.

1964

The

Ceque

System

of

Cuzco:

The Social

Organization

of the Incas. Leiden: E.

J.

Brill.

1977 The

Inca

Kinship System:

A New

Theoretical

View. In Andean

Kinship

and

Marriage.

Ralph

Bolton

and

Enrique

Mayer,

eds.

pp.

240-281.

American

Anthropological

Association

Special

Publications,

No.

7.

Washington,

DC.

1978 Mito, Rito, Calendario y Geografia en el Antiguo Peri. In Actes du XLIIeCongres Interna-

tional

des

Americanistes,

1976.

Vol.

4.

Paris.

Zuidema,

R.

T.,

and U.

Quispe

1968

A

Visit to God:

The Account and

Interpretation

of

a

Religious Experience

in

the

Peruvian

Community

of

Choque-Huarcaya.

In

People

and

Cultures of Native South America. Daniel

Gross,

ed.

pp.

358-376. New York: Natural

History

Press.

Submitted

7

September

1979

Revised version received

25

April

1980

Accepted

7

May

1980

Final

revisions received

15

October

1980

coca-chewing

symbolism

171

allen, catherine. (1981). to be quechua. the symbolism of coca chewing in highland peru

Documents