american legislative leaders. 1850–1910: edited by charles f. ritter and jon l. wakely; james h....

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Reviews 99 Mead’s tenure as commissioner (19241936), has always catered to the interests of influential ~liticians and agribusiness rather than the interest of the general public in siting and designing its irrigation projects. While the reviewer does not disagree with this assessment, Dawdy too often presents the controversies sur- rounding the Bureau as simplistic good versus evil contests. White hats and black hats abound. This be- comes immediately apparent in Chapter 1, in which Dawdy relates the role of Bureau personnel in aiding the city of Los Angeles in its quest for access to water in the Owens Valley. Again, the problem is not with the author’s conclusions, but with phrases like “Davis (Bureau of Reclamation commissioner from 1914- 1923) and his water-grasping friends in Southern California” and “Davis, who for some time had been chummy with Bill Mulholland (Los Angeles City Engineer) , . .” (p, 25, 22). At certain points, particu- larly the analysis in Chapters 7 and 8 dealing with the irrigation-induced water quality problems in the west- em states, the writing is reminiscent of the classic muckraking tradition that began with the progressive era journalists and is still occasionally glimpsed in the work of today’s investigative reporters. Too often, how- ever, one encounters statements like this, “Swain’s (a current Bureau official) is not the voice of reason in an era of scientists who, since the mid-19SOs, have known that the solution to pollution is not dilu- tion.” (p. 1’20). While that statement would look just fine on a placard, it is jarringly out of place in an academic text. It is difficult to believe that an editor at Westview Press scrutinized this work. The lack of proper punc- tuation makes the text a chore to read. Passages similar to the following are repeated in every chapter: “Westlands’ liaison with the Bureau when most landowners in San Joaquin Valley were agitating for a state water project to avoid the acreage limitation was an anomaly to those who did not know that it expected to get cheaper water by going to the feds . . ,” (p, 40) Another example is: “As will be seen, Mead’s com- mitment to the intent of reclamation law came to a close with his death in January 1936 and with it the ini- tial emphasis on single-purpose projects.” (p. 31) It is unfortunate that this fascinating part of American history has not been given better treatment. An understanding of the controversies and conflicts described in this work is crucial for any student of the eco- nomic and social history of the United States. For example, the rise of agribusiness and the concomitant disappearance of the family farm can be partially traced to the provision of subsidized irrigation water to corporate farmers who have historically made a farce out of feder~ly-rn~~ted acreage limitations. For stu- dents of govemment, the story of the Reclamation Bureau is often a case study of bad policy o~gination and implementation. The impetus for reclamation projects has too often come from influential constituent in the private sector rather than from sound agricultural and water policy. In the implementation of these projects, the Bureau has often ignored or rejected relevant data from the Fish and Wildlife Service, the Geo- logical Survey, or the Soil Conservation Service. The negative consequences of this implementation strat- egy are now being seen at wildlife preserves like Kesterson Reservoir and Carson Sink and in a government subsidy program that provides anywhere from $30-$70 billion each year to corporate farmers in a time of crop surpluses and budget deficits. There is a good story to tell here, but, unfortunately this work does not do the job. It is recommended that one consult the sources in the footnotes and the bibliography and pass on the text. KEVIN FREDE-ITE Assistant Department Head Gove~ent ~blications and Microfo~s University of California, Irvine Irvine, California, USA American Legislative Leaders. 1850-1910. Edited by Charles F. Ritter and Jon L. Wakely; James H. Broussard, James Roger Sharp, and Nancy Weatherly Sharp, advisory editors. New York: Greenwood Press, 1989. 1090 pages. ISBN O-313-23943-6, LCCN 88-24734. $125.00. This is an innovative work, which will be more than welcome in the social sciences and humanities. The editors have compiled a biographical dictionary of state legislative leaders covering an important period in American political history. Altogether, some 1390 men - and reflecting the period under scrutiny, the en- tire volume is comprised of male political leaders - who served as state legislative speakers are analyzed. The scope of this volume is extensive, as it not only provides much info~ation about several generations of American political leaders, but it includes the raw data from which scholars may launch many interest- ing and original studies.

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Reviews 99

Mead’s tenure as commissioner (19241936), has always catered to the interests of influential ~liticians and agribusiness rather than the interest of the general public in siting and designing its irrigation projects. While the reviewer does not disagree with this assessment, Dawdy too often presents the controversies sur- rounding the Bureau as simplistic good versus evil contests. White hats and black hats abound. This be- comes immediately apparent in Chapter 1, in which Dawdy relates the role of Bureau personnel in aiding the city of Los Angeles in its quest for access to water in the Owens Valley. Again, the problem is not with the author’s conclusions, but with phrases like “Davis (Bureau of Reclamation commissioner from 1914- 1923) and his water-grasping friends in Southern California” and “Davis, who for some time had been chummy with Bill Mulholland (Los Angeles City Engineer) , . .” (p, 25, 22). At certain points, particu- larly the analysis in Chapters 7 and 8 dealing with the irrigation-induced water quality problems in the west- em states, the writing is reminiscent of the classic muckraking tradition that began with the progressive era journalists and is still occasionally glimpsed in the work of today’s investigative reporters. Too often, how- ever, one encounters statements like this, “Swain’s (a current Bureau official) is not the voice of reason in an era of scientists who, since the mid-19SOs, have known that the solution to pollution is not dilu- tion.” (p. 1’20). While that statement would look just fine on a placard, it is jarringly out of place in an academic text.

It is difficult to believe that an editor at Westview Press scrutinized this work. The lack of proper punc- tuation makes the text a chore to read. Passages similar to the following are repeated in every chapter: “Westlands’ liaison with the Bureau when most landowners in San Joaquin Valley were agitating for a state water project to avoid the acreage limitation was an anomaly to those who did not know that it expected to get cheaper water by going to the feds . . ,” (p, 40) Another example is: “As will be seen, Mead’s com- mitment to the intent of reclamation law came to a close with his death in January 1936 and with it the ini- tial emphasis on single-purpose projects.” (p. 31)

It is unfortunate that this fascinating part of American history has not been given better treatment. An understanding of the controversies and conflicts described in this work is crucial for any student of the eco- nomic and social history of the United States. For example, the rise of agribusiness and the concomitant disappearance of the family farm can be partially traced to the provision of subsidized irrigation water to corporate farmers who have historically made a farce out of feder~ly-rn~~ted acreage limitations. For stu- dents of govemment, the story of the Reclamation Bureau is often a case study of bad policy o~gination and implementation. The impetus for reclamation projects has too often come from influential constituent in the private sector rather than from sound agricultural and water policy. In the implementation of these projects, the Bureau has often ignored or rejected relevant data from the Fish and Wildlife Service, the Geo- logical Survey, or the Soil Conservation Service. The negative consequences of this implementation strat- egy are now being seen at wildlife preserves like Kesterson Reservoir and Carson Sink and in a government subsidy program that provides anywhere from $30-$70 billion each year to corporate farmers in a time of crop surpluses and budget deficits. There is a good story to tell here, but, unfortunately this work does not do the job. It is recommended that one consult the sources in the footnotes and the bibliography and pass on the text.

KEVIN FREDE-ITE Assistant Department Head

Gove~ent ~blications and Microfo~s University of California, Irvine

Irvine, California, USA

American Legislative Leaders. 1850-1910. Edited by Charles F. Ritter and Jon L. Wakely; James H. Broussard, James Roger Sharp, and Nancy Weatherly Sharp, advisory editors. New York: Greenwood Press, 1989. 1090 pages. ISBN O-313-23943-6, LCCN 88-24734. $125.00.

This is an innovative work, which will be more than welcome in the social sciences and humanities. The editors have compiled a biographical dictionary of state legislative leaders covering an important period in American political history. Altogether, some 1390 men - and reflecting the period under scrutiny, the en- tire volume is comprised of male political leaders - who served as state legislative speakers are analyzed. The scope of this volume is extensive, as it not only provides much info~ation about several generations of American political leaders, but it includes the raw data from which scholars may launch many interest- ing and original studies.

100 Reviews

The book begins with a 67-page essay introducing the 1850-1910 period as one in which America was transformed from an agrarian to industrial nation. The authors argue that the state legislatures were the po- litical focal point of the period, and given that the Civil War and Reconstruction periods dominate the study, this seems correct. Certainly local politics were a primary focus in this era. And since the state legislatures were the nucleus of American politics, “the speakers were the key members of the most important political bodies in the nineteenth-century U.S. political system (at xix).”

This, then, is a biographical study of legislative leaders that, if successful, should reveal and inform much about the era under study. Additionally, the information compiled by the editors should provide much im- petus for future studies of leadership and political service patterns in this era and in comparison to other periods of American history.

The introductory essay suggests that much can be learned from the compilation of basic biographic infor- mation. When extrapolated, the findings should lead to a deep understanding of period politics. Many log- ical questions about political service and the effects of transitional periods of history can be studied. For example, in the shift from rural to urban political bases, what sort of professional background and career shifts accompanied this change? Were speakers professional politicians, or was the attainment of this office one step on the road to even higher office?

These questions are analyzed in an exceptionally thorough fashion. Additionally, issues, conditions, ca- reer profiles, and post-speakership occupations are summarized from the data collected. Hence, the aim of this book is to provide a longitudinal study that leads to an in-depth analysis of important political figures during a transitional period of American history. On this count, the book is very successful.

The main portion of the volume - some 701 pages - comprises the alphabetized biographical summa- ries of the state legislature leaders. These listings are approximately 250-500 words in length, depending on the amount of information available and the significance of each person’s political career. In each list- ing, the state in which the speakership is held, family background, religious ties, the future speaker’s edu- cation and initial professional and military experiences, previous political service, and post-speakership occupation are summarized. Additionally, at the close of each listing is a reference list for the works used

in compiling the information. The third section of the book is a bibliography of some 75 pages, which is arranged by state. Hence, for

each state, the sources used in compiling information on the speakers is available. This cross-referencing is quite helpful since the actual biographies are arranged alphabetically rather than by state.

Finally, several indices provide even more cross-references. First, there is one that summarizes chrono- logically, by state, each speaker’s service, party, and the county he represented. Second, the public service records of each speaker are reviewed with the number of terms served as speaker, as a legislator, and in- total elective service included. The third index examines family background including relatives who also served in political office, and family wealth. The fourth index surveys speaker mobility and seeks to deter- mine the geographical origins of each speaker. Included here are the state of service as speaker, the state of birth, and the number of moves the future speakers made before settling in the state and county in which they served. The fifth index, again arranged by state, cross lists each speaker’s religious affiliation, level of education, and any known fraternal memberships. The sixth index covers the speaker’s military service and rank. The seventh and eighth indices include political and business careers before and after service as speaker. There is a final, alphabetized index.

The compilers of this volume have gone to great lengths to compile and cross-reference information about an important set of historical and political figures. To what purpose did they seek this information? While the introductory essay provides most of the necessary answers, a few more can be added. First, seldom is a social science or humanities reference book available that makes so much information available in one vol- ume. Second, in providing a fully comprehensive vista of the speakers who served during the transit,ion from a rural to industrial society, the editors provide a snapshot of political history that is quite interesting and worthy of more attention than it currently receives. Perhaps now that this information is compiled, work on this era will increase. Finally, this book exemplifies the best of reference books in that it fills in many gaps in political science and history. Much has been written about the initial years of the American republic and of twentieth century politics. Seldom are nineteenth century politics developed so fully. Certainly the pe- riod of time between the Civil War and the Progressive Era deserves more attention. Because we are given the bibliography and indices, the development of political leaders, the career tracks, the family backgrounds, and professional experiences, this information becomes a comparative tool with times past, present, and fu- ture.

This is, simply put, an excellent addition to most reference libraries. Students of political science, his- tory, American studies, and sociology will greatly benefit from this book. While it stands on its own as an accurate and helpful information source on nineteenth century politics, scholars seeking information on var-

Reviews 101

ious aspects of political leadership will find much here which lends itself to further statistical analysis and longitudinal comparisons with other eras of political history.

SCOTT HILL Institute of Governmental Affairs

University of California Davis, CA 95616

USA

Documents on British Policy Overseas: Series II, Volume III: German Rearmament, September-De- cember 1950. Edited by Roger Bullen and M.E. Pelly, assisted by H.J. Yasamee and G. Bennett. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1989. xl, 421~. 9 microfiche. ISBN: O-11-591694-6. LCCN: 84-161776. $69.95.

Her Majesty’s Government has a lot to worry about these days: the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, Brit- ain’s position in Europe and the world, America’s extensive worldwide interests and its commitment to Eu- rope (and Britain), and how a powerful German economy and military establishment can be integrated into the Western alliance system. Always present in the background are the questions of (a) how much is all this going to cost, and (b) who is going to pay for it? (The answers are, “a lot,” and “the United States,” respectively.)

Forty years ago, as these documents reveal, the government of the United Kingdom had similar con- cerns. The irony must be quite evident to those officials who worked in Whitehall in 1950. One may have to stretch a point or two, but there are some parallels of the present European situation with the past. One way to distinguish the continuities amidst all the confusing change is to examine the official records of the time, some of which are presented here.

Compiled by the Historical Branch of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, this series follows the 1 l- volume Documents on the Origins of the War, 1898-1914 (HMSO, 19261938), and the massive Docu- ments on British Foreign Policy, 1919-39 (HMSO, 1946-1986, 64 ~01s). The first series of Documents on British Policy Overseas (HMSO, 1984-) covers the period 1945-1950, while the second series goes from 1950 to 1955. Earlier titles of the second series are The Schuman Plan, 1950-1952 (HMSO, 1986), and The London Conferences, 19.50 (HMSO, 1987). Volume IV, The Far East, 1950, is currently in prep- aration.

This series presents a large number of documents, many of them not readily available elsewhere. Few minutes of meetings are included; most of the documents are instructions or reports that travelled between London and its embassies, along with other internal memoranda. Personnel and intelligence files were not consulted. Clear references are frequently made to direct the reader to consult supplementary documents that are on the accompanying microfiche.

This volume has been well edited, and there are numerous informative footnotes that provide one with plenty of pointers for conducting further research on this topic. The excellent introduction provides the his- torical background one needs when using this volume.

One complaint from the reviewer is that not enough information is provided as to what governmental agencies were in charge of issuing this publication. American documents are fairly clear in telling the user what office, bureau, or department is responsible, but with the item under review, all one can discern from the title or verso pages is that it was published by HMSO. Great Britain is not alone in providing incom- plete publication data for its documents, but since its government publications are frequently consulted all over the world, it would be helpful to everyone if more bibliographic information was included with the documents.

Scholars should find this volume and its companions most useful for research into British foreign policy at this tense period in history. The documents included here allow one to understand the government’s de- cision-making process, along with the thoughts and concerns of the leading government officials. Research- ers will want to have the corresponding volume of the Foreign Relations of the United States series [l] close at hand so that they may refer to it for the American position on the issues.

Published collections of documents are valuable for those who cannot travel to institutions owning the originals. Further such publishing efforts should be encouraged. However, due to cost and space consider- ations, many such collections are available only in microfilm or microfiche. Although irritating to use, at least it allows access to the documents.