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EXTRACTING SENTIMENTS: THE EFFECT OF MINING EXPLORATION AND EXTRACTION ON EIGHT
COMMUNITIES IN THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
COMPLETE RESEARCH FINDINGS BY OXUS INTERNATIONAL IN TERMS OF EURASIA FOUNDATION
of CENTRAL ASIA (EFCA) “LOCAL TRANSPARENCY AND COOPERATION INITIATIVE” PROGRAMM
WITH THE SUPPORT OF UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (USAID)
April 2013
This report is made possible through the generous support of the American people through the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID)
The opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the US Agency for
International Development, the US Government or Eurasia Foundation of Central Asia.
Executive Summary & Recommendations 3
Notes on Methodology & Conventions 7
Statistical Findings across Districts 8
Talas Findings 12
Jumgal Findings 17
Naryn Findings 20
Jeti Oguz Findings 24
Chatkal Findings 29
Ala Buka Findings 33
Chon Alay Findings 36
Kadamjai Findings 41
Overall Conclusions 45
Table of Contents
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
Page | 3
The following report was prepared in response
to an upsurge in company-community conflict
in the Kyrgyz mining industries in 2011-12. It is
based on primary social research conducted in
eight mining-affected communities, in the
districts of Talas, Jumgal, Naryn, Jeti Oguz,
Chatkal, Ala Buka, Chon Alay and Kadamjai. The
report was commissioned by the Eurasia
Foundation of Central Asia (EFCA), in order to
better understand company-community
dynamics prior to conducting conflict mitigation
activities.
The report finds that, across Kyrgyzstan,
citizens’ concerns with mining companies are
primarily environmental. In discussing their
perceptions of mining, many respondents cited
profound fears of mining’s long-term impacts –
speculating on the effects of residual cyanide
poisoning from gold mining, decades hence, or
on the risks of radiation released from the
ground causing birth deformities. Other
respondent’s environmental concerns were
more immediate and tangible, such as dust and
noise pollution, or degradation of pasture land.
This report also records a range of other
grievances from mining-affected communities,
such as perceptions of unfair hiring practices,
where jobs are given mostly to workers from
outside the community, or community
members are selected for jobs corruptly. Some
communities also complain of their roads and
other infrastructure being damaged from use by
mining companies. Corruption was found to not
be a major factor in negative views of mining.
Another key problem found in many areas was
the distrust of government, which led to claims
of poor communication if mining companies
used local government intermediaries to
engage with communities. Where mining
companies see local government as the
legitimate representatives of the local
population, the population does not view
engagement with local government as
equivalent to community engagement.
Something which this report finds little
evidence for is the theory, often voiced in
mining industry circles in Bishkek, that
community conflicts are chiefly stirred up by
commercial-criminal groups, hoping to drive
Executive Summary & Recommendations
What is the single most important reason people protest against mining companies in
your region?
Figure 1: Reasons for protests against mining
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
Page | 4
legitimate companies from their license areas in
order to reap the benefits for themselves or
seek other financial gains. Whilst the actions of
outside interests are measurably present
around the Kumtor mine, these interests
appear to be largely political, rather than
commercial. At other research sites,
community-based allegations of outside
interference in conflict were very rare.
It is entirely possible that in some cases
resistance to the presence of exploration
companies was initiated by actors with political
or commercial interests. However, regardless of
how these movements are begun, the research
here demonstrates that people’s fears about
the negative impacts of mining are genuine (not
a cover for political or economic interests).
Furthermore, these fears have driven past
conflicts and hold the potential for creating
future conflicts.
The majority of respondents, in the majority of
mining areas studied, felt nearby mining
companies to be aloof, self-interested, and
uncommunicative. A strong correlation was
recorded between areas of company-
community conflict and areas where residents
held the following two views: “the mining
company doesn’t talk to us” and “the mining
company doesn’t listen to us.” Often, these
perceptions underpinned environmental
concerns. In the absence of information to the
contrary, local residents often assumed that
mining companies would take what they
wanted from the land and disappear, feeling no
qualms about leaving a trail of pollution behind.
Conversely, where companies were perceived
both to talk to and to listen to local
communities, these traits seemed to have an
equal or greater positive effect on relationships
than material assistance from companies did.
While material assistance from the companies is
still an important factor in how they are
perceived, this report demonstrates that
without clear communication between all key
stakeholders, relationships will not drastically
improve.
Respondents often advocated for civil society
assistance in resolving company-community
conflict. Suggestions ranged from providing
local people with objective information on the
environmental impacts of mining, to training
local people in advocacy and legal matters. Both
approaches would undoubtedly bring benefits
for mining-affected communities but, as
international organisations and donor bodies
look towards conflict mitigation in the Kyrgyz
mining industries, this report urges a degree of
caution: conflict is fundamentally a company-
community problem and, until relationships
between companies and communities are
improved, civil society conflict mitigation efforts
are likely to have only modest success.
860 30%
646 22%
763 26%
526 18%
48 2%
Very negative Somewhat negative
Neutral Somewhat positive
Very positive DK/NA
Figure 2: Sentiments toward mining
Perceptions of Mining Industry
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
Page | 5
Recommendations for Civil Society Organizations
On catalysing the establishment of company-community relationships that are based on
communication, honesty and mutual respect:
Coordinate with stakeholders on creating company-community interactions (e.g. Community
meetings) in a way that discourages the dominance of any single interest group at the expense
of others;
Ensure consistent communication among stakeholders through regularly scheduled events or
exchanges and establish a framework for continuing this beyond the project timeframe;
Assist stakeholders in employing a combination of large, multi-stakeholder, community-wide
exchanges and small, more focused exchanges;
Assist in establishing a formal grievance mechanism between companies and communities;
Allow for the eventual transfer of some project functions to local government, which can carry
them on long-term;
Develop a risk-assessment mechanism for project activities before implementation, carefully
analysing the potential for project activities to exacerbate tensions or drive conflict.
On assisting in the dissemination of objective and credible environmental and legal information to
mining-affected communities:
Ensure the accuracy of all information disseminated on behalf of the project – including that
from project partners and stakeholders – through independent verification;
Assist in developing responsible advocacy and oversight skills among community members, with
the goal of encouraging objective local advocacy within a legal framework;
Make the dissemination of credible information a top priority of the project.
Recommendations for Mining Companies
On listening to community concerns, being seen to listen, and being accessible to host communities:
Plan exchanges both directly with community members / community groups, and through
government intermediaries – not relying only on the government for information exchanges
with the community;
Give “social license” to operate an internal priority of equal weight to technical and legal
requirements;
Acknowledge the need for comprehensive community engagement from the onset of
exploration;
Recognize that both real and perceived impacts from mining operations carry significant weight
and have the potential to affect operations.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
Page | 6
On providing honest, objective information to communities about the company’s operations and
environmental impacts:
Offer easily-accessible information about operational planning and associated impacts to the
communities surrounding work sites;
Ensure regularly-scheduled releases of information and company-community exchanges;
Be highly proactive in ensuring this information reaches all stakeholders, rather than focusing on
passive dissemination methods such as message boards.
On ensuring that hiring practices are fair, and are seen to be fair (according to the community’s
definition of “fair”, not the company’s):
Arrange a transparent system for hiring that includes the community formally in the process.
On ensuring fair distribution of company-sponsored development funds and projects:
Consult with local government and community groups independently to verify development
needs;
Tie development funding to project goals.
Recommendations for the Local Government
On using influence with communities and companies to build long-term cooperative relationships
between parties, rather than focusing on short-term crisis management:
Arrange regular communication with mining company officials;
Arrange regular communication with constituents;
Establish a formal grievance mechanism with the support of civil society organizations and
mining companies;
Ensure the rule of law in cases of disputes.
Recommendations for the National Government
On ensuring mining companies’ adherence to environmental regulations and operating agreements:
Provide adequate resources to provincial, district, and local governments for proper oversight;
Ensure easy community access to appropriate regulations and agreements;
Clamp down on mining license speculation.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
NOTES ON METHODOLOGY & CONVENTIONS
Page | 7
At each research site, survey activities were
carried out in the four villages which had been
identified through desk research as the most
affected by conflict with mining companies.
Therefore the figures should not be taken as
representative of the opinions of the whole
district. Rather, they are indicative of attitudes
in the four villages under study.
The only exceptions to this system are Talas and
Jumgal districts. In Talas, only Aral and Bek
Moldo were surveyed. In Jumgal insufficient
respondents were found in the villages
surrounding Ming Kush to treat them
individually, so the survey sample was treated
as “Ming Kush and its surroundings” rather than
four distinct villages. In Talas, problems during
field research prevented proper sampling in
Kupuro Bazaar and Taldy Bulak thus likely
skewed overall results for the district.
We have also chosen to treat three villages
technically located in Chatkal as part of Ala
Buka. Elsewhere political boundaries are used,
but in this particular area the situation was such
that local geography offered a more meaningful
way to analyze the data. Sites north of the
Chapchyma Pass were treated as Chatkal, while
those south of the pass were treated as Ala
Buka.
Conflict Mapping sessions were based on the
methodology contained in the CommDev best
practice manual Community Development and
Local Conflict: A Resource Document for
Practitioners in the Extractive Sector. Sessions
were conducted by different teams and their
interpretations of this methodology were
slightly different. Consequently, the reader will
notice some small differences in the Conflict
Maps produced by each team.
Many interviewees quoted in this report refer
to their local mining companies simply as “the
company.” Whilst it is recognized that this trait
may be disorienting for the reader, who might
at times not be quite sure which company is
being discussed, the authors of this report have
not attempted to clarify the situation. Often,
interviewees did not themselves know the
names of nearby companies, and pushing them
for answers, or trying to deduce which
companies they were referring to, could have
introduced bad data into the report. Therefore,
when interviewees have talked about “the
company,” their words have been reproduced
in that manner also.
All interviewees in this paper are quoted
anonymously. This decision was taken in order
not to expose interviewees to unnecessary
animosity from their communities, in light of
the highly-charged emotions which exist around
the mining industries in Kyrgyzstan. At the
request of EFCA, most references to specific
companies have also been redacted. The
exception to this is Kumtor. As the only fully
operational gold mine in the country, and the
only one known by name virtually everywhere,
it was unrealistic to redact the name without
significantly impairing the quality of analysis.
This is not to single out Kumtor for any greater
level of scrutiny, but is simply a recognition of
the pivotal role it plays in all discussions of
mining in Kyrgyzstan.
The maps used in this report are for reference
purposes regarding social research and are
based on publicly available information. Mining
license site locations may not be exact and may
not be comprehensive.
Notes on Methodology and Conventions
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS
Page | 8
Figure 3: Map of research sites
In each community, there were three types of
research participants: survey respondents, key-
informant interview respondents, and conflict
mapping participants. Survey respondents were
selected by a statistically-valid, random sample
method. Key informant interview (KII)
respondents were selected based on their role
in the community and a pre-determined quota
for various respondent “types.” These types
included formal leaders, informal leaders,
business owners, and members of civil society
organizations. Selection was done using
convenience sampling. Convenience sampling
was also used for conflict mapping participants
– often with the assistance of local leaders or
other community members.
A total of 2,895 respondents were sampled for
the quantitative survey; however, 32 of those
have been excluded from the analysis because
of sampling issues in Kupuro Bazaar, Talas. The
average age of respondents was 41 years old,
with a median age of 35, and a mode of 32
years old. Below is a table showing the number
of respondents by district and gender.
District Male Female Total
Chon Alay 178 222 400
Jeti Oguz 210 198 408
Jumgal 118 132 250
Kadamjai 175 224 399
Naryn 228 195 423
Talas 84 98 182
Chatkal 199 202 401
Ala Buka 195 205 400
Total 1387 1476 2863
Figure 4: Total number of respondents by gender and district
Demographic information was examined during
analysis, but is not a major factor in the
presentation of findings here. Some
demographic information, such as gender, was
used to validate the sample.
Unless labelled otherwise, these are the sample
numbers used throughout the analysis in this
Scope of Research Statistical Findings across Districts
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS
Page | 9
document. It should be noted that the sample
sizes in Jumgal and Talas differ significantly
from those elsewhere (indicated by gold arrows
above).
Information Environment
In general, local media penetration of
communities on mining issues is scant. When
survey respondents were asked “How often do
you receive information specifically on mining
in your community from the following source?”
and given a range of media sources to answer
for, the most popular answer for each source
was “never.” As shown in the graphic below,
respondents did receive information on mining
face-to-face more frequently, but even here the
most popular responses were “at least once a
month” and “rarer than once a month”, rather
than “at least once a week” or more frequently.
When asked about the reliability of these
sources of information, face-to-face meetings
were also trusted more than any other source,
with the exception of Jeti Oguz district, where
more respondents trusted television and radio
(74%). In every province, the internet was the
least trusted source of information.
Additional Findings
When survey respondents were asked “who
should solve social issues in your village/town?”
the majority, in every district, chose the answer
“the local authorities” (52%). As this report will
demonstrate, most interviewees had very
negative views about local authorities’ actual
abilities to solve mining-related social issues in
reality, so this view should be taken as
aspirational, or the way that local residents
think things “ought to be.”
How often do you receive news and information about mining in your area from
each of these sources?
Do you consider these sources reliable?
Figure 5: Sources and reliability of information
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS
Page | 10
Figure 6: Responsibility for solving community problems
Respondents were asked, “What is your opinion
about the mining industry in your area overall?”
and given a range from “very positive” to “very
negative”, with the options “somewhat
negative”, “neutral”, and “somewhat positive”
in the middle. Ошибка! Источник ссылки не
найден. aggregates respondents into three
groups: positive, negative, and neutral
(summing “somewhat positive” and “positive”
for the positive category, and again applying the
same method to the negative category). The
diagram then examines their responses to
several other questions. Based on this analysis,
it is clear that both communication and the
provision of benefits are linked to perceptions
of the industry as a whole.
These same associations between a positive
view of the industry, having one’s voice heard,
and the provision of benefits hold up across
every district, as seen below. While this
demonstrates a correlation among these
variables, it does not establish causation. This is
a topic examined more closely later in the
Figure 7: Positive views of the mining industry broken down by district and compared to response rates on provision of benefits and one's voice being heard by companies
report with the assistance of qualitative
research findings.
Nationwide, survey responses also revealed the
overwhelming influence of environmental
concerns on protest activity (Figure 1). When
asked why people protest, over 61% of total
respondents chose “They are concerned for the
environment.” Respondents were given eleven
options to choose from all together, but all
other options received response rates of less
than 10%. Notably, “They don’t think that
mining companies give enough jobs to local
people” received 8.7%, “They are concerned
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%
Chon Alai
Jeti Oguz
Jumgal
Kadamjai
Naryn
Talas
Chatkal
Ala Buka
Companies care about providing benefits (Sum of "moderately interested" and "top priority" Q-A19)
Voice is heard by the mining companies ("Yes" Q-A21)
Positive view of mining (sum of "somewhat positive" and "positive," Q-A2)
Who should solve social issues in your town?
Relationship between positive views of mining and other variables
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 STATISTICAL FINDINGS ACROSS DISTRICTS
Page | 11
that mining companies are damaging local
roads and infrastructure,” received 8%, whilst
“They are paid to protest” received just 0.3%.
During the research, several people within the
mining industry and others who could be
considered interested onlookers brought up the
possibility that environmental concerns were a
false front for political or economic interests
opposed to mining. It is Oxus International’s
view that people’s environmental concerns –
among other concerns – are genuine. While the
possibility exists that actors with more
nefarious agendas may have initiated
opposition in some communities the concerns
of most community members are real and
heartfelt. This theme is examined more
thoroughly in the conclusion of this report.
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
What do you know about the mining company in your district?
How much do you think mining companies care about providing benefits to your community?
Is your voice heard by mining companies operating near your community?
Figure 8: Sentiments toward the mining industry broken down by several other variables
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
TALAS
Page | 12
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 2
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Aral 100
Bek Moldo 82
Kupuro Bazaar* 32
Total 214
Bottom Line
Talas is one of the strongest examples of both the risk of violent conflict related to mining and the possibility for reconciliation and community engagement. Currently, sentiments towards mining in general are quite negative. Many locals believe any benefit from mining will be outweighed by long-term environmental impacts, which they see as a threat to their agricultural livelihoods. However, efforts by one company have demonstrated notable tactical progress.
*These surveys were excluded due to sampling issues
Research Findings
Figure 10: Sentiments towards the mining
industry in Talas demonstrates the somewhat
negative attitudes towards mining in Talas. The
conflicts seen in Aral are reflected in the more
strongly anti-mining sentiment of residents
there. Conversely, in the Bek Moldo area,
opinions are more moderate, with fewer than
half of respondents reporting a negative
opinion of the industry.
These negative sentiments towards the industry
as a whole carry over into perceptions about
the companies operating in their area.
Respondents in Aral have some of the most
negative views, amongst the districts surveyed,
of whether or not mining companies care about
providing benefits for the community. As with
sentiments towards the overall industry, views
in Bek Moldo are more moderate.
Opposition to mining has driven several public
protests. Over 93% of respondents in Talas
reported a recent protest related to mining in
their area. As seen in Figure 11, the
overwhelming reason given for protests was
environmental concerns.
Figure 9: Map of Talas research sites
Talas
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 TALAS
Page | 13
Figure 10: Sentiments towards the mining industry in Talas
Key informant interviewees further expanded
on this, with interviewees explaining that
mining was too close to settlements and would
cause “an ecological disaster.” Some
interviewees viewed even exploration as an
environmental threat.
A previous study of community perceptions of
mining in Talas, conducted by Oxus
International, identified radiation as a key cause
of environmental concern for local residents.1
Statistical data from Aral and Bek Moldo
gathered for this report appears to confirm this
phenomenon. When asked to choose the most
serious impact from mining, markedly more
people in Talas chose “radiation” than any
other region under study (Figure 12:
1 A Social Study of the Causes of Conflict between
Citizens and Outside Investors in Talas Oblast, Oxus International, August 2011. http://oxusinternational.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/OxusInt_Talas_Survey_eng.pdf
Perceptions of radiation impact.
Figure 11: Reasons for anti-mining protests in Talas
Respondents were offered a list of eight
answers (drinking water, irrigation water,
pasture fertility, air quality, orchard
productivity, livestock diseases or deformities,
radiation, none of the above), with drinking
water, air quality and radiation drawing the
largest response rates.
The origins of respondents’ environmental
concerns are an important topic, which requires
further research in order to fully explore. In
light of the events surrounding the 1998
Kumtor cyanide spill,2 and the media coverage
which it continues to receive, it seems likely
that fears of the mining industry’s ecological
2 Discussed later in this report.
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Aral Bek Moldo
DK/NA
Very Positive
Somewhat Positive
Neutral
Somewhat Negative
Very Negative
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
What is the single most important reason people
protest against mining in your district?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 TALAS
Page | 14
impact were greatly exacerbated in Kyrgyzstan
by the incident. The testimony of a village elder
in Kupuro Bazaar chimes with this hypothesis.
When discussing environmental concerns, he
relayed that, “the catastrophe in Kumtor
started it. Before, it was not like that.”
Figure 12: Perceptions of radiation impact
The chart below shows the response rates for
perceptions of all current environmental
impacts across all regions.
It also appears that inter-community
communication is, to an extent, a self-
reinforcing factor in local residents’
environmental concerns, with communities
referencing each other in the context of
resisting mining development.
Residents of Aral were far more likely to say
they planned to resist the presence of mining
companies in their area than those in Bek
Moldo. This stands to reason as there have
been several protests and attacks against
mining companies working there.
Figure 13: Perceptions of current environmental impacts from mining
By both quantitative and qualitative measures,
residents of Bek Moldo have more moderate
views regarding mining in their area.
Respondents there were far less likely to say
that they would resist the mining companies
and were less negative regarding the industry
overall. These sentiments were reflected in the
specific concerns cited by interviewees.
18% 18%
11% 14%
22%
13%
17%
29%
37%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
On drinking water On air quality Radiation On pasture fertility Livestock more prone to diseases or deformities On water used for irrigation DON’T KNOW / REFUSED On orchard productivity None of the above
Choose the single most serious impact from mining in your district currently.
What is the single most serious ecological impact of mining in your community
currently? (“radiation” responses)
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 TALAS
Page | 15
Figure 14: Plans to resist mining in Talas
Participants in Bek Moldo were more concerned
with fiscal transparency and benefits provided
by the company than in other villages. The key
conflicts between residents and those working
in the area revolved around jobs provided to
locals – especially youth – and a microcredit
fund which many people felt was handled
improperly. However, these disputes happened
more than five years ago and the stalled
progress on the project may have led to a less
emotionally invested populace. One respondent
noted that whenever the community
approaches the company for assistance, the
company obliges, which has been a big help to
the community.
Across the research areas a major concern was
that locals should be well informed. Many
people felt that there was not enough
information given to them either by the
government or by the companies. A majority of
people surveyed in Talas, 54%, said they knew
only the name of the company operating in
their area, but not what they did.
Figure 15: Reliability of various sources in Talas
This lack of information is exacerbated by issues
of trust. When given a list of seven information
sources and asked if they feel the information
they receive from these sources is reliable,
several sources receive poor marks. Notably,
the response rates for “mining company
officials” and “national government” are largely
similar – with the mining officials receiving
slightly better marks. “Ordinary people”, and
“Formal leaders” received the highest marks. Of
specific importance to civil society engagement
efforts, NGOs received low “yes” responses, but
14%
32%
30%
21%
29%
20%
21%
28%
4%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Aral
Bek Moldo
I will not resist their presence in my rayon, either during exploration or during mining
I will not resist them whilst they explore, but if they try to exploit and produce then I will resist them
I will resist them even during exploration
I will judge the situation as it develops, so I don’t know yet if I’ll resist them or not
None of the above statements reflects my feelings
DK/NA
32%
52% 38%
22% 41%
71% 67%
33%
28%
31%
30%
23%
15% 18% 35%
20% 31%
48% 36%
14% 15%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%
100%
Yes No DK/NA
Which statements best describes your attitude toward nearby mining companies?
Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 TALAS
Page | 16
nearly half of people answered that they did
not know if information from these sources was
trustworthy.
People also claimed that they lacked the skills
to effectively advocate for their interests. They
wanted to learn how to best engage with the
companies or the government officials
responsible for representing them. Interviewees
described meeting with attorneys and civil
society organizations for advice on how to
achieve this, which points to an interest in
trustworthy sources of information and
assistance.
Recommendations
There is a marked disconnect between
company actions (e.g. hoping to effect
reconciliation) and community results (e.g.
continued or increased resentment). This
disconnect is a potential source of conflict.
Unless companies and communities become
more “in tune” with each other’s positions and
opinions, substantial conflict mitigation is
unlikely. The current situation in Aral appears
tenuous, especially in light of overall sentiments
in the community.
It is possible that engagement between civil
society and respected local bodies could
increase prospects for peace in the future.
During the research process, some interviewees
suggested that external NGOs could support
local people by providing legal and financial
training; making people aware of their rights in
relation to mining companies, and educating
them on how to handle any financial windfalls
from mining.
However, any outside organization working in
Talas would likely face a difficult struggle to gain
acceptance by local communities. The amount
of latent conflict in the area should not be
underestimated.
Several methods of engagement and assistance
have been attempted by the companies
working in Talas with varying degrees of
success. Some communities have experienced
problems with community meetings; however,
one company described such meetings as “an
essential component to open communication.”
This endorsement comes with the caveat that
large meetings be formed under the authority
of the district administration so that they are
“planned in advance, broadly representative,
and reasonably controlled.”
Any engagement that involves money will come
under intense scrutiny for transparency. A local
development fund sponsored by an exploration
company in Bek Moldo led to accusations of
nepotism, and when some borrowers were
unable to repay their loans, they called for the
loans to be forgiven as compensation for
perceived ecological damage. Those paid by the
company in any way also run the serious risk of
being branded as spies, and their opinions
losing value among the rest of the community.
The research makes clear that all attempts to
engage with the community should be handled
very carefully, and analyzed from the
perspective of skeptical locals. The progress
some companies are having with current
engagement strategies is real. However, it will
be months or years before any claims of
strategic success can be established.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
JUMGAL
Page | 17
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 5
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 1
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Aral 50
Kyzyl Korgon 11
Ming Kush 101
Ornok 51
Sary Bulung 1
Tabilgati 36
Total 250
Bottom Line
Residents of Jumgal were the most pro-mining of all areas studied. Environmental effects are the key concern related to the industry, but these were generally outweighed by the potential economic benefits mining could bring. The area around Ming Kush was previously well-developed and had benefited substantially from mining-related activities. The industry shrunk following independence, drastically affecting the local economy. Locals now feel there is low potential for conflict, with several participants proclaiming their open support for the industry.
*Sary Bulung, Tabilgati, Ornok and Kyzyl Korgon are located together in a generally contiguous community
Research Findings According to the survey data gathered for this
report, residents of Jumgal feel more positively
about mining than do the residents of any other
district under study. Only 29.2% of Jumgal
residents chose either “somewhat negative” or
“very negative” when asked “What is your
opinion about the mining industry?” – the
lowest figure for any district.
As demonstrated in Ошибка! Источник
ссылки не найден.in the Statistical Findings
across Districts section, this trend correlates
with the degree to which residents perceive
their voices are heard by these companies.
Jumgal District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JUMGAL
Page | 18
Figure 16: Sentiments towards mining in Jumgal
In the case of Jumgal, survey respondents also
trust mining company officials more than do
residents of any other district studied. When
asked if they find information from mining
officials reliable, 60.7% of Jumgal respondents
replied that yes, it was. This is 8% higher than
the next closest district, Naryn, and 42% more
than Chon Alay, the district with the lowest rate
of “yes” answers.
Despite these positive opinions, residents of
Jumgal cite the same spectrum of complaints
against mining companies that respondents
have done throughout the research process.
Based on the range of respondents’ grievances,
there was nothing which could account for the
low levels of company-community conflict
experienced in Jumgal. Environmental concerns
and mistrust of mining companies are present
in Jumgal; however, they have not driven the
same level of discord that they have elsewhere,
as seen in Figure 17. The figures here compare
to 71% of people reporting mining related
protests across all research sites.
Figure 17: Protests against mining companies in Jumgal
Two positive perceptions of mining companies
frequently cited in Jumgal were companies’
ability to give jobs, and their ability to provide
subsidized coal to local residents (since Jumgal
is predominantly a coal mining area).
Figure 18: Perceptions of how much companies care about providing benefits in Jumgal
As seen in Figure 18: Perceptions of how much
companies care about providing benefits in
Jumgal, respondents in Jumgal were much less
likely than those elsewhere to feel that
11%
18%
30%
36%
3% 2%
Very Negative Somewhat Negative
Neutral Somewhat Positive
Very Positive DK/NA
45% 54%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Yes No DK/NA
8%
37%
29%
22%
4%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100% DK/NA
It's their top priority
Moderately interested
Neither care nor don't care
Rather do not care
Not at all
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
How much do you think mining companies care about providing benefits to your community?
Have there recently been protests against mining in your district?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JUMGAL
Page | 19
companies were not interested in providing
benefits (see Ошибка! Источник ссылки не
найден. for a comparison across all districts).
Recommendations
There are three factors that likely contribute to
the low level of company-community conflict in
Jumgal. The first is the benefits provided for
local people, discussed above. As the statistical
evidence shows, more people in Jumgal think
that mining companies care about providing
benefits for them than do respondents in any
other district. That these companies are able to
pay benefits in the form of the commodity they
mine may contribute to such perceptions.
The second factor is environmental perceptions.
Although Jumgal residents often talk about
environmental concerns, interview transcripts
suggest that they do so with less intensity of
emotion than residents of other districts. This
may be because mining in Jumgal is
predominantly for coal, not gold (the
environmental impact of the latter being
universally feared across Kyrgyzstan). It may
also be because Jumgal has a long history of
mining and residents are more comfortable
with its effects.
The third factor which may help to mitigate
company-community conflict is that Jumgal
citizens, unlike those in many other districts
studied, often appear to relate effectively to
nearby mining companies. Rather than seeing
companies as faceless dispensers of funds (as,
for example, many people in Jeti Oguz seem to),
Jumgal residents appear to understand the
boundaries of company-community
relationships and rarely overstep them. They
also tend to view company-community relations
as something akin to a partnership, rather than
a one-sided exploitation.
Indeed, local people’s relationships with mining
companies may be a more important factor in
mitigating conflict than the benefits which they
receive.
This dynamic may be assisted by the fact that
the largest active mining company working in
Jumgal is Kyrgyz. “Resource nationalism” has
become a more prominent issue across
Kyrgyzstan in recent years, offering an
advantage to local companies.
Perhaps as a result of the relatively peaceful
situation in Jumgal, few interviewees felt that
assistance from outside organizations could
improve company-community dynamics. Some
interviewees were receptive to the idea,
however, and cited legal and financial training
for local people, and environmental monitoring,
as potentially useful services which outside
NGOs could provide.
The problems faced in Jumgal are related more
to the collapse of the mining industry following
independence than to conflict between
companies and the community. The decline of
mining has contributed to deep economic
concerns in Ming Kush. Any effort to work on
company-community conflict would be best
served by focusing on community development,
jobs, and compensation.
The risk of exacerbating conflict through project
activities here is minimal, offering a relatively
easy operating environment for civil society
organizations. However, this also points to the
reduced need for such work when compared to
other districts. Resources would likely be better
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JUMGAL
Page | 20
used elsewhere.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
NARYN
Page | 21
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 4
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Emgekchil 103
Jergetal 106
Kuibyshevo 111
Kyzyl-Jyldyz 103
Total 423
Bottom Line
Naryn is characterized by general skepticism and a measure of resource nationalism regarding mining in the area. As with other research sites, the environmental impacts of mining activities are a leading cause of concern among residents here. But unlike other sites, the national origins of mining companies and their employees are a top concern here. Grass-roots advocacy organizations are active here, standing as one of the key stakeholders in the mining industry in the region.
Research findings Attitudes toward mining in Naryn are more
favourable than those in many other areas
studied, but cannot be described as positive.
Figure 19 demonstrates that over 40% of
respondents there view the industry negatively.
In interviews conducted in Naryn, one of the
most prominent recurring themes was that
mining companies worked outside the
framework of a healthy, sustainable mining
industry.
A frequent complaint was that of license
speculation: companies acquiring a mining
license, working for a short period and then
leaving the area suddenly without cleaning up
sites, perhaps to sell their licenses on to
someone else.
Naryn District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 NARYN
Page | 22
Figure 19: Sentiments towards mining in Naryn
On top of the harmful effects of license
speculation, some respondents felt that mining
companies were acting dishonestly in their
dealings with the authorities. Other
respondents picked up the theme of companies
working outside the law, but linked it with
environmental concerns.
These sorts of concerns, about tangible,
physical environmental damage are typical of
interviews conducted in Naryn. They are in
contrast with responses from other districts,
such as Jeti Oguz, where respondents were
often concerned with intangible environmental
damage, such as cyanide from mine sites
causing birth deformities in the future.
Many of the interview extracts could be
interpreted as having Sinophobic
undercurrents. Although there are other foreign
miners working in Naryn, it is generally the
Chinese who are the subject of negative racial
statements in interviews. A local official relayed
that local residents “say that the Chinese aren’t
necessary and that only the local people will
work [on gold extraction].” It is noteworthy that
he did not say foreign experts aren’t necessary,
or that Russian companies – he referred to the
Chinese specifically. When asked why people
protest against mining in the area, 23.8% of
survey respondents in Naryn chose the answer
“They don’t like foreigners mining in
Kyrgyzstan”. This is significantly more than in
any other district under study, as demonstrated
in Figure 20: Reasons for anti-mining protests in
Naryn and nationwide. Given the anti-Chinese
sentiments expressed in key informant
interviews, it seems likely that the majority of
survey participants also had Chinese miners in
mind when they chose this response.
Figure 20: Reasons for anti-mining protests in Naryn and nationwide
21%
21%
28%
26%
2%
Very Negative Somewhat Negative
Neutral Somewhat Positive
Very Positive DK/NA
39% 61%
24%
7% 16% 8% 5% 3%
16% 21%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Naryn Nation They are concerned for the environment
They don't like foreigners mining in Kyrgyzstan
They are concerned that mining companies are damaging local roads and infrastructure
They think that mining only benefits the elite
Other
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
What is the single most important reason people protest against mining in your district?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 NARYN
Page | 23
Another grievance which many interviewees
expressed in Naryn was the lack of long-term
community support they felt mining companies
were offering.
Where mining companies have already
impacted on the local environment (or been
perceived to have impacted on it), many
interviewees expressed their views on
inadequate compensation.
This stands somewhat in contrast to the
perceived reliability of information from mining
companies; 51% of respondents in Naryn said
they received information at least occasionally
from mining company officials. Of these, 69%
said the information from them was reliable.
Recommendations
As discussed at the start of the previous section,
a large number of respondents cited lack of
respect for the rule of law as a key grievance
against mining companies. It seems highly likely
that this grievance is a direct driver of conflict.
The national origin of exploration and mining
companies can play a role in driving conflict. In
a separate research study by Oxus International
for the World Bank in Issyk Kul Province,
residents were clear that they would welcome
any mining company unless it was Chinese. This
type of nationalism likely applies to others
perceived as outsiders (Australian, Canadian,
South African etc.), but appears to most
strongly directed towards the Chinese.
In fact, as seen in Figure 20, far more people
thought that protests were motivated by
nationalistic sentiments than in the rest of the
country.
Figure 21: Frequency of information from mining company officials
Figure 22: Reliability of information from mining company officials - from those reporting at least occasionally receiving information from them
When asked if there had been protests recently
in their area, 70% of people in Naryn answered
1%
8%
24%
18%
47%
2%
69%
23%
8%
Yes No DK/NA
How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining from the
following sources? (Mining company officials)
Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable? (excluding “never”
and “DK/NA” from previous question)
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 NARYN
Page | 24
yes. Of these, 24% said that people protest
because “they don’t like foreigners mining in
Kyrgyzstan.” This compares to only 7% of
people who gave the same answer across all
research sites [dropping to 4% if Naryn is
excluded].
It is not clear from this research whether such
hostility is simple xenophobia or whether it is
Chinese companies’ approach which attracts
negative sentiments in Naryn. Until more
research is conducted into this issue, the exact
nature of the influence of ethnicity on
company-community conflict remains unclear.
Looking forward, there are many things which
offer encouragement for company-community
relations in Naryn. Unlike other districts
researched for this paper, there is little
evidence of a protests-for-concessions culture
in Naryn. Although there have been anti-mining
rallies, local people’s relationships with mining
companies are not defined in terms of these
rallies, and they are not seen as the sole means
of extracting benefits from companies. One of
Naryn residents’ main demands is that
companies respect the law, so it seems likely
that if they perceived companies doing so then
they would follow suit, and refrain from illegally
disrupting companies’ operations.
Naryn residents trust media and information
received in public meetings, more than do most
residents of other districts surveyed. This trust
is exemplified by data about how reliable
people feel the information is which comes
from local government. Respondents in Naryn
were much more likely to view the information
from local government as reliable than were
respondents elsewhere. Were mining
companies, or outside organizations, to conduct
public awareness raising on mining issues
through these means, they would likely find
Naryn residents to be receptive.
When asked what an outside NGO could do to
mitigate conflict in the region, many
interviewees replied that such an NGO should
provide legal training to local people. As well as
legal training, some interviewees suggested
that training in environmental monitoring, and
an information dissemination function would
also be useful roles for outside NGOs to play in
the community.
The high level of trust in local government also
means they can be effective partners in any
efforts to address the potential for conflict.
Organizations looking to work in this field
should incorporate the local government from
the beginning of any project activities.
The problem of nationalism was more prevalent
in Naryn than any other location studied. Any
conflict mitigation efforts here should take note
of this, and tools should be incorporated that
address such tensions.
Civil society organizations and others interested
in mining issues here should leverage the more
extensive mining-related media coverage and
media trust in Naryn. Campaigns using official
media sources are more likely to prove effective
here than elsewhere.
Civil society may also play a positive role here
by identifying the needs of the community, so
that any development efforts or other benefits
brought by mining companies or the
government are appropriately targeted. This
could go some way in resolving tensions over
the perceived unfairness in the current
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 NARYN
Page | 25
distribution of these benefits.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
JETI OGUZ
Page | 26
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 4
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Barskoon 85
Kichi Jyrgylchak 119
Tamga 102
Tosor 102
Total 408
Bottom Line
Jeti Oguz is unique among the sites studied for this report. It is the only area with a large, functioning mine, and it sits at the center of all mining-related debates in the country. Political corruption is a greater concern here because of the role the mine plays in national politics. Despite the highly polarized political discussions and the negative tone of press coverage, attitudes regarding mining in this region were among the most positive in the country. The relationship between the community and the mining company is more transactional than elsewhere in the county as communities here have been receiving the benefits of the mine for several years. However, significant opposition and skepticism still exists.
Research Findings
As the only region with a major mining
operation in Kyrgyzstan (Kumtor), Jeti Oguz
attracts the vast majority of the country’s
mining-related media coverage. Much of this
coverage looks at the negative impacts and
perceptions of the industry. It is easy to form
the impression, therefore, that community
perceptions of the enterprise are much more
negative than communities’ perceptions of
mining in other parts of Kyrgyzstan. However,
Oxus International’s research indicates that this
is not the case.
Figure 23: Map of research sites in Jeti Oguz
Jeti Oguz
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
JETI OGUZ
Page | 27
Figure 24: Sentiments towards mining in Jeti Oguz
When survey respondents were asked about
their opinion of the industry, more people in
Jeti Oguz chose “somewhat positive” or “very
positive” than in any other research site apart
from Jumgal. Figure 24 shows responses in Jeti
Oguz compared to the average nationwide.
Figure 25: "Is your voice heard by mining companies?" Jeti Oguz & Nationwide
Also, when asked if their voices are heard by
mining companies in the area, 45% of survey
respondents in Jeti Oguz replied that yes, it
was. This is higher than the rate of “yes”
responses at any other research site, again
apart from Jumgal. It is also more than double
the average rate of “yes” responses at all
research sites as seen in Figure 25.
Overall, therefore, community perceptions are
comparatively good. There are several potential
reasons for this, foremost that these
communities have been receiving the benefits
of mining for several years, while other
communities with much smaller exploration
projects can only discuss such possibilities in the
abstract. Another advantage, when compared
to several other sites around the country, is that
the mine is tens of kilometres from the nearest
settlement, whereas other projects may be
within 1-2 kilometres of the nearest
community. That the mine contributes such a
large portion of the national budget also means
there is an established political support network
with an interest in rallying public opinion in
favour of the project. There are nonetheless
serious company-community problems. One
community perception which seems to have a
bearing on much of the company-community
dynamic could be termed the ‘lack of social
license to operate.’
Such views were doubtless exacerbated by a
1998 cyanide spill, which undermined
communities’ sense of Kumtor’s legitimacy.
Interviewees were disappointed in both the
company and government responses to the
spill. If respondent claims are true about the
handling of the spill, this may go some of the
way towards explaining why fears of long-term
14%
29%
21%
22%
26%
27%
34%
18%
3% 2%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
DK/NA
Very Positive
Somewhat Positive
Neutral
Somewhat Negative
Very Negative
45%
45%
10% 20%
73%
7%
Yes
No
DK/NA
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
Is your voice heard by mining companies operating near your community?
Nationwide Jeti Oguz
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JETI OGUZ
Page | 28
cyanide poisoning persist to this day, despite
several independent expert studies concluding
that people’s fears are largely groundless.3 If
local residents do not feel that they can trust
the government’s word, or the company’s
word, they are unlikely to trust committees of
foreign experts either.
By and large, community members do not talk
of their feelings towards the company, or invest
any emotional weight into the relationship, as
local people do in other parts of the world
where company-community relations are more
successful. Rather, a conversation about
Kumtor with a local interviewee typically
centers on material gains and material losses
incurred by the company’s presence.
This mistrust of the company and the
government is, however, limited. As the graph
below demonstrates, a majority of people feel
the information they receive from most official
sources, including mining company officials and
the government, is reliable. These views of
reliability exceed national averages for each
source except “ordinary people I know,” which
was eight points lower in Jeti Oguz. Reliability of
information from these actors and trust in them
are not directly analogous, but the association
is strong enough to draw some conclusions
about how they are perceived.
3 For example, see: Assessment of the Impact of the
Cyanide Spill at Barskaun, 1998. http://www.centerragold.com/sites/default/files/final_report_of_the_international_commission_on_th_1998_cyanide_spill.pdf
Figure 26: Reliability of information sources in Jeti Oguz
All regulatory and licensing functions are carried
out by the Kyrgyz state at the national level. If a
company were to bribe at the local level,
therefore, it seems to follow that the only
reason they would do so is in order to ‘buy the
peace’: paying influential local people (formal
and informal leaders) to advocate for the
company and to curb local protest activities. If
a mining company were to do so, this would be
another example of a highly transactional (as
opposed to emotional or trust-based)
relationship between the company and local
actors.
58% 58% 51%
36%
57% 66% 62%
33% 36%
34%
38%
30%
29% 32%
9% 6% 15%
26%
13% 5% 5%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Yes No DK/NA
Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JETI OGUZ
Page | 29
Figure 27: Perceptions of bribing by mining companies
It should be underlined at this point that Oxus
International is not suggesting that the Kumtor
Operating Company does pay bribes. Rather,
the research conducted shows that local people
perceive the company to pay bribes, and that
this likely impacts on company-community
relations.
The negative sentiments expressed by many
local people in relation to mining here are by no
means the whole story. As the statistics show,
more Jeti Oguz residents have a positive or
neutral view of mining than almost any other
research site under study. As is commonly the
case, pro- and anti-mining divisions in the
community appear to be largely determined by
employment.
Relations with Kumtor also appear to drive
intercommunity divides. For example, residents
in the village of Tamga, where many people feel
positively towards the mine, were often critical
of other villages’ opposition to Kumtor.
Recommendations
Conflict maps produced in Jeti Oguz
demonstrated three main phenomena. The first
is the breach of trust between the company and
the community at the time of the 1998 cyanide
spill.
The second phenomenon is the perception of a
direct causal link between protests and
concessions from the company.
The third phenomenon captured in the mapping
is that of aid and development initiatives which
are perceived to have failed. These perceptions
share a common theme: money given by mining
concerns being lost to local corruption, and
thereby causing conflict.
Based on survey data, people believe that
political actors mobilize supporters
predominantly by ideological means (e.g.
nationalism), rather than monetary means (e.g.
paying people to protest). Moreover, it is
unlikely that similar protest mechanisms are
prevalent in other mining areas in Kyrgyzstan:
the political significance of Kumtor eclipses that
of any other mining project in the country, and
hence the Kumtor mine would be expected to
attract the vast majority of politically-backed
protests.
There is also the perception amongst
interviewees that mining managers are ill-
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Yes at the local and national levels
Yes, but only at the national level
Yes, but only at the local level
No
DK/NA
Do you think mining companies operating in your area pay bribes?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 JETI OGUZ
Page | 30
informed of the company-community situation,
and perhaps do not want to know more about
it. This perceived separation between top
management and local people would
undoubtedly need to be addressed before
companies could re-forge a trust- and respect-
based relationship with local communities.
Was such an endeavor to be undertaken, there
are some encouraging signs for its success.
When asked whether ‘television and radio’ and
‘magazines and newspapers’ were reliable
sources of information, survey respondents in
Jeti Oguz responded ‘yes’ more frequently than
those in most other districts under study. Trust-
building work which involved a media
component is hence likely to be better received
in Jeti Oguz than in most other mining areas of
Kyrgyzstan.
Figure 28: Reliability of various media formats
From interview responses received during the
research process, it seems that there is also
good potential for outside NGOs to play a role
in conflict mitigation in Jeti Oguz. When
interviewees were asked what role such an
NGO could play, many of them suggested that
information dissemination should be its main
activity since, if local people were better
informed, interviewees felt that conflict would
be less frequent.
Outside NGOs may also be able to assist by
funding local advocacy initiatives. At the
moment local advocacy organisations do exist,
but they are forced either to operate on
shoestring budgets or to accept funding from
Kumtor itself, which decreases their credibility
in the community.
In such a situation, support for a local NGO from
an outside organization might confer the
twofold advantages of credibility and funding.
At the moment, however, there is a lack of trust
in information from NGOs, which may be the
result of an over-saturation of groups with
varying agendas.
Any project efforts here should focus on shifting
the transactional nature of the relationship
between Kumtor and the community. While
such an effort is, in the end, the responsibility of
those two stakeholders, civil society
organizations could play a role in mediating.
Active dissemination of accurate and reliable
information about mining projects and their
impacts here could have ripple effects across
the country. And Giving locals the tools to
effectively and legally oversee mining
operations in the area could improve current
efforts which are often based on protests.
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
TV & Radio NP & Magazines
Do you think the information you get from these sources is reliable? (“yes” responses)
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
CHATKAL
Page | 31
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 4
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Chakmak Suu 50
Bashky Terek 64
Korgon-Sai 67
Kanysh-Kya 220
Total 401
Bottom Line
Chatkal residents do see a broad range of benefits from mining companies; however, they are still generally opposed to the industry because of environmental concerns. Chatkal saw some of the highest response rates for plans to resist the presence of mining companies in their area, indicating a strong potential for mining-related conflict. They view the local government as the body most responsible for resolving such conflicts, but were often unhappy with current attempts to do so.
Research Findings
When asked about their opinion of the industry, 49% of respondents in Chatkal chose either ‘somewhat negative’ or ‘very negative’, compared with a national average of 52%.
However, when asked about their willingness to
resist mining companies’ presence, more
Chatkal respondents appeared ready to do so
than in any other research site, with the
exception of Kadamjai.
Picking from a series of statements regarding
their attitudes towards resisting mining
companies, a total of 53% chose one of the two
most negative options: either “I will not resist
them whilst they explore, but if they try to
exploit and produce then I will resist them,” or
“I will resist them even during exploration.”
Chatkal District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHATKAL
Page | 32
Figure 29: Sentiments towardsmining in Chatkal
Tabulating survey results in Chatkal against
those in Talas yields another interesting
comparison. Although respondents in Chatkal
have similarly negative views on mining as
citizens of Talas (where 58.4% hold ‘somewhat
negative’ or ‘very negative’ views), and are just
as likely to resist mining companies than Talas
respondents are, residents of Chatkal also
appear to be provided with a wider range of
benefits than their Talas counterparts. When
asked to pick up to three choices from a list of
benefits which they felt companies were
already providing for the community, responses
were much more widely spread in Chatkal than
in Talas. Both communities felt that jobs for
local people were the primary benefits of
mining, and that infrastructure improvements
came second. But Chatkal residents also felt
that mining companies helped the local
community by buying goods from them, and by
supporting the community’s commercial and
cultural life. Respondents in Talas did not, in
general, feel the same way.
Figure 30: Plans to resist mining company presence
The data in Figure 31 – showing relatively
broad-based community benefits but still
recording significant negative views of mining -
represents something of a paradox which will
be returned to later in this section.
Indeed, looking at Chatkal from the outside, an
observer might readily form an impression of
opaque mining companies operating ‘under the
radar,’ with little or no commitment to long-
term engagement in the region. Over the
course of Oxus International’s research local
residents named sixteen mining companies
operating across Chatkal and neighbouring Ala
Buka. Of these, only one maintains a company
website where information about their
operations can be accessed.
32%
17%
41%
9%
Very Negative Somewhat Negative
Neutral Somewhat Positive
Very Positive DK/NA
15% 38% 16% 26% 3%
0% 50% 100%
I will not resist their presence in my rayon, either during exploration or during mining
I will not resist them whilst they explore, but if they try to exploit and produce then I will resist them I will resist them even during exploration
I will judge the situation as it develops, so I don’t know yet if I’ll resist them or not
None of the above statements reflects my feelings
DK/NA
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
Which of the following best describes your attitude toward mining companies
operating in your area?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHATKAL
Page | 33
Figure 31: Benefits from mining in Chatkal and Talas
From interview data, it appears that many
community members feel that mining
companies in Chatkal operate with a sense of
impunity towards them. Several interviewees
also cited grave environmental concerns
associated with mining.
It seems likely that these two perceptions – of
companies polluting the environment and
operating with impunity – contribute to the
anger and suspicion felt by several respondents.
Statements made during interviews supported
the statistic produced above, showing that
negative sentiment towards mining companies
in Chatkal is only marginally above the national
average, but that citizens’ willingness to resist
companies’ presence is amongst the highest
recorded. If companies are perceived to act
with impunity, citizens will naturally be more
inclined to take the task of dealing with them
into their own hands, rather than relying on
legal and administrative mechanisms to curb
their behavior.
Despite the preponderance of anti-mining
sentiment in Chatkal, a minority within the
community does feel positively about the
presence of mining companies. As reported
above, 56.6% of survey respondents said that
they had either a “somewhat negative” or a
“very negative” view of the mining industry.
9.8%, on the other hand, said that their view
was either “somewhat positive” or “very
positive.”
Interviewees cited employment as one of the
main benefits that mining companies provide to
the region. Those who discussed these benefits
saw companies providing benefits for the local
communities, and also saw the companies as
transparent and accessible. It is noteworthy
that the benefits described were not excessive
or out of proportion to those of other
companies operating in Kyrgyzstan, but it
appears to have had a positive effect on
company-community relations because the
companies are always “in touch with local
people”, i.e., the company’s support is well
received because it is given in a respectful and
open way.
Figure 31, shows that Chatkal residents feel
they have a broad range of benefits from
mining companies, but they are also generally
negative about companies’ presence. This
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Talas Chatkal
Jobs for local people
Infrastructure improvements
Employment training
Financial compensation
Loans or microfinance
Buying goods from local people
Supporting the commercial life of the community
Supporting the cultural life of the community
DK/NA
Please pick up to three of these categories which you think that local mining companies are ALREADY providing for your community?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHATKAL
Page | 34
seems to be explained by interviewee
explanations of a small minority of companies
who are seen by many to be doing a good job
and providing a range of benefits, alongside a
majority who are not.
Recommendations
Conflict mapping in Chatkal did not reveal
any influence of ‘outside interests’ stirring up
the situation there for their own ends, and
the vast majority of people interviewed in
Chatkal claimed that anti-mining groups
simply organized themselves, without
pressure from outside the community.
In the vast majority of villages studied in
Chatkal, there is a clear demand for an
improved social contract between communities
and mining companies. It is likely that until this
social contract is in place, local governments
will be unable to implement lasting solutions to
company-community conflicts.
On a positive note, however, several
community members expressed detailed and
aspirational views on how this social contract
could be constructed. These were largely
concerned with open and accessible
information.
Other than local government bodies,
interviewees had few suggestions for
organizations which could help to mitigate
conflict in their area. Based on this research, it
seems that there are almost no civil society
organizations active in this field in Chatkal.
Perhaps in part because of this fact,
interviewees were generally positive about the
idea of NGOs coming in to the region to conduct
conflict mitigation work.Several interviewees
envisioned a mediation role, with NGOs acting
as a “bridge” between local people and mining
companies.
Assisting the local government at playing a
more proactive role in preventing conflict and
addressing grievances would direct current
frustrations through legal channels, rather than
through road blockages or other protests that
have the potential of turning violent.
The extreme remoteness of this area means
timely and accurate information is often
difficult to find. Locals here see a need for
accessible, reliable information on mining in
their area. A local information centre would be
welcomed and would be effective at addressing
this need.
The confusion over which companies were
working in the area, and where, specifically,
they were working could also be addressed by
civil society organizations. While the extent of
company participation in such efforts may
prove difficult, the government could make a
good partner for this. This may alleviate some
suspicions from locals about the nature of the
work being conducted, and provide incentive
for companies to spend more effort on
community engagement.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
ALA BUKA
Page | 35
Bottom Line
Residents of Ala Buka generally feel that mining companies are exploitative, and will have a detrimental effect on the local environment. Interviewees commonly complained that mining companies in the area do not keep their word and as such are untrustworthy. These feelings are exacerbated by distrust of the national government. Without improved relations among stakeholders, Ala Buka shows strong potential for future conflict.
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 4
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Buzuk 60
Joy Belent 135
Kyzyl-Tokoi 106
Terek-Sai 99
Total 400
Research Results
When asked about their opinion of the industry,
66.7% of people in Ala Buka chose one of the
first two options, “very negative” or “somewhat
negative.” Overall, this is the second most
negative response rate for any research site,
after Kadamjai.
When asked, “Is your voice heard by mining
companies operating near your community?”
85.9% of residents in Ala Buka replied that it
was not. Again, this was the second most
negative response rate for any research site.
This perception, of not being listened to, almost
certainly contributes to the sentiment which
seemed to run through the vast majority of
interviews conducted in Ala Buka: a sense of
exploitation of local people by mining
companies. In general, local people felt that
mining companies were not interested in
providing benefits for nearby communities, or
Ala Buka District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 ALA BUKA
Page | 36
even for Kyrgyzstan; that they would take their
profits abroad and leave only environmental
degradation behind them. Local residents also
viewed mining companies as untrustworthy. As
in the neighbouring district of Chatkal,
interviewees often repeated the same phrase,
“mining companies do not keep their word.”
Figure 32: Sentiments towardsmining in Ala Buka
Also in common with Chatkal is the impression
which an outside observer might form of the
opacity of mining companies operating in the
region. As discussed in the previous section,
local residents identified sixteen mining
companies operating across Ala Buka and
Chatkal. Of these, only maintains a company
website where information about their
operations can be accessed.
In terms of specific perceptions, interviewees in
Ala Buka tended to describe nearby mining
companies above all as polluters. 50.7% of
respondents said recent protests were caused
by environmental concerns. When interviewees
went into detail about the ecological effects of
mining they discussed some tangible effects,
such as deforestation, and also frequently
referred to the toxic effects of cyanide (which
communities near mining areas are fearful of
across Kyrgyzstan).
When survey respondents were asked about
the reliability of information from the national
government, 63.4% of respondents said that it
was not, whilst only 10.7% said that it was. This
was the most negative response rate for any
research site, and was significantly different
from national response rates as seen in Figure
33. Although trust in the government to assist
local people and trust in the government to tell
the truth to local people are not necessarily the
same thing, they are almost certainly closely
correlated.
Figure 33: Reliability of information from the national government
Recommendations
47%
21%
24%
8%
Very Negative Somewhat Negative
Neutral Somewhat Positive
Very Positive DK/NA
13%
37%
59%
34%
28% 29%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Ala Buka Nationwide
Yes No DK/NA
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
Do you think that the information you get from the national government, on mining
in your district, is reliable?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 ALA BUKA
Page | 37
According to the testimonies collected during
this research, it appears that, although some
attempts may have been made by unknown
actors to turn people against mining companies
in the area, that influence is generally
outweighed by local people’s own feelings.
Whatever role this outside influence might play,
it is likely to have been sporadic. It is most
likely that it is heartfelt negative sentiments
which continue to drive company-community
conflicts, rather than outside actors who are
manipulating the situation for their own gain.
On the surface, the problems of company-
community relations in Ala Buka seem more
tractable than those in many other sites under
study: companies are perceived to pollute, and
to operate with scant regard for local workers’
safety. Were they to improve their images in
these two regards, it follows that company-
community tensions should be reduced.
Nevertheless, this task is undoubtedly easier
stated than achieved. Many residents’
environmental fears are associated with
intangible risks, such as invisible poisoning by
cyanide. Therefore, for mining companies to
allay residents’ concerns, they will likely have to
expend significant effort in trust-building, since
it is their perceived intentions to pollute on
which they will be judged, rather than on the
tangible results of their actions.
There are few actors currently focused on
mitigating company-community conflict in Ala
Buka. Some interviewees suggested that local
officials’ poor performance in conflict mitigation
was due to the fact they had already been
bribed by mining companies. Indeed, even
government officials themselves admitted the
limits of their power in resolving company-
community conflict.
In such an environment, there may well be
scope for outside NGOs playing a positive role
in conflict mitigation. Several interviewees
envisioned a mediation role for NGOs in the
district, with civil society organisations acting as
a “bridge” between local people and mining
companies.
In the view of Oxus International, Ala Buka is
one of the areas with the highest potential for
conflict related to mining. Companies in the
area were the least responsive to Oxus
International’s inquiries and the view of locals
reflects a similar experience.
Any attempt to mitigate conflict here will only
be successful if companies actively engage with
communities and react in tangible ways to their
concerns. Any role civil society can play in
catalysing this would be beneficial to the
communities and to other project efforts.
Assisting the local government at playing a
more proactive role in preventing conflict and
addressing grievances would direct current
frustrations through legal channels, rather than
methods that may lead to violence.
The feeling of detachment from the national
government in Bishkek could be addressed
through up-to-date information on legal
developments related to mining in Ala Buka.
Civil society organizations could use an
information centre and public meetings to
ensure this information is available, acting as
the “bridge” interviewees described earlier in
this report.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
CHON ALAY
Page | 38
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 10
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 4
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Chak 100
Daroot-Korgon 100
Kyzyl Emshe 100
Taldy Suu 100
Total 400
Bottom Line
Chon Alay is relatively new to mining. Company-community relations here have been largely defined by protests and protest reactions. This dynamic may grow into a transactional relationship as seen in Jeti Oguz. One mining company, however, has had considerable success in engaging with the community and may be a model for future success in the region.
Research Findings
Sentiments towards mining in Chon Alay largely
reflect sentiments nationwide, as seen in Figure
34, tending to be quite negative.
Perhaps because of citizens’ sense of isolation
from the mining industry in Chon Alay,
respondents here placed more value on
company-community interaction than in any
other district.
When asked how important it was for
companies to interact with the community,
74.3% chose either “important” or “very
important”, more than in anywhere else.
To poll citizens’ perceptions of corruption,
survey respondents were asked if they thought
mining companies in the area paid bribes, and
given four options to choose from: “Yes, at the
Chon Alay District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHON ALAY
Page | 39
local and national levels,” “Yes, but only at the
national level,” “Yes, but only at the local level,”
or “No, they do not pay bribes.” More
respondents in Chon Alay chose “Yes, but only
at the national level” than in any other district
(25.3%), though they were closely followed by
Chatkal and Ala Buka.
Figure 34: Sentiments towardsmining in Chon Alay
It is noteworthy that response rates for “Yes,
but only at the local level,” demonstrated the
opposite trend. Out of all the districts studied,
Chon Alay had the least number of respondents
choosing this option (2.5%) and Chatkal and Ala
Buka came close afterwards. Since the events of
2010, many southern Kyrgyz citizens have felt
disenfranchised with the predominantly
northern national government,4 and
4 North-south divide to challenge next Kyrgyz leader,
Reuters, 29th
October 2011.
perceptions of corruption in the southern
districts may reflect this trend: trusting local
leaders to act with integrity towards mining
companies, but distrusting national leaders to
do so.
Figure 35: Sources of information on mining in Chon Alay
Respondents were asked how often they
received information on mining in their district
from four different sources: “television and
radio,” “newspapers and magazines,” “the
internet,” and “public meeting or face to face.”
http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/north-south-divide-to-challenge-next-kyrgyz-leader/
28% 29%
26% 23%
28% 27%
14% 18%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Chon Alay Nationwide
Very Negative Somewhat Negative Neutral Somewhat Positive Very Positive DK/NA
20% 16%
6%
24%
69% 75%
91%
49%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90%
100%
Every day At least once a week At least once a month Rarer than once a month Never DK/NA
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall?
How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining from the
following sources?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHON ALAY
Page | 40
Respondents in Chon Alay answered “never”
more often than any other district for nearly
every source (in both cases where “never”
responses exceeded Chon Alay, the difference
was less than 1%). Figure 35 shows these
frequencies.
Conversely, respondents in Chon Alay feel that
they, in turn, are not listened to on mining
issues. When asked if their voice is heard by
companies, 81.3% said that it was not.
As with all the other districts in which research
was carried out, interviewees most frequently
cited environmental concerns as driving
negative perceptions of nearby mining
companies. Many respondents’ concerns were
symptomatic of the nationwide distrust of gold-
mining; associating it with harmful chemicals,
radiation, and sickness in people and livestock,
and distrusting any sources of information
which say otherwise.
However, whereas in some districts (such as Jeti
Oguz) local people are almost exclusively
concerned with intangible environmental
consequences, such as radiation or the release
of invisible chemicals (un-measurable, at least
with the technology available to rural Kyrgyz
citizens), residents of Chon Alay also report
tangible physical damage to agricultural output
and to their living environment.
When interviewees discussed their perceptions
of the employees of the companies which have
been working in Chon Alay, they often used
words such as ‘distant’ or ‘reserved,’ signaling
that interaction between employees and local
people is limited.
As frequently discussed in this paper, a lack of
information is closely related to a lack of trust,
and this provides fertile ground for suspicions
and anger.
Nonetheless, from local residents’ testimony it
seems that nearby mining companies have
made efforts to provide benefits for the
community.
The factors which local people felt fed in to
conflict between mining interests and the
community were: lack of information on mining,
health and environmental issues, and two large
protests against mining companies in the area.
People appear to perceive a causal link between
these protests and subsequent concessions
from companies operating there. Whether
these links exist or not, if local people believe
that by blocking roads they can force
concessions out of mining companies, then they
will be more likely to engage in similar protests
in the future. Hence the perception of a causal
link here may be acting as a significant driver of
conflict. Moreover, when companies have given
direct cash payments to community members in
Chon Alay, the money itself may also have acted
as a driver of conflict, through perceived
unfairness.
Further clues to company-community conflict in
Chon Alay can be found by looking beyond what
companies did in their dealing with local
people, towards the way in which they did
them. A large body of literature on company-
community relations recognises ‘process’ in
community engagement as equally important,
or even more important, than what a company
physically offers to its host community.
It is worth noting at this point that survey
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHON ALAY
Page | 41
respondents in Chon Alay placed more value on
company-community interaction than did other
districts under study (Figure 36). It is also
noteworthy that the interviewee quoted above
is not complaining about the harmful effects of
mining themselves, but rather that (he
perceives) the community was lied to about
them. Thus it is the interaction process, rather
than environmental damage, which in his view
is cause for grievance. Perhaps if the company
had had a frank discussion with residents about
the environmental effects of mining, such as
dust from the roads interfering with crops, the
issues could have been dealt with more
amicably and a mutually acceptable solution
could have been found.
Recommendations
Over the course of Oxus International’s
research in Chon Alay, one success story of
company-community interaction was identified.
This case demonstrated that, with the right
approach, good relations can be forged
between communities and mining companies in
Chon Alay. There was nothing mysterious about
making the relationships succeed: either
knowingly or otherwise, all that the company
did was to adopt principles of international best
practice in company-community relations. The
company supports the community in ways
which are mutually beneficial, and its
representatives (who were referred to several
times by name) are accessible and respectful to
community members, and sensitive to things
which are important to the community.
Figure 36: Importance of company-community interactions in Chon Alay
Over the course of this research, Oxus
International was unable to identify any civil
society organisations active in improving
company-community relations in Chon Alay.
Several interviewees voiced aspirations that
independent, trustworthy NGOs would operate
in the region, and provide reliable information
on the mining industry to local people.
The protest-centric dynamic of company-
community relations in Chon Alay should be
addressed with a formal structure for
Thinking about nearby mining companies, how important are the following three things for you?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CHON ALAY
Page | 42
stakeholder communication. The risk of
establishing a purely transactional relationship
between the community and mining companies
is significant in Chon Alay. While it appears an
information center would be a welcome and
necessary addition to the area, there is a need
for direct interactions among the community,
companies, and government to prevent conflict
situations. Civil society could assist here by
coordinating and mediating these interactions.
Working with the local government to ensure
they have the tools and awareness to properly
represent the community could go a long way in
improving community perceptions of the
government. This in turn would generate
greater trust in the government mechanisms for
addressing community concerns and possibly
direct grievances through legal channels.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
KADAMJAI
Page | 43
Research Participants
Key Informant Interviews: 15
Conflict Mapping Sessions: 10
Village / Ayil Survey Sample
Kara Jigach 139
Karool 60
Maidan 100
Balakish 100
Total 399
Bottom Line
Kadamjai has among the most negative sentiments toward mining of any area researched. Significant environmental fears exist in the community and people feel they receive scant information about mining in the area – especially from mining companies. One company operating in the area has undertaken significant steps to engage with the community and anecdotal evidence suggests the efforts may be effective. However, significant risk still exists for conflict.
Res
ear
ch
Fin
din
gs
Co
mm
unit
y
per
cep
tion
s of mining in Kadamjai are amongst the most
negative in Kyrgyzstan. As Figure 37 displays,
more respondents in Kadamjai hold negative
views of the mining industry than do citizens in
any other district surveyed.
Perhaps surprisingly, negative views of mining
in Kadamjai were not correlated with
perceptions of corruption. When respondents
were asked if they thought mining companies in
the area paid bribes, Kadamjai actually had the
highest number of “no” responses for any
district, at 54.4%.
A statistic which certainly is correlated to
negative views, however, is participants’
responses to the question “Is your voice heard
by mining companies operating near your
community?” In Kadamjai, fully 92.5% of
respondents replied that it was not – more than
in any other region.
Indeed, much of the data collected in Kadamjai
speaks of a perceived lack of communication
between companies and the community and
Kadamjai District
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 KADAMJAI
Page | 44
the community’s reliance on hearsay to learn
about mining activities. Figure 39 charts the
frequencies with which respondents felt they
received information on mining from different
sources. When asked how often they received
information from mining company officials,
Kadamjai respondents chose “rarer than once a
month” or “never”, more frequently than
respondents from any other district. When
asked how often they received information on
mining from people they know in general, they
chose “every day,” “once a week” or “once a
month” more frequently than respondents from
any other district.
Figure 37: Negative perceptions of mining nationwide
Figure 38: Perceptions of bribery by mining companies
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Q A2 Sum of "somewhat negative" and "very negative" Q A19 Sum of "rather do not care" and "do not care at all" about providing benefits
54%
41% 41% 40% 39% 38% 36%
18%
38%
What is your opinion about the mining industry in your area overall? (Q A2)
Do you think mining companies operating near your community pay bribes?
(“No” responses)
National Government
Mining Company Officials
Ordinary People I know
Figure 39: Frequency of information from various sources
How often do you receive news and information specifically on mining in your
district from these sources?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 KADAMJAI
Page | 45
As well as perceiving that they have no solid
information on mining, Kadamjai respondents
often relayed that virtually no relationship
existed between the mining company and local
communities. There is a perception that
companies only engage with key decision-
makers.
The relationship between communities and
their local government also appears to be poor.
This sentiment may have a bearing on local
people’s preference for resolving company-
community conflicts themselves, rather than
through official channels.
People were far less sure of the reliability of
information received from local government in
Kadamjai than sites in the rest of the country.
Figure 40 shows that “don’t know” was actually
the most common answer when asked about
the
reliability
of
informatio
n from local government.
Figure 40: Reliability of information from local government
Overall, Kadamjai residents seem to harbor a
general lack of trust for outside actors. In such
an environment, it is perhaps unsurprising that
rumors appear to be the main source of mining-
related information in the community. In fact,
86.9% of respondents in Kadamjai, the largest
percentage of any district studied, said the
information they receive from “ordinary
people” was reliable. News spread by word of
mouth, true or not, appears to be trusted.
When asked why people protest against mining
in the area, 76.2% of respondents in Kadamjai
chose the option, “They are concerned for the
environment,” – a higher response rate than for
any other district in Kyrgyzstan. However,
compared to districts, residents’ specific views
in Kadamjai were somewhat vague.
Whilst most community environmental fears
described in interviews were highly generalized,
some respondents did express more concrete
views on mining’s impacts. In interviews,
specific concerns were primarily to do with
pollution from company vehicles (air pollution,
diesel contamination and noise) and with fears
of arsenic being released into the environment.
Recommendations
Despite intra-community conflicts, pro- and
anti-mining factions in Kadamjai appear to be
able to resolve their differences amicably, at
least for the moment.
Whilst local people may feel that they can
resolve disputes between themselves amicably,
the same cannot be said for disputes between
local people and mining companies. In the
absence of concrete views on the pros and cons
of mining, many community respondents
44% 52%
10%
27%
46%
21%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Kadamjai Nationwide
DK/NA
No
Yes
Do you think the information you receive from local government officials is reliable?
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 KADAMJAI
Page | 46
appear to have decided on a flat rejection of
whatever the companies may have to offer.
When asked what opportunities mining might
bring for local businessmen, some participants
said there was nothing the company could do
for them.
Perhaps as a result of these hostile attitudes
towards mining companies, respondents
expressed mixed views about the idea of
outside NGOs working on conflict mitigation in
their communities.
So, although there is a clear need for
relationship-building between mining
companies and local communities in Kadamjai,
any organization undertaking such a project
would have to tread carefully. During Oxus
International’s research no local organisations
were identified which might already be active in
conflict mitigation, so the impetus for such an
initiative would likely have to come from
outside the community. For that reason, such a
project could face problems of mistrust and
hostility from some local residents.
Similar to Talas, Kadamjai shows some of the
most promising potential for improvements in
company-community relations because of
interest from the companies working there.
Engagement efforts here should include both
direct company-community exchanges and
exchanges with the local government. Past
efforts have demonstrated that when only the
government is used as an information
intermediary, the information is not often
effectively relayed to the community and many
community members feel they are being
ignored.
Environmental concerns in Kadamjai were often
based on what appeared to be poor
information. An effort to actively disseminate
trustworthy environmental impact information
may go some way in directing community
oversight efforts to more useful ends, and could
minimize some of the current conflict between
companies and the community.
Civil society organizations could also be served
well by assisting the local government in
creating formal communication mechanisms for
stakeholder exchanges.
Any organization seeking to work in the area
needs a thorough risk assessment framework to
identify the potential for project activities
exacerbate tensions and increase the likelihood
for conflict. Project activities in Kadamjai should
not begin until such an assessment has been
made.
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012
CONCLUSIONS
Page | 47
In all of the sources of company-community
conflict, and community perceptions of
mining companies, there are none which are
particularly unusual or unique to Kyrgyzstan.
The sorts of grievances which respondents
have raised – environmental concerns, labour
disputes, accusations of corruption, etc. – are
typical of mining-affected communities
throughout the developing world.
As for why this issue has arisen now the
answer may simply be one of numbers. The
Bakiev-era (2005-2010) saw a spate of
mineral exploration licenses issued to a huge
range of companies, and many of the
companies working under these licenses are
now approaching the point where they want
to ramp up to full-scale mining operations. As
their presence in local communities increases,
tensions are also increasing.
There is also the potential that the political
upheaval of 2010 led to decreased faith in
authorities. The lack of rule of law and sense
of impunity from the national government in
rural areas of the country may have
exacerbated some of the current tensions.
Although company-community conflict in
Kyrgyzstan is typical of that in other
developing countries worldwide, this is not to
suggest that the Kyrgyz case is entirely
without its own facets. Indeed, the situation
in Kyrgyzstan is notable for the extreme
aversion which local residents feel towards
the use of cyanide in gold mining. This likely
has its roots in the 1998 Kumtor cyanide spill
which, as attested to in this research, has had
a profound effect on perceptions of mining in
Kyrgyzstan. Many respondents during the
research process were also highly fearful of
radiation in any sort of mining – this fear may
have its roots in Kyrgyzstan’s long history as a
uranium producer in the Soviet Union.5
There is one facet of company-community
conflict, often speculated about in mining
industry circles in Bishkek, which this report
has found little evidence for. That is, the
suggestion that community animosity
towards mining companies is generally stirred
up by, and funded by, commercial-criminal
groups who are operating on their own
agendas. Every key informant interviewed for
this report was asked whether community
opposition to mining companies was
influenced by outside groups, and the vast
majority replied emphatically that it was not.
Moreover, each survey respondent was
asked, “In your opinion, what is the single
most important reason why people protest
against mining companies in your district?”
and only 0.3% chose “they are paid to
protest” (whereas 61% said it was because of
environmental concerns).
The principal drivers of company-community
problems appear to be in keeping with those
identified in international literature on the
subject.6 If there is one unifying driver of
conflict in the Kyrgyz mining industries, the
evidence presented here suggests that it is
companies’ lack of healthy relationships with
the communities in which they operate. Most
are thought of as distant, self-interested,
5 Uranium Mining in Kyrgyzstan, Uranium
Investment News website, accessed 20th
August 2012. http://uraniuminvestingnews.com/4818/uranium-mining-in-kyrgyzstan.html 6 See, for example, Getting it Right, Luc Zandvliet and
Mary B. Anderson, 2009.
Overall Conclusions
Perceptions of mining in Kyrgyzstan Research Findings, 2012 CONCLUSIONS
Page | 48
underhand and answerable to no-one.
Most companies, on the other hand, consider
themselves to be pragmatic and well-
intentioned towards local communities, trying
hard to make the best of difficult situations. It
is this disparity in perspectives, and
companies’ accompanying lack of a “social
license to operate,” which is the principal
common thread in mining industry conflict in
Kyrgyzstan. Conversely, the few examples of
good company-community relations
identified in this report have been found
where precisely the opposite situation occurs:
where companies have healthy dialogue with
local people, and a mutual understanding and
respect exists between parties. Best and
worst practices were seen among local and
foreign companies. Below are some
examples.
Best practices identified during research:
Company is easily accessible and
respectful to the community;
Company engages in community
development that is mutually beneficial;
Company engages in development driven
by what the community deems is most
important;
Company engages directly with the
community, rather than through
intermediaries;
Engagement begins at or before initial
fieldwork.
Worst practices identified during research:
Company is inaccessible, with no formal
mechanism for engagement;
Company disseminates information
passively or through intermediaries
Development done without significant
community input;
Company delays engagement until after
significant fieldwork has commenced.
When things go wrong with the company-
community relationship, one of the most
explicit ways in which the breakdown
manifests itself appears to be the
entrenchment of a protests-for-concessions
culture. Looking to the future, if companies
are successful in building strong and mutually
respectful relationships with the communities
in which they operate, one could expect this
type of behaviour to be reduced.
During the research process, many
suggestions from community respondents
were collected on how outside organisations
could best improve company-community
relations. These ranged from providing local
people with reliable information on the
environmental impacts of mining, to training
local people in advocacy and legal to improve
their ability to negotiate successfully with
companies and defend their rights. Both
approaches would undoubtedly bring benefits
for mining-affected communities but, as
organisations look towards conflict mitigation
in the Kyrgyz mining industries, this report
concludes by urging a degree of caution:
conflict is fundamentally a company-
community problem. Until company-
community relationships improve, conflict
mitigation is likely to have only modest
success. It is the relationship between
companies and communities which should be
targeted above all else in any planned conflict
mitigation project.
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