regional markets and agrarian transformation in bolivia: cochabamba, 1539-1960

title:RegionalMarketsandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,1539-1960

author: Jackson,RobertH.publisher: UniversityofNewMexico

isbn10|asin: 082631533Xprintisbn13: 9780826315335ebookisbn13: 9780585178974

language: English

subject

Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)--Ruralconditions,Agriculture--Economicaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Agriculture--Socialaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Landtenure--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History.

publicationdate: 1994lcc: HN280.C6J331994ebddc: 306.3/49/098423

subject:

Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)--Ruralconditions,Agriculture--Economicaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Agriculture--Socialaspects--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History,Landtenure--Bolivia--Cochabamba(Dept.)--History.

Pageiii

RegionalMarketsandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia

Cochabamba,15391960

RobertH.Jackson

UniversityofNewMexicoPressAlbuquerque

Pageiv

LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationDataJackson,RobertH.(RobertHoward)RegionalmarketsandagrariantransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15391960/RobertH.Jackson.1sted.p.cm.Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.Contents:RuraleconomyandsocietyincolonialCochabamba:anoverviewReformprogramsandchangesinthestructureofrurallandtenureChangesinexternalandinternalmarketsThepartitionofthehaciendaandland-tenurechangesinCochabambaDepartmentCasestudiesofland-tenurechangeinCochabambaDepartmentConclusions.ISBN0-8263-1533-X.1.Cochabamba(Bolivia:Dept.)Ruralconditions.2.AgricultureEconomicaspectsBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.3.AgricultureSocialaspectsBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.4.LandtenureBoliviaCochabamba(Dept.)History.I.Title.HN280.C6J331994306.3'49'098423dc2094-18693CIP

Contents

Illustrations vii

Introduction 3

1.RuralEconomyandSocietyinColonialCochabamba:AnOverview

2.ReformProgramsandChangesintheStructureofRuralLandTenure

3.ChangesinExternalandInternalMarkets,1825-1929 91

4.ThePartitionoftheHaciendaandLand-TenureChangesinCochabambaDepartment

5.CaseStudiesofLand-TenureChangeinCochabambaDepartment

Conclusions 195

Appendix1.DivisionofSelectedPropertiesintheCentralValleyDistrictsforInheritance

Appendix2.LandTransactionsandLandsoftheSalamancaFamily

Appendix3.LandTransactionsinCantonPalcainvolvingMembersoftheCrespoFamily

Appendix4.LandTransactionsinCantonColomi 220

Abbreviations 222

Notes 223

Bibliography 251

Index 265

AbouttheBookandAuthor 284

Pagevii

Illustrations

Figures

1.Preparingthefields,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón) 6

2.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaChimbalocatedinthesuburbsofCochabambaCity

3.AgriculturallandsintheValleBajo,formerHaciendaPairumani

4.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaViloma,ValleBajo 126

5.RuinedhaciendahouseintheValleAlto,CantonSanBenito

6.AraniTown(ValleAlto)onmarketday 127

7.AgriculturallandsatKekomainCantonToco,marginsoftheValleAlto

8.RuinsofHaciendahouseatKekomadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution

9.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)

10.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)

11.HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(FormerlyParedón)

12.RuinsofHaciendahouseofformerHaciendaSacabambadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution,

CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

13.AgriculturallandsofformerHaciendaSacabamba,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

14.AgriculturallandsatSanFrancisco,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

15.AgriculturallandsintheArqueHighlands 132

16.ApeasantcommunityintheArqueHighlands 133

Pageviii

17.ChurchofSantaClaraBuiltinCochabambaCitybetween1912and1917

18.PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaSumunpaya,1875 135

19.PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaQueruQueru 136

1.LocationofCochabambaDepartmentinBolivia 2

2.CochabambaRegion 9

3.ValleBajo,Cochabamba 12

4.SpatialdistributionofthepopulationofSipeSipe 37

5.LandsofthecorporatecommunitiesintheValleBajo 71

Graphs

1.LondontinpriceandBoliviantinproductionindex 94

2.LondonsilverpriceandBoliviansilverproductionindex 95

Tables

1.1.ReduccionesintheCochabambaRegion,ca.1573 26

1.2.CommunityLandsintheValleBajo(inHectares)inSelectedYears

1.3.HaciendasintheCochabambaRegionin1692 35

1.4.CochabambaCornandWheatPricesinReales, 4849

16461808

1.5.LandTransactionsintheValleBajo,16601800 51

2.1.TheRegularClergyinCochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod

2.2.IncomeandNominalCapitalValueofCensosoftheCochabambaCityConventsandMonasteriesin1788and1825,inBolivianos61

2.3.ChurchLandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheLateNineteenthCentury

2.4.TributariesbyFiscalCategoryinCantonCapinotainSelectedYears

2.5.CommunityLandsinCochabambaDepartment,ca.1878

2.6.EstimatedArea(inHectares)andIndexofCommunityLandsSoldintheValleBajo,18781900

Pageix

2.7.SalesofCommunityLandintheValleBajobytheProfessionoftheBuyer,18861894

2.8.LandSalesinCantónSipeSipe,ca.18801929 79

2.9.State(FormerlyCommunity)LandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheEarlyTwentiethCentury

3.1.ChileanAgriculturalExportsbyValueinChileanPesos

3.2.ChileanFlourExportsinTons,inSelectedYears 99

3.3.Chilean-PeruvianTrade,18751889,inChileanPesos 101

3.4.ChileanTradewithBoliviabyValue,18441920,inChileanPesos

3.5.BolivianImportsfromChileImportedbyWayofAntofagastabyValue,inChileanPesos

3.6.ImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1846,inBolivianos

3.7.BolivianImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1918,inBolivianos

3.8.BolivianAlcoholProductionin1919,1924,and1925,inLiters

3.9.PeruvianAlcoholProduction,19121929,inLiters 114

3.10.TheUseofthe1923CochabambaCornCrop 116

3.11.MortgagesandDebtCancellationsinCochabamba,19221926

4.1.TheNumberofPropertiesinCochabamba 139

DepartmentbyProvince,inSelectedYears

4.2.AnnouncementsofPublicSalesbyTypeofSale 145

4.3.CadastralValueofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos 146

4.4.DistributionofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos

4.5.MeanAmountofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianos

4.6.DistributionofPropertiesinPublicSalesbyJurisdiction/Region

4.7.ChangeinHaciendaOwnershipinSelectedValleyJurisdictions

4.8.LandSalesinHaciendaChullpas,18711929 156

4.9.LandSalesinHaciendaCliza,18911929 158

4.10.StructureofLandTenureinPandojayPocpocollobyOwner,ca.1924

4.11.StructureofLandTenureinPocpocollobyOwner,ca.1924

4.12.NumberofColonosinCochabambaDepartmentinSelectedYears

5.1.PrivatePropertiesintheValleBajoinSelectedYears 168

5.2.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaVilomayVilomillaandHaciendaAnocaraire

5.3.HaciendasinCantonSipeSipe,18281867 171

5.4.StructureofLandTenureinCantonSipeSipe,ca.1924

5.5.NumberofPropertiesintheValleAltoinSelectedYear

5.6.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpa

5.7.StructureofLandTenureinCantonTolatain1912 177

5.8.NumberofPropertiesinCantonSacaba(SacabaValley)inSelectedYears

5.9.HaciendasinCantonSacaba,18351912 180

5.10.StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaLaAbraandHaciendaTucsapucyo

5.11.StructureofLandTenureinCantonSacabain1912 182

5.12.NumberofPropertiesinAyopayaProvinceinSelectedYears

5.13.StructureofLandTenureinCantonPalcain1912 185

5.14.StructureofLandTenureinCantonColomiin1894andca.1912

5.15.StructureofLandTenureinLlallahuani,ca.1912 189

5.16.StructureofLandTenureinKhalaLlusta,ca.1912 190

5.17.StructureofLandTenureinCantonPardeon,ca.1912

5.18.StructureofLandTenureinCantonIzata,ca.1912 192

5.19.StructureofLandTenureinMizqueProvince,ca.1912

5.20.LandSalesofIndalecioGalvarroin1896and1897 194

IntroductionInthe1970sand1980s,thenumberofhistoricalstudiesoftheAndeancountrysidemultiplied.TheauthorsofthepublishedmonographsbroughtdifferentapproachesandideologicalorientationstothediscussionofAndeanrurallifeandagriculturaleconomy,butgenerallytheyfocusedondiscretetimeperiods.Andeanistsgenerallylimittheirstudiestoeitherthecolonialornationalperiods,andthusareunabletodiscernlong-termeconomicorculturalchangesthatcontinuedwithoutreferencetoperiodsstrictlydefinedbypoliticalevents.Topicsthathavedominatedrecenthistoriographyincludetheroleofpeasantsinruralsociety,socialandculturalchangeamongpeasantcommunities,andpeasantaccommodationandresistancetoevolvingandchangingruraleconomicandsocialrelationsduringthecolonialandrepublicanperiods.

Whileshowingpeasantstohavebeenactiveplayersinhistory,thisnewhistoricalvision,constructedfromthebottomofruralsocietylookingup,oftenunderemphasizeselementsofchangenotdirectlyrelatedtothestudyofpeasants,whichneverthelessarecriticalforunderstandingtheevolutionandtransformationofruralsocietyandeconomy.Forexample,generalreferencesaremadetochangeintheinternaleconomyofthehacienda,shiftsingrainmarkets,orredefinitionsofhaciendalaborrelations,butlittlespecificdetailisoffered.

Inaninfluentialbookpublishedin1982,CarlosSempatAssadourianfocusedontheevolutionoftheAndeaninterregionaleconomyduringthecolonialperiod,andtheroleoftheminingcampatPotosíasthe"poleofeconomicgrowth"thatstimulatedthedevelopmentofcommercialcircuitsspanningalargeterritoryinSpanishSouthAmerica.

1Anumberofstudies,someinfluencedbyneo-Marxistanalysis,haveexploredtheevolutionandtransformationofmarkets,andchangesintheagriculturaleconomyandstructureofruralsocietythatresultedfromthestructuraldevelopmentofcommercialcircuits,relying,inpart,onSempatAssa-

dourian'smodeloftheeconomicdevelopmentofthesouthernAndeanregionduringthecolonialperiod.

2However,someofthesestudiespresentbroadmacrohistoricalimageswithlittlespecificdetailonchangesinlandtenure,haciendalaborrelations,andtheinternaleconomyofhaciendas.3Moreover,intherushawayfromtheconstructionofdescriptivehistoricalnarrativeinfavoroftheuseoftheorytoexplainthepast,therehasbeenatendencyamongsomescholarstoimposetheoreticalconstructsthatmaybevalidforotherpartsoftheworldondistinctAndeanrealities.Forexample,BrookeLarsonseestheriseofaclassofnumeroustenantfarmersondecayingCochabambahaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod,which,accordingtoherinterpretation,isanexampleofGeertz'smodelofagriculturalinvolutionderivedfromtheverydifferentsouthAsianreality.4

WhatforcesshapedtheevolutionandtransformationofAndeanruralsocietyandeconomy?Whendidfundamentalchangesoccurintheruraleconomy,structureoflandtenure,andhaciendalaborrelationsthatdevelopedintheearlycolonialperiod?Duringthelatecolonialperiod,ashypothesizedbyBrookeLarsoninthespecificcaseofCochabamba,orduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies?ThisstudyexaminesthedevelopmentandtransformationoftheagriculturaleconomyofCochabamba,Bolivia,from1539to1961,presentedasacasestudyofthemarketforces,governmentpolicies,anddemographicchangesthatshapedtheAndeancountryside,bothcorporateindigenouscommunitiesandhaciendas,overfourcenturies.AcomparativediscussionofhistoricalliteratureonruralareasinLatinAmericailluminatesthemesaddressedinthisbook.

Marketrelationsdefinedtheprofitabilityofhaciendas.Moreover,changesinmarketsinthecolonialandrepublicanperiodscouldlead

totransformationsinhaciendatenure.Howdidchangesingrainmarketsmodifyhaciendatenure?StudiesfromMexicoandPerusuggestthatduringthecolonialperiodlong-termmarketchangesresultedintheinstabilityofhaciendaownership,withfrequentsalesofestates.Thereisnoevidenceofthepartitionofestatesintosmallerandsmallerunits.Withimprovementsintransportationduringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,ontheotherhand,haciendaownerswereabletosellgraininlargermarkets,andexpandedtheareaoflandunderdirectcultivation.Thiswasachievedeitherbyaddinglandtoexistingestatesfromthepublicdomainorthroughpurchase,orbringingmorelandwithinthehaciendaunderdirectcultivationbyexpellingservicetenants.5InCochabamba,estatesexperiencedsomesubdivisionduetoinheritance,butasmallnumberof

haciendasstilldominatedtheCochabambacountrysideattheendofthecolonialperiod.Thelarge-scalefragmentationofagriculturallandoccurredinthenineteenthcentury,followingthebreak-upofcolonial-eracommercialcircuits.

Whatfactorsmodifiedhaciendalaborrelations?EvidencefromdifferentpartsofSpanishAmericasuggeststhatservicetenantrywasthedominantformof''free"haciendalabor,andthatdemographicforceschangedtherelationshipbetweenlandownerandtenant.Duringperiodsoflaborscarcity,landownersofferedtenantriesfavorabletolandlesspeasants,buttheydemandedadditionallaborwhenalaborsurplusexisted.

6Cochabambaservicetenantsprovidedlaborfordirectexploitationofhaciendalandsbythelandowner,andthepresenceofservicetenantsdoesnotconstituteprimafacieevidencethathaciendasownerswerearentierclassthatlivedoffthemoneyrentspaidbytenants.

Whatchangesoccurredinindigenouscorporatecommunitylandtenureduringthecolonialperiod?Howdidgovernmentpoliciesmodifycommunitylandtenureandsocialorganization?Ageneralconsensusexistsinthehistoricalliteraturethat,despiteusurpationsbySpaniards,communitiesstillcontrolledlargeamountsoflandinthecolonialperiod.However,factorssuchasthelocationofcommunitiesinrelationtomajorurbanmarketsdeterminedthedegreeoferosionofthecommunitylandbase.IncolonialMexico,forexample,communitylandsintheValleyofMexicowereusurpedatafasterratethaninOaxacaorMetztitlan,whichwerebothregionslocatedfartherawayfromthedynamicmarketinMexicoCity.7TheoasisvalleysofcoastalPeruareasecondexampleofaregionwhereanearbyurbanmarket,Lima,createdademandforlandamongSpaniardswhodevelopedfarmstosupplythecity,andarapiderosionofcommunity

lands.8SomealienationofcommunitylandsinCochabambaoccurredduringthecolonialperiod,butacceleratedinthe1870sfollowingtheimplementationofanti-communitylegislationbytheBoliviagovernment.Priortothe1860sand1870s,thecolonial,andlater,thenewlyindependentBoliviangovernmentexercisedonlyasupervisorycontroloverthecommunities.

ThismonographemploysadetailedmicroandmacrohistoricalapproachtoexplainthefactorsthatcontributedtotheevolutionandtransformationoftheruralsocietyofCochabamba,Bolivia.Ontheeveofthe1953BolivianagrarianreformCochabamba,wasaruralregiondistinctfromtherestofBolivia.WhereasmostoftheBoliviancountrysidewasdominatedbylargeruralestates,thecentral-valleydistrictsofCochabambaevidencedconsiderablefragmentationofagriculturallandandthe

Preparingthefields,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

presenceofalargeclassofsmallpeasantlandownerslocallyknownaspiqueros.Theprimaryobjectiveofthisstudyistodocumentchangesinthestructureofhaciendaandcommunitylandtenureandhaciendalabor,asrelatedtotheevolutionandtransformationofregionalmarkets.Inabookpublishedin1988,historianBrookeLarson,drawinguponSempatAssadourian'sconceptofPotosíasthepoleofeconomicgrowthinthesouthernAndes,arguedthatthecontractionofthesouthernAndeaninterregionalmarketdominatedbyPotosíintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesinitiatedthestructuralchangesintheCochabambacountrysidethatcontributedtotheparcelizationofagriculturallandandthegrowthinthenumberofpeasantsmallholders.

9IproposeanalternativehypothesisthatchangeinCochabambaoccurredinthenineteenthcentury,when,withtheimplementationoffreetradeandtheconstructionofrailroads,inefficientCochabambagrainproducerscouldnotcompeteinanopenmarket,especiallyduringaperiodofdeclininginternationalgrainpricescausedbythegrowthofworldwidewheatproduction.ByestablishingthepointintimewhenCochabambahaciendasexperiencedfragmentation,eitherintheeighteenthornineteenthcenturies,Iwillbeabletodocumenttheconditionsthatcausedsignificantchangesineconomiesorientedtosupplyinggrainforsegmentedinternalmarkets.

Thecoreofthestudyfocusesontheperiod15391929,althoughapostscriptexplorestheimpactofthe1953agrarianreform.Thestudyisdividedintofivechapters.Chapter1outlinestheevolutionofthestructureoflandtenureandhaciendalaborbetween1539and1700,andexaminesLarson'shypothesisthatchangeinCochabamba'sruraleconomywascausedbythecontractionofthePotosíurbanmarketintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturiesthroughananalysisoflong-

termchangesinCochabamba'sgrainandflourtrade.ItisfollowedbyadiscussionoftheimplementationandimpactofreformprogramsinthelateeighteenthcenturyandthenineteenthcenturydesignedindifferentwaystomodifylandtenureintheCochabambaregion,focusingoneffortstolimittheeconomicimportanceoftheCatholicchurchinruralBoliviaandtoliquidatethecorporatepeasantcommunity,bothseenasimpedimentstothemodernizationofagriculture.TheadministrationofAntonioJosédeSucreinthelate1820spartiallydisamortizedchurchwealthinBolivia,andeffortstoabolishthecommunitiesculminatedin1874withthepassageofthelawofvinculación,whichforcedcommunitymemberstotakeindividualtitletothesubsistenceparcelstheyalreadyexploited.Chapter3documentstheevolutionofanimport-exportorientedeconomyinnineteenth-centuryBolivia,andtheconsequencesofthesechanges

forCochabambagrainandflourproducers.Thefollowingchapterexploreschangesinhaciendatenureinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,particularlythecausesofinstabilityinhaciendaownershipandthefragmentationofestates.Chapter5presentsdetailedcasestudiesofnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryland-tenurechangesindifferentareasinthelargerCochabambaregion.

InordertounderstandthedynamicsofchangeinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomy,itisfirstnecessarytodescribewhatwasproducedindifferentareas.Becausethemostdetailedsourcesdescribeconditionsinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,thefollowingdiscussionconcentratesonthistimeperiod.

AgricultureintheCochabambaRegion

Thetopicofthissectionisagricultureandtheimpactofdroughtinthethreecentralvalleydistricts(driedlakebeds)ValleBajo,ValleAlto,andSacabaValleyandthesurroundinghighlandsectionsofCochabamba;here,theattemptistounderstandthenoneconomicfactorsthatcontributedtothetransformationinlandtenure.Inparticular,asisshownbelow,droughtandthethreatofdroughtchangedthelivesofCochabambafarmers,andisafactortheimportanceofwhichisgenerallyunderestimatedbystudentsofLatinAmericanruralhistory.Thediscussionfocusesonthedifferencesinlanduseandwaterresourcesineachofthecentralvalleysthatdeterminedwhichcropscouldbegrown,andtherelativeprofitabilityofdifferentcrops.

AgricultureinCochabambaremainedatlowlevelsoftechnologyandproductivity,andlaborconstitutedthesinglemostimportantinput.Moreover,economicandclimaticfactorslimitedtheabilityoffarmerstomodernizeandincreaseproductivity.Variablemarketsandperiodicdroughtthatcouldruinafarmerfromoneagriculturalyeartothenext

servedasdisincentivesforcapitalinvestment,whichwouldhaveincreasedproductivityandloweredthepriceforCochabambagraininregionalmarketswhenimprovedtransportationfacilitatedtheimportationintoBoliviaofforeign-producedgrainandflourthatcompetedwithCochabambagrainandflour.Contemporaryobserverswithanurbanbias,however,advocatedthemodernizationof.Cochabambaagricultureinordertoimprovesuppliestothecities.

10Furthermore,inthefaceofweakmarketsforCochabambagrainandflourafterabout1890,haciendaownersmayhavereducedproductionlevelsinanattempttoforcecommodity

pricesup,whichwouldhavefurtherlimitedthepossibilitiesformodernization.Irrigationisoneexampleofthefailuretoinvestinthemodernizationofagriculture.Muchoftheagriculturallandinthecentralvalleys,forexample,wasnotirrigatedandthusremainedvulnerabletodrought.Althoughlandownersproposeddifferentplansforthedevelopmentoflarge-scaleirrigationprojectsasearlyasthelastyearsofthenineteenthcenturyasasolutiontotheproblemofcyclicaldrought,itwasnotuntilthe1940sthatthenationalgovernmentinvestedinirrigationwithareservecapacity,butthenonlyintheValleAlto.

TheecologicallimitationsofCochabambaagriculture,coupledwithageneralinflationarytrendinBoliviaattheendofthenineteenthcenturycausedbytheexpansionofthemoneysupplyandotherfactors,contributedtoanincreaseinthepriceofagriculturalproduceandagrowthinlandvalues.Landvaluesalsodependeduponlandquality,watersupply,andlocationinrelationtomarketsandtransportation.Astudypublishedin1907estimatedlandvaluesindifferentecologicalzones.

11Althoughtherewasconsiderablevariationinlandvalueswithineachecologicalzone,landinthecentralvalleysgenerallyhadahighervaluethaninotherpartsofCochabamba.

IrrigationwasanimportantfactoringrainproductioninCochabamba.Itallowedtheproductionofmorethanonecropperyear,thereductionofbarbecho(fallowing),andprotectedcropstoacertaindegreeinperiodsofloweredrainfall,whenmostirrigationsystemsdrewwaterfromrainfedriversorsprings.Areportpublishedin1898bytheSociedaddeFomentoAgricola,basedondataabstractedfromthecadastralsurvey,estimatedthereturnperhectareoflandplantedincrops.Wheatproducedbydryfarminggavethelowestreturnata

rateof35Bolivianos(hereaftercitedasBs)perhectare,whereasirrigatedalfalfaandtruckgardenproductsgaveareturnofBs169perhectare.(AllmonetaryfiguresoriginallyexpressedinpesoshavebeenconvertedintoBolivianos,thedecimal-basedmoneyintroducedattheendofthenineteenthcentury,inordertomaintainthevalidityofcomparisonovertime.)Theuseofirrigationenabledfarmerstogrowcropsthatgaveahigherreturnperunitofland.12

Distinctecologicalzoneswithdifferentwaterresourcesexistedwithinthecentralvalleys,whichdeterminedbothlanduseandtheprofitabilityofagriculture.FarmersinCartónTarataintheValleAlto,forexample,producedwheatandothergrainsbydryfarmingbecauseofthelackofwaterforirrigation.TheValleBajo,ontheotherhand,wasknownfortheproductionofcorn,alfalfa,andfruitsandvegetablesgrownwiththeuseofirrigation.Becauseofecologicalfactors,farmersinthedifferent

partsofthecentralvalleysfoundthemselveseitherlimitedtotheproductionoflessprofitablecropsorattemptingtospecializeincropsthatgaveabetterreturn.Cornwasthesinglemostimportantcropintermsofproductionlevels,apatternestablishedbytheendofthecolonialperiod.Duringthecolonialandearlyrepublicanperiods,however,thedemandinthealtiplanourbanandminingmarketwasgreaterforwheatandwheatflour.Cerealandothercropsalsogavedifferentreturnsofseed:harvest;corngrownwithoutirrigationaratioof1:50,corngrownwithirrigation1:100,andwheatonly1:10.

13Cornmayhavebeenthemostimportantcropbyvolume,butbecauseofthelowerseed:harvestratio,farmersplantedalargerareaoflandinwheat.Inthemid-1840s,Cochabambacornandwheatproductiontotaled476,794and189,136fanegas,respectively.Theproductionofpotatoesandtuberswas166,534cargas.Inthe1880s,cornproductioninCochabambadepartmentwas353,240quintales(hundredweights);wheat,244,665quintales;potatoesandothertubers,1,009,530quintales;andforage,2,059,365quintales.14

The1925prefecturalreport,thecadastralsurveypreparedintheearlytwentiethcentury,andothersourcesprovidedetailedinformationonagriculturalproduction.TheSacabaValleyspecializedintheproductionofwheat,corn,andpotatoandothertubers;andseveralmodernflourmillsoperatedinthevalley.In1925,wheatproductioninSacabatotaled80,000quintales;corn,50,000quintales;andpotatoes,30,000quintales.15Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912,4,362properties(95percent)producedgrains,434properties(9percent)producedpotatoes,andonly38properties(0.83percent)producedalfalfaandfruitsandvegetables,irrigatedcropsthatgaveahigherreturnthangrains.Only708properties(15percent)werepartiallyorcompletelyirrigated..16

FarmersintheValleBajospecializedincorn,truckgardenproductswereproducedlargelyfortheCochabambaurbanmarket;andforageandhaywereputupforsaleinthealtiplanomarket.Dr.FedericoBlanco,forexample,describedtheValleBajoasbeingideal"forthecultivationofcornandalfalfa,andfruittrees".17Accordingtodatafromtheearlytwentiethcentury,abstractedfromthecadastralsurveyreportedforfourcantones,atotalof9,379propertieswerepartiallyorcompletelyirrigated.Cornwasthesinglemostimportantcropgrownon6,779properties.TheValleBajowasthemostimportantcorn-growingareainCochabambaDepartment,andwasparticularlyhardhitbyacollapseofcornpricesafter1925.Atotalof2,125propertiesproducedalfalfa.Theexistenceofaclassofmuledriverswhoworkedinthemovementofgoods

withinandoutsideCochabambaDepartmentwascloselyrelatedtoalfalfaproductionintheValleBajo.ThemuledriversbroughttheiranimalstopastureintheValleBajo,andinsomeinstancestheyalsoownedalfalfaproducinglands.

18Another2,692propertiesproducedfruitsandvegetables.19

TheadministrativejurisdictionofCercadoProvince,theimmediatehinterlandofCochabambaCity,embracestwodifferentzones:thesectionoftheValleBajo(CantónCalaCala)thatsurroundsCochabambaCity,andalowhillyareaandnarrowrivervalley(CantónItocta)thatconnectstheValleBajoandValleAlto.LanduseinCantonCalaCalareflectedacombinationoftraditionalagricultureandsemiurbanusessuchasbathingspotsthatwerepopularwithwell-to-dofamiliesfromthecity.TwoformsoflandtenurepredominatedinCalaCalaandthesuburbsofCochabambaCity:theorchard,whichproducedfruitsandvegetablesforsaleinthenearbyurbanmarket;andthecasa-quinta,alargehouseandorchard.LandvaluesinCalaCalawerehigh,andtheyincreasedwiththegrowthofthecity.In1924,forexample,thecasa-quintaPortales,intheRecoletasuburbofCochabambaCitywithinthejurisdictionofCalaCala,whichbelongedtothetinbaronSimonPatino,hadacadastralvalueofBs9,000,000.20

ThedatafromthecadastralsurveyonlanduseinCantonItocta,alsoapartofCercadoProvince,isincomplete.Onthebasisofothersources,thehillysectionsofItoctacanbecharacterizedasagrain-andtuber-growingarealargelydependentuponrainfall.However,landownersproducedfruits,vegetables,andalfalfaonirrigatedparcelswithintheirhaciendas.In1863,forexample,HaciendaItoctacontainedlandsusedforalfalfaproduction.21

TherewerefouradministrativejurisdictionsintheValleAlto:Tarata,Cliza,Punata,andAraniprovinces.ThecadastralsurveyfortheValleAltoisincomplete,andthedataonlanduseunevenlyreported.FarmersinTarataproducedwheatandothergrainsgenerallywithoutthebenefitofirrigation,andthuswereparticularlyvulnerabletocyclicaldrought.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedintheearlytwentiethcentury,3,090propertiesinthejurisdiction(87percent)producedgrains;413(12percent),corn;80(2percent),tubers;alfalfaandforageon188properties(5percent),andfruitsandvegetablesononly41properties(1.2percent).FarmersinPunataandAraniproducedcorn,wheat,andtuberswithsomeirrigation.22

ThedataforClizaProvincearemorecomplete,anddemonstratehowmarketconditionsdictatedthechoiceofcropsproducedonlowerquality

orunirrigatedlands.Theprovinceoccupiedanareaof19,543hectaresofagriculturallandofvaryingquality,including6,080hectaresofirrigatedlands,4,272hectaresofnonirrigatedland,and9,191hectaresofscrubandmountainouslands.Corn,which(asnotedabove)gaveahigherreturninrelationtotheamountofseedgrown,wasthesinglemostimportantcrop.Withfavorablemarketconditionsintheearly1920s,attheheightofashort-livedcornboom,itwasmoreprofitabletogrowcornonunirrigatedlandsthat,underothercircumstances,wouldhavebeenplantedinwheatorbarley.Followingthecollapseofcornpricesafter1925,however,thosefarmerswhogrewcornonunirrigatedlandswereatadisadvantageintheunfavorablecornmarket,andmostlikelytheyfelttheeffectsofthecrisisbeforecornproducerswhofarmedirrigatedlands.Around1924,Clizafarmersproduced77,880quintalesofcornonirrigatedlandsworthBs621,600,anaveragereturnof1:100ofseedtoharvest.Productionofcornonunirrigatedlandsreached24,750quintalesworthBs.198,000.Othercropsincluded57,050quintalesofwheat,30,000quintalesofpotatoes,and24,463quintalesofbarley.

AgricultureinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambawasdifferentfromthepatternsdescribedaboveforthethreecentral-valleydistricts.Haciendasinthehighlandsoccupiedarelativelylargeexpanseofland,frequentlyinexcessofonethousandhectares.Thelargehacienda,however,containedlandsofvaryingquality,andasaruleonlyasmallpercentageofthetotalareaofagivenhaciendawascultivatedandanevensmallerpercentagewasirrigated.Thecadastralsurveypreparedin1903forcantonTapacariandcantonCalliriinTapacariProvinceprovidesdetailedinformationonlanduse.Atotalof69.3percentoftheland,ofasampleofforty-fivehaciendas,wasnotcultivated,andamere1.7percentwasirrigated.24

Localnewspapers,oneofthemostimportantsourcesofgeneralinformationonagricultureinCochabambaduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,tendedtofocusonconditionsinthecentral-valleydistricts,andassuchthereislittleconcreteinformationonagriculturalconditionsinthehighlandprovincesinCochabambaDepartment.Nevertheless,somegeneralizationscanbemadeabouttheagriculturaleconomyinthehighlands.Themostimportantcropsweregrainsandtubersgenerallyproducedwithoutthebenefitofirrigation.Producerswithlandsatlowerelevations,however,grewsmallquantitiesofsugar,coffee,coca,andothertropicalandsemitropicalcrops.Accordingtoonesource,wheatexportsfromTapacariandArque,thetwoprovinceslocatedontheprincipalroutestothealtiplano,hadsomeimportance.

WheatproducersinMizque,Tarata,andSacabasuppliedalargepartofthelocaldemand.

25Othersourcesstressedthepoorqualityofroadsandthehightransportationcoststhatlimitedtheabilityofhighlandproducerstocompeteinthevalleymarket,exceptinyearsoffoodshortagesinthecentralvalleysorthealtiplano.Inmanycases,however,thelaborobligationsofhaciendaservicetenantsgreatlyreduced,oreliminatedaltogether,transportationcoststomarket.Finally,droughtinthecentralvalleyscreatedagreaterdemandforhighlandproduce.In1915,forexample,followingseveralmonthsofdrought,articlespublishedinCochabambaCitynewspapersarguedthathighlandproducersshouldincreaseproductionlevelsinordertomeettheshort-termdemandinyearsofpoorharvestsinthecentralvalleys.Moreover,theauthorsofthearticlesnotedthatthehighlandprovincesdidnotsufferdroughtasfrequentlyasinthecentralvalleys.26

Therewerehighlandregionsdirectlylinkedtotheregionalandnationaleconomy,areasthatspecializedintheproductionofpotatoes,astapleinthelocaldiet,andotherproductssuchascoca,whichhadamarketinCochabambaandinthealtiplano(inhighlandareasofBolivialikeLaPaz,Oruro,andPotosí).Atthebeginningofthepresentcentury,cocaproductionintheTotorayungastotaledsomeseventeenthousandcestosayear.27Somehighlandestanciaownersalsomadeprofitableuseofvastpasturelandsthroughyerbaje,theseasonalrentalofpastureinthehighlandjurisdictionsborderingthecentralvalleys,whichprovidedextraincomegenerallynotavailabletohaciendaownersinthecentralvalleys.TherewasanestablishedpatternofseasonaltranshumancebetweentheValleBajoandAyopayaProvince,withbothlocalanimalsandmulesbroughtfromtheminesinthealtiplano.In1878,forexample,GenaroCrespo,amemberofan

importantlandowningfamilyfromCantonPalcainAyopaya,advertisedtherentalofpastureinEsquilan,apropertylocatedinCantonColcapirhuaintheValleBajo,andalsolandsinAyopayaProvince.CrespochargedBs5peranimalpermonthinEsquilan,andBs8inAyopaya.28

Withtheexceptionofcoca,highlandlandownersgenerallyproducedfortheregionalmarket.Insomeinstances,highlandpropertyownersspecializedinstaplecropsnotgrowninlargequantitiesinthecentralvalleys.Thedemandforpotatoes,forexample,expandedwithpopulationgrowth,andthemarketmaynothavebeenasvolatileasthegrainmarket.Moreover,yerbajeprovidedincomegenerallynotavailabletohaciendaownersintheValleAltoandSacaba,andappearstohavebeenarelativelystablesourceofincome.UntilthecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabamba

railroadin1917,muletrainsservedastheprincipalmeansoftransportationinCochabambaDepartment,andthemuletrainsrequiredpasture.Moreover,thetinminesinOruroandPotosídepartmentsemployednumbersofmulesthatalsopasturedinCochabamba.

Supplyanddemand,coupledwithtransportationpricesandothereconomicfactors,generallydeterminedtheprofitabilityofCochabambaagriculture,andpoormarketconditionsruinedbothlarge-scaleandsmallproducers.Cochabambafarmersfacedanothersetofproblemsthatcouldalsoruinthem,namely,adverseweatherconditions,includingdroughtandtoomuchrain,hail,andfreezingtemperatures,aswellaspestssuchaslocusts.Evenwithirrigation,Cochabambafarmerswerevulnerabletoprolongeddrought.Moreover,theuncertaintyoffoodsuppliespriortotheharvestseason,especiallyduringyearsoflessthanoptimumrainfall,allowedsomelargelandownerstomanipulategrainprices,thuscontributingtoextremeshort-termvolatilityinlocalmarkets.Periodicdrought,especiallyintheperiodafter1880,astheCochabambaagriculturaleconomyenteredaperiodofcrisisandstagnationandmorepeasantsacquiredland,alsoplayedasignificantroleinacceleratingtheprocessofagrariantransformation.Droughtcrisesweretraumaticexperiences,andofferanotherkeyforunderstandingchangeintheCochabambaagriculturaleconomy,asdemonstratedbythreedetailedcasestudies.

TherewereseveralseveresubsistencecrisesinCochabambaintheeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies,oftenassociatedwiththeoutbreakofepidemicsandconsiderablelossoflife.

29Thecrisisoftheyears18031805appearstohavebeenthemostsevereinthelatecolonialperiod.Thepriceofcornandwheatreached112and132reales,respectively,in1804(seeTable1.4below).Loss

oflifeandthedisruptionofruralsocietyappearstohavebeenconsiderable,asseeninarecentstudyofcrisismortalityinTarataparishintheValleAlto.Asampleofbirthsanddeathsfortheyears18001809showsthatinnon-crisisyearsthepopulationofTarataexperiencedmoderategrowth,andcanbecharacterizedashavingbeenahighfertilityandhighmortalitypopulation.However,in1804and1805,attheheightofthesubsistencecrisis,theparishsufferedanetlossinpopulationof445,duetoincreasedmortalityandadropinthenumberofbirthsin1805.Nevertheless,thelossesin1804and1805weremadeupwithinthreeyears,andtheparishhadanetgrowthof2,240duringthedecade.TheTarataburialregisterprovidesevidenceofthesocialbreakdownduringthesubsistencecrisis.In1805,thepriestinTarataburied107bodiesfoundabandonedinthe

town,mostbetweenJanuaryandAprilandpriortotheharvestofthe18041805cropthatendedthecrisis.

The18771879crisiswassimilartothe18031805drought.Rainfalllevelsweredeficientduringthe18771878agriculturalyear,andthelackofrainandintensesummersundestroyedmuchofthecropinthecentral-valleydistricts.InternaltransportationwithinBoliviawasnotsufficientlydevelopedtoallowfortherapidmovementofbulkfoodstuffssuchasgrain,andthedroughtdamagedordestroyedcropsthroughoutmuchofthecountry.Theoutbreakoftwomortalitycrisesattheendof1877andin1878and1879,beforetheharvestinMayandJuneof1879,onlyexacerbatedthesituation.31

Duringyearsofnormalrainfall,thefirstplantinggenerallytakesplaceduringthetimeofthefirstrainsfromSeptembertoNovember,butcanbeginaslateastheendofDecemberorthefirsttwoweeksofJanuary,dependinguponweatherconditions.32InanalyzingtheimpactofdroughtintheCochabambaregion,itisimportanttodocumentbothrainfalllevelsandthepointwithintheagriculturalcycleatwhichthedroughtbegan.Laterains,forexample,candelaythefirstplanting,butdonotnecessarilycausecropfailure.In1877,thedroughtbeganinDecemberafterthefirstcrophadalreadybeenplanted,andplantswitheredinthehotsunwiththelackofrainandprotectivecloudcover.ShowersinFebruarydepositedonly58mmofrainand43.5mminMarch,whichwastoolittle,toolatetosavemostofthewheatandbarleycrops.33RainfallduringtheentireagriculturalyearinCochabambaCitywasamere142.70mm,mostofwhichfellatthebeginningoftheagriculturalyear.34

Foodpricesincreasedassomelandownersspeculatedinanticipationofthependinglossoftheharvest.Grain-salecontractsindicatethat

pricesroseconsiderablyduringthe18771878and18781879agriculturalyears.In1876,forexample,afanegaofwheatcostBs5.60.ThepriceincreasedtoBs8.00in1877,andBs16.00intheClizamarketinthemiddleof1879.InAyopaya,afanegaofwheatcostBs24.00inearly1879,andafanegaofcornBs16.00.Pricesdroppedagainfollowingthedrought.AfanegaofcorncostBs5.70in1881,andwheatBs6.80.35

Rainfallreturnedtonormallevelsduringthe18781879agriculturalyear,buttheharvestinMayandJuneendedayearofconsiderablesuffering,particularlyforthepoor,whichwascausedbyfoodshortagesandhighprices.Inthefirstmonthsof1879,anumberofspeculatorspurchasedtheentirecropofagivenhaciendapriortotheharvest.Contractsforthepurchaseofentirecropspriortothedroughtwereunusual,be-

causeitwasnotacommonpracticetobuyorsellanentirecroppriortotheharvest.

Twosevereepidemicsattackedthepopulationin1877and18781879.Thefirstmortalitycrisisappearsnottohavebeendirectlyrelatedtothefamine,butratherappearstohavebeenalocalmanifestationofageneralepidemicthatspreadtoCochabambafromthealtiplano.Theidentityofthepathogensthatcausedthetwoepidemiccyclesisnotclear.DanieleDemelasdescribedanepidemicoftyphoidfeverinearly1879,whichwouldhavebeenrelatedtofamineconditionsintheregion.

36RobertoQuerejazuCalvoidentifiedtheoutbreaksasmalariaanddysenterytransportedbymosquitoesfromtheLaPazyungastoCochabambaandChuquisaca.37ErwinGreishabercitescontemporarydocumentsthatidentifiedtheoutbreaksas''fever,""epidemic,"and"mortality"in18771878,andas"feverandhunger"in18781879.38Thefirstlocalreportsoftheepidemicsearlyin1877mentiontheoutbreakofanunidentifiedfeverinArqueandTapacari.39

Theimpactofthecropfailurein1878wasdelayeduntiltheendofthefollowingyear,bywhichtimepriceshadrisentothepointthatthepoorbegantosufferfromstarvation.Contemporaryaccountsdescribethedesperationofpeoplelookingforfood,andtheeffortsofthelocaleliteandespeciallythechurchtoalleviatethemiseryofthepoorthroughcharity.Thereisnoevidenceofthegovernmentusingemploymentonpublic-worksprojectsasaformoffaminerelief,andsomediscussionoftheimpactoftheepidemicsanddroughtamongBolivianelitesshowedtheinfluenceofSocialDarwinisminthebeliefthatthemortalitycriseswouldeliminatethemoreundesirableelementsinBoliviansociety,suchastheIndianpopulation.InJanuaryof1879,somefourteenhundreddestitutepeoplereceivedbread

distributedatthemonasteryofSanFrancisco,locatedinCochabambaCity,andatatemporaryhospitaloperatedonthegroundsofthemonasteryofSantoDomingo.Onemeasuretakentoalleviatefoodshortagesthroughoutthecountrywastheshort-termimportationofChileanwheat.40

Mortalityreachedtwotothreetimesthenormallevelsin1878and1879,andtheabandonmentofthesickanddyinginthestreetsofCochabambaCityandotherurbancentersintheregionbecameasignificantproblem.DeathsinCochabambaCityin1878and1879reached2,871and2,673,respectively,1.93and1.80timesthemeanaveragemortalityrecordedbetween1875and1877.AstudyofmortalitypatternsinTaratainthecrisisyearsdocumentstheimpactofthetwoepidemics.ThefirstoutbreakreacheditsheightbetweenAugustof1877andMayof1878,

duringwhichtimepriestsrecordedthedeathsof882people,anaverageof88permonth,withmeanburialsbetween1873and1876totaling44permonth.Thesecondmortalitycrisiscombinedfamineanddisease.Priestsrecordedatotalof916burialsbetweenNovemberof1878andJuneofthefollowingyear,anaverageof131permonth,thehighestlevelofmortalityrecordedintheparishbetween1873and1886.

41InJanuaryof1879,thefirstabandonedbodiesappearedonthestreetsofTarataorattheentranceofthechurch,andduringthemonththenumberofabandonedbodiesreached31,or15percentofallburialsduringthemonth.ThepoliceandpriestscontinuedtofindbodiesaslateasAprilandMay.42

Thememoryofearlierdroughtsandmortalitycrisesremainedinthememoryofmosturbanresidents,andcontributedtotheconcernoftheurbanpopulaceovertheprospectofcropfailure.This,inturn,wasanimportantfactorintheabilityofsomelarge-scaleproducerstomanipulatepricesintheurbanmarket,whichcontributedtotheoutbreakofthe1910foodriotinCochabambaCity.

ForthespaceofsixhoursonJanuary12,1910,ariotbrokeoutinCochabambaCity,whichwascausedbyincreasesinthepriceofbasicfoodstuffs.Therioterssackedthemunicipalmarketandnearbystores.Municipalofficialstooknoactiontoendtheriotortoprosecutethoseinvolved.43Theriotoccurredasaconsequenceofaconjunctionofsocialandeconomicfactors,compoundedbythefearoffoodshortages.AnanalysisofthecausesoftheriotprovidesinsightsintothefunctioningofCochabambaagricultureintheearlyyearsofthepresentcentury.Economicliberalism,SocialDarwinism,andthepromotionofthedevelopmentofexportsdominatedgovernmenteconomicandsocialthoughtduringtheliberalera(ca.18701929).

TheBolivianbrandofeconomicliberalismandeconomicmodernizationstressedfreetrade,mining,andthedevelopmentofaninfrastructureofroadsandrailroadsthatpromotednationalintegration.Moreover,manyBolivianpoliticiansduringthisperiodwerewillingtosacrificethedevelopmentofnationalagriculture.Thecountry,cametodependonthewell-beingoftheminingindustryandimportsofforeign-producedfoodsandmanufacturedgoods,suchasshoesandwheatflour.44Dependenceonminingasthedrivingforceinthenationaleconomy,however,haditsdrawbacks.Depressionintheinternationaleconomyrestrictedthedemandforminerals,andthelargeminingcompaniesrespondedtoweakdemandbydismissingworkersinordertocutcosts.Inperiodsofcrisis,numbersofunemployedminersreturnedtotheirplaceoforigininsearchofworkortoreturntotheland.ManyworkersinthetinminesoriginallycamefromtheCochabamba

region.Furthermore,aslowdownintheminingcentershaddirectrepercussionsasthedemandforfoodstuffsandsomeartisangoodsdropped,which,inmanycases,leftartisanswithoutwork.

Aslowdownintheminingindustrycontributedtothe1910riotinCochabambaCity.Adropinthedemandfortinintheyears1907and1908andaresultingdeclineininternationaltinpricescausedageneraleconomicdepressioninBolivia.

45OneconsequencewasthereturnofunemployedminerstotheCochabambaregion.46Accordingtothenewspaperaccountspublishedfollowingtheriot,unemployedartisansfromthecityandsurroundingprovinceswhohadcometothecityinsearchofworkparticipatedinthedisturbance.47MinersmayhaveformedapartoftheunemployedinCochabambaCityatthetimeoftheriot.However,sincemunicipalgovernmentdidnotarresttheparticipants,thereisnowaytoclearlyidentifytheclassoriginsoftheparticipantsintheriot.

TherewasaseriesofseveredroughtsintheCochabambaregioninthefirstdecadeofthepresentcentury.Inthe19041905and19051906agricultureyears,forexample,droughtdestroyedalargepartofthecropinthecentralvalleys,causingincreasesinfoodprices.ThepriceofcornintheClizamarketreachedBs40perfanega.48Duringthe19091910agriculturalyeartherainsbeganlate,andproducersdelayedthefirstplantingofwheat,barley,peas,andbroadbeans.Althoughtherewasnoactualfoodshortageandasurplusstillremainedfromthepreviousharvest,pricesincreasedinanticipationofabadcrop.Moreover,anumberofhaciendaownersreportedlyclosedtheirgranariesinanefforttodrivepricesevenhigher.49

Onecommentarycomparedthesituationof1910toconditionsin1905,whenpricesroseevenhigherasaresultoftruedrought

conditions.Theurbanpopulationdidnotriotintheformeryear,butatthesametimethenationaleconomywasnotsufferingtheimpactofaseveredepression.Therewassufficientmoneyincirculationandaccesstocreditin1905,bothofwhichwereinshortsupplyatthebeginningof1910,asbankssuspendedtheiroperationsforthedurationofthedepression.

Thecombinationofeconomicandecologicalcrisescreatedconditionsthatthreatenedthesocialstabilityuponwhichtheliberalstateexisted.Thelocalandnationalgovernmentstookimmediatestepsinthewakeoftheriottolimittheimpactofpriceincreasesandtoreestablishtheurbansocialbalance.Forexample,atthelocallevelthemembersoftheSacabaMunicipalCouncilsubscribedBs20,000forthepurchaseoffoodstuffstosellatcost.Moreover,haciendaownersintheSacabaValleypromised

tosellcorn,wheat,potatoes,cornflour,andbroadbeansatafixedpricefortwelvedays.

Thenationalgovernmentattemptedtosellbasicfoodstuffstourbanconsumersatlowprices,andinitiatedpublicworksprojectstocreatejobsfortheunemployed.51Moreover,thegovernmentremovedtariffsonimportedfoodstuffsandloweredrailroadfreightrates.52Thelasttwomeasureshadlittleimpact,becauseGraceandCompany,thecommercialhousethatdominatedtheimportantLaPazmarket,continuedtochargethesamepriceforflourwithouttakingintoaccounttheBs2.00discountfromthetemporaryloweringoftariffs.53

1RuralEconomyandSocietyinColonialCochabamba:AnOverviewThischapterisanoverviewoftheevolutionoftheruralsocietyandeconomyofCochabamba.DiscussedarechangesinthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomyandthemarketswhereCochabambagrainproducerssoldtheirgrainandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureandtheorganizationofhaciendalaborandproduction.Therearethreecentraltopics:SpanishpolicytowardtheIndianpopulationsoftheCochabambaregionasdefinedbyreducción,theattempttoreorganizespatiallydispersedpopulationsintocompactcommunities,andthesignificanceofIndianmigration;theformationofthehaciendabetween1540and1700,andhaciendalabor;andthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomyinthesouthernAndes,thedegreeofchangeinthestructureofhaciendatenureduringthecolonialperiod,andthefactorsthatcausedinstabilityinhaciendatenure.

CommunitiesandIndianMigrants

Inordertounderstandthedevelopmentofcorporateindigenouscommunities,itisnecessarytodiscussthepoliticsofIncaconquestandsettlementintheCochabambaregion.Cochabamba,locatedontheeasternfrontierofTawantinsuyu(theIncastate),wasanimportantcorn-producingdistrict,andthefirstlineofdefenseagainstChiriguanosandotherhostilelowlandgroups.Inalarge-scalecolonizationscheme,theIncastateredefinedtheethniccompositionofthepopulationinCochabamba.

PriortotheSpanishconquestoftheCochabambaregionin1539,

1therewerefourdistinctpopulationsintheValleBajo,themost

populousvalleyinthearea.ThreeethnicgroupsoriginallyinhabitedtheValleBajo,theSipeSipe,Cota,andChuyes.OnlytheSipeSiperemainedatthetimeoftheconquest.TheIncastateresettledtheCotasandChuyesinthefrontier

fortressesineasternMizqueandPocona.FollowingtheoccupationoftheValleBajointhemid-fifteenthcentury,theIncastatesenttwogroupsofcoloniststocolonizeanddefendthevalley.TheIncaresettledAymarawarriorsfromtheCharcas,Caracaras,Soras,Quillacas,andCarangashighlandethnickingdomstodefendthefrontier,andassignedthemfertilewell-wateredcornlandsintheValleBajo.

Inadditiontothewarriors,theIncaWaynaCapaccolonizedAymaramitimaes(permanentcolonists)fromdifferenthighlandethnickingdomsandethnicgroupsfromotherpartsoftheempiretoproducecornonlandsassignedtothem.WaynaCapacdividedthewesternsectionsoftheValleBajointosix"chacaras,"orfarmingdistricts:Viloma,Coachaca,Anocaraire,Calchacollo,Yllaurco,andPotoPoto.TheIncasettledCharcas,Caracaras,Soras,Quillacas,Carangas,Urus,andothergroupsfromthealtiplano,aswellasPlaterosfromthesoutherncoastaldesertofPeru,insmallcolonies,anddistributedlandinthechacarastotheSoras,Collas,Quillacas,andCarangas.Moreover,theIncasentseasonalworkers(mitmaq)toworkonstatelands.Alltold,theIncastaterelocatedsomefourteenthousandagriculturalworkers,soldiers,andpermanentsettlersintheValleBajo.3

OntheeveoftheSpanishconquest,theValleBajowasamosaicoflandsoccupiedandexploitedbyethniccolonies.Thepopulationlivedinsmallhamletsscatteredacrossthevalley.Aslateasthe1570s,followingthreedecadesofconsiderabledemographicchangeandmigration,thepatternofsettlementinsmallhamletspersisted.In1573,thethreerepartimientos(encomiendadistricts)ofSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayaconsistedof130hamletswithamean

populationof74.4TheethnicdiversityintheValleBajocontributedtodemographicinstabilityintheperiodfollowingtheSpanishconquest.Membersoftheethniccoloniesleftthevalleytoreturntotheirnativedistricts.Moreover,beginningin1556,theCarangas,Quillacas,andSorasethniclordsfromthealtiplanochallengedSpanishcontroloftheethniccoloniesinthevalleyinaprotractedlawsuitthatquestionedthelegalityofdistributingthecoloniesinencomiendastoprominentSpaniards.Kurakasofthecolonies,workinginallianceswiththeencomenderos,assertedtheirjurisdictionalindependencefromtheethniclords.TheethniclordsreceivedgrantsoflandinColcapirhuaandChullainthe1570s,buttheyfailedtooverturnthefeudalcontrolexercisedoveralargepartofthevalleybytheencomenderosortoretaincontrolovertheethniccolonies.5

TheValleAltowasalsoamosaicofethniccolonies,althoughthevalleyhadasmallerpopulationthantheneighboringValleBajoandwasnotas

intensivelyexploited.Therewasalargeswampyareanearthecenterofthevalleyandattheconfluenceofseveralstreams,andthornbusheswerecommoninsomedistricts.TheIndianpopulationappearstohavebeenconcentratedintheskirtofthemountainsthatsurroundthevalley.Cornwasgrowninthevalley,butgrazingseemstohavebeenthemostimportanteconomicactivity.Forexample,theIncastateassignedIndiansfromPoconaandPojotoherdlivestockinthePunataarea.Saltpansinthevalleywerealsoexploited.

Tarataappearstohavebeenthelargestsettlement,andwasthecenterofagriculturalactivityinthevalley.TheIncastateassignedlandsintheValleAltotoChuyesandChichas,andperhapstoCotasaswell.ResidentsofPocona,Mizque,andPojohadlandsinTarata,Mamata,andAchamoco.TheSorasofSipeSipeandCapinotamayalsohavehadlandsinthevalley.7However,becauseofthesparsenessofthepopulationinrelationtosurroundingareas,theValleAltodevelopedfollowingtheSpanishconquestasazonedominatedbylargehaciendas.

TheSacabaValleylikewisedevelopedfollowingtheSpanishconquestasazonedominatedbylargehaciendas.AlargesettlementinthevalleywastheseatoftheIncagovernorofCochabamba.8FollowingtheSpanishconquest,however,theresidentsofthevillagefledeastwardtothelower-elevationmontaña,wheretheyestablishedanewcommunityknowntotheSpaniardsasLosRaches.Aslateastheseventeenthcentury,theleadersofLosRachesattackedSpanishsettlementsinPoconaandMizque.9

TheSpaniardsinheritedacomplexpatternoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion,andanethnicallydiverseIndianpopulationthatliveddispersedinsmallhamlets,whichmadeSpanisheffortsin

tributecollection,evangelization,andlabororganizationmoredifficult.In1569,ViceroyFranciscodeToledoarrivedinPeruwithamandatefromthekingtoorganizetheevolvingcolonialorderintheAndes.Reducción,theresettlementofspatiallydispersedIndianpopulationsinnucleatedvillages,wasthepolicythathadthegreatestimpactoncommunitiesinCochabambaandthedevelopmentofland-tenurepatterns.10

Spanishofficialsreducedapopulationof21,726people,atotalof4,488tributaries,intosevenlargevillages.IntheValleBajo,forexample,theimplementationofreducciónresultedintheresettlementofthepopulationof130hamletsinto3villages(seeTable1.1).ThepopulationofSipeSipewasethnicallyhomogenous,sotherewasnoproblemofethnicconflictandout-migrationasoccurredinotherreducciónes.Forexample,bothTiquipayaandPasso,communitieswithethnicallymixedpopulations,experiencedpopulationdispersionintheyearsfollowingreducción.

Table1.1

Community

OriginalNumberofSettlements

NumberofReducciones Population Tributaries

SipeSipe 52 1 3,591 819Passo 48 1 3,298 684Tiquipaya 30 1 2,573 504Tapacari 42 6 6,014 1,173Mizque 6 1 1,343 305Aiquile&Totora ? ? 415 104Pocona ? ? 4,492 899Total 21,726 4,488Source:NicolasSanchezAlbornoz,ThePopulationofLatinAmericaAHistory,translatedbyW.A.R.Richardson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1974),Pp.4547;NicolasSanchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenAltoPeru(Lima,1978),Pp.2930.

In1593,FrayLuisLópezdeSolis,BishopofQuito,commissionedtoconductacomposicióndetierrasinCochabamba,foundtributariesfromTiquipayaandPassolivinginLondo,Caraza,Quillacollo,andthealturasdeApoteinthemountainsabovethelandsassignedtoPassocommunity.LópezdeSolisorderedtheKurakasofthedispersedayllustoreturntotheirassignedlandswithinsixdays,underthethreatofthedestructionoftheirhutsandthesaleoftheirlandsasvacantcrownlands.

ThemultiethniccompositionoftheToledanreduccionesalsocausedinternalconflictwithinthecommunities.Forexample,royalofficialsreducedthepopulationof15ayllustoTiquipaya.Accordingtothe1573censusofTiquipaya,sixofthefifteenaylluswereSorasfromSipeSipe.Theothernineayllusweremitimaesfromdifferenthighlandethnic

groups.EachofthefifteenayllushadaprincipalKuraka.However,theSpanishmodifiedtheinternalstructureofthereducciónbynamingonlytwoKurakasforthetwomoeties,urinsayaandanansaya.VisitadorGeneralFranciscoLazarteyMolina,theofficialwhocarriedoutthereducciónin1573,placedtwoSorasKurakasoverthehighlandayllus,whichledtostrifewithinthereducciónandalawsuitlaunchedbytheKurakasoftheninehighlandayllus.12

Royalofficialsassignedlandstoeachreducción.IntheValleBajo,forexample,LazarteyMolinagranted660fanegadas(some1,914hectares)oflandtoPasso,anestimated786fanegadas(some2,279hectares)toSipeSipe,and1,052fanegadas(some3,050.80hectares)oflandpluspasturelandsinotherpartsoftheValleBajo.13Thethreecommunitiesinthe

ValleBajolostlandsduringthecolonialperiod,largelyusurpedbySpanishlandownerscreatinghaciendas.However,in1826thethreecommunitiesstillcontrolledalargeamountofland.SipeSipecommunitylandreportedlytotaled682fanegadas(some1,978hectares);Passo,557fanegadas(some1,615hectares);andTiquipaya,620fanegadas(some1,798hectares).

14ThecommunitiesofMizque,Pocona,Totora,Aiquile,andCapinota(organizedafterthe1570s)hadlandsassignedorconfirmedintheimmediateareaofthereducción.Moreover,TotorahadlandsinVacas,andtheChuyesofMizqueretainedlandsintheValleAltoassignedtothembytheIncastate.15

EthniclordsfromthealtiplanoestablishedclaimstolandsinCochabamba.ThepuebloofToledohadlandsinSicaya,andthepuebloofChallacolloinPariaretainedcontrolover352hectaresoflandnearArque.16CarangasfromwestofOruroownedsome60hectaresofland,calledChullaintheValleBajo,untilthe1820s.17

Thecommunitypopulationstendedtodispersefollowingtheimplementationofthereducciónpolicy,recreatingpre-conquestsettlementpatterns.Thepost-reduccióndispersionoftheIndianpopulationslimitedthesuccessoftheSpanishattempttocreatestablecommunitiesthatwouldserve,amongotherthings,aslaborreservoirs,anditmayhavespurredthelaterestablishmentofCapinotacommunity,whichwasnotincludedamongthecommunitiesreorganizedin1573.18Forexample,thepopulationofthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajodidnotremaininnucleatedvillages,butliveddispersedinsmallhamletsscatteredthroughoutcommunityterritory.Evidenceofthisdispersedsettlementpatternappearsincolonial-periodcensuses,aswellasinnineteenth-andtwentieth-centurycadastralsurveys.Adetailed1798censusofSipeSipe

documentsthedispersedsettlementpattern.Thepopulationoffifteensettlementslocatedwithincommunityterritorytotaled3,532,identifiedinthecensusasbeingbothIndianandmestizo.Thepopulationoftheindividualhamletsvariedfrom28and43inJaiomaandTaurani,respectively,to205inSantaAnayMolleMolle,364inMalcorrancho,and520inPaiacollo.SipeSipepuebloproper,thelargestsettlement,hadapopulationof1,025.19HamletsintheterritoryofPassocommunityincludedPandoja,Pocpocollo,PandojayPocpocollo,Orkocallpa,Anansaya,andLlankenquiri,amongothers.20Thenumberoftributariesclassifiedasoriginarios(fullcommunitymembers)declinedduringthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesforavarietyofreasons,includinglossesfromdiseaseandout-migrationfromthecommunities.Forexample,inthe1640s,anestimated132tributariesfromthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajolived

andworkedonnearbyhaciendas.

21Asdidtheresidentsofcommunitiesinthealtiplano,originariosfromthecommunitiesintheValleBajomigrated,inpart,toavoidincreasinglyheavytributeandserviceinthehatedPotosímita,whichwasexacerbatedinthecaseofPassoandTiquipayabyexistinginternalethnicrivalriesdatingfromtheimplementationofthepolicyofreduccióninthe1570s.In1573,thethreecommunitiesintheValleBajowererequiredtosend165mitayostoPotosí,butincreasinglytheyprovedincapableoffillingtheassignedquota.In1617,forexample,SipeSipeprovided40mitayosoutofaquotaof45;Passomobilized30outofaquotaof60;andTiquipayaamere18outofaquotaof60.22In1692,only6mitayosleftTiquipayatoworkinPotosí.23PassoandTiquipaya,thetwocommunitiesintheValleBajowiththegreatestproblemofinternalethnicrivalryinthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,didnotcomeclosetomeetingthemitaquotas.Inthelateeighteenthcentury,thecorporatecommunitiesstillsentasmallcontingentofmitayostoPotosí.In1781,attheheightoftheTúpacAmaru-TúpacKatarirebellion,royalofficialsinCochabambawereabletosendonly10mitayosfromTapacari,and9mitayosfromCapinota.SipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayawereexempted,becausetheyhadcontributedmanpowertotheroyalistforcesinvolvedinrepressingtherebellion.24

Thenumberoforiginariosinthecorporatecommunitiesdroppedfrom1573to1683,andcontinuedtodeclineoverthenextcentury.In1573,therewere1,997originariosinthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajo,and244in1683.Acenturylater,in1786,therewere196originariosinthecommunities.25Thenumberoftributariesdeclinedintheothercommunities:forTapacari,adropfrom1,173in1573toamere75in1683;andinMizque,Pocona,andAiquile-Totorathe

numberoftributariesdecreasedfrom1,308in1573to192in1683.26ThepopulationofMizqueandTotora-Aiquilecontinuedtodropintheeighteenthcentury,andthetwocommunitiesvirtuallyceasedtoexist.Inthe1780s,ViedmareportedthatonlythirteentributariescontinuedtoliveatMizque,andonlysevenatTotora.ThepopulationofAiquilereportedlywascompletelyextinguished.27

LargenumbersofcommunitymembersfromthealtiplanomigratedtoCochabambainthelatesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.MostforasterossettledonhaciendasandinSpanishtowns,butsomemigratedtothecorporatecommunities.In1683,711forasteroslivedinthethreecommunitiesintheValleBajo,and837in1786.28Inthesameyearstherewere512and1,622forasterosinTapacari.29ThenumberofforasterosinMizque,Totora-Aiquile,andPoconawas613in1683.30

Forasterosenteredthesocietyofthecorporatecommunitieswithdifferentstatuses,buttheyplayedanimportantroleinthecontinuedsurvivalofthecommunities.Forasterosweresubordinatetotheoriginarios,whoalonecontrolledaccesstocommunityresources.Atthesametime,manyforasterosmarriedintothefamiliesoforiginarios,andthusintegratedmorefully.Forexample,in1645,41percentoftheforasteroslivinginSipeSipehadmarriedexogenously.

31Forasterossuppliedlaborforcommunityagricultureandhelpedtoprotectcommunitylandsthatotherwisewouldhavelainvacant,andthuswouldhavebeenvulnerabletousurpationbySpanishlandowners.Larsonsuggeststhatthemigrationofforasterosintheseventeenthcenturycontributedtodivisionswithincommunitysocietyinthefollowingcentury,aprovocativehypothesisthatrequiresfurthersubstantiation,especiallyinlightoftheevidenceofethnicrivalriesincommunitiesinthelatesixteenthcentury.32

Nevertheless,thecorporatecommunitiesexperiencedanerosionoftheirlandbaseintheseventeenthcenturythroughusurpationslaterlegalizedbythecomposicióndetierras.Theerosionofthelandbasecontinuedthroughouttheeighteenthcentury,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthepreviouscentury.Table1.2summarizestheamountoflandcontrolledbythethreecommunitiesintheValleBajobetween1573andtheearlynineteenthcentury,thecommunitiesforwhichtherecordismostcomplete.Royalofficialsassigned1,914hectaresoffertileandwell-wateredvalleylandstoPassoin1573.Onehundredandforty-twoyearslater,in1715,1,550hectaresoflandremainedtoPasso,representinga19percentdecline.In1826,followingthecreationofneworiginariosinthe1790s,Passocontrolled1,650hectaresofland;1,286.68hectaresoflandin1844;and1,233in1878(seeTable1.2).

EncomiendasandHaciendas

InthefirstyearsfollowingtheconquestofCochabamba,landhadlittlevaluefortheSpaniards,andconquistadorand,later,colonistsaspiredtoobtaintitletoencomiendas,whichprovidedlaborandtributethatcouldbeconvertedintocash.Theencomienda,afeudalgrantofjurisdiction,tribute,andlabor,providedgranteesthemeansforrapidaccumulationofwealththatenabledthemtoreplicatetheelitelife-styleoftheIberiannobility.Moreover,inastatus-consciouscolonialsociety,titletoanencomiendaprovidedthegranteewithconsiderablesocialprestigeandpoliticalpower.33Theencomiendawastheprincipalprizeduringthecivil

Table1.2CommunityLandsintheValleBajo(inhectares)inSelectedYearsYear Passo Tiquipaya SipeSipe1573 1,9141593 3,050.80*1715 1,5501826 1,650.30 1,798 1,977.801844 1,286..68 1,314.95 1,069.51c.1878 1,233.41 1,475.88 1,164.96*PluspasturelandindifferentpartsoftheValleBajo.Source:MercedesdelRioandJoseGordilloClaure,LavisitadeTiquipaya(1573)Analisisetno-demograficodeunpadrontoledano,forthcomingCERES;JoseGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,''Formation,Crisis,andTransformationoftheAgrarianStructureofCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseofHaciendaPaucarpataandPassoCommunity,15381645and18721929,"unpublishedmanuscript;BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeInAnAgrarianHinterland:Cochabamba(Bolivia)InTheLateColonialPeriod,"unpublishedPhDdissertation,ColumbiaUniversity,1978;GustavoRodriguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:lascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajocochabambino(18251900),"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregionandinaduranteelsigloX1X,"Quito,1989;FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902).

warsinPeruinthe1540sbetweentheconquistadorfactions.AlthoughthecrownacquiescedinthegrantingofencomiendasinPeru,inthe1540sand1550sitattemptedtomodifyandlimittherightsoftheencomenderos,andthustheireconomicandpoliticalpower.

TheNewLawsof1542attemptedtoextinguishencomiendasafterthelifetimeofthecurrentholder.ThePeruvianencomenderosrevoltedagainsttheauthorityofthecrown,andforcedamodificationofthelaw.

34However,inthe1540sand1550s,royalofficialsintroducedchangestotheinstitution.In1549,ViceroydelaGascaissuedthefirsttasasinPeru,whichenumeratedthespecifictributeandlaborobligationsofeachcommunity.Inthe1550s,officialsabolishedtheunpaidlaborservices

community.Inthe1550s,officialsabolishedtheunpaidlaborservicesduetoencomenderos,andintroducedthemitalabordraft,whichgavemoreSpaniardsaccesstoIndianlaborpreviouslymonopolizedbyencomenderos.35Thecrowngraduallyreducedtheincomeandlaboroftheencomenderos,andappointedcorregidorestocollecttribute,thuslimitingthedirectcontactbetweenthegranteeandhisorhervassals.

SpaniardsreceivedencomiendasinthefuturejurisdictionofCochabambainthe1540s.AccordingtoareportpreparedbyGabrieldeRojasin1548,sevenSpaniardsheldsome4,400tributariesinencomiendain

Pocona,Totora,Tapacari,SipeSipe,andQuchapampa.HenandodeZarate,thesecondhusbandofthewidowofthepreviousencomendero,FranciscoNegral,held500tributariesinSipeSipe,whopaidtributeandservicesworthanestimated16,000pesos.AlonsoPérezCastillejoheld800tributariesinTapacari,adistrictborderingontheValleBajo,whichprovidedtheencomenderowithanincomeofsome12,000pesosperyear.

36Inthe1550s,theinfluentialroyalofficialJuanPolodeOndegardoheldtheencomiendaElPasso,whichincludedCarangas,Urus,Soras,Caracaras,Charcas,andYamparaes.RodrigodeOrellana,alsolistedinthe1548document,heldtheencomiendaTiquipaya,whichincludedQuillacas,Carangas,Chilques,Chiles,andCollasfromAzangaro.Thegranttotaled550tributaries,andOrellanareceivedtributeworth20,600pesos.37

Therewasconsiderableabusebyencomenderos,despiteeffortsbythecrowntoregulatetributeratesthroughthetasas.encomenderoschargedcommunitiestoomuchtribute,whichmayhavebeen,inpart,aresponsetothedropintributerevenuescausedbyIndianpopulationdecline.Forexample,a1558reportrecordedthatGeronimodeSolis,whoheldtherepartimientoofTapacari,overchargedthetributariesinhisjurisdictionbyfiftythousandpesos.Similarly,G.deAlvarado,encomenderoofPocona,collectedthirtythousandpesosoverthetasassetbytheroyalgovernment.38

TheencomenderoswhoheldrepartimientosinCochabambawerepowerfulmenwhodisposedofgoodsandlaborthatprovidedasubstantialincome,whichsupportedtheiraspirationstoelitestatus.In1548,tributepaidtothesevenencomenderosinCochabambawasworthmorethansixtythousandpesos.Thewealthoftheencomenderosandthepoliticalpowerthatitcreatedbecamethetarget

oftheroyalgovernment,whichattemptedtolimitinfluenceoftheencomenderostopreventthecreationofaNewWorldnobilitythatwouldchallengeitsauthorityandtolimitoreliminatetheabusesinthesystem.Onewayinwhichthecrownunderminedtheencomenderoclasswasthroughescheatmentofgrantstoroyaljurisdiction.Inthe1570s,ViceroyFranciscodeToledoescheatedatleasttwenty-threeofthesixty-sevenrepartimientosinAltoPerutoroyalauthority,includingSipeSipe,Totora,andPocona.Moreover,theleveloftributewassubstantiallyreduced.Forexample,theannualtributeofSipeSipein1573totaled5,705pesos,whichwasconsiderablylowerthanthetributereportedlyworth16,000pesoscollectedinthelate1540s.Atthesametime,Toledocouldnotcompletelyeliminatetheencomienda,andconfirmedtitlefortwoprivatelyheldgrantstoasecondgenerationofencomenderos.Forexample,GeronimoOndegardoreceivedPasso,

previouslyheldbyhisfather,andFranciscodeOrellanareceivedTiquipaya,alsoheldbyhisfather.

OtherfactorsalsocontributedtothedeclineofencomiendasintheAndeanregion,includingthedemographiccollapseoftheIndianpopulationandthemigrationdiscussedintheprevioussection.Therecordsfortheperiodpriorto1573providelittleindicationoftheoveralldeclineinpopulationduringthethirtyyearsfollowingtheconquestofCochabamba.Censusrecordsfortheperiodafter1573doshowapopulationdeclineinAltoPeru.40Tributepopulationsmostlikelydeclinedinnumbersintheyearsbetween1540and1573,whichwouldhavereducedtheincomeofencomenderos.

Encomenderosbegantodiversifytheirholdings.Manymovedintoagricultureandobrajes(primitivetextilemills)tosupplyPotosíandotherurbanmarketsthatdeveloped.Encomenderosusedtheirsocialstatusandpoliticalpowertoalienatelandandtohavetitleconfirmedthroughthecomposicióndetierras,afinepaidtorectifydeficientlandtitles.Moreover,thecrownandlocalroyalofficialsbegantodistributelandgrantstonon-encomenderos,asrewardstoloyalsupportersandasanindirectmeansofunderminingthepoweroftheencomenderos.Theevolutionofthehaciendalastedroughlyacenturyand,inthespecificcaseoftheValleBajo,endedin1645,whenaroyaljudgeconfirmedtitletohundredsofhectaresofformercommunityandroyallandsthroughacomposicióndetierras.ThehaciendaonlytookitsfinalformonceSpanishlandownershadcleartitletoallofthelandsthattheycontrolled.ThediscussionbelowfocusesonacasestudyoftheevolutionofthehaciendaintheValleBajo,whichwastypicalingeneraltermsoftheprocessofhaciendaformationthroughoutCochabamba.

After1573,onlytwoencomiendasremainedintheValleBajo,butbothencomenderosdiversifiedtheiractivitiestoincludelandownershipandtheconstructionofmills.FranciscodeOrellana,whoheldtherepartimientoofTiquipaya,ownedfarmlandsandpasturelandsintheValleBajo.41JuanPolodeOndegardoandhisson,GeronimodeOndegardo,bothholdersoftherepartimientoofPassocommunity,activelydevelopedachacara(privatelyownedland)thatformedthecoreofamuchlargerhaciendacalledPaucarpata,andmillsnearPasso.JuanPolodeOndergardousedhisinfluencetohavetheboundaryofPassocommunitylandsmovedbacktotheeastbankoftheRíoPatata,andtoreceivetitletothewatersoftheRioPatataatthepointwheretheriverentersthevalley.PolodeOndegardohadtherivercanalized,andbuiltwater-poweredmillsonthewestbankoftheriveroppositecommunitylands.In1593,GeronimodeOn-

degardopaidtwothousandpesostoconfirmtitleto217fanegadasofland(some629hectares)borderingPassocommunity,andtitletothewaterfromtheQuebradadeChocaya.

TheestablishmentoftheVilladeOropesaintheearly1570sprovidedanadditionalimpetustotheformationofhaciendas.Themunicipalgovernmenthadthepowertograntlandtovecinos(foundingresidentsofthevilla),andaprovisioninthetowncharterdeniedIndianpeasantstherighttochallengelandgrantsmadebythemunicipalgovernment.BrookeLarsonarguesthatSpaniardswhocontrolledlandintheValleBajousedthecreationofthemunicipalgovernmenttoratifytitletolandstowhichtheyhadquestionablerights.43

Spaniardsacquiredlandsinthe1550sand1560s,butthefirstroyallandgrantsappeartohavebeenmadeintheyearsfollowingtheestablishmentoftheVilladeOropesa.Thereisarecordoffivelandgrantsmadebetween1576and1582.Thelargestgrant,inColcapirhua,whichformedthecoreofalargerhacienda,hadanextensionofthirtyfanegadas(someeighty-sevenhectares).Therewerealsograntsofsmallandmedium-sizedparcels,whichrangedinsizefromthreefanegadas(nearlyninehectares)tofifteenfanegadas(someforty-fourhectares),allmadeintheeasternsectionoftheValleBajo,whichwasnotdominatedbycommunitylands.44

AnincreasinglycomplexpatternoflandtenureemergedintheValleBajobetweenthemid-sixteenthcenturyand1645.Inmostinstances,Spanishlandownersexpandedthesizeofpropertiesgenerallycalledchacaras,andcreatedmedium-andlarge-sizedestateslaterknownashaciendas.Moreover,mostlandownerscontrolledapatchworkcollectionofparcelsacquiredindifferentways,ofteninformsthatviolatedcoloniallawsorthespiritofcolonialpolicies.Many

landownersincludedlandsillegallyacquiredfromthecommunitiesintheirestates,orusurpedvacantcrownlands(baldíos).

Beginninginthe1590s,theSpanishgovernmentissuedanumberoforderstosellbaldíos,andtorectifydeficienttitles.Decreesin1591and,again,inthe1630sresultedintheexaminationoflandtitlesintheValleBajoin1593and1645.45In1645,JosephdelaVegaAlbaradocomposedtitletoextensivelandsinthevalley.AccordingtoonePedroPerésAviles,landownersclearedtitletosome300fanegadas(some870hectares)ofSipeSipecommunitylands,including65fanegadas(some189hectares)thatPerésAvileshimselfobtained.SeveralSpanishlandownersclearedtitletolandsfromTiquipayacommunitylands:GregorioVelasquezdePugaobtained70fanegadas(some203hectares)ofland;JuanRodriguez

Castellanoobtained50fanegadas(some145hectares)ofland;andPedroNavarroobtained100fanegadas(some290hectares)ofland.Passocommunitylandsalienatedincluded93fanegadas(some270hectares)oflandobtainedbyLuisdeGuzmán,and30fanegadas(some87hectares)oflandobtainedbyJuanRodríguezCastellano.

ThehistoryofHaciendaPaucarpatatypifiedinmanywaystheprocessoftheformationofthehaciendaintheValleBajoandintherestofCochabamba.Asnotedabove,JuanPolodeOndegardobegandevelopingmillsandacquiredlandsontheedgeofPassocommunity,whichwastherepartimientoofhisencomienda.Hisson,GeronimodeOndegardo,continuedthedevelopmentoftheestate,andin1593heregularizedlandtitlesthroughacomposicióndetierras.Atthattime,thehaciendahadasurfaceareaof217fanegadas(some629hectares)ofland.Thehaciendaapparentlypassedintothehandsofanotherfamilybetween1593and1645throughsale;oneFranciscoMatheosCarrascopaidfiftythousandpesosforthehacienda,andin1645regularizedtitletoatotalof244fanegadas(some708hectares)ofland.Thehaciendaincreasedinsizeby27fanegadas(some78hectares)oflandoveraperiodoffifty-twoyears,mostfromformerPassocommunitylands.Intheearly1880s,HaciendaPaucarpatahadanextensionof749hectares.47

Attheendoftheseventeenthcentury,amixedpatternoflandtenureexistedintheCochabambaregion.IntheValleBajo,threecommunities,plustheethnicoutpostsofthealtiplanocommunities,coexistedwithtwenty-eightlargehaciendasandmedium-sizedpropertiescalledchacaras,andlaterclassifiedashaciendasorfincas.Eightyhaciendasandchacarasexistedthroughoutthevalleysintheregion(seeTable1.3).Locally,haciendaownerswerealocally

politicallypowerfulandwealthyelitegroup,andinanumberofinstancesindividualsandfamiliesownedmorethanoneestate.Forexample,inthemid-1660s,LuisdeGuzmánownedHaciendaAnocaraireintheValleBajoandHaciendaLondointheCarazaValley.Thetwopropertiesconstituted70percentofthevalueofGuzmán'sestate,whichhadatotalvalueof97,674pesos,6reales.GuzmánwasalsotypicalofotherCochabambalandownersinthathistwohaciendaswereencumberedbycensosandcapellanías(income-producingliens)withanominalcapitalvalueof5,640pesos,whichpaidinterestincomeof660pesosperyear.48Similarly,theestateofMariadeBervete(1742)consistedofHaciendasTaquina,Condebamba,andSarcobamba,andEstanciaQuinapampa,allinthejurisdictionoftheVilladeOropesa.Twoofthehaciendashadcensosandcapellaníaswithanominalcapitalvalueof9,500pesos.49

Table1.3HaciendasintheCochabambaRegionin1692

EcologicalZone JurisdictionNumberofHaciendas

Inter-mountainValley Ytapaya 6Capinota 8Caraza 3

ValleBajo Colcapirhua 1SipeSipe 10Passo 9Tiquipaya 3Oropesa 5

SacabaValley Sacaba 11ValleAlto Tarata 9

Chirusi 15Total 80Source:JoseGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodeextinciondelyanaconajeenelValledeCochabamba.Analisisdeunpadrondeyanaconas.(1692),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),Pp.2959.

Inrelativeterms,landwasabundantduringthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,whilelabor,whichwasequallyimportantintheformationofthehaciendaeconomy,wasscarce.TheformsofhaciendalaborthatdevelopedduringthecolonialperiodhelpedtodefineruralsocietyinCochabamba.

Permanenthaciendalaborcamefromtwosourcesinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies:yanaconasandforasteros.PriortotheSpanishconquestofTawantinsuyu,yanaconaswerenativesnotaffiliatedwithayllus,whowereintheserviceoftheIncastateornobility.FollowingtheSpanishconquest,yanaconasgenerallywereindividualswhoenteredtheserviceofSpaniardsaspersonalservants,asagriculturalworkers,andasminers.Inthemiddleandlatesixteenthcenturies,yanaconasformedanimportantelementofhaciendalabor,andaseries

ofregulationsissuedbyViceroyFranciscodeToledoin1574regulatedtherelationshipbetweenyanaconasandlandowners.Yanaconasweretobetiedtotheland,andcouldnotleavearuralestatewithoutthepermissionofthehaciendaowner.Atthesametime,yanaconaswerelegallyfree,andhadtributeobligations.Moreover,thehaciendaownerhadobligationstowardtheyanacona.Forexample,eachyanaconaheadofhouseholdwastobeassignedasubsistenceplotinexchangeforlabor.

50Theyanacona,accordingtoToledo'sregulation,wastoprovidefivedaysoflaborperweektothelandowner.

Inadditiontoasubsistenceplot,thelandownerwastoprovideoxenandplowstotheyanaconasonedayperweek.Finally,thelandownerwastopaytheyanacona'stribute,orgivetheyanaconatendaysoffperyeartoearnthemoneytopaytributeelsewhere.

YanaconajewaswidespreadonCochabambahaciendasinthesixteenthandearlyseventeenthcenturies,butdeclinedinimportanceintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Onefundamentalproblemwastheconsiderablemobilityofyanaconas.Adetailedcensusofyanaconaspreparedin1692documentedtheabsenceof810yanaconasfromCochabambahaciendasoutofatotalpopulationof3,135registeredyanaconas;theseweremostlymenofprimeworkingage,andtheirabsenceindicatedthebreakdownofyanaconajeasalaborinstitution.52Intheearlynineteenthcentury,some1,393yanaconasremainedinCochabamba,withmostlivingonhaciendasintheValleAlto.53

Thesecondimportantsourceofpermanenthaciendaworkerswas"free"laborersrecruitedfromthegrowingpopulationofforasteroswhomigratedtoCochabambainordertoescapefromtheexcessiveexactionsofthecolonialstate.In1683,forexample,6,324forasteroslivedinthejurisdictionofCochabamba;and10,265werethereacenturylater,in1786.Inthefirstyear,4,556tributarieslivedandworkedinSpanishtownsandhaciendas,bothoriginariosandforasteros;andtherewere7,828in1786.TheyungasofLaPaz,Cochabamba,andTomina,alljurisdictionslocatedontheeasterndescendingslopeoftheeasternAndescordilleraandatalowerelevation,andtheurbanjurisdictionsofPotosíandOruroallhadlargepopulationsofforasteros.54

Baseduponaverylimitednumberofcasestudiesoftheformsof

haciendatenantry,BrookeLarsonarguesthatCochabambahaciendaownerswerearentierclass,andthatthousandsoflandlesstenantssupportedhacendadosthroughthepaymentofmoneyrentsforsubsistenceplots.However,theevidencethatLarsonmarshalstosupportherinterpretationactuallydocumentsadifferentformofhaciendalaborrelationship,namely,servicetenantry.55Inexchangeforasubsistenceplotlocatedinthebodyofahacienda,servicetenantssuppliedlaborforagriculturalproductiononthedemesne(haciendalandsworkedforthedirectbenefitofthehaciendaowner),andinmanyinstances,theyalsopaidamodestmoneyrent.56Writinginthemid-1840s,priortothechangesinthestructureofCochabambaagriculturethatdestroyedthepatternsthatemergedduringthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,JoséDalencedescribedservicetenantryinthefollowingterms:

Thearrenderosarethehaciendacolonos;theypossessfieldsthatthelandownersgivetheminexchangeforthestipulatedpensionsatisfiedinpartbymoney,andinpartbythe[labor]servicesthatthey[thecolonos]havetogivetotheownerinthesowing,harvest,etc.Thiscontractisveryuseful,ifitisnotabused;thelandowner[obtains]thelabor[brazos]heneedsforthecultivation[ofthecrops],andthecolonoisassuredlandstoplantforhimselfandhisdescendents[generaciones].

ServicetenantrywasacommonformofhaciendalaborinSpanishAmericainthecolonialperiod,and,asDalencestressed,tenantscontributedtothehaciendaeconomybyprovidinglabor.Thenameforservicetenantrydifferedfromregiontoregion.Forexample,CochabambacolonajewasvirtuallyidenticaltotheChileanservicetenantryknownasinquilinaje.58

WithinCochabamba'sevolvingagrarianstructureinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,servicetenantrywasalogicalresponsetotheneedtoobtainlabor.IntheyearsfollowingtheSpanishconquestofCochabamba,theformativeperiodofthehacienda,thepopulationoftheValleBajowasrelativelysmall,andthuslaborwasscarce.Servicetenantrycreatedastablelaborforceonhaciendas,andasaformoflaboritpersistedwellintothetwentiethcentury.59DalencecommentedonthestabilityofservicetenantryinthereportonBoliviathathepreparedinthemid-1840s,writingthat"itrarelyoccursthatanhaciendaownerdismissesacolono,orthat[thecolono]leavesthehacienda,wherehisgrandparentswereborn."60

Althoughthespecificlaborobligationsofservicetenantsvariedfromhaciendatohacienda,generalizationscanbemadeaboutthemostvaluablelaborinputsprovidedbytenants.Tenantsprovidedlaborfortheplanting,weeding,andharvestingofcropsonthehacienda

demesne,andinsomeinstancestheytookcropstotheregionalmarketfairsormillingcentersinCochabamba.Moreover,colonosrepairedirrigationditches,tendedthelivestockthatbelongedtothehaciendaowner,and,insomecases,providedtheoxenusedtoplowthedemesnefields.Finally,colonoshadtoprovidepersonalservicetothehaciendaowner,whichgenerallyconsistedofsendingfamilymemberstoworkinthehouseholdofthehaciendaowner,cleaning,cooking,andsupplyingfirewood,amongothertasks.Althoughpersonalservice,calledpongueajeinthetwentiethcentury,wasnotasimportantintheeconomyofthehaciendaaswaslaborprovidedforagriculturalproduction,itsurviveduntilthe1950sasaruralinstitutionthatmediatedrelationsbetweenhaciendaownerandservicetenant.61

MarketsandLandTenureDuringtheColonialPeriod

CochabambawasanimportantgrainproducingareawithinthesouthernAndeaninterregionaleconomicsystemorganizedtosupplyprovisionstominingandurbanadministrativecenters.Cochabambagrainproducersenjoyedastrongpositionwithinthestructureoftheinterregionaleconomybecauseofthefavorableconditionsforagriculture,andgeographiclocationinrelationtotheprincipalmarkets,particularlytheurbancentersinthePeruvianandBolivianaltiplanoandhighlandminingdistrictssuchasPotosíBrookeLarsonnotedthat,

Inthelatesixteenthcentury,CochabambawasfamousforthemaizeandwheatthatitshippedtothesilverminesofPotosí...EvenasitsfunctionalroleofgranaryinAltoPerudiminishedovertime,theregiondidnotloseitsimportanceasgrainsuppliertothecitiesandminesacrossthealtiplano.Inthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,Cochabamba'sgrainsstillsupplementedthetuberdietofhighlandAndeanpeasantsandprovisionedsomeofthecitiesofthealtiplano,particularlyintimesofdroughtanddearth.

ThegrowthordeclineofurbanmarketssuchasPotosícouldstimulateeconomicexpansionorconverselycontributetoarestrictionofproductionforthemarket.

Cochabambafellwithintheareaofprimarysupplyorfood-shedofthePotosíurbanmarket;andchangesinthedemandforwheatandcorninPotosí,otherurbancenters,andthoseruraldistrictsinthealtiplanothatdependeduponwheatandcorngrownatlowerelevationsdefinedthedegreeofparticipationofCochabambagrainproducersintheinterregionalmarket.BrookeLarsonarguedthatthecontractioninthePotosímarket,withthedeclineinsilverproduction

inthelateseventeenthandearlyeighteenthcenturies,initiatedaprocessoftransformationinlandtenureanduse,inlaborrelationshipsonhaciendasinCochabamba,andproductionandmarketing.Specifically,Larsonarguedthathaciendaownersexperiencedincreasingcompetitionfromsmall-scaleproducers,thatestatesexperiencedfragmentationduetoinheritanceandsale,andthathaciendaownersbecamearentierclassthatderivedmuchofitsincomefromrentspaidbytenants,particularly"peasantsmallholdingonthebulkoftheirland."63

Larson'sargumentrestsontheuntestedassumptionthattheprofitabilityofCochabambacornandwheatproductiondeclinedasaresultofthecontractionofthePotosíminingeconomyinthelateseventeenthand

eighteenthcenturies,which,inturn,stimulatedtheshiftinagricultureandtheriseinimportanceofpeasantproducersthatcharacterizedCochabambawellintothetwentiethcentury.Thenarrowingofmarketsandthegrowingcompetitionfromsmall-scaleproducersforcedestateownerstorelymoreuponmoneyrentspaidbytenants,andduringtheeighteenthcenturythehaciendadecayed.

ChangingmarketconditionsdidbringaboutchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCochabamba,butatalaterdatethanhypothesizedbyLarson,asshownthroughadiscussionoftheevolutionandtransformationoftheminingindustryinAltoPeru/Boliviafromthesixteenththroughtheearlytwentiethcenturies;long-termchangesintheCochabambagraintrade;andchangesinlandtenure,astypifiedbythecaseoftheValleBajointheeighteenthcentury.

Fromthemid-sixteenthcentury,miningdominatedtheeconomyoftheAndeanregion.TheAndeansilverminingindustryexperiencedaseriesofboom-and-bustcyclesrelatedtothequalityoftheoresbeingminedinthedifferentminingcenters,theinternationalpriceanddemandforsilver,andtheavailabilityofcapitalandlabor.

64PotosíwasnottheonlysilverminingcenterintheViceroyaltyofPeru,butbyallaccountsitwasthemostimportantintermsofproductionlevelsanditsimpactonthedevelopmentoftheregionaleconomy.Moreover,becauseofitsimportance,thedevelopmentofPotosíhasalsoreceivedthemostattentioninthehistoricalliterature.EarlysilverminingatPotosíinthemid-sixteenthcenturyreliedontherefiningofrichsurfaceores,withlaborprovidedbyyanaconasandencomiendaIndiansprovidedtominingentrepreneursbyencomenderosandkurakas.

Inresponsetotheexhaustionoftherichsurfaceores,Viceroy

FranciscodeToledopromotedtheintroductionofmercuryamalgamationacommontechniqueusedinEuropetoseparatesilverfromoretoPotosíinthe1570s.Toledoalsointroducedasystembywhichthestatesubsidizedminingbyprovidingcheaplaborthroughthemita,andsuppliedabundantmercuryfromEuropeandHuancavelicainPeru.Moreover,thecrownconsciouslydivertedmoremercurytoPotosíthantoMexicansilverminesbecauseofthehighertaxratepaidonPeruviansilver.ThegovernmentsubsidiesencouragedentrepreneurstoinvestintheconstructionofshaftsintotheCerroRico,reservoirs,andrefiningoperationsemployingbothmercuryamalgamationandsmelting.ThereorganizationofPotosíminingcontributedtoasecondand,byallaccounts,themostdynamicboomcycle,characterizedbyarapidexpansioninproductionlevelsandagrowthinthesizeofthepopulationoftheminingcenterthat

stimulatedagriculturalproductionindifferentareasinsouthernPeruandBolivia.ColonialmininginPotosíandothercentersreliedontheextensiveuseoflaborandunchangingtechnology.Thedependenceonalargeandpartiallysubsidizedlaborforcecontributedtothegrowthoflargeurbanmarkets,butalsotiedminingentrepreneurstoastaticsystemnoteasilymodifiedinresponsetodeclinesinproductionlevelsandincome.Moreover,adeclineinsilverproductioncausedthepopulationoftheminingcenterstodroprapidly,asthelargelaborforcedispersedinsearchofworkinotherminingcentersorreturnedtotheland.

ThefavorableconditionsforminingatPotosícontributedtotheexhaustionwithinonehundredyearsoftherichestoresinthemountain,andproductionlevelsgraduallydeclinedinthelateseventeenthcenturyasthelower-gradeorescouldnotbeprofitablyworkedwiththeexistingtechnology.Moreover,thesupplyofmitalabordroppedwiththedeclineinsizeoftheIndianpopulationinthealtiplanoandwithlarge-scaleflightofIndianstoCochabambaandotherregionstoavoidmitaservice.Withthedeclineinmining,thepopulationofPotosídropped.Thenumbersstoodatabout160,000in1611,some70,000around1700,andanestimated56,000in1770.

65ThecontractioninthedemandforfoodstuffsinPotosídidnotinitiatechangesinCochabambacommercialagriculture,asclaimedbyLarson.Larson'sowninterpretationreliesontheundocumentedassumptionthatthevalueandvolumeofCochabambagrainexportstoPotosísignificantlydeclinedinthelateseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.LarsonneitherquantifiedthevolumeofgrainsoldinPotosíbyCochabambaproducersattheheightoftheminingboom,northerelativeimportanceofthegraintradetoPotosíforCochabambafarmers.Moreover,evidencefromtheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturiesshowsthatthelargerinterregionalsouthernAndeanmarket

onlybegantobreakdownintheyearsfollowingindependence,andthatthedevelopmentofregularsteamshiproutesalongthePacificCoastofSouthAmericaandtheconstructionofrailroadshastenedtherealignmentofregionalmarkets.Thesenineteenth-centuryrealignmentsgraduallysqueezedCochabambagrainproducersfromtheirtraditionalmarkets,aprocesscompletedintheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacificandafterthecompletionofthefirstdirectraillinktotheBolivianaltiplano.

OneSpanishobserverestimatedthevalueofCochabambagrainsalesinPotosíaround15501560atonemillionpesos.66Whatsignificancedoesthisfigurehave,ifany?JosepBarnadasrecordsahandfulofPotosígrainpricesthatprovidesomecluestotheearlyevolutionofthePotosímarket.Attheendofthe1540s,afanegaofwheatcost45to50pesos,

butthesamefanegacost16pesosin1560and18pesosaround1603.Afanegaofcorncost7to9pesosinthelate1540s,15pesosin1555,12pesosin1560,and5pesosin1603.

Corn,readilyavailableastribute,costconsiderablylessthanwheatinearlyPotosí.Howeverwheat,anOldWorldcultigen,wasthepreferredgrainoftheSpaniards.Inthelate1540sandearly1550s,onlyafewyearsfollowingtheconquestofmostofAltoPeru,wheatwasstillproducedonlyinsmallquantities,andthusitcostmore.Theone-million-pesofigure,ifrealistic,probablyreflectedpricesduringaperiodoflimitedsupplyandrapidlygrowingdemandasthefirstPotosíbonanzaattractedlargenumbersofpeople.Withinseveraldecades,however,thepriceforwheatdroppedinresponsetoanincreaseinthesupplyoflocallygrownwheat.Potosícertainlywasadynamicmarketforgrain.Nevertheless,thefabulousprofitsrealizedthroughgrainsalesintheminingcenterappearstohavebeenlimitedtotheshortperiodimmediatelyfollowingthefirstSpanishexploitationofPotosí,whenregionalwheatproductionwasonlybeginningtodevelop.

ItisalsoimportanttoclearlydefinethestructureofthePotosímarket,andlevelsofconsumptionintheminingcenter.TwodistinctivemarketsexistedinPotosí,dividedalongethnic-culturallines.Ofthesome160,000wholivedinPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcentury,76,000wereAndeanpeasants,78,000werepeninsula-bornSpaniardsandcreoles,and6,000peoplewereofAfricanancestry.68Andeanpeasantsgenerallyconsumedcornandtubers,whereasSpaniardspreferredwheatbread,meat,wine,andoliveoil,amongotherfoods.

AnestimateoftheconsumptionofgoodsinPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcenturygivesanindicationofthescaleofthetwo

marketsinPotosí.69Foodsconsumedprimarilybynon-Indians,forexample,includedsome6,570tonsofwheatbakedintoloavesofbreadthatweighedonepoundeachandweresoldattherateofarealaloaf(1,642,500pesos).FoodsconsumedprimarilybyAndeanpeasantsincluded56,000fanegasofcorn(280,000pesos);20,000fanegasofchuñofreeze-driedpotatoes(120,000pesos);40,000fanegasofpotatoes(120,000pesos);40,000fanegasofoca(120,000pesos);and60,000cestosofcoca(360,000pesos).AndeanpeasantsmigratingtoPotosí,particularlymitaworkers,frequentlybroughtfoodfortheirownconsumptionandforsaleintheminingcenter.TheproductionofOldWorldfoodswasmonopolizedbySpanishproducers,whoalsoproducedcornandtubers.WhatisnotclearistheamountofwheatandcornsuppliedtothePotosímarketbyCo-

chabambahaciendaownersandbySpanishproducersinneighboringregions.

PotosíwasnottheonlyimportanthighlandminingcenterintheseventeenthcenturythatwasamarketforgrainsandflourproducedinCochabamba.Oruro,locatedjustwestofCochabambainthealtiplano,developedadynamicsilver-miningeconomyinthemiddleandlateseventeenthcentury,andmostlikelyitabsorbedalargenumberofthepeoplewholeftPotosí.In1608,Orurohadapopulationrangingfromsome20,000to30,000,andfrom70,000to80,000inthe1670s,whenthepopulationofPotosíhadalreadybeguntodrop.

MininginPeruandUpperPeruexperiencedathirdcycleofexpansionintheeighteenthcenturywiththeopeningofnewminesatsuchplacesasCerrodePasco,andadegreeofrecoveryinproductionlevelsatolderminingcenters.AreductioninmercurypricesbytheSpanishgovernmentstimulatedanexpansionofproductionlevels,andthemitacontinuedtosubsidizeminingatPotosíbyprovidingcheaplabor,althoughonareducedscale.Therewasonemajordifference,however,betweentheboominthelateeighteenthcenturyandthatofthelatesixteenthcentury.Miningentrepreneursattheendoftheeighteenthcenturydependedmoreheavilyupondifferentformsofsubsidyinordertoreduceproductioncosts,andtheyalsoreliedoncreditsuppliedbytheBancodeSanCarlos,abankorganizedbythecrowntoprovidecredittominingentrepreneurs.Furthermore,Potosíentrepreneursincreasedproductionwithoutincreasinglaborcostsbyimposinghigherquotasonmitaworkers,asmuchas167percentmorelaborthanwasstipulatedbylaw.Thecrownrecognizedtheimportanceofminingintheinterregionaleconomy,and,aswasthecaseofPotosíandotherolderminingcenters,stimulatedanexpansion

ofproductionlevelsthatcouldnotbeprofitablysustainedoncethesubsidyended,followingindependence.

TheonsetoftheindependencewarsintheAndeanregionin1809initiatedacrisisintheminingindustry,withascarcityofmercury,theappropriationofcapitaltopayforthecostsofwar,andthedispersionofskilledlaborandthesuspensionofthemita.Moreover,thefloodingofshaftsandageneraldeteriorationoftheminesduetoalackofmaintenancecreatedaneedfornewcapitalinvestmentstorehabilitatetheminingindustry.Capital,however,generallywasnotavailable.Asaconsequence,productionlevelsinPotosídeclinedafter1810.

TheBolivianminingindustrycontinuedtostagnatefollowingindependencein1825.An1828reportbythePotosíminingguildnotedthat

thefollowingfactorscontributedtostagnation:(1)thelowsilvercontentoftheore,(2)shortagesoflabor,and(3)thescarcityandhighpriceofmercury.

71An1831reportconfirmedthecontinuedshortageofskilledlabor,andcomplainedaboutoretheftbyworkers.72

Governmentpolicyalsocontributedtothestagnationoftheminingindustry.Amonopolyonthepurchaseofsilverbythestatecontinueduntilthe1870s,andactedasaformofdoubletaxation.First,thegovernmentimposedataxrateof10percentonsilverproduction,whichwasloweredin1832to5percentinanattempttostimulateproduction.Moreover,theBancodeRescate,whichwasresponsibleforthepurchaseofsilveronbehalfofthegovernment,paidbelowmarketprices.Mininginterestslobbiedforsomefiftyyearstoconvincethegovernmenttoinitiatefree-tradepoliciesandtoremoveallcontrolsontheminingindustry,buttheydidsointhefaceofthechronicfiscalweaknessofthestate.Thegovernmenthadavestedinterestinmaintainingthesilvermonopolyaslongasitremainedanimportantsourceofincome.Oneconsequencewaslarge-scalesmugglingofsilvertoneighboringcountries.Restrictionsonthefreeexportofsilver,however,remainedinplaceuntil1872.

Attheendofthecolonialperiod,CochabambagrainproducersandartisanssoldverylittleinthePotosíurbanmarket.DespiteLarson'scontentionthatthedeclineofthePotosímarketinitiatedacontractionintheinterregionaleconomy,theevidenceclearlyindicatesthatlargequantitiesofCochabambagrainandflourstillfoundbuyers.ItismyintentiontooutlinetheparticipationofCochabambagrainproducersintheinterregionaleconomyandthedeclineofthegraintradeattheendoftheeighteenthcenturyandearlyinthenineteenthcentury,focusingontheconnectionwithsouthernPeruandtheBolivian

altiplano.ThelossofmarketsforCochabambagrainsoccurredintwophases:thedeclineofsouthernPeruasamarketforCochabambaproduce,andthelossoftheBolivianaltiplanomarketinthe1890s.TheimpactonCochabambaagricultureofthecontractionofthesemarkets,particularlyofthelinktothePeruvianaltiplano,contributedtothetransformationofthestructureoflandtenureasearlyasthe1860s,andnotintheeighteenthcentury,asLarsoncontends.

AlthoughPotosídeclinedinimportance,itstillwasamajorurbanmarketattheendofthecolonialperiod.In1793,forexample,merchantssoldgoodsworth4,345,204pesosinPotosí.CochabambaparticipationinthePotosítradewaslimitedtosome2percentofthetotalbyvalue.TheArequiparegionofsouthernPeru,ontheotherhand,supplied32.5percentofthegoodssoldinPotosí.73In1801,Cochabambaaccounted

for1.9percentofgoodsimportedtoPotosíbyvalue,primarilytocuyoclothandcoca.

74Attheendoftheeighteenthcentury,PotosíwasonlyaminormarketforgoodsproducedinCochabamba.

TheCochabambaregionaleconomyinthelatecolonialperiodhadstrongerlinkstomarketsinthePeruvianandBolivianaltiplano.Inthe1790s,southernPeruwasthemostimportantsourceofgoodsimportedintoCochabambabyvalue,whichcanbeunderstoodasthecomplementarynatureoftheCochabambaandsouthernPeruvianeconomies.Cochabambamerchantsimportedsugar,wine,oil,rawwoolandcotton,andcloth.TotalimportsintoCochabambatotaled565,755byvalue,and155,438pesosworthofgoods(27.5percent)fromsouthernPeru.OnlycocaimportedfromtheLaPazyungas,worth98,000pesos(17.3percent),rivaledtheimportanceofthesouthernPeruvianconnection.Cochabambaexportedquantitiesofgrainandfour,clothandsoap.75GrainandflouraccountedforthebulkofexportsfromCochabambain1793.Cornandwheatgrainsalestotaled200,000fanegasworth450,000pesos,and160,000fanegasofcornandwheatflourworth40,000pesos.76Inthelatecolonialperiod,theresidentsofOruroconsumedgrain,fruits,vegetables,andfowlproducedinCochabamba.77

Inthe1820sand1830s,Cochabambastillexportedgrainsandflour,fruitsandvegetables,andartisangoodssuchassoapandclothtotheBolivianandPeruvianaltiplano.Inan1827report,JosephPentlandestimatedthevalueoftheinternalgraintradefromCochabambaandChuquisacatoOruroandLaPazat300,000pesosperyear.Furthermore,PentlandstressedtheimportanceofgrainandflourexportstosouthernPeru,althoughhenotedthatthistradehadalreadybeguntodecline.78Inthelate1840s,Cochabambagoodssoldin

southernPeruincludedshoes,soap,cloth,andwheatflour,althoughnotatthesamevolumeandvalueasinthelateeighteenthcentury.79

TheCochabambaconnectionwithsouthernPerubegantodeclinebecauseofbothpoliticalandeconomicfactors.FrictionsbetweenPeruandBolivialedtothesuspensionorlimitationoftrade,whichcontributedtotheinstabilityinthepriceofgoodstradedbetweenthetwocountries.80In1845,forexample,abotijaofPeruvianwinecostfifteenpesosinCochabambaCity,butincreasedtonineteenpesosin1846andeighteenpesosin1847becauseofaconflictbetweenPeruandBolivia.In1848,thepriceofwinedroppedtofifteenpesos,butroseagainin1851becauseofasecondconflictwithPeru.81Fluctuationsinpricesandtheinstabilityofthemarketstifledtrade.

ThegrowthofadynamicexportsectorinthenineteenthcenturycontributedtoareorientationofthesouthernPeruvianeconomytowardthe

PacificCoastandinternationalmarkets.Asaconsequence,thedemandinthatmarketforCochabambagrainandflourdeclined.ThepatternofgrowthoftheexportsectorinsouthernPeruparalleledthatinBolivia,andhadasimilarimpactonCochabambagrainproducers.Between1835and1842,woolexportsfromsouthernPerutotaled9,365tonsofsheepwool,and19,076tonsofalpacaandvicuña.

82Thevolumeofthewooltradegrewinsubsequentyears,whileatthesametime,tradewithBoliviadeclined.Thedeclineofinterregionaltrademanifesteditselfinthestructuraltransformationoftheexistingsystemofregionalfairsandmarketcenters.Vilaque,locatedinsouthernPeru,forexample,wasanimportantregionalfairinthetradewithBoliviaandnorthernArgentinaimmediatelyfollowingindependence.ThetransformationintheorientationofthefairhighlightsthechangesinthesouthernPeruvianeconomy.Bythemid-nineteenthcenturyVilaquehadbecomeacenterforthemarketingofwooltothecoast.83AdescriptionofPucara,anothersouthernPeruvianregionalfair,documentstheinfluxinthe1870sofEuropeanmanufacturedgoodsthatdisplacedregionallyproducedgoods,asecondfactorthatcontributedtothebreakdownoftheinterregionaleconomy.Merchantsoperated,thedescriptiondeclares,

undertemporaryshedsandscreens,orcoveredwagonstransformedintoshopsdecoratedwithcolouredcalicoandcutpaper,allmanneroftrueandfalsejewelry,porcelainandcrockery,glassandstoneware,clothandsilks,woolenandcottongoods,articlesofcutleryandironmongery,toywareandotherproductsofEuropeanindustryaredisplayedinthemostattractivemannertodazzletheeyesofthenatives.84

ThecompletionoftherailroadlinkingsouthernandnorthernPeruinthelatenineteenthcenturyintegratedthesouthintothegrowingPeruviannationaleconomy,andwasyetanotherfactorinweakeningexistingtradenetworkswithBolivia,ingeneral,andwith

Cochabamba,inparticular.SouthernPeruvianconsumersboughtcheaperclothandflourtransportedatalowercostovertherailroad.85Thisisnottosay,however,thatBolivianandPeruviantradeended;rather,itchanged.Inthe1920s,forexample,theCuzcoregionexportedfoodstuffsandbeertoLaPaz,productsthatcompetedwith,ratherthancomplemented,Cochabambaproduction.86Thesegmentationoftheinterregionalcolonialtradenetworksledtotheriseofcompeting,andnotcomplementary,regionaleconomiesinthesouthernAndeanarea.

ThemarketintheBolivianaltiplanocontinuedtobeimportantforCochabambagrainandflourproducerswellintothe1870sand1880s.

Inthemid-1830s,wheatexportedfromCochabambatoLaPaz,Oruro,andsouthernPerutotaledsome15,900fanegas,orabout8.4percentoftheCochabambawheatcrop,acalculationbasedonfigurespublishedbyJoséDalence.Cornexportstotaled4,000fanegasor1percentofthecrop,againusingDalence'sfigures,and1,220tonsofmuku,thebasematerialforchicha.MuchofthecornproducedinCochabambainthemid-1840swasconvertedintochichaworthsome579,244pesos,consumedlocallyandexported.Priortoamajordroughtin18771878andtheWarofthePacificfrom18791884,some70percentoftheflourconsumedinLaPazcityreportedlycamefromCochabamba,20percentfromnorthernChayanta,and10percentfromChile.Inabout1874,grainandfloursalestotaledBs266,000,or76.8percentofgoodsexportedoutsideofCochabambadepartmentbyvalue.Thevolumeofgrainandflourexportswassome51,500quintals,downfromthevolumeofgrainandflourexportsinthelatecolonialperiod.Accordingtodataondepartmentalwideagriculturalproductionfromabout1882,thecornandwheatcroptotaled797,905quintals.Onlyabout6.5percentofthecornandwheatcropwassoldoutsideofthedepartmentasgrainorflour.Morethan90percentofthecropwasconsumedwithinthedepartment,orwasconvertedintochichaforinternalconsumptionorsaleinthealtiplano.

WhatchangesinCochabambalandtenure,ifany,resultedfromshort-orlong-termshiftsindemandforCochabambagrainandflour?Whatfactorscausedinstabilityinhaciendatenure?ThefollowingcasestudyofhaciendainstabilityinhaciendatenureinoneareainCochabamba,theValleBajo,teststhehypothesisthatthedeclineinthesizeofthemarketinPotosíledtothetransformationofruralsocietyinCochabamba.

AdetailedstudyofpricesinPotosíandCharcasshowsalateeighteenth-centuryincreaseingrainproductiononhaciendas,asmeasuredbyagrowthintithes.88Agriculturalgrowthwasinterruptedbyperiodicecologicalcrises,characterizedbyshort-termgrowthsinprices.AsampleofCochabambacornandwheatprices(seeTable1.4)providesimportantinsightsintolong-termchangesintheregionalgrainmarket,andthecausesofinstabilityofsaidmarket.Therewereshort-termfluctuationsinpricescausedbyperiodicdroughtandotherclimaticfactors,butalsoatrendofgradualgrowthinthelasthalfofthecenturylinked,inpart,topopulationgrowth.CerealpricesdidnotexperienceanerosionthatwouldjustifytheinterpretationthatthecontractionofthePotosímarketdestabilizedCochabambaagriculture.However,thefluctuationsinpricesduetosubsistencecrisesdoeshighlightoneaspectofthequestionofthestabilityandinstabilityoflandownership.

Table1.4CochabambaCornandWheatPricesinReales,16461808

Year CornIndex

(1721=100) WheatIndex

(1721=100)1646 32 2001669 16 1001685 20 1501697 20 150 20 1251702 15 941712 40 2501713 24 1501714 28 1751716 16 1001717 16 1001718 16 1001719 16 1001720 16 1001721 16 100 16 1001722 46 288 77.3 4831723 79 4941724 14 881725 15 941726 32 200 20 1251730 23.3 1461731 32 2001734 20 1251737 16 1001744 27.7 1731746 16 100 16 1001753 24 1501756 27.5 172 28.4 1781758 25.5 159 21.3 1331759 28 1751765 20 125 12 751766 22 1381767 28 1751768 28.7 179 32 200

1768 28.7 179 32 2001769 19 119 30 1881770 25.4 1591772 24 150 23.7 1481773 18 1131774 34 2131775 34.7 217 24.8 1551776 29.3 183 24.6 1541777 16 1001778 16 1001779 23 1441780 29.5 1841781 32 2001782 49 306 30.6 191

(tablecontinuedonnextpage)

Table1.4Continued

Year CornIndex

(1721=100) WheatIndex

(1721=100)1783 70.8 443 53 3311784 64 400 58 3631785 29.1 182 29.1 1821786 16 100 19 1191787 48 300 22.3 1391788 24.2 151 32 2001789 14.7 92 44 2751790 24 150 18 1131791 16 100 16 1001792 24 150 20 1251793 16 100 40 2501794 15.4 96 20 1251795 16 100 12 751796 14 88 12 751797 28 1751798 22 138 12 751799 24.7 154 22.5 1411800 24 150 32 2001801 28 1751802 40 2501804 112 700 132 8251806 32 200 42 2631807 28 175 60 3751808 24 150 32 200Source:LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Produccionycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVll(LaPaz,1985),p.122;HectorLuisRojasVacas,''PreciosagricolasenCochabamhasigloXVIII,"forthcominginEstudios-UMSS;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBoliviaCochabamba,15501900{Princeton,1988),p.329.

Table1.5summarizesasampleofsalesrecordedintheValleBajointhelateseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies.Thelargestnumberofsalesinthesamplewasrecordedinthedecade17811790,atotalof33,which

thesamplewasrecordedinthedecade17811790,atotalof33,whichwasthreetimesgreaterthantheaverageof11.7salesperdecade.Severalfactorscontributedtotheelevatednumberoflandsalesduringthedecade,whichareillustrativeoftheconditionsthatcompelledlandownerstosellland.TheTupácAmaru-TúpacKatarirevoltoftheearly1780sdamagedestatesintheValleBajoandneighboringareas.Moreover,haciendaownersloststoredgraintorebelandroyalistforces.

89In1783,theCochabambacabildo(towncouncil)reportedthatmanylandownershadstillnotresumedpaymentsonthecensosandcapellaníasontheirhaciendas,indicatingthataftertwoyearshaciendaownershadstillnotre-

coveredfromthedisruptioncausedbytherevolt.

90Cornandwheatpriceswereelevatedinthewakeoftherevolt,whichperhapsindicatesshort-termshortagescausedbydamagethroughouttheregion.Forexample,in1778,afanegaofcornsoldforsixteenrealesinCochabamba,twenty-threerealesin1779,andforty-ninerealesin1782.Similarly,afanegaofwheatsoldinCochabambacostsixteenrealesin1777,andthirty-tworealesin1781(seeTable1.4).

Thedisruptioncausedbytherevolt,muchofwhichwascenteredlocallyintheValleBajo,wasexacerbatedbyaseveresubsistencecrisisinthemiddleyearsofthedecade,between1783and1785.AccordingtoIntendantFranciscodeViedma'sdescriptionofagriculturalconditionsinCochabamba,therewasapoorharvestin1784,causedbyflooding.91The17831784harvestfollowedanequallypoorharvestin17821783,asreflectedinrisingcornandwheatprices.Cornpricesreachedforty-ninerealesin1782,seventyrealesin1783,sixty-fourin1784,anddroppedtotwenty-ninein1785andsixteenin1786.Wheatpricesstoodatthirtyrealesin1782,fifty-threerealesin1783,fifty-eightrealesin1784,twenty-ninein1785,andnineteenin1786.Anelevatedcornpricein1787forty-eightreales,whichwasthreetimesgreaterthanthepricecurrentin1786indicatesthatthe17861787corncropwaspoor.

TheelevatednumberoflandsalesintheValleBajointhe1780ssuggeststhatthedisruptionofproductionorthereductionofcropsharvestedplacedeconomicpressureonlandowners,manyofwhomrespondedbysellinglandorfacedthelossoftheirestates.AsLarsonargues,scarcityledtowindfallprofitsforlandownerswhoharvestedcropsorhadreservesinstorage,althoughdamagebyvermin,insects,andmildewcouldlimittheamountofgrainactuallystored.92

However,scarcityalsomeantthatmanylandownersdidnotharvestcrops,orsawtheircropsseverelydamagedbyalackofrainatakeypointintheagriculturalcycleorbyanexcessofrain.

Periodicsubsistencecrisesreducedtheincomeofmanylargelandownersalreadyburdenedbydebtandespeciallybytheobligationtopayinterestincomeoncensosandcapellanías,income-producingliensplacedonrealpropertytoprovideincomeforspecificreligiousordersorforindividualclergymen.93In1784,thecapitalvalueofcapellaníasontwenty-sevenhaciendasinArani,Punata,andTarataparishesintheValleAltowas75,737pesos.94ConventsandmonasteriesinCochabambaCityobtainedaconsiderableincomefromcensosonruralproperties.Between1761and1794,Cochabambalandownersassumed20censoswithacapitalvalueof70,000pesospayabletothemonasteryofNuestraSeñora

Table1.5LandTransactionsintheValleBajo,16601800

Years SalesIndex

(16611670=100)16611670 10 10016711680 10 10016811690 5 5016911700 8 8017011710 6 6017111720 1 1017211730 4 4017311740 2 2017411750 19 19017511760 23 23017611770 11 11017711780 11 11017811790 33 33017911800 21 210Source:JoseGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba.Conformaciondelaestructuraagraria(15501700),"unpublishedthesisforthelicenciatura,UniversidadMayordeSanSimon,1987,p.187;andFanorMeruvia,"MercadodetierrasenelvallecentraldeCochabamba,sigloXVIII,"forthcomingEstudios-UMSS.

delCarmenlocatedinCochabambaCity.In1761,theownersofHaciendaAnocaraire,locatedintheValleBajo,createdacensopayabletoNuestraSeñoradelCarmenwithacapitalvalueof3,000pesos.In1789,theownersofHaciendaChimba,alsolocatedintheValleBajo,createdacensopayabletoNuestraSeñoradelCarmenwithacapitalvalueof1,000pesos.Thehaciendaalreadyhadacensowithanominalvalueof2,330pesospayabletothemonasteryofSantaClara,alsolocatedinCochabambaCity.

95In1825,sevenconventsandmonasterieslocatedinCochabambaCity

hadcensoswithacapitalvalueof637,508pesos,whichpaidaninterestincomeof22,104pesosperyear.96

Thedisruptionofproductionoradeclineinagriculturalincomeforayearorseveralyearsplacedconsiderablefinancialpressureonhaciendaowners,whodidnothaveagreatdealofliquiditytobeginwith.However,thelayadministratorsofconventsandmonasteriesandtheholdersofcapellaníasinfrequentlyforeclosedondelinquentlandownerswhowerebehindontheirpaymentsofcensos.Forexample,inthirty-threeyearstheadministratorsofthemonasteryofCarmenforeclosedononlyoneruralestate,andthenimmediatelyresoldthehaciendawiththeprovisionthatthenewownerresumepaymentsoftheexistingcenso.97Inthefaceof

financialdifficulties,landownersusedseveralstrategiestopreservethecapitaltheyhadinvestedinlandtopreventthelossofapartoralloftheircapitalthroughforeclosure.

Themostcommonstrategywastorentanestate,andthussecureafixedincomewithouthavingtoinvestfurthercapitalinthecostsofproductionorwithoutrunningtheriskofthelossofacrop.Larsonrecordsa1780rentalcontractmadebytheownersofHaciendaJaiguaicotopreventtheforeclosureoftheestate.Thetermsofthecontractstipulatedanimmediatepaymentof250pesostomeetthepaymentonacenso.

98Ofasampleoftwenty-eightlandrentalsrecordedinthenotarialprotocolsoftheVilladeOropesa(CochabambaCity)duringtheeighteenthcentury,ten(35.7percent)weremadeduringthecrisisdecadeofthe1780s,thelargestnumberrecordedinanydecadeduringthecentury.99Thesecondstrategywastosellland,smallparcelsoranentireestate.However,asshowninTable1.5,thenumberofsalesinthelateeighteenthcenturywasnevergreatwhencomparedtothevolumeofsalesinthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies(seeChapter4,below).

ThestructureoflandtenureinCochabambaexperiencedonlymoderatechangeduringtheeighteenthcentury,and,otherthansomecasesofsubdivisionforinheritance,haciendasremainedrelativelyintact.Thechangeorlackofchangeinlandtenurecanbeindirectlydemonstratedbydocumentingthenumberofprivatepropertiesinaregionovertime.Forexample,in1692therewere22haciendasinthejurisdictionsofSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipaya,and50propertiesin1844(seeChapter5,below).Intheearlynineteenthcentury,therewere287privateproperties,bothhaciendasandestancias,inthecentral-valleydistrictsinCochabamba,including31inCercado

partidoand50inTapacaripartido(thetwoadministrativedistrictsthatroughlycorrespondtotheValleBajo).ThegreatestnumberofhaciendasandestanciaswaslocatedintheValleAlto,thelargerofthethreecentralvalleys.InthehighlandzonesofArqueandAyopayawereanother635haciendasandestancias.Altogether,therewere922estatesinCochabamba.100

Conclusions

IndianmigrationfollowingtheSpanishconquestoftheCochabambaregiondefinedthedirectionofthedevelopmentoflandtenureandhaciendalabor.Duringtheearlyperiodfollowingtheconquest,tributeandlaborcollectedfromIndiancommunitieshadgreatervaluethanland.

However,thedemandforgrain,especiallywheat,thepreferredgrainoftheSpaniards,grewintheemergingurbancentersintheregion.Spaniards,includingencomenderos,beganorganizinghaciendasinareaswithsparseIndianpopulations,suchastheValleAlto,whereabundantlandwasavailable.ThemigrationofIndiansfromthealtiplanoprovidedhaciendalabor,butitalsocontributedtothecontinuedsurvivalofthecorporateindigenouscommunitiesthatfacedpopulationlossthroughmigrationandhighmortalityandthelossofcommunitylandtoexpandingruralestates.Theformationofhaciendastookmorethanacentury,andonlyendedfollowingthelastcomposicióndetierrasthatcleareddisputedlandtitles.

DidhaciendasexperiencesignificantchangeduringtheeighteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofthedeclineinimportanceofthePotosígrainmarket?Haciendasexperiencedsomesubdivisionduetoinheritance,buttheydidnotbecome"merepaperunitsofreckoning,"asLarsonclaims.

101Haciendaownersexperiencedperiodsofdifficulty,butnotasaresultofthelossofmarkets.Rather,ecologicalcrisis,propertydestructioncausedbytherevoltoftheearly1780s,andtheseizureofcropsbyrebelsandroyalistscausedshort-termdropsinincomethatforcedmanylandowners,alreadyburdenedbycensos,intoinsolvency.TithedataindicatethathaciendaproductionthroughoutmuchofAltoPeruincreasedduringtheeighteenthcenturyinresponsetopopulationgrowth;andCochabambawheatandcornpricesdonotshowagradualorprecipitousdecline,whichmightbeassociatedwiththeweakeningorcollapseofmarkets.Fundamentalchangesinhaciendalaborandtheinternalhaciendaeconomyonlyoccurredduringthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.

2ReformProgramsandChangesintheStructureofRuralLandTenureThroughoutmostofthecolonialperiod,thecolonialstateexercisedlittledirectcontrolovertheruraleconomyandstructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion.Policiesimplementedbylocalofficialsfosteredtheconsolidationofapatternoflandtenuredominatedbylargehaciendas,buttheyalsoallowedthecorporateIndiancommunitiesconsiderableinternalautonomy.Governmentpolicyshifted,beginningattheendoftheeighteenthcentury.Thecolonialand,later,therepublicanstateassumedagreaterroleinoverseeingtheinternaldistributionoflandsinthecommunities.Moreover,followingBolivianindependencein1825,legislatorspassedaseriesoflawsthatsoughttoredefinethelegalstatusofcommunitylands.Thelegislationattemptedtomodifylandtenure,butitwasnotsuccessfuluntilthe1870sand1880s.However,theseriesoflawspassedbyBoliviancongressesestablishedlegalprecedentsfortheanti-communitylegislationofthe1870sand1880sthatinitiatedthefinalassaultontheintegrityofthecommunities.

Inaddition,otherreformpoliciesmodifiedlandtenureintheregion.AntonioJosédeSucre,Bolivia'sVenezuelan-bornfirstpresident,attemptedtoimplementSimónBolívar'sliberal-reformprogramforthenewlycreatedAndeannations.OneofthesepolicieswasthepartialdesamortizationofthewealthoftheregularclergyinBolivia,whoownedextensiveruralproperties.Thegovernmentalsosoldlandsconfiscatedfromindividualswhosupportedtheroyalistcauseduringtheindependencewars.

Inthenineteenthcentury,LatinAmericanelitesdebatedthefuture

socioeconomicandpoliticalstructuresofthenewlyindependentrepublics.Issuesthatdividedandpolarizedliberalsandconservativesincludedthequestionoffreetradeversusprotectedorcontrolledtrade;thedegreeofsocialcontroltobemaintainedoverthelowerorders;changesin,orthemaintenanceof,thestatusquointheexistingruleoflawwithregardto

specialcorporatejurisdictions;thedegreeofintegrationoftheIndianasaproductivememberofsociety;thecontinuedexistenceofcorporateIndiancommunitiesthatcontrolledlargeamountsofagriculturalland;andtheroleofthechurchandothercorporatepropertyownersintheeconomyandpolitics.Liberalpoliciestowardcorporatechurch-andcommunity-ownedlandsprovedtobesomeofthemostideologicallydivisiveinmanyLatinAmericancountriesinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.

Bourbonreformersinthelateeighteenthcenturyfirstattackedcorporate-ownedruralpropertyinSpainandSpanishAmerica.ReformistministersduringthereignofCharlesIIIimplementedaplantolimitthewealthofthechurchasameasuretostimulateagriculturaldevelopment.

1Later,afiscalcrisisbroughtonbySpain'sinvolvementintheFrenchRevolutionaryandNapoleonicwarsforcedthegovernmentofCharlesIVtolookfornewsourcesofrevenue.Onemeasureimplementedin1804,theconsolidacióndevalesreales,forcedpropertyownerswithmortgagesandliensheldbycorporategroupstoredeemthenominalvalueofthemortgagesandliensandpaythemoneydirectlytothecrown,whichassumedthemortgagesandliens.2

ThemeasurestakenbytheBourbonkingsinthelateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturieshadanunevenimpactthroughoutSpanishAmerica,buttheysetanimportantlegalandpoliticalprecedentinbothSpainandSpanishAmerica.Moreover,thediscussionofthesignificanceofmortmain("deadhand"theconceptthatcorporate-ownedruralpropertieswerenotexploitedtotheirfullestpotential)asanimpedimenttoeconomicdevelopmentprovidedanabstractframeworkforliberalpoliticianswhoimplementedprogramsdesignedtopromoteeconomicandsocialorganization.Thus,

corporateownershipofwealthbecameanimportanttargetforliberalreformersfollowingindependenceinSpanishAmerica.

MostpoliticalelitesinSpanishAmericafailedtoreachaconsensusonthestructureofsocietyandtheeconomyfollowingindependence,especiallyinregardtotheroletobeplayedbythechurchandthe"Indian."Liberalsandconservativeshelddifferingand,attimes,changingviewsonboth,whichcontributedtopoliticalandideologicalpolarization.Duringmuchofthefirsthalfofthenineteenthcentury,liberalscontrolledgovernmentssporadicallythroughoutLatinAmerica,andimplementedandre-introducedtheirreformprogramsseveraltimesduringthecentury.Inmanycases,therewasaconservativereactiontoliberalregimes,which,

inanumberofcases,ledtocivilwarandthereversalofliberal-reformmeasures.

Thebest-studiedcaseofliberalreforminLatinAmericaistheMexicanreformaduringtheyears18551876.LiberalsinotherSpanishAmericancountriesinitiatedequallyambitiousmodernizationprogramsatdifferentpointsinthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,withmixedresultsandvariousdegreesofoppositionfrompro-clericalconservatives.Todate,fewstudiesofliberalattacksoncorporatelandsintheAndeanregion,ingeneral,andBoliviaspecificallyhavebeenpublished;4buttheevidencedoesshowthattheimpactofBolivianliberalismwasdifferentfromthepatternsobservedinMexicointermsofthetimingoftheimplementationofliberalreforms,thechangingobjectivesofliberalreformersovertheperiodofacentury,andtheresponsestoreformmeasures.Liberalattacksoncorporatelandsoccurredintwophases:apartialdesamortizationofthewealthoftheregularclergyduringtheadministrationofVenezuelan-bornAntonioJosédeSucre(18251828),whichgreatlyreducedtheimportanceoftheissueofchurchwealththatprovedsodivisiveinMexico;andapartiallysuccessfullegaldissolutionofthecorporatepeasantcommunitybetween1874and1920.5Liberalanti-corporateprogramshadanunevenimpactindifferentpartsofBolivia,particularlywithrespecttotheerosionofthelandbaseofthecommunities.

Thetopicofthischapteristheimplementationofreformmeasuresfromthe1790stothe1880sandtheirimpactonlandtenure,andtheeffectoftheevolutionofBolivianliberalthoughtonthequestionofcorporateownershipofland.Anti-corporateliberalpoliciesdevelopedintwodistinctphases:theanti-corporateBolívarianliberalismofthe

1820swasdistinctincontentfromtheliberalismofthelatenineteenthcenturyandearlytwentiethcenturies.TheBolívarianliberalsofthe1820ssetouttotransformAndeansociety,butinBoliviatheycameupagainstthestarkrealitiesofeconomicstagnationanddivisionswithinBoliviansociety,whichlimitedtheimpactofidealisticprogramsthatattemptedtocreateamodernliberalsociety.

Anativeliberalismemergedinthe1860sand1870s,onewhichwasverydistinctfromthealienBolívarianliberalismofthe1820s.Inthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury,Bolivianelitesconcentratedtheireffortsoneliminatingthecorporatecommunity,and,aswillbeshowninthespecificcaseofCochabambaDepartment,actuallysupportedtheexpansionoftheregularclergy.In1874,theBolivianCongresspassedalawofex-vinculaciónthatforcedcommunitymemberstotakeindividual

titletotheirlands.Thesystematicliquidationofthecommunitylastedformorethanfortyyears(18741920),andwasmarkedbyprogressinsomeregionsandprolongedIndianresistanceinothers.However,theBolivianstate,whichwasintheprocessofcreatingastrongcentralgovernmentandintegratingthecountrythroughasystemofrailroads,wasabletomarshalenoughrepressiveforcetodealwithlocalizedandlarge-scaleregionalrevolts.InmostofBolivia,thepassageofthelawofex-vinculaciónresultedinthedestructionofmanycommunities.However,thepatterndocumentedforCochabambaDepartmentwasdistinct.AlthoughcorporatecommunitylandsinCochabambaDepartmentweresubdividedfollowingthelegalabolitionofthecommunityin1874,existinghaciendasdidnotexpandattheexpenseofformercommunitylands.Onthecontrary,muchoftheformercommunitylandintheregionpassedintothehandsoflandlesspeasantsandartisans,orremainedunderthecontrolofformercommunitymembers.ThroughoutmostofBolivia,largehaciendasandadecliningnumberofcommunitiesdominatedthecountryside.InCochabambaDepartment,ontheotherhand,economicandpoliticalchangesinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesledtothegrowthinthenumberofindependentpeasantlandownerscalledpiqueros.

ThefirstsectionoutlinesthesourcesofincomeoftheregularclergyaffectedbySucre'santi-corporateprogramsinCochabamba;theshort-andlong-termimpactofhiseffortstodesamortizethewealthoftheregularclergy;andthesurvivalintothetwentiethcenturyofseveralclassesofchurch-ownedruralproperty.ThefollowingsectionsdiscussstateregulationofcommunitylandsinthelatecolonialperiodandinthefirstyearsfollowingBolivianindependence;changesduringthenineteenthcenturyinthelegalstatusofindigenouscorporatecommunitylands;theeffortsinthe1860sandtheyears18741920toliquidatethecommunity;changesinlandtenure

resultingfromthebreakupofthecommunity;andtheadministrationofcommunitylandsreturnedtothepublicdomain.Bywayofconclusion,thefinalsectionplacesthepatternsdocumentedforCochabambaDepartmentwithinthelargerhistoricalcontextofBoliviaandcomparesliberalisminBoliviaandMexico.

AlienationoftheLandsoftheRegularClergy

Followingindependence,economicliberalismincreasinglyinfluencedLatinAmericanelites,althoughinsomecountries,suchasMexico,anti-

clericalpoliciespursuedbyliberalgovernmentspolarizedelitesalongideologicallines.Thereductionoftheroleofthechurchintheeconomywasseenasanimportantelementofthemodernizationprogramsadvocatedbyliberalpoliticians.Specificmeasuresincludedthedesamortizationofurbanandruralrealpropertyandtheredemptionofcensos(income-producingliensonrealproperty),generallyatafractionoftheirnominalcapitalvalue.Theapplicationofanti-clericalpolicieswasgenerallyassociatedwiththesaleofchurchlands,ofteninthefaceofstiffoppositionfromtheregularordersandtheirpro-clericalconservativepoliticalallies.Itresultedintheconsolidationofalandedelitefreedfromtheobligationofhavingtopayinterestoncensosandabletobuychurchlandsatonlyafractionoftheirtruevalue.

IncontrasttothepatterndocumentedforsuchcountriesasMexicoandColombia,wherethebulkoftherealpropertyownedbytheregularclergywenttotheauctionblock,thedesamortizationofchurchwealthinCochabambaDepartmentduringtheSucreadministrationhaditsgreatestimpactonthemaleregularorders,andleftthefemaleordersrelativelyuntouched.BeforediscussingthespecificsofSucre'sdesamortizationprograminCochabamba,itisnecessarytodescribethefinancialbaseoftheregularclergyattheendofthecolonialperiod.

EightconventsandmonasteriesexistedinCochabambaCityattheendoftheeighteenthcentury,inadditiontothecharitablehospitalSanJuandeDios.Moreover,therewasacommunityofFranciscanslocatedintheprovincialtownofTarata,andthreeregularordersplusabranchofthehospitalSanJuandeDiosinMizque,whichwasajurisdictionseparatefromCochabambainthelatecolonialperiod.Alltold,therewereasmanyas180membersoftheregularclergyinCochabambaCityinthelate1780sinthemaleandfemaleorders,andsome185shortlyfollowingindependence(seeTable2.1).

Theregularclergyreceivedincomefromanumberofsourcestosupportitsactivities,includingpiousdonationsofmoneyorrealproperty,interestpaidonloans,interestpaidoncensos,therentalofurbanandruralrealproperty,and,inthecaseofthefemaleorders,dowriespaidbywomenenteringtheconvents.

6Inthelate1780s,theyearlyincomeoftheregularclergylocatedinCochabambaCitytotaled26,367Bolivianos,whichdoesnotincludetwoinstitutionsthatreportedlydependedonpiousdonations.In1825,sevenconventshadanominalcapitalincensosofBs510,006,whichrenderedaninterestincomeofBs17,684(seeTable2.2).

TherelativeimportanceofthedifferentsourcesofincomecanbeseeninanexaminationofthecaseofSantaClara.ThenunsofSantaClara

Table2.1TheRegularClergyinCochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod

Institution

1788Cochabamba

1825Cochabamba

City Tarata MizqueStoDomingo 10 14 0 1SanFrancisco 30 30 11 3SanAgustin 11 9 0 3LaMerced 13 8 0 0SanJuandeDios 10 4 0 1LaRecoleta ? 19 0 0SantaClara 63 56 0 0SantaTeresa ? ? 0 0ElBeaterio 22 0 0 0Source:FranciscodeViedma,DescripciongeograficayestadisticadelaProvinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969);andWilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),Pp.120,222.

controlledacapitalinthemid-1820swithanominalvalueofBs452,344,whichproducedanannualincomeofBs14,974.Censosonsixty-eighturbanandruralpropertieshadanominalcapitalvalueofBs142,440,or31percentofthetotal.Realproperty,primarilyfivehaciendas,hadavalueofBs309,904.Themostimportantofthehaciendas,Cliza,wasworthBs240,000in1825,or53percentoftheresourcesofthenuns.

TheregularclergyinCochabambaCitywasaprivilegedrentierclassthatdrewasignificantpercentageofitsincomefromtheproductivecapacityofothersthroughthecollectionofinterestoncensosandloans.Thepracticeoftherentalofruralpropertieslefttheregularclergyvulnerabletotheattacksofreformistpoliticians,whoviewedtheconcentrationofwealthintheunproductivehandsoftheregularclergy(mortmain)asanimpedimenttoeconomicmodernization.Thegeneral

(mortmain)asanimpedimenttoeconomicmodernization.Thegeneralargumentmaintainedthatclericallandownersgenerallydidnotreinvestprofitsinproduction,andthatrenters,whosoughttomaximizeprofitsinashortperiodoftime,letthephysicalplantandequipmentofthehaciendadeteriorate.8

Intheearlynineteenthcentury,liberalideasenjoyedsupportamongonlyaminorityofthepoliticallyactiveLatinAmericanelites,andtheimplementationofliberalpoliciesprovedtobeverydivisiveinthedecadesfollowingindependence.Boliviaescapedtheearlypoliticaldivisionsengenderedbyliberalism.AlargeVenezuelan-Colombianarmyoccupied

Table2.2IncomeandNominalCapitalValueofCensosoftheCochabambaCityConventsandMonasteriesin1788and1825,inBolivianos

InstitutionTotal

Incomein1788CapitalValueofCensos

IncomeFromCensos

TotalIncome

StoDomingo 1,509 63,930 2,637 ?SanFrancisco 1,568 43,359 1,338 ?SanAgustin 3,794 94,335 3,253 4,222LaMerced 1,314 30,922 978 ?SanJuandeDios 2,382 ? ? ?LaRecoleta Donations 7,776 325 ?ElBeaterio Donations ? ? ?SantaTeresa 3,800 91,700 3,023 ?SantaClara 12,000 177,984 6,130 14,974Total 26,367 510,006 17,684 ?Source:FranciscodeViedma,DescripciongeograficayestadisticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),Pp.3541;WilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),Pp.112113;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cocbabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),p.223.

BoliviaduringSucre'sterminoffice,andprovidedthepotentialforcenecessarytoimplementreformmeasures,whichotherwisewouldnothaveenjoyedwidespreadsupportamongBolivianelites.Intheyearsimmediatelyfollowingindependence,theSucreadministrationenactedtwomeasuresdesignedtolimittheinfluenceoftheregularclergyintheBolivianeconomy.ThesemeasureswereelementsoftheutopianBolívarianreformprogramofthe1820sintheAndeannations,aprogramlargelymodeledonlegislationpassedearlierinGranColombia.AlawofMarch29,1826,mandatedtheclosureofthoseconventsandmonasterieswithlessthantwelveresidents.Thegovernmentclosedtwenty-fiveinstitutions,andconfiscatedthepropertyofthesuppressedreligiouscommunities,includingtheconventbuildings,whichbecamepublicproperty.Insomeinstances,thegovernmentorderedthe

publicproperty.Insomeinstances,thegovernmentorderedthecombinationoftheresidentsofinstitutionsofthesameorderlocatedindifferentcities.Confiscatedproperties,includingruralestatesandurbanhouses,weresoldunderveryfavorableterms,withtheproceedsearmarkedtosupportpubliceducationinBoliviancities;thepurchasepriceforurbanandruralrealpropertiescouldbepaidinBoliviandebtcertificates,whichdepreciatedconsiderably

invalueduringthe1820s,thussignificantlyreducingtherealpurchasepriceofthepropertiessold.ThegovernmentalsoencouragedforeignofficersinthearmythatliberatedBoliviatousetheirbonusestopurchaseruralproperty.Insomepartsofthecountry,thegovernmentwasunabletosellconfiscatedlands,butinCochabambaconfiscatedlandsfoundbuyers.

TheranksofthemaleordershadalreadybeendepletedbytheexileorimprisonmentofSpanish-bornclerics,whogenerallysupportedtheroyalistsduringtheprolongedindependenceconflict(18081825)andwerevulnerabletothe1826legislation.Ontheotherhand,thefemaleorders,whichplayedanimportantsocialroleasrepositoriesforsurplusdaughtersfromelitefamiliesandthushadlargerpopulations,remainedrelativelyuntouched.Governmentofficialsarguedthat,ifleftalone,thefemaleorderswouldbeunabletoattractnewrecruits,andwouldwitherawaywithouttheneedfordirectgovernmentintervention.Moreover,itwouldhavelookedbadtoclosethefemaleorders,whichstillhadlargenumbersofresidentswhowouldhavebeenforcedtoreturntotheirfamiliesorfendforthemselvesinthepotentiallyhostileworldfromwhichtheyhadconsciouslyisolatedthemselves.InCochabambaCity,thegovernmentclosedLaRecoleta,LaMerced,andSantoDomingo,andseizedthebuildingcomplexofSanAgustín,locatedonthemainsquareofthecity,foruseasoffices.Thegovernmentsoldconfiscatedlandsin18271828withanominalvalueof214,080pesos(Bs171,264)inCochabambaDepartment.Legislationenabledlandownerstocancelcensosontheirpropertiesatasmallpercentageofthenominalvalue.

TheAugustinianconventofSanAgustínwasthesinglelargestclericallandownerinCochabambaandtheinstitutionmostaffected

bythe1826lawsinceitlostallnineofitsruralproperties.AmongitsholdingswereCollpa,alargehaciendalocatedintheValleAlto,andHaciendaConvento,locatedintheCarazaValley,bothofwhichweresold.CollpawasthelargestandmostvaluablehaciendaownedbySanAgustín,andtheAugustiniansalsooperatedasmallconventthere.10ToribioCano,directoroftheCochabambaofficeofthenationaltreasurywithmarriagetiestotheinfluentiallandowningPazSoldanfamilyboughtCollpaaround1826.11ThehaciendapassedintothehandsofthePazSoldansbetween1846and1850throughinheritance,andsectionsofthehaciendaremainedinthehandsofthefamilyuntilthe1953agrarianreform.12

ThefemaleordersinCochabambaCitynotonlysurvived,butalsoacquiredadditionalruralpropertiesinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury,whenthemoodofthecountrywasmorepro-clerical.In1868,twonunsfromSantaClaraorganizedtheconventofCapuchinnuns.

Membersofthelocalelitedonatedruralpropertiestoprovidefinancialsupportforthenewinstitution.Forexample,oneVirginiaCamacho,whoenteredSantaClara,donatedHaciendaMolleMolletotheCapuchinas.Theparishpriest,PedroParra,donatedtwopropertiesoneinLaMaica,closetoCochabambaCity,andasecondinAyopayaProvince.

13Thefemaleordershadsubstantiallandholdingsintheearlytwentiethcentury:theCapuchinnunsownedeightproperties;SantaTeresaownedseven;andSantaClaradeAsisownedthree,namedCliza,Morochata,andTijrasca,whichithadownedpriortoindependence(seeTable2.3).

TheFranciscansreturnedtoBolivia,beginninginthe1840s,andassumedanimportantroleinthecolonizationoftheeasternandsoutheasternfrontierthroughanambitiousmissionprogram.TheFranciscanscontinuedtorunSanFranciscoinCochabambaCity,andtheyweretheonlymaleregularorderthatstillhadruralland(threeproperties)intheCochabambaregion(seeTable2.3).

Howcanoneaccountfortheresilienceofthefemaleorders?AsocialhistoryoftheregularclergyinBoliviainthenineteenthcenturyhasyettobewritten,butseveralpossibleexplanationscanbeoffered.Thefemaleordersplayedanimportantfunctioninelitesocietybyprovidingarepositoryforsurplusdaughters,whichofferedfamiliesprestigeoratleastaguaranteethatunmarrieddaughterswouldnotcausescandalsthatwoulddamagethereputationofthefamily.Moreover,thefemaleorderslocatedinCochabambaCitythatsurvivedthe1826law,suchasSantaClara,stillhadlargepopulationsofnunsandthuswereexemptfromthetermsofthe1826law.Themaleandfemaleregularorderscarriedoutthisimportantsocialfunctionpriortoandfollowingindependence,buttherewasamarked

shiftineliteattitudestowardthemaleorders.TheSpanishmembersofthemaleorderswerenotwelcomeinBoliviainthe1820s.Attitudeschangedagaininthe1860s.PoliticianssuchasMarianoBaptista,whofoundedtheConservativepartyinthe1880s,wereproclerical,andtheysupportedthereturntoBoliviaofthemaleorders.Forexample,between1879and1896,fivemaleordersreturnedtoBolivia,orcametothecountryforthefirsttime.Asecondclassofchurchlandsremainedunaffectedbythe1826law:ruralandurbanpropertiesownedbysecularparishes.Twenty-twoseparateruralpropertiesbelongedtoparishesintheearlytwentiethcentury(seeTable2.3).Mostparishlandsweresmallinsize,withanextensionoflessthanfivetotenhectares.However,therewereseverallargeandmedium-sizedpropertiessuchasJutalaya,anestancialocatedintheTiraquehighlandswithanextensionof297hectares.Unlikethelandsoftheregularclergy,theparishlands

Table2.3ChurchLandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheLateNineteenth-Century

Institution NumberofPropertiesFemaleOrders

CapuchinNuns 8SantaTeresa 6SantaClara 3

Total 17MaleOrders

SanFrancisco 3Total 3

ParishLandsValleBajo 19ValleAlto 4

Total 23Source:RegistrodeDerechosReales,ChapareProvince;CatastrodelaPropiedadRustica,ArchivodelaPrefecturadeCochabamba,variousjurisdictions;ElHeraldo;ElFerrocarril;andElComercio.

mayhavebeenexploiteddirectlybywagelabororservicetenants,orbysharecropping.Fewadvertisementsappearinthelocalnewspapersfortherentalofparish-ownedlands,afactwhichindicatesdirectexploitationratherthanrental,althoughthereweresomeexceptions.In1923,theCochabambaCitycathedralchapterofferedlandslocatedinQueru-Queru,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity,inrental.

14In1926,theparishpriestofAraniadvertisedtherentalofHaciendasJutalayaandCapellanía.15

Thelandbaseofthechurchdecreasedintheearlytwentiethcentury.Asnotedabove,officialsinSucre'sadministrationassumedthatthefemaleorderswoulddeclinewithoutstateintervention.Thisassumptionproved

tobeonlypartiallycorrect,sincethefemaleordersgrewinnumberandacquiredadditionallands.However,inthelongrun,economicchangesintheCochabambaregionreducedinrealtermstheprincipalsourceofincomeofthefemaleorders,themoneypaidforshort-termrentalofruralproperty.Moreover,withtheexceptionofpiousdonation,productsfromthehaciendasgiventothenunsasapartoftherentaloftheestates,andgoodssuchascandyproducedintheconvents,noothersignificantsourceofincomeexistedforthefemaleorders.Censos,which

providedasmuchasone-halfoftheincomeofseveralofthefemaleorders,hadlargelybeenredeemedatafractionoftheirnominalcapitalvaluebylandownersunderthetermsoflegislationenactedduringtheSucreandsubsequentadministrations:alawofMarch4,1831,enabledlandownerstoredeemcensosfromthesuppressedconventsatone-halftheirnominalcapitalvalue,andtopayoffalargepercentageindepreciateddebtcertificates.Therewasanothershiftinattitudestowardthechurchinthefirsttwodecadesofthetwentiethcenturyfollowingtheseizureofpowerin1899bythemoreanti-clericalLiberalparty.

AnexaminationoftherentspaidforHaciendaClizadocumentstheerosionoftherealincomeofthefemaleordersduringthelatenineteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofinflation.Theimpactofpriceinflationcanbemeasuredbyacomparisonofthegrowthofselectedcommodityprices,cornandwheat,withtherentspaidforthehacienda.UnderthetermsofacontractfortherentalofHaciendaClizabetween1875and1877,therenterspaidayearlyrentofBs21,040.

16Twenty-fouryearslater,in1901,thesamepropertywasofferedinrentalatabasepriceofBs23,780,theamountreceivedinthepreviousrentalperiod.17Thisrepresentedanincreaseofonly13percent.Duringthesameperiodmeasuredherefromtheyear1881,inordertoavoidthedistortioninpricescausedbythe18771879droughtcrisislocalcornandwheatpricesincreased70percentand41percent,respectively.Moreover,inflationwasevenmoresevereafter1901.18

Theerosionoftherealvalueoftherentspaidforchurch-ownedestatesplacedconsiderablepressureonthefemaleorders.In1911and1912,thelayadministratorsofSantaTeresaandtheCapuchinnunsplacedseveralhaciendasonthemarket,reportedlyfor''economic

need"thatis,foreconomicdistress.19In1912,theadministratorofSantaTeresaadvertisedthesaleofHaciendaLiquinasinCantónTolataatabasepriceofBs66,666.66.ThehaciendasoldforBs109,000inthesameyear.20Themostextensivealienationofchurch-ownedlandintheearlytwentiethcenturywasthesystematicsubdivisionoflandsfromHaciendaClizabetween1891and1920.Themotiveforthesaleofthelandwasthedesiretobuildanew,larger,andcomfortableconventandchurchatadifferentsitetoreplacethecolonialperiodstructurethatthenunsoccupied,andtheinabilitytoraisethenecessaryfundsfromothersources.Thelayadministratorinitiatedsalesofsmallparcelsofhaciendalandinthe1890stobegintheprocessofaccumulatingcapitalfortheconstructionproject;andthenafter1913,whentheprojectstalledfromashortageoffunds,theadministratorofferedlargesectionsoflandfromHaciendaClizafor

sale.Accordingtooneaccount,totalsalesoflandfromHaciendaClizareachedavalueofsomeBs2,000,000through1917.

Inthe1890s,theconventadministratorsoldsmallparcelsoflandfromthehacienda,withasizeoflessthanonehectareoravalueoflessthanBs500,andhouselotsingrowingClizatown.22Constructionofthenewcomplexbeganin1912,buthadtobesuspendedshortlyafterwardduetoalackoffunds.In1913,thelayadministratorannouncedthesaleoffourteenmiddle-andlarge-sizedpropertieswithatotalappraisedvalueofBs686,742.23Lotsix,forexample,hadabasepriceofBs70,300andasurfaceareaof67.36hectares,andlottenabasepriceofBs108,249andanareaof184.86hectares.24Boliviawasinthemidstofaneconomicdepressionin1913and1914,andinitiallynoneofthepropertiesweresold.In1914,thelayadministratorofferedtheindividuallotsinrentalforoneyear.25Astheeconomyrecovered,however,morebuyerscameforwardforthelargelots.Thevolumeofsalesdroppedinthe1920s,followingthecompletionofthenewcomplex;butin1939thelayadministratoragreed,undersomepressurefromthegovernment,tosell217.30hectaresoflandfromHaciendaClizatolandlessservicetenants,althoughtheadministratortookadvantageoftheagreementtosellhaciendalandstomembersofthelocalelite.26Altogether,some1,974hectares,or71percentoftheareaofHaciendaCliza,weresoldbetween1891and1940.However,thenunsofSantaClaraandtheotherregularordersthatstillownedlandattheendofthe1920sonlylostcontrolofthoselandswiththeimplementationafter1953oftheagrarianreformlaw.

Economicfactorsunderminedtheviabilityofthefemaleordersintheearlytwentiethcentury.Moreover,inthehostileanti-clerical

atmosphereofthe1900sand1910s,duringLiberalpartyrule,thefemaleordersmostlikelyreceivedlessfinancialsupport,andwereforcedtoselllandstoinvestinhighinterestbonds.Theroleofthechurchinearlytwentieth-centuryBoliviastillrequiresadditionalresearch,especiallyintherecordsoftheconventsandmonasteriesthemselves.

StateRegulationofCommunityLands

UntiltheendoftheeighteenthcenturythecolonialstatedidnotattempttooverseetheinternaldistributionoflandsinthecorporateIndiancommunitiesintheCochabambaregion,althoughcrownofficialsproposedplanstoreducethenumberofforasterosandtocollectmoretributefromthem.Forexample,inthe1680stheviceroy,DuquedelaPalata,directed

thepreparationofacensusthatwouldformthebasisofareformofthetributesysteminAltaPeru,designedtoincreasetheobligationsofforasterostothecrown.

27However,thenextviceroysuspendedthetributereform.Inthe1780sand1790s,reform-mindedcrownofficialsproposedchangesinthetributesystemasapartofageneralefforttoincreaselevelsofgovernmentrevenuesinAltoPeru.Again,asinthe1680s,officialsproposedmodifyingthefiscalstatusofforasterosinanefforttomakethempaymoretribute.Inthesixteenth,seventeenth,andeighteenthcenturies,therewasalarge-scalemigrationofforasterostotheeasternintermediatevalleysoftheeasternAndescordillera,andadeclineinthenumberoforiginarios.Between1573and1683,forexample,thenumberoforiginariosinthethreecommunitieslocatedintheValleBajodroppedfrom1,997to244.In1683,711forasteroslivedinthejurisdictionofthethreecommunities.In1786,therewere196originariosand837forasterosinthejurisdictionofthecommunities.28ThedeclineinthenumberoforiginariosdidnotsignaladropinthenumberofpeasantslivingintheValleBajowhowereidentifiedasbeing"Indian."Between1683and1786,thenumberofIndianslivinginthepartidoofTapacari,whichincludedtheValleBajo,increasedfrom5,693to14,676.29

Followingtherevoltsintheearly1780sofTúpacAmaru-TúpacKatari,anewclassofofficialsknownasintendantsweregiventheauthorityforthefirsttimetointerveneinthecommunities,andifdeemednecessary,todistributeunusedorunderusedlandstoforasteros.30InCochabamba,IntendantFranciscodeViedmadistributedcommunitylandstoforasteros,andchangedtheirfiscalstatustooriginarios.Viedmadistributedland,between1786and1793,toninety-oneforasterosinSipeSipe,seventy-nineinPasso,and

sixty-seveninTiquipaya.AhandfulofforasterosreceivedlandsinthehighlandcommunitiesofVacas(viceparishofPoconacommunity)andSicaya(viceparishofCapinotacommunity).31Moreover,effortstoincreaselevelsoftributecollectedgenerallyprovedtobesuccessful.Between1780and1784,tributecollectedinCochabambatotaled241,809pesos,andthetotalincreasedto460,314pesosintheyears17951799.32Theincreaseintheamountoftributecollectedcanbeattributedtomoreefficientcollection,aswellasthecreationofneworiginarioswhopaidahighertributerate.

FollowingBolivianindependence,therepublicangovernmentcontinuedtoredistributecommunitylandsinordertomaintaintribute,whichconstitutedanimportantsourceofgovernmentrevenue,atexistinglevels.In1844,forexample,thegovernmentcommissionedoneFranciscoSemperteguitolocatelandsintheValleBajotoberedistributedtonewori-

ginariosandforasteros.Semperteguidistributedsome558hectaresoflandto110neworiginariosintheValleBajo:6inCantónColcapirhua,14inPasso,12inTiquipaya,and78inSipeSipe.Moreover,Semperteguidistributedsome28hectaresoflandtonewforasteros:6inPassoand20inTiquipaya.Landswerealsodistributedto7neworiginariosinCantónTapacari(TapacariProvince),whoreceived575hectaresofland;thegovernmentgave146hectaresoflandto8neworiginariosinCantónItipaya(TapacariProvince),andsetasideasmallplotofcommunitylandsinCantónChalla(TapacariProvince)forthesupportoftheChallatambo.

Therewasasecondredistributionofcommunitylandsinthelate1850sandearly1860s,followingamajormortalitycrisisin1856thatreducedthenumberoftributaries.However,incontrasttothe1844programoflandredistribution,communitylandsinthe1850sand1860swereredistributedinsomeinstancesundertheinitiativeofindividualcommunitymemberswhopetitionedofficialsforpossessionoflandsdefinedbythegovernmentasbeingusurpedorvacant.34Inothercases,thegovernmentredistributedcommunitylandsinthe1850stolandlessforasteros,whothusbecameoriginarioswiththeobligationtopaythefulltribute.

The1856epidemicsignificantlyreducedtheIndianpopulationinCochabambaDepartment,aswellasthenumberoftributaries.TheIndianpopulationofsixprovincesinCochabambaDepartmentdroppedfrom50,770in1852to35,454in1858,twoyearsfollowingtheepidemic.35ThenumberoftributariesindifferentpartsofCochabambadropped.ThenumberoftributariesinCercadoProvince(CochabambaCity,Itocta,CalaCala,Sacaba,Colomi,andTablas)droppedfrom507in1850and448in1855to181thirteenyearslater,

in1868.36Similarly,thenumberoftributariesinselectedjurisdictionsintheValleAltoandadjoininghighlandareas(Paredón,Punata,SanBenito,Arani,andTiraque)declinedfrom495in1850to263in1867.37Intheyearfollowingtheepidemic,theBoliviangovernmentpassedalaw(onJuly25,1857)thatmandatedtheredistributionoflandsleftvacantbytheepidemicto"honorable"Indians,whichservedasthebasisforthedistributionofcommunitylandstoforasteros.38

ThetributerecordsforCantónCapinotashowtheimpactofthe1857law.Priortotheepidemicin1856,therewere81originarioswithlandinCapinota,199originarioswithoutland,and166forasteros.39Inthewakeoftheepidemic,landlessoriginariosandforasteroswereresettledaslandedoriginarios.Thetributecensusesof1858,1863,and1871record115originarios,whocontrolledacommunityterritorythatembraced

Table2.4TributariesbyFiscalCategoryinCantonCapinotainSelectedYears*

YearOriginariosWithLand

OriginariosWithoutLand

ForasterosWithoutLand

1850 79 197 1781856 81 199 1661858 115 196 NotAvailable1863 115 100 1061871 115 85 77*IncludesdataforSicaya.Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,SelectedYears.

atotalof3,696.91.64hectaresofland.

40Nevertheless,disputesovercommunitylanddidoccurinthedecadefollowingtheepidemicandthecreationofnewlandedoriginarios.Forexample,in1867,undertheregimeofMaríanoMelgarejo(18641871),duringanefforttosellcommunitylands,thegovernmentannouncedthesaleofsixparcelsoflandinIrpaIrpa,withatotalareaof18.96.33hectaresreportedlyusurpedbyoriginarioswho,accordingtothegovernment,hadnorighttousethedisputedlands.41

CantónQuirquiavi,locatedintheArquehighlands,providesamorecomplexexampleofstate-directedchangeintheinternalstructureofacommunity.Thetributecensusesshowthat,in1858,therewere359landlessforasterosandnolandedoriginarios.In1862,thegovernmentconductedadeslinde(examinationoflandtitlesandboundaries),whichwaspromptedbyarevoltontheprivatelyownedpropertythathadpreviouslydominatedthearea.42Accordingtothetributecensusespreparedin1863and1871,respectively,therewere317and324landedoriginariosinCantónQuirquiavi,andonly83and122landlessforasteros.43Inotherwords,the1862deslinderesultedinthedistributionoflandtomorethan300newlycreatedoriginarios.

ThedistributionoflandinQuirquiaviin1862transformedthestructureoflandtenure.Duringthecolonialperiod,theJesuitsownedHaciendaQuirquiaviuntiltheirexpulsioninthelate1760s,afterwhichitwasadministeredbythegovernment.44AprivatefamilyboughtHaciendaQuirquiavi,mostlikelyinthe1820s.In1860,thehaciendawasdividedintofoursectionsinordertorealizethedivisionofanestateforinheritance.After1862,noprivatepropertiesexistedinQuirquiavi.Writingin

theDiccionarioGeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia,Dr.FedericoBlanconoted,ofQuirquiavi:"Itisveryextensiveandpreviouslywasasinglecommunity."

45Altogether,thegovernmentdistributedsome6,687.98.52hectaresoflandtotheneworiginarios,acalculationbasedupondatafromthecadastralsurvey.46InadditiontothelandsassignedinCantónQuirquiavi,theIndiansofQuirquiaviapparentlypooledtheirresourcesandboughtHaciendaChallomaGrande,locatedinCantónTacopayaalongtheArqueRiveratalowerelevationthanQuirquiavi,fromoneDr.SamuelGonzalesPortal,apropertywithasurfaceareaof258.84.76hectaresofland.47TheacquisitionofChallomaGrandereflectedthestrategyofcontrollinglandsatdifferentecologicalniches.

After1864,governmentpolicytowardcommunitylandsshifted,andtheintegrityofthecommunitycameunderattack.Fromasupervisorialrole,thegovernmentattemptedtoextinguishthecommunitiesandpromotethemodernizationoftheruraleconomy.Thefollowingsectionoutlinesanti-communitylegislationpassedbetweenthe1820sand1880s,andtheerosionofthecommunitylandbaseintheValleBajofromthe1870stotheearlytwentiethcentury.

GovernmentPolicyandIndigenousCorporateCommunityLandsinCochabamba

Followingindependencein1825,BolivianelitesfacedwhattheydefinedasanIndianproblem:theneedtocontroland,atthesametime,integratetheIndianmajorityintothepoliticalandsociallifeofthecountry.Therewasalsothequestionofcontinuedownershipbythecommunitiesoflargetractsoflandthatwereconsideredbysometobeanobstacletothemodernizationofagricultureandsociocultural

integration.Advocatesoftheexpropriationofcommunitylandsarguedthatcommunitymembersdidnotfullyexploittheirlandtotheirmaximumpotential,althoughnoconcreteevidencesubstantiatesthisclaim.However,thedissolutionofthecommunitycouldnotoccuraslongasthestatedependedupontributeasanimportantsourceofrevenue.Nevertheless,differentadministrationsbetween1825and1864passedlawsthatredefinedthelegalstatusofcommunitylands,andinsomecasesproposedthedistributionofindividualparcelsoflandtocommunitymembersortheoutrightexpropriationofcommunitylands.Whilenotalwaysimmediatelyenforcedorenforceable,theselawsprovidedimportantlegalprecedentsforlegislationenactedinthe1860s,1870s,and1880s.Polit-

icalturmoil,foreigninvasion,andthefiscalweaknessoftheBolivianstateinthe1820sto1860sdelayedchangesintheinternalstructureofthecommunitiesortheircontrolofland.

TherewasamajorshiftinpolicywhentheadministrationofMaríanoMelgarejo(18641871)begantosellseveralclassesofcommunitylandsthathadbeenforfeitedbecausethecommunitiesfailedtoprovideproofoftitleorhadnotpaid"consolidation"fees.Thequestionofthedissolutionofthecommunityinthe1860sgeneratedconsiderabledebateamongpoliticians,bothadvocatesofthesaleofcommunitylandsandthose,increasinglyaminority,whoupheldtherightofthecommunitiestoretaintheirlands.Thesupportersoftheexpropriationofcommunitylandsandtheexpansionofthehaciendawonthedebate.Forexample,awealthySucremerchant,JoseDorado,aspokesmanfortheadvocatesofthesaleofcommunitylands,wrotein1864thatitwasnecessarytotakecommunitylands,

fromthehandsofignorantandbackwardsIndianswithoutthemeans,capacity,orwilltocultivate,andpassthemtotheenterprising,activeandintelligentwhiterace,[whichis]covetousof[agricultural]properties,[which]effectively[wouldbe]thehealthiest[waytoachievethe]conversionoftheBoliviansocialandeconomicorder.Toseparatethe[communitylands],then,fromthedeadhands[manosmuertas]ofIndiansistoreturn[thelands]totheirusefulandproductiveconditionand[thus]benefitallhumanity;toconvertthemintotheinstrumentofthehighgoalsofprovidence.49

Doradofurtherwrote

TheIndianinBoliviaconstitutesastateapart,indifferentinallpointstotheoccurrencesandchangesthatthewhiteclassexperiences,andservingasanobstacletotheprogressandreformthatcivilizationrequires.50

TheIndianlandsalesinthe1860sdevelopedinseveralstages.AlawofMarch20,1866,stipulatedthatcommunitymemberspaybetweentwenty-fiveandonehundredpesostoconsolidatetitletotheirlandswithinsixtydays,orfacethelossoftheirlandsthroughpublicauction.Twoyearslater,in1868,aconstituentassemblyorganizedtorewriteBolivia'sconstitutiondeclaredcommunitylandstobestateproperty,andthegovernmentbegantosellcommunitylandsatauction.Thelandsales

provokedlarge-scaleresistancebycommunitymembersthatcontributedtoMelgarejo'sfallfrompower.

TheMelgarejolandprogramaffectedthreeclassesofcommunitylandsinCochabambaDepartment.The1866lawgavecommunitymemberstheoptionofconsolidating(obtainingindividualtitleto)thesubsistenceplotstheyworked.ConsolidationoftitletocommunitylandsoccurredmostfrequentlyinCantónTapacari,ahighlanddistrict,althoughcommunitymembersintheValleBajoandotherdistrictsalsoobtainedtitletotheirlands.CommunitymembersinTapacariobtainedtitletotwenty-nineasignaciones(landsassignedtocommunitymembers),withasurfaceareaofsome4,158hectares,or19.7percentoftheareaofcommunitylandsinthejurisdiction.

51Privateindividualsalsoconsolidatedtitletolandsunderthetermsofthe1866legislation.In1866,oneRosendoVelascopaidBs1,536fortitleto15.71hectaresoflandinCantónSipeSipe(ValleBajo).52Theselandsretainedthestatusofprivatepropertiesduringthedissolutionofthecommunitiessetinmotionwiththepassagein1874ofthelawofex-vinculación.

Thesecondcategoryoflandsaffectedwerethosedeclaredvacantbyreasonofthedeathorabsenceofthecommunitymemberswhohadusufructrights,orhadbeenusurpedbycommunitymembersorotherswhodidnotholdusufructrightstothelandsinquestion.Atotaloftwenty-ninesuchpropertieswenttotheauctionblockinCochabambaDepartment,andremainedinthehandsofthepurchasersfollowingMelgarejo'sfallfrompower.53

Thesaleofthethirdcategoryoflands,communitylandstowhichcommunitymembersstillhadusufructrights,provokedaviolentresponseintheformoflarge-scalerevoltbeginningin1869.By1871,

theyearinwhichMelgarejofellfrompower,sometwentythousandIndianswereinarmsinthealtiplano,thepartofthecountrywherethesalesofcommunitylandshadtheirgreatestimpact.54Forexample,thegovernmentsoldsome600,000hectaresofcommunitylandinOmasuyos,SicaSica,andPacajesinLaPazDepartmentthroughtheendof1869.SalesofcommunitylandsintheValleBajoinCochabambadepartmenttotaledanestimated1,719hectaresofland,orabout44.5percentofalllands.55

ExpediencydictatedthereturnofcommunitylandssoldduringtheMelgarejoadministration.TheMoralesregime(18711872),whichreplacedMelgarejo,wasinnopositiontofacecontinuedlarge-scaleresistancebycommunitymembers,andreturnedthecommunitylandssoldbetween1868and1870.However,supportfortheexpropriationofcorn-

munitylandspersistedamonginfluentialmembersoftheelite.Writingin1874,nationaltreasurerPantaleónDalenceargued:

Individualproperty[titles]willbringamongother[benefits,]theextinctionofthecommunities,[a]constantthreattoneighboringproperties,truehindrancetothecivilizationoftheaboriginal,andinsuperableobstacletothefusionofthetworacesinonehomogeneoussociety,whosestrengthresultsfromthecohesionofitselements.

Legislationpassedin1874launchedanewattackoncommunitylands,butdidnotattempttheoutrightexpropriationofcommunitylands,asMelgarejohadattemptedtodo.Thebasisofthenewlegislationwasthewithdrawalbythenationalgovernmentofthelegalrecognitionpreviouslyenjoyedbythecommunities;theabolitionofcommunallandtenures;andthedistributionofindividuallandtitlestoallcomunitarios(communitymembers)withdocumentedusufructrights.Modificationstothe1874lawofex-vinculaciónincludedtheimpositionin1880ofafeeofBs5.00toBs50.00forthepurchaseofsealedpaperusedintherecordingoflandtitles,andanotherlawofAugust16,1880whichallowedtheadjudicationoflandinpro-indiviso(undividedcommonlyheldland)tenures,aconcessionmadebythegovernmentinthefaceofpeasantresistanceinthealtiplanoduringtheWarofthePacific.57Thenewlandownersalsobecameresponsibleforpayingtherurallandtaxcreatedinthemid-1870storeplacetithesandprimicias.

Tocarryoutthetaskofthemeasurementofeachplotoflandandthedistributionoftitlesthegovernmentcreatedspeciallandcommissions(mesasrevisitadores).Thecommissionsinitiatedtheworkofdistributingtitlesin1876and1878withmixedresults.58CommunitymembersinOruro,Potosí,andLaPazdepartmentsresistedthe

measurementoflands,andonlythecommunitymembersinCochabambadepartment,particularlythoseintheValleBajo,supportedthedivisionoftheirlandsintoindividualparcels.59

IntheValleBajo,forexample,salesofformercommunitylandsbeganafter1878.BolivianscholarGustavoRodriguezestimatedthetotalareaofcommunitylandssoldintheValleBajobetween1878and1900.Accordingtohisestimatessome74percentofthelandofSipeSipe,Passo,Tiquipaya,andColcapirhuacommunitieschangedhands.60IhavereworkedRodríguez'sestimatesinTable2.6,andaddedanindexwhichclarifiesthepatternsofsalesofcommunitylands.ThegreatestvolumeofsalesinColcapirhua,Tiquipaya,andPasso,theformercommunitieslo-

Table2.5CommunityLandsinCochabambaDepartmentc.1878

CantónNumberofAsignaciones

AreaofLandinHectares

MeanSizeAsignacioninHectares

SipeSipe 222 1,164.96.02 5.24.76Tiquipaya 234 1,475.88.40 6.30.72Passo 248 1,233.41.00 4.97.34Itapaya 22 344.56.12 15.66.19Colcapirhua 49 219.23.67 4.47.42Capinota 115 3,696.91.00 32.14.70Pocona 138 1,071.31.69 7.76.32Chimboata 11 90.64.02 8.24.00Vacas 199 2,301.44.81 11.56.51Tapacari 114 12,272.32.97 107.65.20Challa 10 2,038.38.00 203.83.80Quirquiavi 36 6,687.98.52 185.77.74Source:FedericoBlanco,DiccionarioGeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1901),passim;GustavoRodriguez,''Economiacampesina,mercado,ycrisisagraria(18801952).Notasparasuestudio,"EstudiosUMSS3(1988),p.23;CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantonQuirquiavi.

catedclosesttoCochabambaCityoccurredintheyearsimmediatelyfollowingthedistributionofindividuallandtitles.Incontrast,salesoflandfromSipeSipe,theformercommunitylocatedfurthestfromCochabambaCity,weremorefrequentafter1883.Inotherwords,locationinrelationtothelargestlocalurbanmarketinfluencedtherateofcommunitylandsales.Communitylandslocatedclosesttothecitypassedintothehandsofnon-communitymembersatafasterrate.Table2.7summarizesdatafromasampleof999salesofcommunitylandsintheeightyearsbetween1886and1894bytheprofessionofthepurchaser.Themeansizeoftheparcelsoldwas0.79.50hectares,buttheaveragevariedaccordingtotheprofessionofthepurchaser.Although

largelandownersdidbuyformercommunitylandsinsmall,medium,andlargeparcels,muchofthelandsoldduringthesampleperiodwenttosmallfarmers,landlesspeasants,andartisans.IncontrasttothepatternsassumedintheBolivianaltiplanoandotherareasinLatinAmerica,theremovalofthelegalprotectionsthatguaranteedcommunitymembersaccesstolanddidnotautomaticallyleadtoagreatermonopolizationofagriculturallandsbyasmallhacienda-owningclass.Landlesspeasantsandsmalllandownersenjoyedopportunitiestoaccumulatesmallamountsofcapitalfromseveralsources.Expandingcash

Table2.6EstimatedArea(InHectares)andIndexofCommunityLandsSold(18781882=100)intheValleBajo,18781900Year SipeSipe Index Passo Index Tiquipaya Index18781882 149.10 100 224.45 100 265.04 10018831887 231.65 155 177.86 79 245.61 9318881892 213.59 143 177.10 79 138.50 5218931897 158.13 106 165.50 74 90.22 3418981900 65.02 44 68.89 31 75.99 29Total 857.49 813.80 813.36Source:GustavoRodriguez,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajocochabambino,"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LasComunidadesIndigenasenlaRegionAndinaduranteelSigloXIX,"Quito,Ecuador,March,1989.

Table2.7SalesofCommunityLandintheValleBajobytheProfessionoftheBuyer,18861894

ProfessionNumbersofPurchases %

AreainHectares %

MeanSizeParcel

Farmer 601 60.2 422.58.12 53.2 0.71.31Artisan 49 4.9 39.38.06 5.0 0.80.36Merchant 27 2.7 20.77.50 2.6 0.76.94Professional 66 6.6 80.67.00 10.2 1.22.22LargeLandowner 103 10.3 93.63.93 11.8 0.90.91NotSpecified 102 10.2 101.43.44 12.8 0.99.44Other 51 5.1 35.80.29 4.5 0.70.20Total 999 100 794.28.34 100.1 0.79.50Source:GustavoRodriguez,Expansiondellatifundioosupervivenciadelascomunidadesindigenas:CambiosenlaestructuraagrariabolivianadelsigloXlX(Cochabamba,1982),p.16B.

incomeallowedthemtobuythoseparcelsthatbecameavailableinthelandmarket.Inthefirstthreedecadesofthepresentcentury,peasantsfromCochabambaandotherpartsofthecountrymigratedtoworkinthenitratefieldsofnorthernChile,sugarplantationsofnorthernArgentina,andthetinminesintheBolivianaltiplano,andinmanyinstances,theyreturnedtoCochabambatobuyland.

61Accordingtooneauthor,

ThedivisionofthelargepropertiesinQuillacolloIaprovinceintheValleBajo]wasproducedpriortothe[1953]agrarianreformthroughdirectpurchasemadebypeasantswho,onreturningfromthenitratefields[innorthernChile]ofthe[tin]mines,disposedofsmall[amountsof]capitalthatpermittedthemtohaveaccesstosmallproperties.62

Peasantsalsoearnedmoneybyworkingforhaciendasonaseasonalbasisduringthepeakdemandforlaboratharvesttime,orbyselling

chicha(fermentedcornbeer)orproducelocallyorinthealtiplano.63

AdetailedcasestudyofSipeSipecommunityintheValleBajoshedsfurtherlightonthelong-termimpactonpatternsoflandtenureofthesaleofcommunitylands.LocatedatthepointwheretheTapacariRiverValleyjoinstheValleBajo,SipeSipecommunitycontrolledprimefertileandwell-wateredagriculturallands.ViceroyFranciscodeToledoorderedtheresettlementinthe1580sofIndianpeasantslivinginscatteredhamletsintoasinglecommunitywithaclearlydefinedterritory,althoughcommunitymembersreturnedtolivinginsmallhamletsdistributedthrough-

outthecommunityterritory.Eachhamletassumedanindependentidentityasaseparatepeasantcommunity.

ThefertilityofthesoilandaccesstoseasonallaborfromthecommunityattractedSpanishlandownerswhocreatedhaciendasonthemarginsofSipeSipecommunity,andalsousurpedcommunitylands.Tenhaciendassurroundedthecommunityintheearly1690s,andfifteeninthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury.

64Ahandfulofindividualscarvedanumberoffincas(smallhaciendas)outofcommunitylandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Accordingtodataabstractedfromthecadastralsurvey,thenewlycreatedfincasoccupiedatleastsome426hectaresofland,or21.6percentoftheareaofcommunitylandsinthe1820s.65

AnactivemarketinIndianlandsdevelopedinthe1880sand1890s,andthelong-termpatternwasoneofanincreasingnumberofsalesofsmallpropertiesandaproliferationinthenumberofsmallparcelsoflandwithanareaoflessthantenhectares(seeTable2.8).Mostofthelandsalesinvolvedformercommunitylands,andthegreatestdegreeofparcelizationoflandsinCantónSipeSipeoccurredintheterritoryoftheformercommunity,asshownbyadetailedexaminationofthreehamletslocatedwithintheboundariesofthecommunity.

ThefirstexampleisMallcorrancho.Thecadastralsurveypreparedaround1924listed343separatepropertiesinMallcorrancho,292withanareaoflessthanonehectare.Only2propertieshadanareaofmorethantenhectares.Thebulkofthesalesregisteredthrough1929weresmallparcelswithanareaoflessthanfivehectares.

ThesecondcasestudyisPayacollo.Therewere88separateasignacionesinthedistrictintheearly1870s,and231separate

propertieswithatotalsurfaceareaofnearly138hectaresinthemid-1920s.Thesinglelargestproperty,oneofthefincascreatedfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,occupiedanareaofsome20hectares.Theother230parcelshadameanareaof0.51.12hectares.Again,asinthepreviouscase,thebulkoflandsalesinPayacolloinvolvedsmallparcelsofland.

ThefinalcasestudyisTiuRancho,asmallhamletlocatedclosetoSipeSipevillage.In1924,therewere109propertieswithameansizeof0.39.41hectares,andnopropertieswithasizeofmorethan10hectares.Thelandregistryrecorded42landtransactionsinTiuRancho,mostwithasizeoflessthan5hectares.

Inthethreecasesoutlinedabove,thebulkofformercommunitylandbelongedinthe1920stosmallpeasantlandownersknownlocallyaspiqueros,someofwhomwereformercommunitymembersortheirdescendants.Thepatternoflandtenureandthestructureofthelandmarket

Table2.8LandSalesinCantonSipeSipe,c.18801929AreainHectares:

PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 5.9.99 1049.99 5099.99 100+149.99 166 3 0 0 0 05099.99 240 7 0 0 0 0100499.99 825 60 2 0 0 0500999.99 191 74 2 1 0 010004999.99 51 48 8 9 0 050009999.99 1 4 1 5 0 210000+ 0 0 1 0 1 1PriceNotGiven 12 4 0 0 0 0Total 1,436 200 14 15 1 3Source:DR;TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince.

thatcontributedtothegrowthinthenumberofpiqueroswasgeneralizedthroughouttheformerSipeSipecommunityterritory.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedinthemid-1920s,thereweremorethanthreethousandseparateparcelsinCantónSipeSipewithasizeoflessthantenhectares,largelyconcentratedintheformercommunityterritory.

CorporateindigenouscommunitiesinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentevidencedpatternsofchangeinlandtenuredistinctfromthepatternsdocumentedfortheValleBajo.CantónQuirquiavioffersamorecomplexpatternoftransformationinthestructureoflandtenureintheyearsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Theoriginallegislationpassedin1874attemptedtoabolishallformsofcommunallandtenure,andtoforcecommunitymemberstotakeindividualtitletotheirlands.However,intheearly1880sthegovernmentmadeanumberofcompromisesthatmodifiedtheoriginalintentofthelaw.Forexample,onAugust16,1880,attheheightof

theWarofthePacific,whenmostofBolivia'sarmywasinTarapaca,thegovernmentpassedalawthatallowedcommunitymemberstoreceivetitleinanundividedpro-indivisotenure.Tocarryoutthetaskofmeasuringtheindividualparcelstobegrantedtocommunitymembersandtodistributeindividualtitles,thegovernmentcreatedmesasrevisitadores(landcommissions),basedupontheexistingtributesystem.Thelandcommissionsbeganthetaskofmeasuringlandsin1876,butwithmixedresults.CommunitymembersinPotosí,Oruro,andLaPazdepartmentsactivelyre-

sistedthevisitsofthelandcommissions.Asaresult,theworkofdistributinglandtitleslastedlongerthanhadoriginallybeenanticipated,andinsomeareasthelandcommissionsnevercompletedtheirtask.

InlightofthereputationthatthecommunitymembersofQuirquiavihadforviolentresistance,thelandcommissionsworkedslowly.Commissionsadjudicatedlandin1880,1883,andagainin1897.MostoftheestanciaslocatedinQuirquiaviremainedinthehandsofcommunitymembersinthepro-indivisotenure(2,835.47.41hectares);thelandcommissionsgrantedindividualtitletothirty-sixestanciastocommunitymembers(3,018.17.30hectares),andreturnedtwelveproperties(834.33.81hectares)tothepublicdomain.However,thecadastralsurveypreparedaround1916showsthatthemembersofQuirquiaviayllu,atotalof483originarios,controlledforty-eightestanciasinthejurisdiction.

67Mostlikelyduringtherevisitasconductedin1880and1883,thelandcommissionsgrantedtitletothirty-sixestanciastoindividualcommunitymembersandtitletotheremainingtwelveestanciasinpro-indivisotenure.However,in1897thelandcommissionsenttoQuirquiavireversedtheworkofthepreviouscommissions,andgrantedtitletoallforty-eightestanciasinpro-indivisotenure.

BecauseofQuirquiavi'srelativeisolationfromregionalmarketsandthelowerqualityofitsland,therewerefewersalesofcommunityland.Between1895and1928,therewereonlythirty-eightlandsalesrecordedinCantónQuirquiavi.Elevensalesregisteredin1909and1910wererelatedtothesaleandresaleofthetwelvestate-ownedpropertiesinthejurisdiction.68Inthelate1940s,ontheeveofBolivia'sagrarianreform,fifty-twocommunity-ownedestanciasinQuirquiaviembracedsome5,746.00.02hectaresofland,or98%of

thelandcontrolledaround1916.69

HaciendaChallomaGrande,locatedinCantónTacopaya,passedintothehandsofprivateindividualsthroughaseriesofsalesrecordedbetween1888and1916.OnePabloCespedes,amerchantwhoresidedinQuirquiavitownandwaspossiblyamemberofQuirquiaviaylluwhoenteredcreolesociety,purchasedsharestoChallomaGrandefromindividualmembersofQuirquiaviaylluinsmalltransactions.In1888,1890,and1894,forexample,Cespedesboughttwenty-nineparcelsorsharesintheproperty.70Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedaround1916,Cespedesowned238.01.60hectaresinChallomaGrande.MiguelLeque,alsoamemberofQuirquiaviayllu,owned11.90.60hectaresofland,whileMiguelOrtizownedaparcelof8.92.56hectares.71

Theimpactofthelawofex-vinculaciónvariedinotherhighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartment,especiallywheretherewaslessdemandforhighlandcommunitylands.CommunitymembersinCantónChalla(TapacariProvince)optedtoreceivecommunaltitletotheirlandsinanundividedpro-indivisotenure,andmaintainedcontrolovermostoftheirlands.In1903,Challaayllucollectivelyowned1,260hectaresofland,andvirtuallythesameamountoflandinthelate1940s.

72InCantónVacas(AraniProvince),thelandcommissionsadjudicatedtitletocomunitariosofastandard-sizedparcelof8.64hectaresin1879,butseveralyearslater,theygaveadditionallandstoformercommunitymembersunderthetermsofalawofOctober1,1880,whichstipulatedthat"excess"landscouldbereturned.Forexample,PetronaMamanireceivedtitlein1879tothestandard-sizedparcelinMayoc-chipa,andanadditional106.56hectaresoflandin1883.73OneexceptionwasCantónTapacari,intheprovinceofthesamename.Accordingtooneestimate,some4,442hectares,or36percentoftotalcommunitylands,passedoutofthehandsofcomunitariosbetween1884and1902.74Significantly,TapacariwaslocatedontheprincipalroutebetweenCochabambaandthealtiplano,andexportedgrainandpotatoestoOruroandotheraltiplanourbancenters.Asaresult,therewasmoredemandforlandinthedistrict.

TheAdministrationofState(FormerCommunity)Lands

Followingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,thelandcommissionsreturnedwhatthegovernmentdefinedasexcesscommunitylandslocatedintheValleBajo,CantónVacas,CantónTapacari,andCantónQuirquiavitothepublicdomain(seeTable2.9).AlthoughthegovernmentsoldsomeoftheformercommunitylandsintheValleBajointhe1880s,thestandardformofmanagementwas

rental,underthesupervisionoftheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncil.Forexample,in1878JoséMoscoso,aprominentCochabambalandownerandpolitician,rentedthestate-ownedestanciasinCantónVacasatarateofBs2,208peryear.75In1885,CiprianoBalderramaandFructuosoZapatacelebratedacontractforthesubrentaloftheVacasestanciasatarateofBs3,200peryear.76Therearenumerousnewspaperadvertisementsfortherentalofthestate-ownedestancias,andtherentpaidforthelandincreasedrapidlyintheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,withlandownersanticipatinganexpansioninaccesstothealtiplanourbanmarket

astheOruro-Cochabambarailroadreachedcompletion.In1912,JoséUreypaidBs21,507fortherentaloftheVacasestancias,anincreaseof874percentoverthefirstrentalrecordedin1878.

Theadministrationofthestate-controlledformercommunitylandschangedafter1900.AlawofJanuary15,1900,mandatedthatthenewLiberal-partygovernmentreclassifythestatelandsinCochabambaDepartmentasbienesdeinstrucción.Moneyearnedfromtherentaland,later,thesaleofsaidlands,againunderthesupervisionoftheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncil,wastobeinvestedininterest-bearingbonds(letrashipotecarias).Theinterestfromthebondswastobeusedtosupportpubliceducation.78Until1909,themunicipalcouncilusedmoneyproducedfromtherentaloftheestanciastosupporttheeducationofchildrenofwell-to-dourbanfamilies.

In1909,CochabambaDepartmentprefectSantosQuiroga(19081910)riggedthesaleofthestateestanciasinCantónQuirquiaviforlandspeculatorswhohopedtoprofitfromtheconstructionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroad,whichwasslatedtopassclosetothedistrict.QuirogaabandonedthestandardpracticeofadvertisingpublicsalesinallCochabambaCitynewspapers,andonlyadvertisedtheauctioninatemporaryLiberal-partynewspapercreatedtopromotethecandidacyofLiberal-partypoliticiansinlocalelections.Theformofthesalecausedapoliticalscandalin1909,whichwasexacerbatedbyanincidentthatoccurredwhenRafaelCanedo,thenewownerofoneoftheQuirquiaviestancias,tookpossessionofhisproperty.Theprefectassignedapicketofsoldiersthatforciblyexpelledservicetenantswhooccupiedlandsontheestanciawiththepermissionofthemunicipalcouncil.79

ThepublicdebateoverthequestionablesaleoftheQuirquiavistate

landsresurfacedagainin1914,whenpoliticiansfromthenewlycreatedRepublicanpartylearnedthatonegroupofspeculatorswhoboughtQuirquiavilandshadneverpaidthepurchaseprice,whichsomeconsideredtohavebeenlowtobeginwith.Thesespeculatorshadevenresoldsectionsoftheirnewlyacquiredpropertiesataconsiderableprofit.80FourpartnersCarmenCanedoandAlfredo,Michel,andDanielMirandamadeaprofitonthelandtheyboughtinQuirquiaviandreportedlyneverpaidfor.Forexample,thepurchasepricein1909ofEstanciaAicamoquiwasBs3,666.66,butthepartnersresoldthepropertyayearlaterin1910forBs5,750.81Therewasoneadditionalsaleofstate-controlledformercommunitylandsfollowingthepublicdebateovertheQuirquiaviestancias.In1917,theCochabambamunicipalcounciloversawthesaleofninestate

Table2.9State(FormerCommunity)LandsinCochabambaDepartmentintheEarlyTwentiethCentury

Province CantonNumberofProperties

TotalAreainHectares

Quillacollo Passo 10 24.66.12Quillacollo Tiquipaya 6 26.19.06Arani Vacas 20 5,183.04.80Tapacari Tapacari 9 2,446.75.61Arque Quirquiavi 12 834.33.81Total 57 8,514.99.40Source:CPR,APC,VariousJurisdictions;ElFerrocarril;ElHeraldo.

propertiesinCantónTapacari,followingthenormalprocedureofadvertisingtheauctioninthedailynewspapersinthecity.

82Themoneyrealizedfromthissalemostlikelybenefitededucation.

TheestanciasinCantónVacasremainedinthehandsofthenationalgovernmentuntilthe1953agrarianreform,althoughtheservicetenantslivingontheestanciasgainedeffectivecontroloverthelandsafter1936.In1929,theservicetenantsintheVacasestanciascomplainedtotheCochabambaCitymunicipalcouncilthattheindividualrentingthelandswasattemptingtoextractadditionallaborwhilereducingtheamountoflandassignedtothemfortheirsubsistenceneeds.ThemunicipalcouncilsentapicketoftroopstorepressthegrowingpeasantoppositionontheVacasestancias.However,sevenyearslater,in1936,theservicetenantsorganizedasindicato(peasantleague)and,withsupportfromthemilitarygovernmentofDavidToro,rentedtheVacasestanciasfortheirownbenefit.83

TheLiberal-partypoliticianswhoruledBoliviabetween1900and1920continuedtosupporttheanti-communitylawspassedinthelate

nineteenthcentury.However,theywerepragmatic,andalsosawtheanti-communitylegislationasameansofself-enrichment.Ledbytwo-termpresidentIsmaelMontes,Liberal-partypoliticians,suchasprefectSantosQuirogainCochabambaDepartment,cutdealsfortheirsupporters,andnooppositionpartyexistedtorestrainthedriveforself-enrichment.However,wrackedbyscandalinthelastyearsoftheirtenure(19171920)andfacinganewoppositionparty,Liberal-partypoliticianscouldnolongermakesuchblatantlyself-servingdealsastheyhaddonein1909.The1917saleofstatelandsinCantónTapacariwentsmoothlywithoutanyhintofimpropriety.

LiberalLandPoliciesinaComparativeContext

Sucre'slimitedanti-clericalpolicyimplementedin1826wasuniformlyenforcedacrossBolivia.Thegovernmentclosedconventsandmonasterieswithonlyasmallnumberofresidents,andconfiscatedtheirrealproperty.However,thenumberandvalueofthechurchpropertiessoldvariedbebetweenthedifferentregionsinBolivia.ThebulkofthelandsalesandredemptionofcensosbyvaluetookplaceinCochabambaDepartment.TherewasalsoadeclineinthenumberofregularinstitutionsinLaPazandOruro,andthenumberofhaciendastheyowned.In1780,thirteenconventsandmonasteriesinLaPazandOruroownedfifty-sevenhaciendasinwhatbecameLaPazDepartmentfollowingBolivia'sindependence.Acenturylater,in1880,sixinstitutionsstillcontrolledthirty-fivehaciendas.ApartofthisdeclineininstitutionsandhaciendascanbeattributedtoSucre'sprogram,butfurtherresearchisneededtofurtherdocumentlong-termchangesinthefinancesoftheregularordersinthealtiplano.

84ThefemaleregularorderslostlittlelandasaresultofSucre'spolicy,butfacedfinancialdifficultiesandthegrowinghostilityoftheanti-clericalLiberalpartyintheearlytwentiethcentury,whichledtothesaleofsomelands.Nevertheless,thefemaleordersstillretainedownershipoverruralpropertiesuntilthe1953agrarianreform.Forexample,in1952theCapuchinnunsstillhadaninterestinHaciendaEsquilan,locatedintheValleBajo,onlytolosethepropertyunderthetermsofthe1953agrarian-reformlaw.85

ThereweresimilaritiesbetweentheBolivianandMexicananti-corporateland-tenureprograms.Whileliberalsjustifiedchangesinlandtenureaspartofabroaderprogramofeconomicmodernization,therewerealsopragmaticconsiderationsinthepoliciesimplemented.

Sucre'spolicyandthepolicyofliberalsinthe1850swerealsolinkedtodebtfunding.Sucre'sgovernmentencouragedtheholdersofgovernmentdebt,suchasVenezuelanandColombiansoldiersstationedinBolivia,toinvesttheirdebtinstrumentsinrecentlyappropriatedruralestatesandthepaymentofthecapitalamountincensos,thusreducingthesizeoftherealdebtobligationandallowingsoldiersandpoliticianslinkedtothegovernmenttobuyruralestatesatafractionoftheirrealvalue.86Similarly,theMexicangovernmentaccepteddebtcertificatesinpaymentforappropriatedchurchlands.87Inbothinstances,individualswhoboughtruralestatesatsubstantiallyreducedrealpricesbecamepotentialgovernmentsupporters.

Theanti-clericalprograminMexicoinitiatedafter1855wasmorecomprehensive,sincethebulkoftherealpropertyownedbytheregular

clergywassold.ThecompletenessoftheMexicanprogramgeneratedlarge-scaleresistancefromthechurchanditspro-clericalconservativesupporters,whereasSucre'sprograminBoliviadidnotbecomeasdivisiveanissueasinMexicosinceonlyapartofchurchpropertywassold.Moreover,Sucrewasbackedbyalargeforeignarmyofoccupation,andprominentBolivianssuchasToribioCano,withlinkstothelandowningelite,directlybenefitedfromthesaleofchurch-ownedhaciendas.Finally,formembersoftheelitethefemaleorders,whichsurvivedSucre'sprogram,weremoreimportantthanthemaleorders.Conventswereoneofthefewplaceswheredaughterscouldbeplaced,whereas,eveninlightofSucre'slegislation,sonscouldstilljointheclergy.

ThegoalofliquidatingthecorporatepeasantcommunitylandholdingsenjoyedalmostuniversalsupportfromBolivia'selitesthroughoutthenineteenthcentury.However,twofactorspreventedBolivianleadersfromimplementingtheanti-communitylegislationpassedfromthe1820stothe1860s.First,theBolivianeconomystagnatedforfortyyearsfollowingindependence,andthegovernmentdependedheavilyoncommunitytributeasasourceofrevenue.Thegovernmentcouldnotdeprivethecommunitiesofthelandthatproducedtributeincome.Second,untilaftertheWarofthePacific(18791884),thegovernmentwasstilltooweaktochallengetheintegrityofcommunitylands.Ashappenedin1870,whenMaríanoMelgarejofellfrompower,thousandsofarmedcommunitymemberscouldstillchangethecourseofBolivianpolitics.The1880lawthatallowedcommunitiestoreceivetitletotheirlandsinundividedpro-indivisotitlewasaconcessionmadeattheheightoftheWarofthePacific,whenthebulkofBolivia'sarmywasfightingtheChileansinTarapaca.

The1880sand1890swereaperiodofacceleratedstate-buildinginBolivia.ReenforcedbytheideologyofSocialDarwinismandrevenuefromexpandingtradeandtheboomingsilver-miningindustry,the

governmentwasnowinapositiontochallengetheintegrityofthecommunities.Overthenextfortyyears,communitiesthroughoutmostofBolivialostalargepartoralloftheirlands.TheBolivianstatewasnowinapositiontorepressresistancebycommunitymembers.

Thedegreeofcommunitylandlossafter1880varied.InthealtiplanodepartmentsofLaPazandOruro,forexample,alargenumberofcommunitiescompletelydisappeared,absorbedbyexistinghaciendasorincludedinthegrowingnumberofruralestatescreatedafterthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Mostpurchasersofformercommunitylandsweremembersofthegrowingaltiplanocommercialandlandowningelitethatbenefitedfromtheeconomicgrowthofthe1870s,1880s,and1890s.

Forexample,BenedictoGoita,anupwardlyandsociallymobileLaPazmerchant,bought798individualsayanasbetween1882and1919.In1907,two-termBolivianpresidentIsmaelMontesandhiswifeBethsabedeMontesillegallyacquired596sayanas,whichcomprisedsixofthesevencommunitiesintheTaracopeninsula(LakeTiticaca),usingcoerciontoforcecommunitymemberstoselltheirlands,which,accordingtoonesource,wereworthasmuchasBs1,000,000,foratotalofBs82,000.Bythe1920sthehaciendawasthedominantformoflandtenureinthehighlandsectionsofLaPazandOrurodepartments.Forexample,inCantónHuaqui,IngaviProvince(LaPazDepartment),intheearlytwentiethcenturytherewereseventeenhaciendasandfourcommunities,includingoneintheprocessofbeingboughtoutbynon-communitymembers,andonecommunityalreadyconvertedintoahacienda.OneindividualpaidBs25,000forallofthelandsofPitutacommunity,andthecomunitariosofSullcataretainedonlyaquarterofthelandscontrolledbythecommunitypriorto1874.Beforethepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,71haciendasand43communitiesexistedintheentireprovince,butbytheendofthe1920s,22newhaciendashadbeencreatedfromcommunityland.

88InOruro,thenumberofhaciendasincreasedfrom79inthemid-1840sto224inthelate1940s,andthenumberofcommunitiesdroppedfrom302to213.89InChayanta(PotosíDepartment),littleerosionofthecommunitylandbaseoccurred,whereasinthehighlandsectionsofChuquisacaDepartmentthecommunitiesexperiencedasignificanterosionoftheirlandbase,and,asinmuchofthealtiplano,thehaciendaemergedasthedominantformoflandtenure.90

InCochabambaDepartment,theimplementationofthelawofex-vinculacióncontributedtoanexpansionofthelandmarketthat,coupledwiththecrisisinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomyinthe

1890swhichwastheresultofthegrowthofimportsofwheatflourfollowingthecompletionofthefirstraillinktothePacificCoast,radicallytransformedthestructureoflandtenure.AlthoughtheCochabambalandedeliteboughtupformercommunitylands,bythe1920sthehaciendanolongerwasasdominantaformoflandtenureasinotherpartsofBolivia.Onthecontrary,therewasasignificantturnoverinthecompositionofthehacienda-owningclassattheendofthenineteenthcentury,whichenabledasmallnumberofambitious,upwardlyandsociallymobilefamiliestoaccumulatelargequantitiesofland.AcquisitionoflandbyprominentBolivianpoliticiansparalleledtheMexicancase,wheremanyliberalpoliticiansboughtformerchurchandcommunitylands.

ThenumberofsmallholdersinCochabambaDepartmentproliferated,especiallyintheformercommunityterritory.After1874,thousandsofsmallpropertiescameintoexistenceintheterritoryoftheformercommunities,especiallyintheValleBajo,and,toalesserdegree,inthehaciendascreatedduringthecolonialperiod.

91ThecommunitieslocatedinthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentexperiencedalimitederosionoftheirlandbase.

Levelsofpeasantresistancetotheland-tenurechangesbroughtaboutbyliberalanti-communitypoliciesserveasanindirectindexofthegrowingdominanceofnewlycreatedorexpandinghaciendasandofchangesinpeasantaccesstolandandtherelativelossofsubsistencesecuritypreviouslyenjoyedbycommunitymembers,andtheyprovideadditionalcomparativeinsightsintotheimplementationofliberalpoliciesandstate-buildinginMexicoandBolivia.92InChuquisaca,Potosí,Oruro,andLaPazdepartments,theerosionofthelandbaseoftheformercommunitymembers,oftenthroughfraudandcoercion,provokedaseriesofarmedrevoltsbetween1899and1927.The1927revoltinvolvedthousandsofpeasantsandengulfedmostoftheBolivianhighlands,includingChayantainPotosíDepartmentandtheAyopayahighlandsinCochabambaDepartment.93Similarly,salesofcommunitylandsinMexico,beginninginthe1850s,causedlocalizeduprisings,which,duringthe1850sand1860s,mergedwiththeon-goingliberal-conservativestruggleandtheFrenchintervention.94Incontrast,theonlyseriouspeasantresistanceinCochabambaDepartmentafter1874occurredinAyopayaProvincein1927andagainin1947;inthisregion,haciendaownersincreasedthelaborservicesofservicetenants,andsubsistencesecuritydeclinedasthepeasantpopulationgrewduringthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury.95

PeasantresponsestotheerosionofcommunitylandswassimilarinBoliviaandMexico,buttheactuallegalprocessofthechangeinthestatusofcorporateindigenouslandswasdifferentinbothcountries.Thelawofex-vinculaciónmandatedthattitletocommunallyownedcorporatecommunitylandsbedistributedamongallcomunitarios,baseduponthealreadyestablishedpolicyofgovernmentregulationofcommunitylands,butitdidnotoutlawcommunallandtenure.TheBolivianprogramalsocontainednewfinancialobligationsfortheownersofformercommunityland,includingtaxesandaregistrationfee,andamechanismtoselllandsnotregisteredbyformercommunityresidents.However,thegovernmentdidnotovertlyforcethesaleofcommunitylands.TheMexicanlegislationofthemid-1850s,ontheotherhand,moreexplicitlyinterpretedcorpo-

rate-ownedlandsasbeingownedbyrentiers,andestablishedasystemoflandsaleswithpreferencetobegiventothoseindividualsalreadyrentingthelandswhenthelawwasenacted.

ThealienationofchurchlandsneverbecamesodivisiveanissueinBoliviaasitdidinMexico,whereconservativemembersoftheelitewerewillingtoignoretheirlong-standingconcernformaintainingsocialcontrol,especiallyinthecountryside,and,againstpastprecedent,alliedthemselveswithrebelliouscommunitymembersinthestruggleagainsttheliberals.Oncetheliberalsfirmlyestablishedcontrol,andespeciallyduringthePorfiriato,thegovernmentreactedtopeasantuprisingswithrepression.Bolivianelitesneverlostsightofthedangerofthebreakdownofsocialcontrol,whichcouldleadtoacastewar.Inthe1820s,Sucre'santiclericalprogramdidnotgeneratemuchopposition,andheneverattemptedtoimplementSimónBolívar'sschemetodividecommunitylandsbecauseofthepotentialofIndianresistanceandgovernmentdependenceontributeasasourceofrevenue.Whennecessary,Bolivianpoliticianswerewillingtocompromisewithcommunityleadersuntilconditionsweremoresuitablefortheimplementationofmoredrasticmeasures.In1871,followingtheremovalofMaríanoMelgarejofrompower,thenewgovernmentreturnedthecommunitylandssold,althoughmostpoliticiansalreadysupportedthealienationofcommunitylands.In1880,duringtheWarofthePacific,whenmostofBolivia'sarmywasoccupiedinthedisastrousTarapacacampaign,officialscompromisedagainbyallowingcommunitiestoreceivetheirlandsinpro-indivisotenure,andtheyalsoreturnedsome''surplus"landsthathadbeenpreviouslyreturnedtothepublicdomain,tomembersoftheformercommunities.Thelandcommissionsthatdistributedindividualtitleshadtosuspendtheiractivitiesinsomejurisdictionsbecauseof

resistance,andinotherstheydidnotcompletethedistributionoftitlesuntilthe1890s.However,inthe1890sandthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury,asthepowerofthestateincreased,morerepressionwasused.

After1876,PorfirioDíazbegantoassertstrongergovernmentcontrolthroughoutMexico,andtheexpansionoftherailroadsystemintegratedthepreviouslyautonomousregionaleconomiesintoagrowingnationaleconomy.Economicgrowthandthereductionintransportationcostsmadeagriculturalmoreprofitable,whichledtoanexpansionofhaciendasatthecostofcommunitylandsandthepublicdomain.ThePorfirianregimewasincreasinglyabletouserepressiontostiflepeasantresistancegeneratedbythelandgrabsinthelatenineteenthcentury.Similarly,the

Boliviangovernment,whichalsoembarkedonaprogramofrailroadexpansion,usedforcetorepressthegrowingunrestinthecountryside.

Withtheexceptionofthe1927uprisinginAyopaya,Cochabambawasrelativelyfreeoflarge-scalepeasantresistancefromthe1880sthroughthe1920s.EconomicstagnationinCochabambaandtherapidparcelizationofagriculturallandguaranteedagreaterdegreeofsubsistencesecurityforthousandsofpeasants.Moreover,employmentintheminesandpettycommerceprovidedmanypeasantswiththemeanstoaccumulatesmallamountsofcapitaltobuyland.Theimplementationofthelawofex-vinculacióncontributedtotheexpansionofthelandmarket,makinglandavailableforthefirsttimetolandlesspeasants.

3ChangesinExternalandInternalMarkets,18251929Duringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,thestructureoftheeconomiesofBoliviaandtheothernewlyindependentAndeancountriesunderwentamajortransformationwiththegrowthinimportanceofexportsofrawmaterialsfortheNorthAtlanticindustrialeconomies,andtheadoptionofgovernmentpoliciesdesignedtofosternationalintegration.Improvementsinlong-distancetransportation,morethananyotherfactor,,contributedtotherapidintegrationoftheemergingAndeannationaleconomiesintotheexpandingworldmarketsystem.TheestablishmentofregularshippingroutesbetweenEuropeandthePacificCoastofSouthAmericaenabledtheexportofbulkrawmaterialstoEurope,andtheconstructionofrailroadsloweredinternaltransportationcosts.

Governmentpolicyattheendofthenineteenthcenturyconsciouslyfosteredthegrowthofexportsandtheconstructionoftransportationinfrastructurethatpromotednationalintegration.TheearlyrepublicanyearsinBolivia,however,werecharacterizedbypoliticalinstabilitywiththedominationofthegovernmentbyregionalstrongmen(caudillos),andthelackofconsensusamongregionalelites,especiallyinrelationtoeconomicpolicy.Entrepreneurs,artisans,andmerchantsinBolivialinkedtotheinternaleconomyfavoredthecontinuationofprotectionisteconomicpolicies,whereasentrepreneursandcommercialinterestslinkedtothegrowinginternationaleconomyadvocatedfreetrade.Forexample,miningentrepreneurslobbiedtoremovegovernmentcontrolsonthesaleandexportofsilver,andthesuspensionofmintingofdebasedcoins.Evenwithfreetrade,thehighcostoftransportinglow-valuebulkgoodssuchasflourandwheatintotheBolivianaltiplanoprovidedadegree

ofprotectionforBoliviangrainandflourproducers.

Theemergenceofanimport-exporteconomydominatedbyexportsofrawmaterialsinBoliviacanberelatedtothegrowthoftheBolivianstateandtheevolutionoftradepolicy.Thetransformationofthestructureof

CochabambaagricultureandtheCochabambaregionaleconomyattheendofthenineteenthcenturywasdirectlyrelatedtotheimplementationoffreetradeinthe1870sand1880s,and,moreimportantly,theconstructionofrailroadslinkingtheBolivianaltiplanowiththecoastandfacilitatingtheimportationofcheapfoodstuffsandmanufacturedgoodsthatdisplacedlocallyproducedgoodsfromtheirtraditionalmarketsinthehighlandurbanandminingcenters.

Thischapteroutlinestheevolutionofliberaleconomicpolicy,andchangesininternalandexternalmarkets.Emphasisisplacedontheopeningofthealtiplanourbanmarketinthelatenineteenthcentury,whichinitiatedaquartercenturyofstagnationinCochabambaagriculture,andthealcoholandcornboomandsubsequentbustoftheyears1918to1929,whichhadaparticularlyimportantimpactoncornproducersinthecentral-valleydistricts.Thefirstsectionoutlinesthedevelopmentoftheliberalstateandofgovernmenteconomicpolicyinthelatenineteenthcentury.Itisfollowedbyadiscussionofwheat-flourimportsintoBoliviathatledtoacrisisinCochabambaagriculture,thechangingpositionoftheCochabambaregionwithintheBolivianeconomy,andtherapidgrowthafter1918ofalcoholproduction,whichcausedasecondeconomiccrisisforCochabambafarmers.

EvolutionoftheLiberalState

AswasthecasethroughoutmuchofLatinAmerica,independencein1825foundadividedCreoleeliteinBoliviaandapoorlyintegratedIndianmajoritythatparticipatedonlymarginally,ifatall,inthepoliticallifeofthecountry.Thenewlyindependentcountrywaspoorlyintegratedandunderpopulated,anditsinternaltransportationwasofpoorquality,unreliable,andexpensive.Astagnatingeconomydebilitatedthestate,asrevenuesremainedlowthroughoutthefirst

yearsofindependence;andtheoligarchywasfragmentedandorientedtowardlocal,andnotnational,issuesandproblems.Moreover,theweakfiscalbaseofthestatecontributedtosomefiftyyearsofchronicpoliticalinstability,ascaudillosviedforcontrolofthetreasuryandmembersoftheoligarchyattemptedtoobtaingovernmentemploymentasanalternativesourceofincome.

1Thetreasurybecametheobjectofsackbythearmy,aninstitutioncontrolledbyanoverlylargeofficercorpsandagroupofretiredofficerswhoconsumedalargepercentageofthenationalbudgetinsalariesandpensions.In1843,forexample,wagesforofficerstotaled100,346pesosand

pensions112,145pesos,

2whichaccountedfor11.1percentoftotalgovernmentexpendituresof1,909,474pesos.3

Withthestagnationofmining,themostdynamicsectorofthecolonialeconomy,thestatehadtolookelsewhereforrevenue.Indiantributecontinuedtobeamajorsourceofrevenueaslateasthe1880s,andaccountedfor20to50percentofallgovernmentincomebetweenthe1820sand1870s.4OthersourcesofincomeincludedthemonopolyonthepurchaseofsilverthroughtheBancodeRescate.Thegovernmentpaidbelowmarketpricesforsilver,andrealizedaprofitthroughresalesintheinternationalmarket,itsmintingoperation,andthemintingofdebasedcoins(feble).5Themintingofdebasedcoinsalsoincreasedtheamountofcoinageincirculation,whichfavoredcertainsectorsoftheeconomy.6Producersconnectedtotheinternationaleconomy,forexample,paidproductioncostsindebasedcoins,andreceivedpaymentinnon-debasedsilvercoins,employedalmostexclusivelyinBolivianinternationaltrade,oringold.

Thefiscaldebilityofthestateinitiatedacycleofadministrativeimpotenceasthebureaucracywassmallinnumberandlargelylimitedtothecities,andwasunabletosubstantiallyincreaselevelsofgovernmentincomethroughmoreefficientcollectionoftaxes.Moreover,withastagnanteconomytherewaslittleeconomicactivityforthestatetotax.However,theeconomy,particularlysilvermining,graduallyrecoveredandgrewafterabout1860,andthegovernmentincreasedinsizeasmorerevenuescameinfromtaxesimposedonexpandingtradeandsilverexportsinthe1870sand1880s.

Governmentsafter1880attemptedtoresolvetheproblemofnationalintegrationinacountrycharacterizedbyabroken,mountainous

geography,andastrongregionalsentiment,whichhaditsoriginsinpoliticalfragmentation.Oneresponsetopoorintegrationwastheconstructionofrailroadsbeginninginthe1880s,whichfacilitatedtheexportofbulkrawmaterialsandtheimportationoflow-valuefoodstuffssuchaswheatflourfortheurbanandminingcenters.Railroadconstruction,however,workedtothedisadvantageofBolivianfarmers,whohadtocompetewithimportedgrainandflour.

Leadersofthelatenineteenth-centuryliberalstate,severalofwhomwerethemselvessilver-miningmagnates,promotedminingexportsthroughfavorabletaxrates.Inthelastquarterofthenineteenthcentury,thesilver-miningindustryfaceddecliningworldsilverprices,andrespondedbyconvertingtoeconomiesofscalebyincreasingproductionlevelsandproductivitywhilecuttingproductioncosts,investingcapital,

LondontinpriceandBoliviantinproductionindex

andreducinglaborcosts.TheConservativepartygovernmentsofthe1880sand1890s,dominatedbythemajorminingentrepreneurs,supportedtheeffortsoftheminingcompanies'drivetomodernizethroughtaxpolicies,promotingtheconstructionofroadsandthefirstrailroadtothecoast,whichsubstantiallyloweredtransportationcosts.

7Ananalysisofthedifferentsourcesofgovernmentrevenuebetween1882and1902showsthatthegovernmentplacedarelativelylighttaxburdenonminingexportsandcorrespondinglyhighratesontheinternaleconomy.RevenuestotaledBs66,745,663,ofwhichBs42,431,991(63.6percent)camefromtradeandBs14,946,348(22.4percent)fromsilvermining.Revenuefromallminingaccountedfor25.7percentoftotalrevenues,butsome60percentbyvalueofexports.Rubberproduced19.5percentofrevenue,andaccountedforsome38percentofexportsbyvalue.8

Withtheexpansionoftinproductionafter1900,liberalgovernments

followedasimilarpolicyoffavoringtheminingindustrythroughthefurtherdevelopmentofinfrastructure,andofplacingarelativelylighttax

LondonsilverpriceandBoliviansilverproductionindex

burdenontinexports.Furthermore,inperiodsofdepressionintheinternationaleconomywhenrevenuesfromtindropped,thegovernmentturnedtoothersourcesoftaxesfromtheinternaleconomytomakeupshortfalls.Intheearly1920s,forexample,thegovernmentplacedheavytaxesoncornproductionandthenewlycreatednationalalcoholindustry,followingadownturninminingandanationwideeconomicdepression.

TheFreeTradeControversyandChileanWheatImports

ThechronicfiscalweaknessoftheBolivianstateinthefirstfiftyyearsfollowingindependenceforcedthegovernmenttoimplementprotectionistpoliciesinordertomaintainintacttheexistingeconomicalignmentsthatprovidedataxbase,aswellastomaintainthestatemonopolyoverthemarketingofsilver.Asnotedabove,tributeremainedanimportant

sourceofgovernmentrevenue,andinordertoensurethissourceofincome,thestatehadtoprotectthelandbaseoftheIndiancommunities.Moreover,asanthropologistTristanPlattargued,itwasintheinterestofthegovernmentandthecommunitiestomaintaintheprotectedcolonialmarketssoastobeabletosellsurplusesandobtainmoneyfortributepayments.

Thegrowthoftradeandtheslowrecoveryofsilverproduction,beginninginthe1850sand1860s,intensifiedpressureonthegovernmenttoliberalizetrade,eliminatethemonopolyonthemarketingofsilver,andterminatethemintingofdebasedcoins.Adebateensuedforovertwentyyearsthatpitteddifferentregionalandeconomicandclassinterestsagainsteachother.ElitesinPotosífavoredthepreservationofthemintingoperationintheCasadelaMoneda,andartisangroupsfearedtheimpactontheirlivelihoodofimportationsofcheap,foreign-manufacturedgoods.LaPazcommercialinterestsfavoredfreetrade,andwereatoddswiththosemerchantsconnectedtotheinternaleconomywhofacedachronicshortageofcoinageincirculation.10Thegrowthofminingandotherchangesinthestructureofthenationalandinterregionaleconomiessubstantiallymodifiedthealignmentofinterestgroups,andadvocatesofafreeeconomytriumphedinthe1870s,withtheabolitionofthemonopolyoversilverexports.11

Protectionoftheinternalgrainmarketendedinaboutthesameperiod.PresidentMarianoMelgarejo(18641871)signedfree-tradeagreementswithChileandotherneighboringcountries.The1866agreementwithChileallowedthefreeimportationofwheatandwheatflourtoLaPazbywayofthePacificportofTacna.TristanPlattarguedthatthe1866treatyhadanimmediateimpactontheChayanta

wheattrade,12whichimpliesthatCochabambaagriculturewouldhavebeensimilarlyaffected.Ontheotherhand,thegreatestimpactofthe1866treatymayhavebeentohaveexcludedhigher-pricedBoliviangrainandflourfromthegrowingmarketinLittoralDepartment.TheleadersofthecoupthatoverthrewMelgarejoin1871suspendedmostofthetreatiesandlegislationenactedduringhisadministration,andthenewgovernmentdidnotimmediatelyrenegotiatethe1866treatywithChile.AdiscussionofChilean-BoliviantradepriortoandfollowingtheWarofthePacific(18791884),andparticularlytheChileanwheatflourtrade,isessentialforanunderstandingofthecrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthe1890s.Inthe1850sand1860s,Chileanwheatproducersenjoyedashortperiodofprosperity,withastrongdemandforwheattofeedminersintheCaliforniaandAustraliangoldrushesand,later,inthegrowingurbanmarketsofGreat

Britain.

13Inthe1870s,however,Chileanwheatandflourexportsexperiencedanactualandrelativedeclineinvalueandvolume(seeTables3.1and3.2).FollowingtheWarofthePacific,growthandtheexpansionofmininginChileprovidednewopportunitiesforChileanfarmersthat,toacertaindegree,offsetthelossofforeignmarkets.HistorianThomasWrightnoted:

Justastheseculardeclineofwheatexportssetin,theconditionofthehomemarketbegantochangenoticeably.VictoryinthewarofthePacificlaunchedChile'snitrateageandsetinmotionforceswhichproducedasubstantialandlucrativemarketforChileanagriculture.HighdemandforlaborinAntofagastaandTarapacasetoffmassivemigrationtothearidnitratezonewhichwastotallydependentonoutsidesourcesoffoodstuffs.14

Inthe1870s,BoliviaconsumedsmallquantitiesofChileanflour.In1874,forexample,Chileexported41,949tonsofwheatflourand4,704tonsor11percentofthetotaltoBolivia,primarilytoLittoralDepartment.IntheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacific,consumersinnorthernBolivia,primarilyinthecityofLaPaz,consumedgrowingquantitiesofChileanflouranddecliningquantitiesofBolivian(primarilyCochabamba)flour;andCochabambaflourproducerssuppliedplacesinthesouthernpartofthecountrysuchasOruroandPotosí.Forexample,between1887and1893,292,741quintales(hundredweights)ofChileanflourwereconsumedinLaPazandneighboringdistricts,asagainst64,973quintalesofflourproducedinCochabambaandseveralprovincesinLaPazDepartment.BoliviaabsorbedamuchlargerpercentageandgreatervolumeofChileanflourexportsinlateryears:in1910and1925,10,142tons(94percent)and14,021tons(92percent),respectively,15

The18771879droughtcrisisandtheWarofthePacificwere,inmanyways,thedefiningmomentsintheopeningofBolivia'smarket.Duringthedrought,Boliviaimportedforeign,primarilyChilean,flourintothealtiplanoforthefirsttime,particularlyintoLaPaz.16Thedroughtwasfollowedbywar,whichwasadisasterforBolivia.AseriesofdefeatsatthehandsoftheChileansforcedtheBolivianarmytowithdrawbacktothealtiplanoattheendof1880.Bolivianolongerplayedanactiveroleinthewarafter1880;however,attheendof1883aChileanarmyof5,500stationedinArequipawaspoisedtoinvadeBoliviainordertoforcetheCamperoadministrationtoterminatehostilities.Boliviangovernmentofficialsestimatedthatthecostofmobilizing10,000soldierstodefendthecountrywouldbe250,000Bolivianpesosamonthmorethanthe

Table3.1ChileanAgriculturalExportsByValueinChileanPesos

YearAgricultural

ExportsbyValuePercentageofTotalExports

Index(1876=100)

1874 15,859,200 43.4 1591875 11,337,236 31.6 1141876 9,980,995 24.0 1001877 9,139,672 30.8 921878 8,673,561 24.7 871879 12,781,394 30.0 1281880 11,663,015 22.6 1171881 9,967,780 16.9 991882 11,638,413 16.3 1171884 7,824,262 13.5 781885 7,927,346 15.5 791886 9,710,747 19.0 971887 9,369,247 15.7 941888 8,784,363 12.0 881889 7,481,478 11.3 75Source:OficinaCentraldeEstadistica,DatosestadisticosdelaRepublicadeChile(Santiago,1876);andOficinaCentraldeEstadistica,SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears).

governmentcouldraise.ThewarruinedBolivia'sforeigncreditrating,socontractingloanswasnotseenasaviableformoffinancing.Ontheotherhand,thegovernmenthadmanagedtodoublethenumberofavailablearmsthroughoverseaspurchases.

17TheCamperoadministrationoptedtosignatrucethatterminatedhostilitieswithoutgivingChilelegaltitletoLittoralDepartment,occupiedbyChileanforcesatthebeginningofthewarin1879.

BolivianhistorianGustavoRodríguezarguedthatthepactodetregua,

thetrucethatsuspendedhostilities,containedprovisionsthatopenedtheBolivianmarkettoChileandomination.18WastheeconomicsubordinationofBoliviaaChileanwargoal?DidChileanwheatandwheat-flourproducersseeBoliviaasapotentialmarketfortheirsurpluses,andpressuretheChileangovernmenttosecureafavorabletradeagreement,whichwouldhaveallowedthemtodumptheirproductsontheBolivianmarket?ThedynamicofChileanagriculturalpoliciesinrelationtoBolivianandalsoPeruvianmarketshasyettobeexamined.Thelimitedevidence,however,suggeststhattheChileangovernmentdidnotspecificallyconsiderBoliviatohavebeenanimportantpotentialmarketforgrains,flour,andmanufacturedgoodsfollowingthewar.TheSociedadNacionaldeAgri-

Table3.2ChileanFlourExportsinTons,inSelectedYearsYear FlourExportsinTons Index(1875=100)1875 29,224.13 1001879 14,888.08 511880 12,560.90 431881 20,831.91 711882 17,188.05 591885 6,203.60 211890 1,964.82 71891 5,739.47 201892 3,777.84 131893 2,021.14 71894 3,427.60 121895 4,233.90 151899 7,836.40 271900 1,667.60 61901 819.50 31902 2,721.40 91903 6,970.70 241904 10,358.70 351905 8,969.38 311906 4,406.35 151907 4,636.63 16Source:OficinaCentraldeEstadistica,SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears);AnuarioestadisticadelaRepublicadeChileAno1909(Santiago,1910).

cultura,theChileanfarmersassociation,expressedthehopethattheterminationofhostilitieswithPeruwouldleadtoaresumptionoftheprofitabletradeinwheatandwheatflourtoPeruandinPeruviansugarimportscutoffatthebeginningofthewar.

19In1879,ontheeveofthewar,ChileimportedPeruviansugarworth

1,754,080Chileanpesos,andsugaraccountedfor73percentofgoodsimportedfromPerubyvalue.Inthepreviousyear,ChileexportedgoodstoPeruwithavalueof4,594,585Chileanpesos,andranapositivetradebalance.20TherelativeimportanceofthePeruviantradeforChilecanbegaugedbytherapidityoftheresumptionoftraderelationsfollowingtheChileanoccupationofLimaandcoastalPeru(seeTable3.3).ThePeruviancasestandsinmarkedcontrasttothepostwarpatternoftradebetweenBoliviaandChile,or,morecorrectly,thevirtuallackoftradebetweenthetwocountriesinthe1880s(seeTable3.4).HavingoccupiedLittoralDepartment,theresumptionorexpansionoftradewithBoliviawasoflittleimportanceto

Chileintheformulationofpostwarpolicy,andthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguamerelyreintroducedasimilarprovisioncontainedinatradeagreementsignedbythetwocountriesin1866.

TradewasnotasubstantialconcernfortheChileangovernment,andRodríguez'sargumenthasabasisinanarrowreadingoftheeventsthatledtothesigningofthe1884truce.Asnotedabove,attheendof1883aforceof5,500ChileansoldierswaspoisedtoinvadeBoliviatoforcetheCamperoadministrationtosignatruceorpeacetreaty.PresidentCamperocalledagovernmentcouncilthatmetfivetimesinthefirstmonthsof1884todiscusspossibleoptionsinthefaceoftheChileanthreat.TheministersdeterminedthatthegovernmentdidnothavetheresourcestoresistaChileaninvasionthroughtheuseofconventionaltactics,buttheydiddiscussthepossibilityofprolongingtheconflictthroughthesametypeofguerrillatacticsusedsuccessfullybythePeruviansfortwoyearsfollowingtheoccupationofLimain1881.TheparticipantsdiscussedthedivisionofthecustomsrevenuesfromLittoralDepartment,werethegovernmenttorecognizetheChileanoccupationoftheterritory,buttheyexpressednoconcernoverthepotentialimpactoftheopeningoftheBolivianmarkettoChileangoods.Theministersdidnotseetheinclusionofthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguaasameasureantitheticaltoBolivianinterestsbeingforcedupontheBoliviangovernmentbyatriumphantChile.

Ananalysisofotherdocumentsrelatedtothecouncilmeetingsinearly1884furthersubstantiatestheinterpretationthatthepactodetreguarepresentedtheunwillingnessofChiletocontinuetowar,andadesiretohavetheCamperogovernmentsignanykindofdocument

tosuspendhostilities.InacircularofJanuary16,1884,whichcalledthecabinetmeetings,CamperodescribedtheeffortsoftheChileangovernmenttoimposeapeacetreatyfavorabletoChileaninterests,particularlyapermanentsettlementofthestatusoftheLittoralDepartmentandthedispositionofthecustomsrevenuescollectedinAntofagasta.ThecircularalsoexpressedtheconcernthattheChileangovernmentwantedtoestablishpoliticaldominationoverBolivia,anissuesubsequentlyraisedanddebatedinthemeetingsheldinFebruaryandMarch.Finally,Campero'scircularsuggestedtheoptionofatrucethatwouldsuspendhostilitiesonthebasisoftheexistingstatusquo,althoughCamperoalsorecognizedthatitwouldbedifficult,ifnotimpossible,toretainaPacificport.22However,thequestionofthePacificportwasclearlysecondarytothemoreimportantgoalofretainingcontroloverashareoftheAntofagastacustomsrevenues,andreassertingBoliviannationalsovereignty.

Table3.3Chilean-PeruvianTrade18751889,inChileanPesos

YearImportsfromPeru

Index(1875=100)

ExportstoPeru (1875=100)

1875 2,410,637 100 5,441,6411876 2,480,323 103 4,449,9231877 2,241,299 93 3,422,7221878 1,850,825 77 4,594,5851879 2,102,618 87 1,852,6081880 1,313,726 55 857,7551881 2,905,049 121 3,702,9001882 2,823,304 117 2,396,8591883 3,532,466 146 4,106,4351884 2,936,000 122 2,810,9891885 2,645,316 110 1,710,5671886 3,611,576 150 1,693,5901887 2,670,548 111 1,050,7861888 3,057,854 127 2,071,3041889 3,582,140 149 1,430,995Source:SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChile(Santiago,variousyears).

TheconcernoftheBoliviangovernmentoverthedispositionofthecustomsrevenuesfoundfurtherexpressionintwosupplementaryactstothepactodetregua,datedApril9,1884,andMay30,1884,whichclarifiedthefree-tradeprovisionoftheoriginaldocumentandthedivisionofcustomsrevenues.

23Article7oftheMay30documentcontainedalonglistofgoodsexemptedunderthetermsofarticle5ofthepactodetregua,whichestablishedfreetradebetweenthetwocountries,includingwheatflour.Article6ofthesamedocumentstipulatedthatChileandBoliviajointlymaintainthePotosíroad.24

Theinclusionofthefree-tradeprovisioninthepactodetreguaappearstohavegeneratedlittlediscussionorconcernwithinBolivia.ElHeraldo,theprincipalnewspaperinCochabambaCitywhichlaterpublishedcommentariesonthepotentialdestructionofCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomyposedbythecompletionoftheAntofagasta-Orurorailroadandthedeepeninginternaleconomiccrisisofthe1890ssurprisinglyreportedverylittleaboutthewarinthelastyearsoftheconflictoraboutthetrucethatendedthewar.FollowingthedisastrousTarapacacampaignandGeneralHilarionDaza'sremovalfrompower,theCamperoadministrationtooknofurtheractiveroleintheconflict,andsetaboutthetaskofreorderingtheBolivianpoliticalsystem.25ThecontinuedconflictinPeruhadlittleimmediacyinCochabambaandtheotherpartsofBolivia,andthereapparentlywaslittleinterestintheconclusionofawarthathadendedforallintentsandpurposes,in1880,whenCamperowithdrewtheBolivianarmyandleditbacktothealtiplano.Moreover,inlightofBolivia'sdefeatduringtheactivephaseoftheconflict,thetermsofthepactodetreguawerenotextremelyharsh.

ThethreatofChileaninvasioninearly1884certainlywasa

significantconcernfortheCamperoadministration,butChile'spositionà-visBoliviawasnotstrongenoughtoforceCamperotosignadefinitivepeacetreatydefiningthestatusofLittoralDepartmentandtheAntofagastacustomsrevenues.Inarecentstudyofthewar,historianWilliamSaterstressedthatmobilizationalsostrainedthefinancialresourcesoftheChileangovernment.Moreover,theAnibalPintogovernmentencounteredconsiderabledifficultyinorganizingthelogisticsoftheconflict.FollowingtheoccupationofLima,theChileangovernmentactuallyreducedthesizeoftheoccupationarmy.26TheChileangovernmentusedthethreatofaninvasiontoforceCamperotosignsometypeofagreementendingthewar,andthe1884trucereflectedtheexhaustionofbothcountries.Article5ofthepactodetreguawasimportantonlyaslongastherewasademandforChileangoodsinBolivia.

PatternsofChilean-BoliviantradechangedintheyearsfollowingtheWarofthePacific,andagaininthefirstdecadesofthetwentiethcentury.Inthe1840s,ChilerananegativetradebalancewithBolivia,butfromthe1850sto1870s,itgenerallyranapositivetradebalance(seeTable3.4).ThefavorableChileantradewithBolivia,particularlyinthe1860sand1870s,wastheresultofthegrowthofthemarketintheminingcentersintheBolivianLittoralDepartment,andthedominationofthatmarketbyChile.

Chile'sexporteconomychangedinthe1880sand1890s,withacontinueddeclineintherelativeimportanceofexportsofagriculturalgoods,andalsoofChile'sregionaltradewithinSouthAmerica.In1875,SouthAmericancountriesabsorbed27percentofallregisteredChileanexportsbyvalue.Perualoneaccountedfor15percentofallexports.After1884thevolumeandvalueofChileanexportstoEuropegrew.In1889,SouthAmericaconsumedonly6percentofChileanexportsbyvalue.

27ChileantradewithBoliviaafter1879,theyearinwhichChileoccupiedLittoralDepartment,wasminimal.

TheconstructionoftherailroadthatconnectedAntofagastatotheBolivianaltiplanobetween1885and1892substantiallyreducedtransportationcostsbetweenthehighlandsandthePacificCoast,andopenedthesouthernBolivianmarkettolow-valuebulkgoodssuchaswheatflour.Higher-qualityChileanflourcouldbeproducedandmarketedinthesouthernBoliviancities,suchasOruroandPotosí,atalowerpricethanlocallyproducedflour.ThegreatestincreaseinthevalueofChileangoodsshippedthroughAntofagastaoccurredafter1889,theyearinwhichtherailroadreachedUyuniandthesilver-miningcenterofHuanchaca,andcontinuedtogrowinsubsequentyears.By1895,BoliviaimportedChileangoodsworth6,683,810

ChileanpesosovertheAntofagastaline(seeTable3.5).TheAntofagasta-OrurolinecontinuedtobetheprincipalrouteforgoodsimportedintoBolivia.In1918,55percentbyweightofallgoodsshippedtoBoliviaweretransportedovertheAntofagastarailroad.28

Thecompletionofthefirstrailroadlinktothecoastresultedintheimportationintothealtiplanoofcheap,high-qualityflourthatdisplacedCochabambaflourfromsouthernBolivianurbanmarketslikeOruro.Inthe1890s,BoliviaimportedflourfromChile,Argentina,andPeru.29In1903,E.Goodwin,presidentoftheCaliforniaAssociationofIndustrialistsandProducers,reportedthatBoliviaimportedwheatflour,wine,andhidesfromChilethatcouldbeprofitablysuppliedbyCaliforniaproducers.ConsumersinLaPazDepartmentreportedlyconsumedsome

Table3.4ChileanTradewithBoliviabyValue18441920,inChileanPesos

YearImportsfrom

BolivaIndex

(1859=100)ExportstoBoliva (1859=100)

1844 735,548 55 102,7271845 930,442 69 114,7751846 1,032,917 77 81,9051847 954,699 71 132,1681848 419,959 31 140,9361849 446,225 33 128,8771850 477,609 35 166,1271851 436,988 32 209,9021852 1,970 .2 148,0091853 223 .02 128,0921854 246 .02 200,6831855 51,715 4 166,2011856 25,810 2 210,8271857 283,879 21 287,5061858 207,655 15 429,3941859 1,349,151 100 523,9481860 1,679,987 125 673,8851861 1,026,982 76 488,9601862 1,211,743 90 450,2681863 102,659 8 300,3301864 192,641 14 359,6961865 8,447 .6 362,8411866 177,756 13 751,2691867 270,037 20 487,297

(tablecontinuedfrompreviouspage)

YearImportsfrom

BolivaIndex

(1859=100)ExportstoBoliva (1859=100)

1875 578,456 43 2,288,8751876 55,522 4 2,429,7011877 810,454 60 2,760,3621878 573,726 43 2,605,9201879 12,774 1 533,91618801881 73 .011882 26,201 21883 27 .0021884188518861887 4,883 .41888 1,000 .118891895 18 .001 2,0801900 138,026 10 862,2531905 59,933 4 1,176,1441907 147,975 11 2,649,3191908 131,557 10 1,805,8641909 333,449 25 1,811,1961910 260,452 19 6,152,1731920 2,932,440 217 12,296,855Source:ArchivoEstadistico(Sucre,Bolivia),February6,1874;SinopsisestadisticaygeograficadeChilevariousyears);AnuarioestadisticadelaRepublicadeChileAno1909(Santiago,1910);DanielMartner,politicacomercialchilenaehistoriaeconomicanacional(Santiago,1923),Pp.516,541,582,606,656.

Table3.5BolivianImportsfromChileImportedbyWayofAntofagastabyValue,inChileanPesos

Year ImportsbyValue1884 287,4451885 291,4121886 345,9241887 402,6901888 395,5431889 888,6231890 853,7981891 1,700,2641892 2,512,3801893 3,056,1781894 3,256,2761895 6,683,810

Source:GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,February19,1897,DUSCLP,NationalArchives,Washington,D.C.

50,000sacksofChileanflourperyear.

30After1903CaliforniaflourproducersincreasedthevolumeoftheirexportstoBolivia,principallybywayofLaPaz,ontherailroadsysteminsouthernPeruand,later,theArica-LaPazlinecompletedin1913.ThegrowingdependenceonimportedflourfurtherdestabilizedCochabambaagriculture.

PriceandotherdatafromCochabambaCityandOruroprovidefurtherinsightsintotheimpactofwheat-flourimportsandthepoliticsoffoodsupplytoBolivia'scities.Boliviancitiesincreasinglydependedonimportedflour,afactclearlyrecognizedbythegovernment.Attheendof1897,forexample,thegovernmentauthorizedfreightrateincreasesontheAntofagasta-Orurorailroad,butkeptlowerratesonimported

wheatflour.31Cheap,higher-qualityChileanwheatflourtransportedovertherailroadundersoldCochabambaflourcarriedtothealtiplanobymules.ChileanflouralsosoldinCochabambaCity,probablyasaluxuryitemforthewealthy.InJuneof1900,anarroba(25lbs)ofChileanflourcostBs22.00inthelargeCochabambaCitymarket,whilethesameamountoflocallyproducedfloursoldforBs7.00lessatBs15.00.Inthepreviousyear,aquintal(100lbs)ofChileanflourcostBs12inLaPaz,whichwassubstantiallylowerthanthecostinLaPazofCochabambaflourwhenthehighcostoftransportationbymuleisfiguredin.32

After1900BoliviaimportedflourfromChile,theUnitedStates,Argentina,andseveralothercountriestosupplyaltiplanocities.33Califor-

nia'sCentralValleybecameanimportantsupplierofflourtoBolivia.Inoneyear,1912,7,236tonsofflourwereshippedtoBoliviabywayofSanFrancisco.

34Inthefollowingyear,Boliviaimported16,438tonsofwheatflour,47percentbyvaluefromtheUnitedStates,32percentfromChile,and8percentfromArgentina.35

ThecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroadin1917linkedCochabambatoitsformermarkets,butitwasnolongerthedominantsupplierthatithadbeenpriortotheWarofthePacific.Cochabambafarmerssoldcorn,wheat,potatoes,andflourinOruro.36Cochabambaflourwasnowcheaperthanimportedflour,butitwasalsolowerinquality.In1920,aquintal(ahundredweight)ofBolivianflourcostBs13.00inOruro.ThesamequantityofChileanflourcostBs29.00andAmerican(California?)flourcostBs30.00.37FrombeingtheprimarysourceofflourpriortotheWarofthePacific,Cochabambaflourproducershadtocompetewithhigher-qualityimportedflourby1920.

CochabambaandtheNationalEconomyattheEndofWorldWar1

Priortothe1890s,Cochabambagrainandflourproducersandartisansparticipatedactivelyinthenationaleconomy,althoughmarketsbegantocontractduringthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.Thegrowthoftheexportsector,however,modifiedthestructureofthenationaleconomybyconcentratingnationalwealthinthosepartsofthecountrydirectlylinkedtotheexportsector.Moreover,therapidincreaseinexportearningscreatedtheimpressionofprosperitythatgavetherulingoligarchylegitimacy,andfinancedthegrowingstatebureaucracy.Cochabamba,oneofthemostpopulousregionsinthecountry,participatedonlymarginallyintheapparentprosperityoftheexportboomsduringtheliberalperiod,especiallytheWorldWar1tin

boom.ThissectiondiscussesCochabamba'spositioninthenationaleconomyattheendofWorldWar1.Theyears19141918sawarapidexpansionbothinimportsandexports,andpredatedashortlivedcornboomintheearly1920swhichrevivedCochabambaagriculturesomewhat.Theyear1918isaconvenientpointatwhichtoevaluatethestagnationoftheCochabambaeconomyanalyzedhereastheabilityofCochabambaresidentstopayforimportedgoods.InhabitantsofCochabambaDepartmentdirectlyimportedrelativelyverylittle,whichstandsinmarkedcontrasttothedynamicoftheCochabambaeconomyintheyearsfollowingindependence.

JoséDalencedocumentedBolivianimportsandexportsbydepartmentin1846,andtherelativepositionofCochabambainthenationaleconomy(seeTable3.6).Becauseofthecontinuingstagnationofthenationaleconomyandthestatemonopolyoverthepurchaseofsilver,Boliviarananegativetradebalancepaidforbymintedsilver.In1846,thenegativetradebalanceandthustheflightofsilverfromtheinternaleconomystoodatBs1,660,617.60(Dalence'stradestatisticshavebeenconvertedfrompesostobolivianosinordertomaintainthecomparisonwithlaterdata).BoliviaimportedthelargestquantityofgoodsfromEuropeandPeru,andChileparticipatedintheBolivianeconomythroughthesaleoffoodstuffstotheAtacamaDesertterritory.MerchantsintheLaPazDepartmentimportedthelargestvolumeofgoodsbyvalue(42percent),althoughnonperishableimportsmayhavebeenredistributedtootherpartsofthecountry.CochabambaDepartmentrankedthirdinthevalueofimports(16.4percent),andpaidforimportswithearningsfromthesaleofagriculturalsurplusesandartisangoodstotheBolivianaltiplanoandtoalesserdegreetosouthernPeru.CochabambaDepartmentrananegativetradebalanceofBs295,352paidforwithmintedsilver.

Fourareas,LaPaz,Oruro,Potosí,andColoniasterritoryintheAmazonBasin,dominatedtheexportsectorattheendofWorldWar1,accountingfor97.3percentofallexportsbyvalue.OruroandPotosí,thetinproducingregions,contributed81.6percentofallexports,demonstratingtheoverwhelmingimportanceoftinmininginthetwentiethcentury(seeTable3.7).Cochabamba,whichcountedalmost20percentofthenationalpopulationaccordingtothe1900census,

38producedonly0.95percentofexports.Thesamefourdepartmentsconsumed92.6percentofallimportsbyvalue,andCochabambaamere1.98percent.Thesefigurescanbeplacedintocontextby

comparingthegrowthinimportsatthenationallevelandtoCochabambaDepartment.ThevolumeofimportsintoBoliviabyvalueincreasednearlyseventeentimesbetween1846and1918,whereasimportsintoCochabambaDepartmentgrewonlytwo-fold.

CochabambaandtheBolivianAlcoholIndustry

ProspectsforCochabambafarmerstemporarilychangedin1917and1918,withthecompletionoftheOruro-Cochabambarailroad,whichloweredtransportationcostsbetweenCochabambaandthealtiplano,andtheabolitionin1918ofthestatealcoholmonopolyandtheerectionof

Table3.6ImportsandExportsByDepartmentin1846,inBolivianos

Department Imports % Exports %Trade

Balance+/-LaPaz 873,896 42.0 295,290 70.7 -578,606Oruro 110,786 5.3 28,000 6.7 -82,786Cochabamba 341,112 16.4 45,760 11.0 -295,352Atacama-Littoral 97,633 4.7 37,600 9.0 -60,033Potosi 197,280 9.5 11,200 2.7 -186,080Chuquisaca 455,213 21.9Tupiza 2,547 .1Total 2,078,467 417,850 -1,660,617Source:JoseDalence,BosquejoestadisticodeBolivia(LaPaz,1975),Pp.272274.

atradebarriertoprotectnationallyproducedalcohol.Theeightyearsbetween1918and1925witnessedashort-termrevivalofCochabambaagriculture.ThissectionexaminestheimpactonCochabambaagricultureofthegrowthandcollapseofthenationalalcoholindustry,andtheresultingcrisisforCochabambafarmers.

Boliviangovernmentsafter1880hadtoreconcileideologicaltendencieswiththefiscalneedsofanexpandingstate.Inthelastthreedecadesofthenineteenthcentury,thesizeofthebureaucracygrewalongwiththeobligationsandeffectiveauthorityofthestate,andthegovernmenthadtolookfornewsourcesofrevenue.Onepolicywastoplacerelativelyheavytaxesontheinternaleconomytofinancethegovernment.Itiswithinthiscontextthatonecanexplainthecreationofestanco(statemonopoly)overthesaleofalcoholintheinternalmarket,whichstifledexistingalcoholproductioninthecountry.Theabolitionofthemonopolyin1918andtheerectionoftradebarrierstoprotectnationalalcoholstimulatedproductionthroughoutthecountry,andcontributedtoanupturninagricultureasCochabambafarmersproducedincreasingquantitiesofcornusedasabasematerialforalcohol.Thenational

alcoholindustrycollapsedjustasrapidlyafter1925,largelyasaresultofgovernmentpolicythatabruptlyendedthecornboom.

ThegovernmentofMaríanoBaptista(18941898)createdthemonopolyasareactiontothecrisisinthesilver-miningindustryinthe1890s.Oneshort-termsolutiontodeclininggovernmentrevenueswastheorganizationofthealcoholmonopolywhichinthelastyearsofthedecadeprovidedbetween5percentand10percentofgovernmentrevenue.

Table3.7BolivianImportsandExportsbyDepartmentin1918,inBolivianosDepartment Imports % Exports %LaPaz 13,439,554 38.4 18,831,686 10.3Oruro 8,489,112 24.3 31,820,421 17.4Potosi 9,743,235 27.8 117,259,600 64.2Colonias 747,946 2.1 9,863,532 5.4Beni 682,733 1.95 826,248 .45Cochabamba 692,158 1.98 1,739,744 .95SantaCruz 428,578 1.20 1,203,431 .66Tarija 474,973 1.40 686,503 .38Chuquisaca 301,598 .9 381,657 .21Total 34,999,887 182,612,851Source:AnuariogeograficoyestadisticodelaRepublicadeBolivia(LaPaz,1920),p.442.

Threefactorsinfluencedthechangeingovernmentalcoholpolicy.WorldWarIisolatedBoliviafromitsGermansourceofalcohol,andtheincreaseddemandintheworldmarketcausedbythewarforcedpricesupward.PeruvianproducerswhoreplacedtheGermanalcoholintheBolivianmarketattheonsetofthewarincreasinglysoldtheirproductintheEuropeanmarket.Therewasalsoastrongregionaloppositiontothealcoholmonopolybeforethewar,which,however,wasunabletomodifygovernmentpolicy.OneproposalcalledforthesaleofSantaCruzcanealcoholinthealtiplanomarket.

39Finally,ascandalin1917relatedtoreportedirregularitiesinthemanagementofthealcoholcontractbythemonopolyimportcompanyownedbytinbaronSimonPatinogavetheoppositionapotentargumentwithwhichtojustifytheabolitionofthemonopoly.Patinoillegallysold82,200cansofalcoholforBs2,055,000withoutpayingtaxes.40Thecombinationofthewar,differingregionalinterests,andthescandalin1917gavetheoppositionsufficientinitiativetooverturnthemonopoly.

In1917,variousinterestgroupspresentedprojectsforthereformorabolitionofthealcoholmonopoly.PresidentIsmaelMontes(19131917)wantedtoextendthemonopolycontractforfourmoreyears,butCongressvetoedhisproposal.TheproponentsofinternalproductionforthenationalmarketproposedalawtoclosetheBolivianmarkettoimportsofforeignalcohol,buttheSenaterejectedtheproposalafterithadpassedintheChamberofDeputies.Thedifferentpartiesagreedonacompromise

in1917,whichallowedthefreeimportationofalcoholwiththepaymentofaBs0.60taxperliter.

The1917proposalforaprotectednationalmarketforalcohollargelyfailedbecauseitfavoredSantaCruzsugar-canealcoholproducers,whocouldundersellalcoholproducersinLaPazandOruro,who,inturn,hadmoreinfluencewiththenationalgovernment.In1917,therewerealreadyanumberofsmallalcoholplantsinthecountrythatproducedsomefortythousandcansofalcoholfromeitheracaneorgrainbase;operationsinChuquisacausingagrainbase,sugarcaneinSantaCruz,grainsinOruro,andseveralinCochabambathatproducedalcoholeitherfromagrainorsugarbase.42

OnMarch23,1918,Congresspassedalaw''nationalizing"thealcoholmarket,or,inotherwords,prohibitingtheimportationofforeignalcoholorbasematerialsforalcoholproduction,particularlymolasses.43Thelawstimulatedarapidexpansioninalcoholproductionindifferentpartsofthecountry,andstiffcompetitiondevelopedamongthealcohol-producingregions.ThevolumeofalcoholproducedinBoliviaexpandedbetween1917and1925.In1919,forexample,nationalalcoholproductionstoodat1.03millionliters,and1.65millionlitersin1924(seeTable3.8).

Thealcoholindustrycreatedbylegislativefiatwasvulnerabletopolicychanges,asituationthegovernmenttookadvantageof.In1921,theworlddemandfortindeclined,andasaconsequence,governmentrevenuesdropped.Inthefirstsemesterof1920,exporttaxesgeneratedBs4.4millioninrevenue,butonly1.3millioninthefirstsemesterofthefollowingyear.44Thegovernmentrespondedtothefiscalcrisisbyincreasingtaxesontheinternaleconomy,andextortedmoneyfromalcoholproducers.TheBautistaSaavedra

administration(19211925)proposedopeningthenationalmarkettoimportsofforeignalcoholagain,whichwouldhavedestroyedthenationalalcoholindustry.Theannouncementoftheproposedlawhadanimmediateimpactonnationalalcoholproduction.LaPazandOruroproducerssuspendedcornpurchases,which,inturn,affectedCochabambacornproducerswhodependedupongrowingsalestothealcoholindustry.45Thegovernment,however,offeredacompromise:thesuspensionofthelegislativeproposal,inreturnfora25percenttaxsurchargeonnationallyproducedalcohol,andanimmediatepaymentofBs600,000.ThealcoholproducershadnooptionbuttoacceptSaavedra'sproposal.46Differentadministrationsfavoredspecificregionalalcoholproducerinterests,andmodificationsintheexistingmonopoly.Attheendof1918,forexample,thegovernmentofMontes

Table3.8BolivianAlcoholProductionin1919,1924,and1925,inLitersDepartment 1919 1924 1925LaPaz 177,836 819,064 N/AOruro 343,998 182,165 172,772Chuquisaca 52,946 23,169 N/ASantaCruz 331,290 275,138 435,036Cochabamba 124,952 291,630 N/ABeni&Colonias 54,756 N/ATarija 720 N/ATotal 1,031,022 1,646,642Source:ElRepublicano,May9,1921,November24,1925;ElComercioOctober30,1926.

protegeJoséGutiérrezGuerra(19171920)proposedanewlawthatwouldhaveallowedfortheimportationofPeruvianmolasses,whichwouldhavebenefitedLaPazalcoholproducers.Congressrejectedtheproposal.

47In1923,PresidentBautistaSaavedraproposedanotherlawtoprohibitthedistillationofgrainalcohol,whichfavoredtheinterestsofcane-alcoholproducersandwouldhaveunderminedCochabambaagriculturethatsuppliedlargequantitiesofcornforalcoholproduction.Congressalsorejectedthisproposal.48

Severalfactorscontributedtoacrisisinthenationalalcoholindustryinthe1920s.First,taxesforcedthesaleofBolivian-producedalcoholatartificiallyhighprices,whichreducedtheabilityofthenationalproducttocompetewithagrowingvolumeofPeruvianalcoholsmuggledintothecountrybywayofLakeTiticaca.Intheyears1924and1925,anestimated500,000to800,000litersofcontrabandalcoholandmolassesenteredBoliviaeachyear.ThePeruvianproductenjoyedasubstantialPriceadvantagevis-à-visthenationallyproducedalcohol.Thecanof

PeruvianalcoholcostBs35andthenationallyproducedalcoholBs52.49

In1920,acanofnationallyproducedalcoholcostBs48.22inthealtiplano.WithataxofBs0.60perliter,theactualcostofthecanwasBs36.Underthe1922taxincrease,thegovernmentaddedBs0.15totheexistingtax.AtapriceofBs52percanin1925,theactualcostwasBs37andthetaxwasBs15.ThepricedifferencebetweenthePeruvianandBolivianalcoholwasBs2percan,whichwouldnotnecessarilyhavedamagedthealcoholindustry.ThecostoftransportationfromthefrontieraroundLakeTiticacamighthaveeliminated,toacertaindegree,the

priceadvantagethatthePeruvianalcoholenjoyed.Withthetax,however,thepricedifferenceofBs17percanwasmorethansufficienttounderminetheprofitabilityofthenationalalcoholindustry.

ItisdifficulttoquantifythevolumeofthecontrabandalcoholtradebetweenPeruandBoliviainthe1920sbeyondtheroughestimatesmadebycontemporaryobservers.DataabstractedfromPeruvianstatisticalreportsplacesthecontrabandalcoholtradeinperspective.Between1912andtheearly1920s,PeruvianalcoholproductionexpandedinresponsetofavorablemarketconditionswiththedemandcreatedbyWorldWarI.Thecontinuedexpansionofproductionlevelsfollowingthecessationofhostilitiesmayhaveleftasurplus,whichPeruvianalcoholproducersdumpedontheBolivianmarket.Some9to14percentoftotalPeruvianalcoholproductionenteredBoliviain1924and1925,whichdemonstratestheimportanceoftheBolivianmarketforPeruvianproducers(seeTable3.9).

WithinBolivia,SantaCruzcane-alcoholproducersreportedlyenjoyedapriceadvantageinrelationtograin-basedalcohol,andcanealcoholalsothreatenedtodisplacegrainalcoholfromthealtiplanomarket.Moreover,SantaCruzproducersraisedproductionlevelsinthesameyearsthatcontrabandPeruvianalcoholbecameamajorproblem,whichcontributedtothesaturationofthemarket.51Finally,alcohol-consumptionlevelsdroppedwiththe1921depressioninthenationaleconomycausedbythedownturnintinmining,whichoccurredataboutthesametimethatPeruvianalcoholbegantoenterBolivia.NationalalcoholproducershadtocompeteamongthemselvesandwithcontrabandPeruvianalcoholforavariablemarket.

In1928,thegovernmentofHernandoSiles(19261930)organizeda

congressofalcoholproducerstoanalyzetheproblemstheindustryfaced,andtodiscusspossiblesolutions.ThealcoholproducersrecognizedthatcontrabandPeruvianalcoholwasthefundamentalcauseofthecrisis,andurgedthegovernmenttoexercisetightercontroloverthefrontierwithPeru.52Thisproposal,however,wasintheshort-terminsufficienttorevivethenationalalcoholindustry.

AlcoholproductionwasanimportantactivityinCochabamba.Moreover,intheyearsfrom1918to1925Cochabambafarmerssoldlargequantitiesofcornandbarleyforalcoholandbeerproduction.TheCochabambaregionaleconomycametodependontheprotectedmarketforalcoholintheearly1920s,andthedisruptionofthemarketcausedadepressionintheagriculturaleconomyafter1925.

TherewereseveralsmallalcoholfactoriesoperatinginCochabambaattheendofthenineteenthcentury,ifnotearlier.The"FábricaNacional

Table3.9PeruvianAlcoholProduction19121929,inLitersYear AlcoholProduction Index(1912=100)1912 4,433,702 1001913 3,620,601 821914 4,341,341 981915 4,479,971 1011916 4,213,782 951917 5,197,832 1171918 4,268,293 961919 6,389,367 1441920 8,310,331 1871921 8,291,059 1871922 6,089,280 1371923 5,094,554 1151924 3,856,099 871925 6,185,446 1401926 6,595,541 1491927 4,218,332 951928 3,991,048 901929 6,627,900 149Source:ExtractoestadisticadelPeru(Lima,1931).

deAlcoholesyAguardientes"operatedinClizaintheValleAltointhelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury.OneManuelSerranoownedanalcoholfactoryandturbineflourmillinCochabambaDepartmentatthebeginningofthepresentcentury.TherewerealsofactoriesinHaciendaChangolla(ArqueProvince),andSutimarca(CantónSipeSipe,ValleBajo).

In1917,fouralcoholfactoriesproducedatotaloffifteenthousandcans

forlocalconsumption:Cliza,fivethousandcans;Quillacollo,intheValleBajo,fivethousandcans;Vinto,alsointheValleBajo,twothousandcans;andChangolla,threethousandcans.Moreover,Cochabambafarmerssoldtwothousandfanegasofcornandanothertwothousandfanegasofbarleytoalcoholfactories.Inthesameyear,amere1percentofallcornproducedinCochabambawasdestinedforalcohol,asagainst9percentforfood,and90percentforchicha(cornbeer)production.54

After1918Cochabambafarmerssoldgrains,principallycorn,usedinCochabambaandOruroalcoholproduction.55In1924,forexample,258,000quintales(hundredweights)ofCochabambacorn(some38percentofthecrop)and99,000quintalesofbarleywereusedinalcoholandbeerproduction,anestimatebasedupontheamountcollectedintaxes

ontheseproducts.

56Inthepreviousyear,thecorncropinthedepartmenttotaledsome680,000quintales(seeTable3.10).However,theslowdowninthealcoholindustrywasalreadybeingfeltinCochabamba,withslightlymorethanaquarterofthe1923corncropreportedlyunsold.In1924,allbuttheQuillacolloplantsuspendedoperations.57

ThedropinpurchasesofCochabambacorncoincidedwiththecompletionin1925ofaraillinebetweenBoliviaandArgentina,whichlowedArgentinecornandwheatproducerstosellcheapgraininBolivia.OneobservercommentedonthebenefitsforurbanconsumersofincreasedtradewithArgentina,declaringthat

thisrailroadisgoingtolower[thecost]oflivingforBoliviansandwillgiveenormousreturnstotheArgentinians.Theexplicationisverysimple.Argentinaisgoingtointroduceitsanimals,itsflourandthoseforeignmanufacturedgoodswhicharriveviatheAtlanticatreducedprices.ThisisgoingtobenefitenormouslyallBolivians;betheyinthecities,orinthemines[.]58

CochabambacornproducersalsofacedcompetitionfromproducersfromotherpartsofBolivia,whowerelinkedtothealtiplanomarketforthefirsttimethroughthedevelopmentofinternaltransportation,bothroadsandrailroads.Inthelate1840s,forexample,cornproductioninChuquisacaandTarijadepartmentstotaledsome491,254fanegadas,or34.8percentofnationalproduction.59Cornproducersinthedifferentpartsofthecountrywerelimitedtolocalmarketsthroughoutthenineteenthcenturybecauseofhightransportationcostsandlimiteddemand.Improvementsininternaltransportationallowedproducersfromtheseareastoselltheircorninthealtiplanomarket,andforthefirsttimeprofitably.Inthemid-1920s,cornproducersfromCochabambaandotherregionsin

southernBoliviadominateddifferentpartsofthealtiplanomarket:CochabambacornintheOruromarket;Chuquisaca,Cochabamba,andPotosícorninUyuni;andCotagaita,Cinti,Camargo,Tupiza,andTarijaproducedcorninAtocha.60CornproducersfromTupizaandLarecaja,regionswithlowerproductionandtransportationcosts,begantodisplaceCochabambacornintheOruromarket.61Moreover,Argentineancorn,whichenjoyedlowerfreightchargesontheBolivianrailroadsystemthandidCochabambacorn,enteredtheBolivianmarketinlargequantitiesafter1925.62

Withtheabundanceofcornintheinternalmarket,thepricebegantofallin1925.63Theincreaseinlevelsofcornproductionthroughoutthecountry,coupledwiththeimprovementofinternaltransportation,ledto

Table3.10Useofthe1923CochabambaCornCropQuantityinQuintals Use

ValueinBolivianos Percentage

185,000 Alcohol 1,665,000 27.2300,000 Chicha 2,700,000 44.115,000 Food 135,000 2.2180,000 Unsold 1,620,000 26.5

Source:ElRepublicano,October2,1923.

overproductioninrelationtoexistingdemand.

64After1925thecheapestandnotthehighest-qualitycornhadtheadvantageinthemarket.CornfromsouthernBolivia,forexample,wasBs0.87perquintalcheaperinthealtiplanomarketthanthehigher-qualityCochabambacorn.65Asaconsequence,Cochabambafarmersencounteredconsiderabledifficultyinsellingcornafter1925.66Accordingtoonesource,Cochabambafarmerslostasmuchas50percentoftheirincomeafter1925.67

DebtCrisis

Thecollapseofcornpricesafter1925manifesteditself,inpart,inaconstrictionofcreditandadebtcrisischaracterizedbyanincreasednumberofforeclosuresandpublicsalesofbothagriculturalandurbanproperty.Cochabambafarmerscontracteddebtsinordertoexpandcornproductionafter1918.Between1922and1926,theamountofdebtasreflectedinthevalueofmortgagesgrewbyBs46,174,994(seeTable3.11).In1917,theprincipalmortgagebanksintheentirecountryhadloanssecuredbyrealpropertywithonlyavalueofBs17,755,593.68

Thedropincornpricesreportedlycausedadeflationinlandvalues,whichleftmanylarge-andsmall-scalefarmersinthesituationofhavingtopayloanobligationsandlandtaxesbasedonhigherpre-1925property

values.69Furthermore,farmershadtoamortizetheirloanswithreducedincome.70Accordingtoonesource,at

least80percent[ofCochabambafarmers],are[burdened]bybankobligationsfromwhichtheycannotget[outfromunder]becauseofthecurrentstateof[theeconomy]whichseemstohavegonetotheextremeofthedepreciationofthevalueofthesameproperties.71

Table3.11MortgagesandDebtCancelationsinCochabamba,1922-Year MortgagesinBs CancelationsinBS1922 16,339,840 2,054,5081923 14,419,295 4,159,2251924 9,685,651 2,496,2961925 6,687,270 1,146,4891926 11,316,658 2,520,172Total 58,848,714 12,676,720Source:ArturoTaborgaandJesusLozada,TrabajospresentadosalaMisionKemmererporlosasesoresdeCochabamba(Cochabamba,1927).

Thevolumeofdebtsalesincreasedafter1925,buttheincreasednumberofdebtsalesalsoputdownwardpressureonlandvalues.Thepublicsaleofallforeclosedpropertieswouldhavecreatedaglutinthelandmarket,which,inturn,wouldhaveforcedlandvaluesevenlower.Thosepropertiesforeclosedandactuallysoldatauction,wentforpriceslowerthanthevalueassignedbythecadastralsurvey.Insomeinstances,landsworthBs50,000soldforaslittleasBs5,000toBs10,000.

72ThenewspaperadvertisementthatannouncedthepublicsaleofHaciendaLacma,locatedinCantónItocta(CercadoProvince),notedthat"thepriceforsaidproperties[Lacmaandotherlands]arelowerthanthejudicial[valuebecause]ofthecrisisthroughwhichthecountryispassing,[and]beingsoridiculous[lylow]thatthepurchaseofthesepropertiesconstitutesatruebargain."73

In1927,thebanksholdingoutstandingmortgagesinitiatedacollectiveactionagainstdebtors,buthadtosuspendtheiroperationinthefollowingyearbecauseofthelowreturnsrealizedinthepublicsales.74Variousgroupsproposedsolutionstothedebtproblem.One,whichwouldhavefavoreddebtors,wasacompletereformofbankinglawsin

ordertoprovidemoreprotectiontodebtors.75Asecondproposalwastolowerinterestrates,whichwouldhavealloweddebtorstoservicetheirdebtswithoutlosingtheirproperties;overthelongrun,thiswouldhaveenabledbankstorecuperatetheircapital.76Thislastproposalnotonlydependedonthewillingnessofthebankerstostringoutthedebtobligationofthelandowner,butitalsopresumedasufficientlystrongfinancialhealthofthebankstohavepermittedanextensionofloanpaymentswithoutthreateningtheverysurvivalofthefinancialinstitution.Theperiodfrom1925to1929wasequallydifficultforthebanksthatalsofacedinsolvency,

especiallywiththeobligationofpayinginterestandprincipalontheletrashipotecarias(interest-bearingbonds)incirculation.Thisexplains,inpart,theintoleranceofbankstowarddebtors.

77Thepost-1918cornboomcreatedaspeculativeatmosphereinCochabambaforbothfarmerswhoexpandedproductionlevelsandbanksthatwillinglylentmoneyonthebasisofincreasinglandvalues.Inthesqueezeofthepost-1925crisis,thefarmerultimatelylostout.In1929,thebanksinitiatedanewseriesofforeclosuresandpublicsales.

TaxProtestsandProposalsForEconomicRecovery

ThecrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthelate1920swasmetwithresponsesthatrangedfromtaxproteststodetailedproposalstorevivethefarmingeconomy.Thissectionoutlinestheseresponses.

OneaspectofthecrisisinCochabambadiscussedbycontemporaryobserverswastheovervaluationofagriculturalland,andtheimpositionofhigherland-taxratesinconformitywiththepreparationofanewcadastralsurveyin1924thatreflectedpre-crisislandvalues.Theimpositionofhighertaxesinthemidstofarecessionprovokedadebateinthelocalnewspapers,andoneprominentpoliticiantookupthecauseoffarmersinClizaProvince,intheValleAlto.PropertyownersinClizacomplainedaboutthenewtaxratesthroughSenatorDamiánRejasandthe"JuntaAgricoladeToco,"onedistrictinClizaProvince.RejasandtheleadersoftheTocofarmersassociationclaimedthattherehadbeenirregularitiesintheappraisaloflandvaluesintheprovince,asevidencedbyinconsistenciesinthecadastralvalueandtaxratesassigned,andwhatappearedtohavebeenpartialityonthepartofthecommitteethatover-sawthepreparationofthecadastralsurveyandtaxassessments.Rejascomparedthe

cadastralvalueassignedtoneighboringpropertiesandlandslocatedindifferentpartsoftheprovince.Forexample,RejascomparedlandvaluesintheareaaroundTocoinoneofthemoreproductivedistrictsintheValleAlto,withSiches,asmallmountainvalleyalsolocatedinCantónToco.78Accordingtoanothercritiqueofthecommission'sworkinthepreparationofthecadastralsurvey,propertyowners

havebroughtpresentsoffoodtothecommission,thevalueofwhichhasbeendiscountedfromthenewexaggeratedtax,which,althoughithadnotbeenexactlyagreedupon,constitutesaridiculousbribe.79

TheprotestbyClizafarmerswasinvain.Withfiscaldifficulties,thegovernmentwasnotinclinedtolowertaxes.Resistancetothenewtaxratesrepresented,inpart,anaturalreluctanceonthepartoflandowners,especiallysmallholders,topaytaxes,ashadoccurredin1915atthetimeofthepreparationofanewcadastralsurveyforQuillacolloProvince.Theimpositionofhighertaxesin1915alsoprovokedastormofprotest.

80Thesituationinthemid-1920s,however,wasexacerbatedbythecollapseofcornpricesandtheinabilityofmanylandownerstomeetdebtandtaxobligations.TheresistancetothelandtaxinClizarepresentedareactiontotheunfavorableeconomicandecologicalconditionsthataffectedsmallholdersandlarge-scaleproducersalike.

Economistsandpoliticianssoughtwaystoreactivatetheagriculturaleconomy.In1926,CochabambafarmerssentacommissiontoLaPaztodiscusswithgovernmentofficialspossiblesolutionstothefarmingcrisis.ThedelegationstressedtheneedtolowerfreightratesbetweenCochabambaandOruro,whichwerehigherperunitofweightperkilometerthanfreightratesonthelineswithinthealtiplanoandthelinesthatconnectedthealtiplanowiththecoastandArgentina.Thecomplaintaboutfreightratesdidnottakeintoaccountthefactthattherailcompaniessetfreightrates,inconjunctionwiththegovernment,atlevelsthatwouldgiveareasonablereturnonthecapitalinvested,aswellasthefactthatconstructioncostsvariedonthedifferentlinesbecauseofgeography.Asprojectedin1906,thecostofconstructionperkilometerontheCochabamba-OrurolinewasamongthehighestintheBoliviansystem.81Itwasalsointheinterestofthegovernmenttosupplycheapfoodstuffstotheurbancenters,andthelowerfreightratesforArgentineangraincanbeunderstoodasameasureforstimulatingimportsofcheapcorn.Furthermore,thecommission

proposedamodificationofthetaxstructureoncornandcornby-productssuchaschicha,andtheplacementofcontrolsonlevelsofalcoholproductioninthecountryinordertosolvetheproblemofoverproductionandcompetitionbetweenthedifferentalcohol-producingregions.CochabambafarmersidentifiedthestagnationinthealcoholindustryasamajorcauseofthecrisisinCochabambaagriculture.PresidentHernandoSilesofferedlittlemorethanadvicetothemembersofthedelegation.HestressedthatCochabambafarmersneededtodiversifyandconcentrateontheproductionofbreadandmeat.82

TheeconomistCastoRojas,aCochabambanativeandformerfinanceministerduringLiberal-partyruleinBolivia(19001920),whowasaleadingfigureintheformulationofgovernmenteconomicpolicyintheearlytwentiethcentury,proposedanumberofmeasurestoreactivatethe

economy:(1)modificationofthetaxesoncorn;(2)suspensionofthetaxratessetbythe1924cadastralsurvey;(3)adropinfreightratesbetweenCochabambaandOruro;and(4)thecreationofanewgovernmentmonopolyonalcoholproductioninordertoimposetighterproductioncontrolstoreducetheamountofcompetitionbetweenthedifferentalcohol-producingregionsinthecountry.

83Anotherprojectpublishedinalocalnewspaperin1926includedfivebasicpoints:(1)suspensionofnewlandtaxrates;(2)modificationofexistingtaxesonmuku(thebasematerialforchicha)or(3)theeliminationoftaxesoncornandmuku;(4)anincreaseinthetaxrateimposedonimportedcorn;and(5)creationofagovernmentmonopolyonalcoholinordertocontrolproductionlevels.84Finally,SenatorDamiánRejaspresentedthefollowingprojectin1929:(1)creationofanagriculturalbankthatwouldchargeaninterestrateof4percentperyear;(2)suppressionofthelandtaxandtaxesimposedonagriculturalproduction;(3)astrictapplicationoflawsdesignedtocontrolactsofsabotageonhaciendas;(4)theorganizationofaprogramtosellseedatcost;and(5)thedevelopmentofprojectsdesignedtoimprovelevelsoftechnologyinagriculture,andtoinvestintheimprovementsininternaltransportationandcommunicationsinfrastructure.85Inordertofinancetheagriculturalbank,RejasproposedlegislationauthorizinganeffectivecapitalofBs6,000,000andpermissiontoissueBs21,000,000inbanknotes.86

Oftheproposedmeasuresoutlinedabove,thegovernmentonlyenactedtheconsolidationofthetaxesoncornandaloweringofrailroadfreightrates.Thegovernmentcreatedasingletaxonallcornproducts,theimpuestoúnico.Anotherproposal,aplantodevelopanationalflour-millingindustry,foundsupportfromthegovernmentin1929,butitdidnotstimulateCochabambaagriculturebycreatingan

increaseddemandforwheat.

Withthecrisisofthelate1920s,Cochabambafarmersbeganlookingforalternativecrops.Anincreaseinwheatproductionheldtheprospectofbailingoutdebt-riddenfarmers.Thefirstmeasureofwhatcanbecalled"thewheatproject"wasa1927proposalforatariffonimportsofforeignwheatandwheatflour,whichthebackersoftheproposalhopedwouldstimulatewheatproductioninBolivia.87TheproponentsoftheprotectivetariffsuggestedarateofBs0.45perkiloofwheatandwheatflour,andstressedthatnationalwheatproductionandanationalflour-millingindustrycouldsupplyinternaldemand.Furthermore,thesupportersoftheplanarguedthataprotectivetariffwouldnotcontributetoashortageofbreadoranincreaseinbreadpricesintheurbanandminingcenters,

whichwasalwaysamajorgovernmentconcern.

88However,theinfluentialLaPazChamberofCommercelobbiedagainsttheproposal,andthegovernmentadoptedatariffofonlyBs0.07perkilo.Thenewtariffdidnotservetostimulatenationalagriculture,butwasmerelyanothersourceofgovernmentrevenue.89

PoliticianswhorepresentedCochabambafarmersproposedanewprojectin1928,thecreationofanationalflour-millingindustrythatwouldbesuppliedbynationallyproducedwheat.LegislationintroducedinCongressinsupportoftheproposalcontainedthefollowingprovisions:(1)establishmentofamonopolycompanyinBoliviatoproducewheatflour;(2)freeimportationofmachinery,lubricants,cottonbags,andothermaterialstobeusedintheconstruction,operation,andmaintenanceoftheprojectedmills;(3)theconstructionofthreemodernlarge-capacitymills,onetobelocatedinLaPaz,asecondinCochabamba,andthethirdinthesouthernpartofthecountry;(4)specialfreightratesonthenationalrailroadsystemformaterialsimportedforthemillingindustry,andthetransportationofflourwithinthecountry;(5)andaprotectivetariffonimportedwheatflour,coupledwithaten-yeartaxexemptionforthenewmillingindustry.90

Theplanwasthesubjectofconsiderabledebatein1928and1929.TheinfluentialLaPazChamberofCommercepointedoutthecontradictionsthatexistedintheproposedlegislation,theprotectionofferedtothemillingindustryandthelackofsimilarprotectionforlocalwheatproducers.91Othercriticsarguedthatonlythegovernmentwouldbenefitfromtheimplementationoftheprojectthroughincreasedtaxrevenues,andthatthesmallmerchantwouldbeunabletosellflourproducedbythemonopolycompany,thusdeprivingthisimportanturbangroupofparticipationinamajorpart

oftheurbanretailtrade.92Finally,othersarguedthatthenationalmillingindustrywouldnotstimulatenationalagriculture.TheEuropean-designedmillingequipmentthatwastobeimportedhadahighermillingcapacitydesignedforfinerandmoreuniformwheatkernelsthanthoseproducedinBolivia.Capital,whichwasunavailabletomostfarmersinthemidstoftheeconomiccrisis,wouldbenecessarytoexpandproductionlevelsinthecountryandintroducenewwheatvarieties.Evenwithaprotectivetariff,themonopolycompanywouldhavehadtopaybelowmarketpricesforwheatinordertorealizeaprofit,whichwouldhaveprovedtobeadisincentivetotheexpansionandimprovementofwheatproduction.Themillingindustrywouldhavetobeestablishedwithoutasecuresourceoftheprimarymaterial,andmostlikelyitwouldhavedependedonimportsofforeignwheat.93According

tooneestimate,Bolivianwheatproducerswouldhavetoincreaseproductionlevelsbynearly240,000quintalesinfiveyearsinordertomeetthedemandcreatedbythenewindustry.

Theauthorsoftheprojectalsodidnottakeintoaccounttheimpactthelegislationwouldhaveonexistingmills.Accordingtoa1928report,therewere323primitiveand3modernmillsinCochabambaDepartment.The3modernmillswerelocatedinCapinota,ontheprincipalroutetothealtiplano;inQuillacollo,intheValleBajo;andintheSacabaValley.95ThemilllocatedinSacaba,forexample,wasrelativelynew,havingbeencompletedin1910withasubstantialcapitalinvestmentofBs120,000.96

Theprojectmetwithvaryingdegreesofsuccessin1928and1929,asitmovedthroughCongress.TheChamberofDeputiesrejectedoutrightoneproposalmadein1928,byagroupofBoliviancapitalists,todevelopthenationalmillingindustryunderthetermslaidoutinproposedlegislation.97Inthesameyear,theChamberapprovedtheproject,buttheSenatetooknoaction.AspecialsessionofCongress,calledattheendof1928todealwithadeepeningeconomiccrisisinthecountry,failedtotakeactionontheproposal.98TheLaPazChamberofCommercetookitsownactionbyconsultingwiththeArgentineanfirm''SociedadAnonimadeMolinosyElevadoresdeGranos"aboutthebuildingofmodernmills.99In1929,PresidentHernandoSilesdecreedthecreationofthenationalmillingindustryonthebasisofthelegislationpresentedbeforeCongressinthepreviousyear,andpermittedtheimportationofthemillingmachineryinthesameyear.100

Theprojecttocreateanationalmillingindustrygenerateddebatethatpittedregionalinterestsagainsteachother.Inordertoprotectand

stimulatewheatproductioninBolivia,itwasnecessarytoplaceahighprotectivetariff,whichwouldhavecontributedtoanincreaseinbreadpricesintheurbancenters.Accordingtoonesource,atariffofBs16per100kilosofwheatflourwasnecessarytopromotenationalproduction,which,inturn,wouldhaveraisedthepriceofaquintalbyBs4toBs26inLaPazandBs28inCochabamba.101Pricesattheselevelswouldhaveallowednationallyproducedflourtocompete,butmighthaveproducedsocialconflictsimilartothe1910riotinCochabambaCity.Fromthepointofviewofthegovernment,itwasmoreimportanttomaintainsocialcontrolintheurbancenters,theseatofeffectivepoliticalpower.

Beginningin1930,importsofwheatforthenewmillsgrew,anditwasonlyinthe1940sthatthenationalgovernmentinitiatedprogramstoexpandandimprovenationalwheatproduction.Between1930and1949,Boliviaimported641,499metrictonsofwheatand405,488metric

tonsofwheatflour,andthemillingindustrypurchasedamere88,688metrictonsofBolivianwheat.

102In1939,thenewmillsbuiltinCochabambaproducedwheatflourwithwheatimportedfromCalifornia.103

Thewheatprojectofthelate1920sdidnoteliminateBolivia'sdependenceonfoodimports,butmerelyshiftedtheweightofimportationtoanotherproduct,unmilledwheat.ThewheatproblempersiststodaywiththegrowthofimportsanddonationsofwheatandwheatflourtoBoliviaintheyearsfollowingthe1953agrarianreform.In1982,wheatimportsreached234,000metrictons.104Theexport-importeconomicmodeldevelopedinBoliviafollowingtheWarofthePacificcontinuesunalteredtoday.A1926reportrelatedthatbetween1920and1924BoliviaimportedgoodsworthBs69,090,859alsoproducedinBolivia,105astatementthatisequallyvalidtoday.

Conclusions

ThegoalsofCochabambafarmersconflictedwiththeobjectivesofthemodernizingliberalstate.Thenationalgovernmentplacedemphasisonthedevelopmentoftheexportsector,andgenerallypromotedpoliciesthatfavoredexports.Fromthelatenineteenthcentury,whenthesilverminingindustryenteredacrisiswiththefallintheworldpriceforsilver,thestatesupportedapolicyofimportingcheapfoodstuffs,whichcontributedtoaloweringofproductioncostsintheminingindustrybyallowingforthepaymentoflowersalariestoworkers.Thispolicy,however,wasprejudicialtonationalagriculture.Atthesametime,anambitiousprogramofrailroadandroadconstructionfosteredinternalintegration,whichfurtherdamagedCochabambaagriculture.ImprovedcommunicationsallowedforthemovementofcheapfoodstuffsfromArgentina,Chile,andtheUnited

States,andregionswithinBoliviathatcouldproducecheapercornandothergrains.GeographiclocationhadpreviouslyfavoredCochabambawithintheprotectedcolonialperiodinterregionalandnationalmarkets,butwiththeimprovementofcommunicationsandtheloweringoftransportationcostsCochabambaproducerslosttheirfavoredposition.Thenationalgovernment,morecloselyalliedwithminingandcommercialinterestsbasedinLaPazandSucre,offeredfewconcreteproposalstoresolvetheproblemsfacedbyCochabambafarmers,whichlargelyoriginatedfromthesamegovernmentaleconomicpolicies.Finally,taxpoliciesdidnotfavorCochabambaagriculture,andcrippledoneofthemostdynamicsectorsoftheinternal

economywhenrevenuesfromtheexportsectordeclinedasaresultofchangesininternationaldemand.

ThehistoryofthenationalalcoholindustryclearlydemonstratesthatBolivianpoliticianswerewillingtosacrificetheinterestsofproducerslinkedtotheinternaleconomyinordertofinancetheexpandinggovernmentbureaucracy.GovernmentmanipulationdirectlycontributedtothestagnationofthenationalalcoholindustryandCochabambaagricultureinthe1920s,whichsetintomotionaseconddebtproblemsimilartothecrisisofthe1890s,characterizedbyagrowingnumberofforeclosuresandlandsales.ConditionsinCochabambaparalleledthefarmcrisisintheUnitedStatesinthe1980s,buttherewasonemajordifference.Cochabambafarmerscouldnotcountongovernmentpricesupportsandloanstogetthemthroughperiodsofdifficulty,andmanylandownerslostapartoforalloftheirlands.DespitethediscussionofideastohelpCochabambafarmers,thegovernmentdidlittle.

HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaChimbalocatedinthesuburbsofCochabambaCity

AgriculturallandsintheValleBajo,formerHaciendaPairumani

HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaViloma,ValleBajo

RuinedhaciendahouseintheValleAlto,CantonSanBenito

AraniTown(ValleAlto)onmarketday

AgriculturallandsatKekomainCantonToco,marginsoftheValleAlto

RuinsofHaciendahouseatKekomadestroyedfollowingthe1952Revolution

HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)

HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(FormerlyParedón)

HaciendahouseofformerHaciendaMatarani,CantonAnzaldo(formerlyParedón)

RuinsofHaciendahouseofformerHaciendaSacabambadestroyedfol-lowingthe1952Revolution,CantónAnzaldo(Paredón)

AgriculturallandsofformerHaciendaSacabamba,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

AgriculturallandsatSanFrancisco,CantonAnzaldo(Paredón)

AgriculturallandsintheArqueHighlands

ApeasantcommunityintheArqueHighlands

ChurchofSantaClaraBuiltinCochabambaCitybetween1912and1917

PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaSumunpaya,1875

PlanofthedivisionofHaciendaQueruQueru

4ThePartitionoftheHaciendaandLand-TenureChangesinCochabambaDepartmentIndescribingBoliviainthemid-1840s,JoséDalencereportedthatagriculturallandwasdividedbetween6,133privatelyownedhaciendas,whichbelongedto5,135headsofhousehold,and4,204corporateindigenouscommunities,whichweredividedintosome106,132individualsubsistenceplots.Ruralsocietywasdominatedbyasmallhacienda-owningelite.Themajorityofpeasantsnotlivinginthecorporateindigenouscommunitieswereservicetenants.Aclassofarrendadores,individualswithmoneytoinvestinagriculture,butwhowereunabletobreakintotheranksofthelandedelite,wasathirdimportantgroup.

1Withinacentury,thesocietyofthecentral-valleydistrictshadbeenradicallytransformedwiththegrowthofalargeclassofpiqueros,smallpeasantlandowners.ThehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentalsoexperiencedchange,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthecentralvalleys.

Theliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunity,discussedinchapter2,contributedtochangeinCochabamba'sruralsociety.Thepartitionofthecolonialhaciendaandthetransformationofthehacienda-owningclasswerealsoimportant.Thischapteroutlines,inageneralway,therapidgrowthofthenumberofpropertiesinCochabambaDepartment;thecausesofthedeclineofthehacienda,especiallyinthecentral-valleydistricts;andthemetamorphosisofhaciendalaborandruralsocialrelations.

TheSubdivisionofAgriculturalLandinCochabamba

Betweenthe1840sandthe1940s,thenumberofruralpropertiesinCochabambaDepartmentgrew.Changeinthestructureoflandtenure,however,variedbetweenvalleyandhighlandjurisdictions.Thenumberofprivatepropertiesincreasedfrom1,045inthemid-1840s,to44,875

around1912,and68,250about1945(seeTable4.1).Usingthesefigures,itcanbeestimatedthatthenumberofseparatepropertiesincreasedbysome654propertiesperyearfromthe1840sto1912,and708propertiesperyearfrom1912to1945.Inseveralprovinces,thenumberofagriculturalpropertiesactuallydeclinedbetween1912and1945,resultingfromthereclassificationofruralpropertiesasurbanpropertiesandtheconsolidationoflandintoasmallernumberoflatifundios.InTapacari,Arque,andAyopayaprovinces,forexample,thedropinthenumberofpropertiesrepresentedtheconsolidationoflandand,toalesserextent,thereclassificationofruralasurbanproperties.TherapidgrowthofCochabambaCityledtothereclassificationoflandinCercadoProvincefromruraltourbanuses.

AnumberofcontemporaryobserversdescribedtheparcelizationofagriculturallandinCochabamba,andparticularlyinthecentral-valleydistricts.Writingin1931,lawyerandlandownerOctavioSalamanca,brotherofpresidentDanielSalamanca,reported:

Inthissameperiod[19001930]propertyhasbeensosubdividedthat,withoutdoubt,[Cochabamba]hasleftFrancebehind.Theancienthaciendadoesnotexistnow:theyhavebeendivided[retaceada]andareinthehands[nowof]landowners....Thissubdivisioncontinuestoincrease;inthevalleys[where]hardlyanyhaciendasexist,all[land]isinthehandsofIndiansandcholos[.]

Ina1923report,theprefectofCochabambaDepartmentwrote:

ItisknownthatinnootherplaceisruralpropertyasgreatlysubdividedasinCochabamba,whichconstitutesanadvantageforthegeneralstateoftheeconomyofthiscountryinwhichnogreatcapitalistsexistnorpoor,stimulatingpersonaleffortinordertoobtainagreaterreturnfromtheland;

butwhichalsoconstitutesnolittleinconveniencefortheadaptationofmodernscientific[techniques]ofagriculturalcultivation,whichrequiresmachineryandthecarefulselectionofseed,acquisitionsbeyondthereachofsmalllandowners,whichexplainstheincipientstateofagricultureinCochabamba.3

TheprefectinhisreporttoucheduponwhatmayhavebeenabasicflawintheCochabambaeconomy,oratleastasitwasperceivedbybureaucratsrepresentingagovernmentwithanurbanorientationandaconcernforthesupplyofcheapfoodstuffstothecities:thelowproductivityof

Table4.1ThenumberofPropertiesinCochabambaDepartmentbyProvinceinSelectedYearsProvince c.1848 c.1882 1894 1897 c.1912 1924 c.1945Cercado 1766 2549 3249 1452Punata 2240 2831 6587 16763Arani 972 1091 2081 5517Cliza 1253 4594 7114 7487Mizque 320 522 925 937Campero 276 381 559 739Totora 565 757 1178 1455Ayopaya 446 540 654 616Tapacari 231 952 289Quillacollo 2514 10845 14894Capinota 668 1662 1803 4168Arque 253 416 460 297Tarata 2621 7091 7316Chapare 3258 4597 6320Total 1045 44875 68250Source:JoseDalence,BosquejoestadisticodeBolivia(LaPaz,1975),p.241;FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),passim;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),passim;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;ZenonCossio,InformedelPrefectoYComandanteGeneral(Cochabamba,1917);ElComercio,July21,1926;RafaelPeredoAntezana,ProvinciadeQuillacolloensayomonografico(Cochabamba,1963),p.183;RafaelReyeros,Elpongeuajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.9.

theland,andtheinabilityofsmallholderstoincreaseproductivity.ThemechanizationofCochabambaagricultureonlybeganinthe1940s.

CochabambawasoneoftworegionsinBoliviathathadalargeclassof

smallholderspriortothe1953agrarianreform,andtheCochabambahaciendatendedtobesmallerthanthegreatlatifundiothatdominatedmuchoftherestofthecountry.InTarija,forexample,therewasonehaciendawithanareaof625,000hectares,althoughthelandinthislatifundiocertainlywasnotofthesamequalityasCochabambaValleyhaciendas.OfthepropertiesinCercadoProvince,OruroDepartmentinthealtiplano,sixty-seven(83percent)hadanareagreaterthan1,000hectares.InBolivia,intheyearsimmediatelypriortothe1953agrarianreform,onlySantaCruzDepartmentintheeasternlowlandsappearstohavehadaclassofindependentsmallholderssimilartothatinCochabamba.5

Therapidgrowthinthelandmarketinthecentral-valleydistrictsenabledlandlesspeasantsandotherstobegintoacquireland.Thefollowingsectiondescribestheregionallandmarket.

AnumberofscholarshavediscussedthegrowthofalandmarketinCochabamba.JosephDorsey,aresearcheraffiliatedwiththeUniversityofWisconsinLandTenureCenter,arguedthatsmallerhaciendasincreasinglybecameunprofitableduringthecourseofthenineteenthcentury,andwerebrokenup.Atthesametime,DorseydocumentedthecaseofonehaciendathatexpandedandreportedlyabsorbednearbyIndianlandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofvinculación(1874).

6InastudyoftheValleBajo,Dorseynotedthathaciendasonlybegantodisintegrateinthe1920s,andthatsalesofsmallparcelsprovidedahigherincomethandidagriculture.Moreover,amarketinsmallparcelsdevelopedinthe1920sasafunctionoftheabilityofpeasantstosellsurplusproduceinthemarketandthusaccumulatecapitaltopurchaseland.7Theevidenceshowsthatthevolumeoflandsales,especiallysmallparcels,grewafterabout1860inthecentralvalleys.Threerepresentativesamplesoflandsales,takenfromtheextantQuillacolloandCochabambaCitynotarialprotocols8fortheyears1860to1869,duringtheadministrationofMarianoMelgarejo;for1876to1885,immediatelyfollowingthepassageofthelawofvinculación;andfor1890to1899,theperiodofcrisisintheregionaleconomydocumenttheincreaseinsalesintheValleBajo.

ThevolumeofsalesincreasedintheValleBajointhelastfourdecadesofthenineteenthcentury.ThefirstsamplecoincideswithMarianoMelgarejo'sattempttoliquidatetheIndiancommunity.Therewasaconsiderablemovementofsmallparcelsduringthedecade.Thesamplecontainsatotalof1,013sales,oranaverageof101salesperyear:414(40.9percent)withanareaoflessthanonehectare,and811(80.1percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500(salepriceshavebeenconvertedfrompesostoBolivianosinordertomaintainuniformity

overtime).Thecategoryofpropertieswithanextensionofonehectareand/oravalueoflessthanBs500mostcloselycorrespondstothecategoryoflandsgenerallypurchasedbypeasants.

Thedecadeofthe1870ssawtheinitiationofpoliciesthatacceleratedthegrowthofthelandmarket:thefree-tradepolicyandthepassageofthelawofvinculación,whichledtothesaleofIndianlands.Anearlierpublishedstudyanalyzedasampleof190salesfromtheValleBajointhethreeyearspriortothepassageofthelawofvinculación,18721874.Thesamplecontainedthesaleof128parcels(67percent)withanareaoflessthanonehectare,and177(93percent)parcelswithavalueoflessthan500pesos.9Thepatternofthesaleofsmallparcelsacceleratedin

theyears18761885.Thesamplecontains1,622sales,anaverageof162peryear:908(56percent)parcelssoldwithanareaoflessthanonehectare,and1,259(77.6percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500.

Thefinalsampleperiodof18901899evidencesasubstantialgrowthinthevolumeofthesaleofsmallparcels,causedbythesaleandresaleofIndianlands;thecrisisintheregionaleconomy,whichcontributedtoinstabilityinhaciendatenure,andthesystematicsubdivisionofhaciendalands.Thesampletotals3,156sales,anaverageof316transactionsperyear:2,004(63.5percent)parcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectare,and2,310(73.2percent)withavalueoflessthanBs500.

Amarketinsmallparcelsalreadyexistedinthe1860s,intheValleBajoandinothercentral-valleydistricts,anditgrewinvolumeduringthecourseofthelatenineteenthcentury.SamplesoflandsalesfromtheSacabaValleyinthesameyears(18601869,18761885,and18901899)contained336,501,625transactions,respectively,includingmanysalesofsmallparcelsofformerhaciendaland.Theexpansioninthelandmarket,however,wasgreatestintheValleBajo,anareathatexperiencedarapidgrowthinthenumberofproperties,withthesaleofIndianlandsandthesystematicpartitionandsaleofhaciendalands.Inthe1890s,forexample,Dr.ConstantinoMoralessystematicallysoldsmallparcelsoflandfromHaciendaSantoDomingo,locatedinthesuburbsofQuillacolloCity,asbothhouselotsandagriculturalland.

10TherewerefewersalesintheSacabaValley,anareadominatedbyhaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod.ThepatternofthedevelopmentofthelandmarketintheSacabaValley,adistrictwherecorporatecommunitiesdidnotexist,clearlyshowsthatthesaleofcommunitylandsalonedidnotcreateamarketinsmallparcelsofland.

Thelandmarketcontinuedtogrowduringthefirstdecadeofthetwentiethcentury.Salesofruralandurbanproperties(withthevastmajoritybeingsalesofruralland)reportedbythedirectorofthelandregistry(registrodederechosreales)fortheyears19121915totaled19,462,anaverageof4,866peryear,withatotalvalueofBs27,742,698,oranaverageofBs1,426pertransaction.11Intheyears19241927,thenumberofsaleswaslower,withatotalof13,602salesreported:anaverageof3,400peryear,withavalueofBs26,825,029,oranaverageofBs1,972pertransaction.12

BoththevolumeandvalueofsalesinCochabambaDepartmentincreased.In1886,forexample,thedirectorofthelandregistryreportedatotalof329salesinallofCochabambaDepartmentwithavalueofBs477,020,anaverageofBs1,450pertransaction.Asnotedabove,there

wasanaverageof316landsalesintheValleBajoaloneinthe1890s.Withinthirtyyearstherewasatenfoldincreaseinthenumberoflandsales.Duringthesameperiodlandvaluesincreased.AnanalysisofsalesinCantónSipeSipe(ValleBajo)showsthattheaveragepriceperhectareoflandsoldincreasedfromBs206in1897toBs1,226in1913,Bs2,442in1924,andBs3,129in1926.

13Thesampleofsalesoffrom1912to1915andfrom1924to1927containhigher-valuevalleylandsaswellasless-valuablehighlandlands,whichlowersthemeanvaluepertransaction.Nevertheless,thetrenddocumentedindicatesagrowingnumberofsalesofsmallparcels.

Credit,Debt,andtheStructureofLandTenure

Thegrowthandtransformationofthecreditmarketandthestructureofdebtexplains,inpart,theinstabilityofhaciendatenureandtheexpansionofthelandmarket.TwofactorscontributedtothegrowthofthecreditmarketinBoliviainthe1870sand1880s.First,asoneaspectofitsreformprograminthe1870s,thegovernmentinitiatedamonetaryreform.Thegovernmentsuspendedthemintingofdebasedcoinsinthe1870s,which,coupledwiththefreeexportofsilver,createdashort-termshortageofcoinageincirculation,assilverandgoldcoinsleftthecountrytopayforimports.14Themonetaryreform,however,contributedtothegrowthofamodernbankingsysteminthecountry,andparticularlyoftheorganizationofemissionbankslicensedbythegovernmenttoissuebanknotesbackedbysilverreserves.15Onebank,theBancoNacional,emittedBs56,234,924inbanknotesbetween1873and1895.16

Thegrowthofthemoneysupplyandcommercewiththeexpansionofsilverandotherexportscontributedtothegrowthofthecreditmarket.

Bolivianbanksissuedinterest-bearingbondsknownasletrashipotecarias,whichimprovedcashflow.Thebanksissuedbondswithanominalvalue,whichwereredeemedperiodicallythroughalotterysystem;andanactivebondmarketdeveloped,whichbecameimportanttoinvestorsasanalternativeformofinvestment.Furthermore,banksgenerallymadeloansinletrashipotecarias,whichreenforcedthebondmarketandthevalueofthebonds,andlimitedtheactualmovementofcashreservesthatwereneededtobacktheissueofbanknotes.17Mortgagebankspioneeredthebondmarket,anddominatedthecreditmarket.In1892,forexample,theBancoHipotecarioGarantizadordeValoreshadloanswithanominalvalueofBs927,000securedbyrealpropertyworthBs5,839,255.18In

1897,threemortgagebankshadbondsincirculationwithanominalvalueofBs6,963,100:theCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia,withBs4,888,600;BancoHipotecarioGarantizadordeValores,withBs1,281,000;andtheBancoHipotecarioNacional,withBs793,000.

19Banksexpandedavailablecreditinthelastthirdofthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,andrisinglandvaluesenabledlandownerstoobtainlargerloans,whichtappedintoagrowingequityintheirland.Itisimportanttopointout,however,thatthedebtobligationsofCochabambalandownersconsistednotonlyofthelargemortgagethatagivenpropertycarried,butalsohigherratesofinterestandthestifftermsofrepayment.Thecreditmarketgrew,butitstillwasalender'smarket.

ArecentstudyexaminedthecreditmarketinCochabambaDepartmentbetween1871and1890,basedontheanalysisofasampleof1,050loansrecordedintheCochabambaCitynotarialprotocols.Interestratesfluctuatedbetween10percentand11percentforlong-termbankloansoftwenty-fouryearsamortizedeachsemester,andfrom1percentto2percentpermonthforloansmadebymoneylenders,whichgenerallyhadatermoffiveyears.Banksandmoneylenderschargedhigherratesofinterestthaninthelatecolonialperiodbut,moreimportantly,imposedstricterrepaymentterms,whichstipulatedsemesterpaymentsofprincipal,interest,anddividends.Thelargestnumberofloanswasmadeduringtheyearsfrom1877to1881,aperiodofsevereecologicalcrisis.Landownerssecuredloansasastrategytosurviveamajordrought,withlittlethoughtgiventolong-termeconomicplanning,orwithanunwarrantedoptimismfollowingwindfallprofitsin1879asaconsequenceofthecropfailureinthepreviousyear.20PabloBarrientos,forexample,mortgagedHaciendaSacabambainCantó

ParedónandHaciendaLiquinasinCartónTaratainSeptember1879,followingtheharvestofthe18781879crop,whichbroughtlargeprofitsbecauseofelevatedprices.21Withinnineyears,however,BarrientoshadtosellSacabambabecausehecouldnotmeethisdebtobligations.22

AsecondstudydocumentedthestructureofthecreditmarketinOrizabaandCordovainVeracruzstate(Mexico)attheendofthenineteenthcentury,whichplacestheCochabambacaseintocontext.MostloansinOrizabaandCordovaweresecuredbyurbanandnotruralrealproperty,andborrowersusedtheloanproceedstopurchaseruralpropertyortofinanceagriculturalproductioncosts.CommercialagricultureintheMexicancasewasmoredynamicthaninCochabamba,andwasexpandingwiththegrowthoftheinternalmarket.Thepotentialreturnsjustifiedtherisksoftheinitialinvestmentinlandandproductioncosts.Moreover,

landownersinOrizabaandCordovagenerallydidnotplacelandthemajorsourceofincomeatriskbysecuringloanswithmortgagesontheirruralproperty,aswasthecaseinCochabamba.

23Cochabambalandownersmorecommonlymortgagedruralandurbanproperty,theirprincipalasset,orborrowedmoneytobuylandwithamortgageonthenewlyacquiredland.Asalreadydiscussed,creditandproductionwerelinked,andmanyCochabambalandownersenteredtheperiodofcrisisinCochabambaagricultureinthe1890swithaheavydebtburden,which,inhindsight,placedoneimportantsourceofincomeatrisk.Landownersfrequentlyfellbehindontheirloanpayments,whichoftenledtoforeclosurebybanksandmoneylenders.

PublicdebtsalesincreasinglybecameafeatureoftheCochabambalandmarketinthelatenineteenthcentury,andchronicdebtandforeclosureonagriculturallandspersistedthroughthe1920s.Publicsaleswereorganizedundertheauspicesofajudge,andweremotivatedbydebtoreconomicneed,ortorealizethedivisionofanestateduetoinheritance.Announcementsofpublicsalesappearedinlocalnewspapers,andtheinterestedpartieshadthreeopportunitiestosellagivenproperty.Iftherewasnosaleinthefirstauction,thepresidingjudgecouldoffera10percentdiscountontheappraisedorcadastralvalueineachsubsequentauction.Ifafterthreeattemptsapropertyremainedunsold,thecourtscouldadjudicatetitleinthecaseofadebtsaletothecreditor.

Ihaveanalyzedasampleof1,714advertisementsofpublicsalesbetween1894to1929,abstractedfromseveralCochabambaCitynewspapers:ElHeraldo,LaPatria,ElComercio,andElFerrocarril.Thedataarenotnecessarilysignificantbetweensamples,whichmeansthatweareunabletomeasurewithconfidencethedifferencein

totalnumbersbetweenthesamples.However,thedistributionoffrequenciesaresignificant.Informationhasbeencollectedonthetypeofforeclosure,amountofdebtorcadastralvalueoftheproperty,andthespatialdistributionofforeclosedpropertieswithinCochabambaDepartment(seeTables4.24.6).

Attheendofthenineteenthcentury,banksinitiatedthemajorityofdebtactions,butmoneylenderswereresponsibleformostforeclosuresafter1905andespeciallyduringtheperiod19251929.Otherindicesofthegravityofthedebtcrisisincludethenumberofvoluntarysalesundertakenbecauseofeconomicneed,andsalesinitiatedbythegovernmenttorecoverunpaidlandtaxes.Intheyears1921to1929,forexample,therewereanumberofsalesfordebttothepublictreasury,causedbytheinabilityoffarmerstomeettheirtaxpaymentsbecauseofdamageor

Table4.2AnnouncementsofPublicSalesByTypeofSale

Sample Voluntary %Debt

MoneyLender %DebtCommercial

House18941898 25 24.8 5 5.019001904 44 37.0 7 6.219051909 54 28.7 77 41.019101914 53 27.8 74 38.719151920 28 11.9 129 54.919211925 40 8.7 217 47.319261929 19 4.5 230 54.6Total 263 15.3 739 43.1

SampleBankDebt %

NotSpecified % Total

18941898 59 58.4 12 11.919001904 33 27.7 9 7.619051909 42 22.3 3 1.619101914 34 17.8 24 12.819151920 51 21.7 10 4.319211925 72 15.7 18 3.919261929 66 15.7 33 7.8Total 357 20.8 109 6.4

Table4.3CadastralValueofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosCadastralValue 18941898 % 19001904 % 19041909 % 19101914 %049.99 0 0 1 .8 15099.99 1 2.9 0 3 2.3 2 1.2100499.99 2 5.7 3 4.7 12 9.1 23 14.2500999.99 0 0 12 9.1 15 9.310004999.99 6 17.1 20 31.3 37 28.0 44 27.250009999.99 2 5.7 14 21.9 19 14.4 28 17.310000+ 24 68.8 27 42.2 48 36.4 49 30.3Total 35 2.6 64 4.7 132 9.8 162 12.0CadastralValue 19151920 % 19211925 % 19261929 %049.99 2 .9 5 1.4 05099.99 4 1.8 5 1.4 5 1.3100499.99 26 11.7 67 18.9 59 15.4500999.99 29 13.0 34 9.6 53 13.810004999.99 67 30.0 132 37.2 137 35.850009999.99 39 17.5 40 11.3 52 13.610000+ 56 25.1 72 20.3 77 20.1Total 223 16.5 355 26.2 383 28.3

thedestructionofcropscausedbydroughtandaninvasionoflocustintheearly1920s,andthecollapseofcornpricesafter1925.

ThemajorityofpropertieshadacadastralvalueofmorethanBs1,000,indicatingthatlandownersmortgagedlargerproperties.Thesamewasthecasewiththeamountofdebt,althoughthedatahavetobehandledwithcarebecauseofthesmallsizeofthesampleandthefactthattheannouncementsgenerallyincludedtheamountofdebtinthecaseofthosepropertiesthatcarriedtheheaviestdebtburden.Theamountofdebtonpropertiesincreasedfromthe1890stothe1920s.

Thefinalanalysisdocumentsthespatialdistributionofproperties,whichservesasanindicatoroftheseverityofthedebtcrisisinthedifferent

jurisdictionswithinCochabambaDepartment.Ihavedividedthedepartmentintofourgeographic-jurisdictionalzones:theValleBajo,theValleAlto,ChapareProvince,andthehighlandprovinces.Themajorityoftheforeclosedpropertieswerelocatedinthethreecentral-valleydistricts,theareawithinthedepartmentwiththelargestnumberofagriculturalproperties.

Table4.4DistributionofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosAmountofDebt 18941898 % 19001904 % 19041909 % 19101914 %049.99 0 3 8.8 1 .8 05099.99 0 8 23.5 3 2.3 0100499.99 0 6 17.7 12 9.1 0500999.99 0 1 2.9 12 9.1 010004999.99 11 26.8 6 17.7 39 28.0 2 22.250009999.99 18 43.9 8 23.5 19 14.4 5 55.610000+ 12 29.3 2 5.9 48 36.4 2 22.2Total 41 34 132 9AmountofDebt 19151920 % 19211925 % 19261929 %5099.99 0 0 0100499.99 0 0 0049.99 0 0 05099.99 0 0 0100499.99 0 0 0500999.99 0 0 010004999.99 0 3 33.3 7 30.450009999.99 1 50.0 1 11.1 5 21.710000+ 1 50.0 5 55.6 11 47.8Total 2 9 23

Notalllandownerswhofacedadebtcrisis,however,losttheirlands,eventhoughforeclosurewasinitiatedagainstthem.OneFlavioArauco,forexample,managedtoretainownershipoverhislandsintheValleBajobyrentingthem,andthussecuredasteadyincomeduringaperiodofstagnationintheagriculturaleconomy.In1894,AraucoownedeightagriculturalpropertiesinCantónSipeSipeandCantónQuillacollowithatotalvalueofBs150,121.90andasurfaceareaof225.58hectares.In1893,AraucorentedhislandstoLuisBascopeforfiveyears,atarateofBs4,800peryear.

24Inthefollowingyear,Araucoofferedhislandsinsalethrougha

voluntarypublicsalejustifiedbyeconomicneed.25Threeyearslater,in1897,theBancoHipotecarioNacionalinitiatedforeclosureinordertocollectanoutstandingdebtofBs50,483.74,whichwas33.6percentofthevalueofhislands.In1898,whenthepreviousrentalagreementwithBascopeended,ajudgeintervenedtoorderanewrentalofArauco'slands.26Finally,in1901,Araucoannouncedthesaleofseed

Table4.5MeanAmountofDebtofSelectedProperties,inBolivianosSampleYears MeanAmountofDebt18941898 9,737.9719001904 3,616.6019051909 6,627.6819101914 9,703.3919151920 9,700.1019211925 14,105.2519261929 22,725.50

fromhishacienda,whichindicatesthathestillmaintainedownershipofatleastapartofhislands.

EliteInvestmentPatternsandInheritance

GustavoRodríguezhasshownthatin1877tenCochabambalandownersowned1,036sharesintheBancoNacional,with67percentoftheinvestmentinthebankbyCochabambaresidents.Rodríguezsuggestedthatinvestmentinbankstockrepresentedoriginalcapitalaccumulationandatransferofafeudalland-basedrenttocapitalisticmining.28ThedatapresentedbyRodríguez,whilenotconvincinginrelationtohisargumentaboutoriginalcapitalaccumulationandtransferofcapitalfromthefeudalruraleconomy,raisesthequestionofinvestmentpatternsbymembersofthelocalelite.Investmentpatternsreflectedindirectlyontheprofitabilityofagricultureandthelife-stylethatcommercialagriculturecouldsupport.Estateinventoriesinthenotarialprotocolsregisteredallrealandpersonalpropertybyvalue.Althoughlimitedinvolume,thesedatadodocumentinvestmentpatterns.Ihavetwenty-twodetailedestateinventoriesforCochabambalandownerswhoownedhaciendasormediumsizedpropertieswithanareaofbetweentwenty

andonehundredhectaresinthecentralvalleys,mostfromthelatenineteenthcentury.Seventeencases(77percent)areestatesthatconsistedofruralandurbanrealproperty,andpersonalpropertysuchasfurnitureandjewelry.Fiveexamples(23percent)showedamorediversifiedpatternofinvestmentinurbanandruralrealproperty,personalproperty,stocksandbonds,andcapitalinloanstoprivateindividuals.

ThecasescitedbyRodríguezappeartohavebeentheexception,andagriculturallandcomprisedthesinglelargestassetintheinvestmentport-

Table4.6DistributionofPropertiesInPublicSalesByJurisdiction/Region

YearsValleBajo %

ValleAlto %

18941898 37 41.1 20 22.219001904 58 63.0 16 17.419051909 105 54.1 38 19.619101914 101 56.7 20 11.219151920 116 50.0 38 16.519211924 192 57.4 56 16.719251929 289 52.3 136 24.6Total 898 52.4 324 18.9TotalYear

HighlandProvinces %

NotGiven %

18941898 21 23.3 2 2.219001904 10 10.9 2 2.119051909 27 13.9 119101914 28 15.7 3 1.719151920 45 19.5 219211924 65 19.4 119251929 74 13.4 4Total 270 15.8 15

foliobyvalueofthemembersofthelocalelite.Moreover,theexploitationorrentalofagriculturallandsprobablyaccountedforthebulkofincomeotherthanearningsfromemployment.Adeclineinagriculturalincome,asoccurredinthe1890sandagaininthe1920s,reducedtheincomeoflandownerswhohadlittleliquiditytobeginwith,andmadeitharderforthemtomeetdebtandtaxobligations,which,inmanycases,forcedthemtosellallorapartoftheirholdings.

Inheritancealsocontributedtothedivisionofagriculturalland;andtheinstabilityoftheagriculturaleconomy,coupledwithrisinglandvalues,madeitmoredifficulttoreconstitutepreviouslypartitionedhaciendas.Moreover,Bolivianinheritancelaw,inforcefromthetimeoftheadministrationofAndrésSantaCruz(18291839)tothatofHugoBanzerSuárez(19711978),abolishedentail,andestablishedpartibleinheritancewithsharesofdifferentvalueallocatedtotheheirsonthebasisoftherelationshiptothedeceased.Legitimatechildren,forexample,receivedalargershareoftheestatethandidillegitimateoradoptedchildren.

29Alllegallyrecognizedheirs,however,hadarighttoashareoftheinheritance.Underthecivilcode,agriculturallandwhichconstitutedoneofthesinglelargestpropertiesbyvalueinanestateandgenerallywaseasiertodividethan,forexample,ahouseexperiencedsubdivisioninordertorealizethedivisionoftheestate.Inthoseinstanceswhereadivisioncouldnotbemade,agriculturallandandotherpropertywouldbesoldwiththeproceedsdivided.Inothercases,landwasadjudicatedtotheheirsinatenurepro-indiviso(undividedcommonproperty),withtheincomeproducedfromthepropertydistributedamongthecommonownersonthebasisofshares.Inthelattercase,thecommonownerscouldselltheirshareorinterestintheundividedproperty.Thereareexamplesofthistypeof

sale.Theimportanceofinheritanceintheprocessofthepartitionofspecifichaciendasinthecentralvalleyswillbediscussedinmoredetailinthefollowingsection(alsoseeappendix1).

ThePartitionoftheColonialHacienda

Thereweretwopatternsofchangeinhaciendatenureinthelatenineteenthcenturyandtheearlytwentiethcentury:instabilityinownershipwithfrequenthaciendasales,andthesubdivisionofhaciendasandthesaleofsmallparcelsfromhaciendalands.Theevidenceshowsthattherewasalargenumberofsalesofentirepropertiesandsharesinhaciendasandestanciasattheendofthenineteenthcentury.AsthecrisisinCocha-

bambacommercialagriculturedeepenedinthe1890s,thelandmarketbecameabuyer'smarket,anddownwardsocialmobilityoccurredaselitefamilieslosttheirlands.Atthesametime,someelitefamilies,frequentlyarrendadores,tookadvantageofthecrisistoexpandtheirlandholdingsortobuylandforthefirsttime.Therewasamajorchangeinthecompositionofthehacienda-owningclassbetweenthe1870sandtheearlytwentiethcentury.

Changeinhaciendatenureinthelatenineteenthcenturycanbedocumentedbycomparingthenamesoftheownersofestatesinselectedjurisdictions,listedinthetributerollsinthe1860sand1870s,andthecadastralsurveypreparedaround1912orabout1924.Thereis,however,amethodologicalflawinthislineofanalysis.Itisbasedupontheassumptionthatadifferenceinthenameofhaciendaownersisconclusiveevidenceofachangeinownershipfromonefamilyorindividualtoanother.Inafewinstances,individualswhoinheritedruralpropertydidnotsharethesamesurnameasthepreviousowner.Nevertheless,thelargenumberofhaciendasalesrecordedduringtheperiodstronglysuggeststhataconsiderableturnoverinownershipoccurredbetweenthe1860sandtheearlytwentiethcentury,whichwasreflectedinthechangeinthelistsoflandownersexaminedhere.

Table4.7documentsthechangeinhaciendaownershipinfivevalleyjurisdictions,baseduponfourcategoriesofdata:thenumberofcasesinwhichnochangeinhaciendaownershipoccurred;thosecasesinwhichamemberoftheformerlandowningfamilystillretainedownershipoverasectionofahacienda;thosecasesinwhichtheevidencesuggestsacompletechangeinownership;andthosecasesinwhichapropertyinthetributerollscannotbeidentifiedinthecadastralsurveybecauseofurbanization,achangeinthenameoftheproperty,orthetransferofthepropertytoanotherjurisdiction.Therewere108haciendasinthefivejurisdictionsexamined,79(73.2percent)ofwhichappeartohaveexperiencedacompletechangein

ownership,13(12percent)withapartialchangeinownership,10(9.3percent)withnochangeinownership,and6(5.5percent)notidentifiedbetweenthetwosources.Atthesametime,therewasaconsiderabledivisionofthecolonialhaciendasinthesample.Accordingtothecadastralsurvey,therewere540propertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectareswithintheterritoryofthe108colonialhaciendaslistedinthetributerolls,whichdoesnotincludethenumberofsmallpropertieswithanareaoflessthantenhectares.

Theinstabilityinhaciendatenurewasalsomanifestedinthesaleofhaciendasonunfavorableterms,asseeninseveralexamplesofthesale

Table4.7ChangeinHaciendaOwnershipinSelectedValleyJurisdictions

Canton#ofProperties

intheTributeRolls#ofProperties

intheCadastralSurveyNotTenHectares

CalaCala 14 52 0Itocta 23 133 2SipeSipe 15 62 0Quillacollo 24 128 2Sacaba 32 165 2Total 108 540 6Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB;CPR,APC.

oflandsinthebuyer'smarketinthelastdecadeofthenineteenthcentury.In1895,ManuelPoisoldhisone-thirdshareinHaciendaPaucarpata,inCantónQuillacollo,toManuelaUreydeSalamanca.PoiofferedthepropertyforBs34,000,butSalamancapaidonlyBs26,400,orBs7,600lessthantheinitialaskingprice.

30In1897,onehaciendaownerofferedextremelyfavorabletermsinadesperateefforttosellhislands.ThepropertywasadvertisedwithaBs3,000rebateorreductionintheinitialaskingprice.Moreover,thesaleincludedthecurrentharvest,andthesellerwentsofarastooffertosowthelandsbeforethetransferoftitle.31ThesaleofagriculturallandsatsuchfavorabletermsmayhavebeenacommonpracticeinotherpartsofLatinAmerica,butitwasanadvertisinggimmickrarelyusedbyCochabambalandownersinthelatenineteenthcentury,oratleastitwasuncommoninnewspaperadvertisements.

Thepartitionofthecolonialhaciendatookseveralforms:theseparationoftheconstituentsectionsofthehacienda(suyos)forinheritanceandthesubsequentsubdivisionofthesuyosthroughinheritanceorthesaleofland,orthesystematicdivisionofhaciendalandsforsaleassmallormedium-sizedparcels.Suchsystematicsalesofparcelsappeartohavebeenameansofpreservingownershipofapartofahaciendabyraisingmoneytopayoffdebtsortaxobligations,andwerecommoninthe1880sand1890s.Haciendaowners,independentsmallholders,colonos,andartisansandotherurbanresidentsboughtlandsinthesesales.In1888,forexample,apropertyinHaciendaChulla,intheValleBajo,withanareaof7.48.15hectareswasdividedintotwenty-onelotsforsale.Eightofthepurchaserswerespecificallyidentifiedaspegujaleros,orservicetenants.32In1895,RafaelTejada,ex-rectificadoroftheSacabacadastralsurvey,statedthatcolonoswereaccumulatingmoneytobuy

smallparcelsofland.33

TwocasestudiesofthepartitionoflargecolonialhaciendasChullpasandCliza,inClizaProvinceintheValleAltoshedfurtherlightonthebreakupofruralestates.

HaciendaChullpaswasoneofthelargerhaciendaslocatedintheValleAltoattheendofthecolonialperiod.Accordingtoanappraisalpreparedin1828,HaciendaChullpashadasurfaceareaof1,093.30hectaresoflandsofvaryingquality.34Fromthe1830stothe1870s,twofamiliesownedsectionsofChullpas:theVegafamilyandGeneralLeónGalindo.Galindoownedthelargestpartofthehacienda.35In1871,tenheirsofGeneralLeónGalindodividedthehaciendaintoasmanysections.Forexample,FaustinoGalindoinheritedtheeighthsuyowithanareaof

111.25.72hectares,andLeónGalindoreceivedthetenthsuyowithanareaof179.15.55hectares.

Overthenextsixtyyears,HaciendaChullpasexperiencedrapidfragmentation.Table4.8summarizesasampleof363landsalesrecordedinHaciendaChullpas.Ofthetotal,191(52.9percent)involvedthesaleofparcelsoflandthatmeasuredlessthanahectareinsize,and253(69.7percent)soldforlessthanBs.500,whichcorrespondedtothesmallparcelsoflandcommonlyboughtbypeasants.Thevolumeofsalesincreasedoverthesixtyyears,buttheyweregreatestduringperiodsofeconomiccrisisinCochabamba.Therewere62salesbetween1890and1899,attheheightoftheeconomic-debtcrisis,and118duringthedecade19201929,asecondperiodofeconomiccrisisfollowingthenearcollapseoftheBolivianalcoholindustryin1925.

Theanalysisofthesampleoflandsalesindicatesthefollowingpatternofsubdivision:theinitialpartitionofthepropertyamongtheGalindoheirs,followedbythesaleofentiresuyosorlargesectionsofsuyosandtheprogressivefragmentationoftheformerhaciendawiththesaleofsmallparcels.Mostsalesoflargepropertiesoccurredinthe1870s,1880s,and1890s,asdifferentmembersoftheGalindofamilydisposedoftheirlands,andthepurchaserseitherresoldthelargepropertiesordividedthemintosmallparcelsforsale.Thevolumeofsalesofsmallparcelswasgreatestintheperiodafter1910.Inthedecade18701879,parcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectareaccountedfor33percentofallsales,andthosewithavalueoflessthanBs500were47percent.Thevolumeofsalesofsmallparcelsincreasedoverthenextfiftyyears,butatthesametime,thegrowthinlandvaluesisevidentinalargerpercentageofsmallparcelssoldfora

priceofmorethanBs500.Inthe1880s,thepercentageofsaleswithanareaoflessthanonehectarewas61percent,andthosewithavalueoflessthanBs500madeup76percent.Itwas37percentand71percent,respectively,inthedecadeof18901899;60percentand83percentintheperiod19001909;51percentand69percentintheyears19101919;and61percentand37percentinthedecade19201929.

Therewere,however,stilllargepropertieswithintheareaofthecolonialhacienda.In1921,forexample,afincawithanareaof52.20hectaresandanunspecifiednumberofservicetenantswasofferedinrental.37Between1930andthelate1940s,theprocessofparcelizationapparentlycontinued.In1946,260peasantfarmingfamilieslivedinChullpas,halfofwhomownedtheparcelstheyworked.Smallholders,however,rereportedlyhadaninsufficientamountofland,clearlyindicatingaproblem

ofminifundio,orthecontinuedsubdivisionofsmallparcels.Moreover,thefragmentationofpeasantsubsistenceplotsreportedlycontributedtolanddisputes.Onesolutiontogrowingminifundiowaslarge-scalechichaproductionforthemarket,whichgaveagoodreturninrelationtothepriceofbasicfoodstuffs.Chichasalespaidforpurchasesofbasicfoodstuffsthatthesmallholderwouldbeunabletoproduceontheamountoflandavailable.

38PopulationgrowthandminifundismoalsocontributedtothesocialtensionsinClizaProvince,whichfosteredtheorganizationofthefirstpeasantleaguesinthe1930sand1940s.Atthesametime,participationinthemarketbufferedsomewhatthedeteriorationofthepeasant-familyeconomydescribedbyOlenLeonardinCantónChullpas,andenabledthepeasantfamilytomaintainlevelsofbasicsubsistence.

ThesecondcasestudyisofHaciendaCliza,locatedinthecantónandprovinceofthesamenameandalsofoundintheValleAlto,whichshowedadifferentpatternfromthatdocumentedforHaciendaChullpas.Whereasintheformercase,thepatternofsubdivisionsawaprogressionfromlargertosmallerproperties,thatofHaciendaClizawasfirstthesaleofsmallparcels,followedlaterbythesaleoflargerproperties.ThepatternofthesubdivisionofHaciendaClizawasaresultofthemotiveforlandsales,thedesireofthenunsoftheConventofSantaClarawhoownedthehaciendatobuildanewchurchandcomplextoreplacethecolonialperiodstructureinwhichtheyresided.Theconventadministratorinitiatedsalesofsmallparcelsfromhaciendalandsinthe1890stobegintheaccumulationofcapitalfortheconstructionproject,andthenbetween1910and1920largerpropertiesweresoldwhentheprojectstalled.Accordingtooneestimate,landsalesthroughtheyear1917earnedforSantaClara

someBs2,000,000.39ThechurchhierarchydedicatedthenewchurchinJuly1918,completedatatotalcostofBs689,934,notincludingtheconvent.Thelayconventadministratorinvestedthesurplusfunds,realizedinthelandsales,ininterest-bearingbonds,asanalternativesourceofincomefortheconventfollowingthedismembermentofthehacienda.

HaciendaClizawasthesinglelargestpropertyintheValleAlto.Accordingtoan1828appraisal,HaciendaClizahadasurfaceareaof860fanegadasor2,563hectares,andavalueof300,000pesos(Bs240,000).40

Ihaveasampleof190salesofagriculturallandssoldbySantaClarafromHaciendaClizabetween1891and1929,abstractedfromthelandregister,withallsalesoflandssoldbytheconventadministratorrecordedinsaidregister.TherealsoweresalesofhouselotsontheedgeofClizatownfromhaciendalands,whichhavenotbeenincludedinthesample.

Table4.8LandSalesinHaciendaChullpas,18711929AreainHectares

PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 59.99 1049.99 100+149.99 17 1 0 05099.99 16 5 0 0100499.99 105 18 2 0500999.99 27 18 0 110004999.99 21 11 0 050009999.99 0 2 1 010,000+ 0 1 0 1PriceNotGiven 6 1 0 0Total 192 57 3 2Source:CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,Tarata&ClizaProvince.

Thebulkofsalesoccurredintheperiod18901899,andmadeup69percentofallsalesinthesample.Mostsalesinthedecadeweresmallparcelswithanareaoflessthanonehectare(19percent),oravalueoflessthanBs500(82percent);thesizeofmostparcelssoldwasnotregisteredinthesalecontract.Thevolumeofsalesinthenextdecadedroppedtosixteen,allsmallparcelswithavalueoflessthanBs500(seeTable4.9).

Thepatternoflandsaleschangedbetween1910and1919.Actualconstructionofthechurchandconventbeganin1912,butithadtobesuspendedshortlyafterwardbecauseofashortageoffunds.In1913,thelayconventadministratorannouncedthesaleoffourteenlargerpropertieswithatotalappraisedvalueofBs686,742.

41Lotsix,forexample,hadabasepriceofBs70,300andasurfaceareaof23fanegadas,9almudes(67.36hectares).LottenhadabasepriceofBs108,248.80andanareaof63fanegadas,29almudes(184.86hectares).42Theconventadministratoralsoofferedtheindividuallotsinrentalforaperiodofoneyear.43Thefinalsampleperiod,from1920to1929,sawadropinthenumberofsalesfollowingthecompletionoftheconstructionproject.

Anactivelandmarketinformerhaciendalandsdeveloped,andbetween1910and1919,severalindividualspurchasedlargeparcelsfromSantaClaraforspeculation.In1896,forexample,LucianoTercerosboughtsevensmalllotsofformerhaciendalandsfromIsraelandCarlosQuirogaforBs5,200.Twoyearslater,in1898,Tercerosresoldthreelotswithanareaof3.92hectaresforBs2,608.44LiborioSalinasandGuillermoMercadoboughtlargeblocksoflandinClizain1913,1915,and1917,andthensystematicallysoldsmallparcelsfromtheirrecentlyacquiredproperties.45

Theconventadministratorsuspendedsalesinthe1920s,buttherewerecolonosandothersstillinterestedinacquiringlandwhohadlittleprospectofdoingso,especiallycolonoswhoremainedonlandsthatstillbelongedtoSantaClaraorpeasantswhohadmigratedtotheminesasaconsequenceofdroughtandotherfactors.Theonsetofthedepressionintheinternationaleconomyafter1929andthedeclineinthedemandfortincompelledthelargeminingcompaniestoreducethesizeofthelaborforceinanefforttocutcosts.MinersreturnedtotheValleAltowithasenseofcommonclassidentityandexperienceinorganizationandcollectiveaction,andbuiltupontheexistingpeasantsocialstructure,whichpersistedinthehaciendasinthecentralvalleys,intheorganizationofpeasantleaguesthatarticulatedgrievancesofcolonoslivingonhaciendasthatstillbelongedtoSantaClara.Thefirstpeasantleagueorganizedwith

Table4.9LandSalesinHaciendaCliza,18911929AreainHectares

PriceinBs 0.99 14.99 59.99 1049.99 5999.99149.99 7 0 0 0 05099.99 11 0 0 0 0100499.99 22 12 0 0 0500999.99 1 1 0 0 010004999.99 2 1 0 0 050009999.99 0 0 1 0 010,000+ 0 0 0 4 5Total 43 14 1 4 5Source:DR,Tarata&ClizaProvince.

thegoalofforcingtheconventadministratortorentand,later,selltothemhaciendalands.

46ThepeasantleagueorganizedinAnaRanchowonsupportfromthereformistmilitarygovernment,whichwasinpowerattheendofthe1930s,andwhichnegotiatedanagreementbetweenthecolonosandconventadministratorforthesaleofanadditional217.30hectaresofland,beginningin1939.47Alltold,thedifferentadministratorsofSantaClarasoldsome1,974hectaresofland,or77percentoftheareaoftheformerhacienda.However,theconventretainedownershipofmorethan500hectaresofland,dividedonlyinthe1950sandunderthetermsofthe1953agrarianreformprogram.

Thepatternofhaciendapartitiondescribedoccurredthroughoutthecentral-valleydistricts,althoughwithsomedegreeofvariation.Adetailedfamily-landownershiphistoryoftheSalamancafamilyfurtherillustratestheprocessoflandconsolidationanddivisionwithinthecontextofagrowingmarketforsmallparcelsoflandandthepartitionofhaciendas.TheexampleoftheSalamancafamilyalsohighlightsoneaspectofsocialchangeinCochabambaupwardsocialmobilityduringaperiodofeconomiccrisis.

AnEliteSuccessStory:TheSalamancaFamilyDuringthedecadeofthe1890s,manyelitefamilieslosttheirlandandexperienceddownwardsocialmobility.Atthesametime,asmallnumberoffamilies,manyofarrendadororigin,tookadvantageoftherapidgrowthofthelandmarkettoaccumulatealargeamountoflandinashortperiodoftime,andoftenatbelowmarketprices.TheSalamancafamilywasonesuchfamilythatboughtuplargeamountsoflandinthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcentury,andexperienced

rapidupwardsocialmobility.Thepatriarchofthefamily,JoséDomingoSalamanca,whowasamemberofaminorlandowningfamily,beganbuyinglandintheValleBajoin1863.Hisson,DanielSalamanca,wasaleaderoftheRepublicanpartyorganizedin1914,andbecamepresidentofBoliviain1931.

Arrendadoresrentersofentirehaciendasorsectionsoflargeestates,particularlypropertiesoftheregularordersoftheCatholicchurchandwomenwhogenerallydidnotdirectlyadministertheirlandswereanimportantsocialgroupinthelatecolonialandearlyrepublicanperiods.However,therelativestabilityofhaciendatenurepriortothe1860smadeitdifficultforarrendadorestoacquirelandforthemselves.Thevolume

ofhaciendarentalsindicatesthattheremayhavebeenbetweenfiftyandonehundredarrendadoresinCochabambainthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.

ThefirstrecordofamemberoftheSalamancafamilyowninglandintheValleBajodatestothe1840s,whenoneJoséSalamancaownedlandsinChimbaandRecoleta,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity.49JoséDomingoSalamancabeganbuyinglandintheValleBajoin1863,whenhepurchasedasectionofthecolonialHaciendaCollpapampa,whichmeasured94hectares,for23,000pesos.50TheheirsofDomingoBustamante,theownerofthehaciendain1828,dividedtheestateamongthemselvespriorto1844.51Overthenextthirtyyears,theelderSalamancamadeextensivepurchasesofprivatelyownedlandsandformercorporatecommunitylands.Whenhisestatewasdividedbetweenhiswidowandchildrenin1894,hisholdingsincludedlandsincolonialHaciendasSumunpaya,Collpapampa,MolleMolle,Bellavista,Montesillo,Chapicirca,andChacnacollo.Moreover,theestateincludedanumberofsmallerparcelsoflandinCalaCala,inthesuburbsofCochabambaCity,andtwentytwosmallandmedium-sizedparcelsinthePandojadistrictoftheformerPassocommunity,withatotalextensionof88.45.31hectares.52

ManuelaUreydeSalamanca,thematriarchofthefamily,continuedtobuylandinthe1890s,followingherhusband'sdeath.SheboughtsectionsofthecolonialHaciendaPaucarpata,whichhadbeendividedforinheritancein1883,andsheexpandedthefamily'sholdingsintheterritoryoftheformerPassocommunity.Forexample,in1895,UreydeSalamancapaidManuelPoiBs26,400forasectionofHaciendaPaucarpatawithanextensionof107.38.05hectares:andin1897,

ManuelPolsoldherasecondparcelinPaucarpatawithanextensionof33.40.54atapriceofBs7,381.53.53In1904,UreydeSalamancadividedthelandsintheValleBajoamongherchildren.FourpropertiesintheterritoryofHaciendaPaucarpata,landsacquiredduringthecrisisdecadeof18901899,hadatotalsurfaceareaof142.09.02hectares.UreydeSalamancaconsolidatedtheholdinginthePandojayPocpocollodistrictofCantónPassointofourteenseparateparcelswithatotalareaof118.69.08hectares,havingacquiredanadditional30.23.77hectaresoflandinPassointhe1890s.Thelargestpropertieshadextensionsof67.29.28hectaresand19.27.77hectares,andtheothertwelveparcelshadareaoflessthan6hectares(seeappendix2).54In1924,OctavioSalamanca,whoinheritedthePassolandsfromhismotherin1904,wasthesinglelargestlandownerinthedistrict.Heowned110hectaresofland(seeTable4.10).

Table4.10StructureofLandTenureinPandojayPocpocollobyOwner,c.1924SizeofHoldingsinHectares

NumberofOwners %

AreaOwnedinHectares %

0-.99 19 63.3 8.40.54 5.11-4.99 6 20.0 10.87.21 6.75-9.99 3 10.0 18.86.25 11.510-19.99 1 3.3 15.43.35 9.4100-499.99 1 3.3 110.73.03 67.3Total 30 164.30.38Source:CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonPasso.

MembersoftheSalamancafamilyownedhaciendasuntiltheimplementationofthe1953agrarianreform,althoughthechildrenandgrandchildrenofJoséandManuelaUreydeSalamancarealizedsmalllandtransactions.However,thebasicconfigurationofthefamilyholdingsremainedunchanged.After1900,thefamilydidnotbuyhaciendas,andtheestatesheldbytheSalamancaswerethesamepropertiespurchasedbyJoséDomingoSalamancaandhiswifepriorto1900,whenthelandmarketwasmorefluidandlargepropertieswereofferedforsaleonfavorabletermsforthebuyer.After1953,theSalamancaslosteighthaciendasintheValleBajo:Sumunpaya,Bellavista,Pandoja,Montesillo,Chahuarani,MolleMolle,andChapicirca.

55TheyalsolostthethreeestatesintheSacabambaareainCantónParedón.

TheTransformationofRuralSocialRelations

Inthemid-nineteenthcentury,servicetenantrywasthemostcommonformofhaciendalaboronCochabambahaciendas.Servicetenantspaidtherentalofhaciendalandsinmoneyandlaborondemesnelands.The

specificlaborservicesrenderedvariedfromestatetoestate,but,generally,tenantsprovidedlaborfortheproductionofcropsonthedemesne,thetransportofcropstomarket,andthemaintenanceofhaciendafieldsandirrigationditches.56Thelaborservicesofthefifty-onetenantsonHaciendaMontesillo(ValleBajo)weretypical.Thetenantsplantedandharvestedcropsondemesnelands,cleanedtheirrigationcanals,transported

cropstomarkets,andprovidedpersonalservicestothelandownerinthehaciendahouse.

Servicetenantrywasacheapsourceoflabor,andconstitutedasmallpercentageofproductioncosts.A1907accountsuccinctlydescribedtheimportanceofservicetenantsintheinternaleconomyofthehacienda:

Numerouslargeestanciasdexistinwhichproductioncostsarereducedtothepurchaseofseed,[since]thecolonoshavetheobligationoftransportingthecroptothemarketthelandownersbelievesmostconvenienttosellin.Inotherareas,therearehaciendas[fincas]inwhichthecostofcultivation,despitethehighcostofwagesandtransport,remainslowbecauseofthesamecircumstances.58

Themoneyrentpaidbyservicetenantswasrelativelyunimportantasasourceofincomeforhaciendaowners.Forexample,between1869and1876,theincomefromonesectionofHaciendaTucsapucyo(SacabaValley)totaled7,991pesos:90.9percentfromthesaleofgrain,and9.1percentfromtherentalofpasture.In1880,92.1percentoftheincomefromHaciendaChangolla(ArqueProvince)camefromgrainsales,and7.9percentfromfixedrentspaidbyservicetenants.59

Theexpansionofthelandmarketenabledthousandsoflandlesspeasantsandotherstobuysmallparcelsofland.Peasants,includingservicetenants,accumulatedcapitaltobuylandthroughthesaleofsurplusproduce,seasonallaboronhaciendas,ormorepermanentworkintheminesofBoliviaandnorthernChileandnorthernArgentineansugarplantations.60Moreover,peasanthouseholdssoughttobuyplotsoflandindifferentlocationstominimizeasmuchaspossibletheadverseimpactofcropfailure.Themultiplepurchaseofsmallparcelscontributedtoincreasednumbersoflandsales,anda

dispersedpatternofpeasantlandownership.InKhalaLlusta(CantónParedón),forexample,seventeenlandownersownedtwoormoreparcelsofland.Onepeasantownedtenseparateparcelswithacombinedextensionof7.42hectares.61

Ananalysisoflandownershipinonepiquería(smallholdercommunity),PocpocollodistrictinCantónPasso(ValleBajo)offersfurtherinsightsonpeasanttenure(seeTable4.11).Onehundredandthirtysixlandownersowned229separateparcelsofland.Mostownedlessthan10hectares,and96lessthanahectareofland.Somepeasantsownedmoreparcelsthanothers,butthesingleobservationprovidedbythe1924cadastralsurveycatchesaglimpseoftheprocessoftheaccumulationofmultipleparcelsoveraperiodofyears.

Table4.11StructureofLandTenureinPocpocollobyOwner,c.1924SizeofHoldingsinHectares

NumberofOwners %

AreaOwnedinHectares %

0.99 96 70.6 44.60.12 29.114.99 35 25.7 63.35.63 41.459.99 3 2.2 21.38.06 13.9710-19.99 2 1.5 23.76.46 15.5Total 136 153.10.27Source:CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonPasso.

Colonosstillwerethelargestgroupofhaciendaworkers,butmanyservicetenantsboughtlandandchangedtheirstatus.ThenumberofcolonosinCochabambaDepartmentdroppedbynearlytenthousandbetween1882and1912.Thegreatestdeclineoccurredinthecentral-valleydistricts,wherehaciendasexperiencedrapidfragmentation.IntheValleAlto,forexample,thenumberofservicetenantsdroppedbyfivethousand(seeTable4.12).

Laborrelationsontheremaininghaciendasinthecentral-valleydistrictschangedintheearlytwentiethcentury,withagrowthintheimportanceofsharecropping.Sharecroppingallowedthepeasantproducertodedicatemoretimetodirectproduction,althoughthepeasanthadtosurrenderashareofthecroptothelandowner.Nevertheless,inasharecroppingregime,peasantscouldproducelargersurplusesforsaleinthemarket,sinceallfamilylabor,plusadditionallaborinputsthroughayni,couldbededicatedtothecareofthecropsbeingproducedonshares,andperhapstoexploitmoreland.Whereasservicetenantrywasintendedprimarilytoattractlaborinconditionsofalimitedoranunstablelaborsupply,sharecroppingconstitutedthetransferbythelandownerofmuchofthecostandriskofproductiontothepeasant.Dependingupontheactualtermsofthesharecroppingagreement,thelandownerinvestedlittleinproductioncosts,otherthansupplyingthe

landandperhapsaquantityofseed,andtookatleasthalfofthecrop.AccordingtoOctavioSalamanca,sharecroppingcontractsinthelate1920s,aperiodofcrisisinCochabamba'sagriculturaleconomy,workedonthebasisofafifty-fiftysplitofthecrop,withthetenantprovidingtools,seed,fertilizer,andlabor.RafaelReyerosdescribedslightlydifferentsharecroppingtermsduringaperiodofgreaterdemandforCochabambaproduce.Theland-

Table4.12NumberofColonosinCochabambaDepartmentinSelectedYearsProvince* 1882 c.1900 c.1912Cercado 1,500 1,394 1,074Cliza 12,890 10,466 7,888Tapacari 8,000 5,016 4,567Arque 4,978 4,830 4,412Mizque 5,858 5,858** 3,621Ayopaya 4,000 2,317 4,046Chapare 4,265 4,265** 3,621Total 41,491 35,146 31,757*Administrativejurisdictionsthatexistedin1882havebeenretainedtomaintainthevalidityofthecomparison.**Thesamedataasin1882,whichindicatesthatanewcensusofservicetenantshadnotbeencompleted.Source:RobertH.Jackson,''EvolucionypersistenciadelColonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),p.158.

ownersuppliedsome50percentoftheseed,andtookasmuchas80percentofthecrop.

Inseveralhighlandprovinces,thenumberofservicetenantsgrew,ordeclinedatarateconsiderablyslowerthaninthecentral-valleydistricts.Inthefirstinstance,theincreaseincolonosresultedfrompopulationgrowthandthecontinuedmonopolizationoflandbylargelatifundios.Forexample,thenumberofcolonosinMizqueProvincewas5,858in1882,and6,149thirtyyearslater.Similarly,therewere4,000servicetenantsinAyopayain1882,and4,046thirtyyearslater.InArqueProvince,ontheotherhand,thenumbersdroppedfrom4,978in1882to4,412in1912.SeveraldistrictsinArque,particularlyCapinotaandCaraza,experiencedconsiderablefragmentationofagriculturallandand

acorrespondingdeclineinthepopulationofservicetenants(seeTable4.12).

Thechangesinruralsocialrelationsdifferedbetweenregionswherehaciendasexperiencedfragmentation,andregionswherelargehaciendascontinuedtodominatethecountryside.Howdidsocialrelationscontinuetodevelopindistrictsstilldominatedbyhaciendas?Anexaminationofservicetenantryandhacienda-tenantrelationsinAyopayaProvinceprovidesusefulinsightsintosocialchangeinhighlandCochabamba.

Writinginthelate1780s,shortlyafterthedisruptioncausedbytheTúpacTúpacKatarirevoltsof17801782,CochabambaInten-

dantFranciscodeViedmadescribedruralsocialrelationsandthetermsofservicetenantryinAyopayaasbeingamongthemostoppressiveintheCochabambaregion.

63DuringtheprotractedstruggleforindependenceinBolivia(18091825)Ayopayawasthefocusofasustainedguerrillacampaignagainstroyalistforces.In1927andagainin1947,Ayopayapeasantsroseinrebellionagainsthaciendaowners,andtheyweretheonlyCochabambapeasantstoengageinviolentprotestduringaperiodofgrowingunrestintheBoliviancountryside.64Althoughtheoriginsofsocialconflictaregenerallycomplex,anexaminationofchangingpatternsoflandtenureandruralsocialrelationsinAyopayaProvinceinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieshelpstoexplaintheoriginsoftheruralunrestofthe1920sand1940s.

TwofactorsdictatedthenatureofruralsocialrelationsinAyopayaProvince:thesizeoftheruralpopulationandthestructureoflandtenure.AyopayaProvincewasthinlypopulatedattheendofthecolonialperiod,butthepopulationmorethantripledbetween1846and1950,from12,318intheformeryear,15,385in1880,and21,687in1900,to41,942in1950.Thepopulationdensityincreasedfrom1.3personsperkm2in1846to4.4personsperkm2in1950.65Populationgrowthexplainsthepersistenceandthegrowthinimportanceofservicetenantry(colonaje)asthedominantformoflaboronAyopayaHaciendas.AyopayaHaciendaownersexercisedavirtualmonopolyoveragriculturalland,andlandlesspeasantshadtheoptionofeithermigratingfromAyopayaorremainingasservicetenants.IncontrasttotheotherprovincesofCochabambaDepartment,thenumberofservicetenantsinAyopayaProvincegrewinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Betweenabout1902andabout1912,thenumberofservicetenantsinCochabambaDepartmentreportedly

droppedfrom35,146to31,757.Duringthesameyears,thenumberofservicetenantsinAyopayaProvincegrewfrom2,317to4,046.66

ThreeelementspresentinthestructureofruralsocietyinAyopayaprovincecontributedtosocialtensionsinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,andtorevoltin1927andagainin1947.Asmallnumberofinterrelatedelitefamiliesmonopolizedland,andfewopportunitiesexistedforlandlesspeasantstoacquireland.Peasantsinthecentral-valleydistrictsofCochabambaDepartmenthadaccesstodynamiclocalandregionalmarkets,wheretheysoldsurplusproduceandaccumulatedsomeofthecapitalusedtobuysmallparcelsofland.Incontrast,peasantsinAyopayaProvince,aregiongeographicallyisolatedfromlocalandregionalurbanmarkets,hadrelativelylimitedpossibilitiesofaccu-

mulatingcapitalthroughthesaleofsurplusproduceorthroughthesaleoftheirlaborforcashwages.

67Moreover,Ayopayahacendadosmaintainedstrictersocialcontrolovertheservicetenantslivingontheirhaciendas,whichfurtherlimitedthepossibilitiesofcapitalaccumulation.Finally,thegrowthofthepeasantpopulationfavoredhaciendaowners.Agrowingnumberoflandlesspeasantscompetedforaccesstohaciendalands,andhaciendaownerscouldthusincreasethelaborservicesandmoneyrentdemandedfromtenants.Thestatusoflandlesspeasants,whichViedmaconsideredtobebadinthelateeighteenthcentury,deterioratedintheearlyyearsofthepresentcentury.

Conclusions

Inheritance,debt,andeconomiccrisisandstagnationallcontributedtothepartitionofhaciendasinsomedistrictsinCochabambaDepartment,particularlyinthecentral-valleydistricts.Thefragmentationofagriculturallandcausedfundamentalchangesinvalleysociety.LandlesspeasantsandotherstookadvantageofthegrowthinthelandmarketcausedbytheliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunityandhaciendasandthegrowingopportunitiestoaccumulatecapitalandwithchangesinBolivia'seconomytobuyland.Purchasesoflandwhichledtothegrowthofalargeclassofpeasantlandowners.

Haciendalaborrelationsdifferedinthedistrictsstilldominatedbylargelatifundios.ThecaseofAyopayaProvince,theoneprovinceinCochabambathatexperiencedsignificantlevelsofpeasantunrestduringaperiodofconsiderableresistanceinotherpartsofBolivia,showsthattensionscontinuedtobuild,duetopopulationgrowthandincreasedlaborexactionsbyhaciendaowners.Thepresenceof

thousandsofpeasantlandownersinthenearbycentral-valleydistrictsprobablycontributedtoagrowingexpectationamongcolonosthattheymightimprovetheirlivesbyacquiringland;andthegrowingpoliticizationofpeasantsinthecentralvalleysinthe1930sand1940sspilledoverintoAyopaya.ThetensionsresultedinopenrebellioninAyopayain1927andagainin1947.

5CaseStudiesofLand-TenureChangeinCochabambaDepartmentThepreviouschapteroutlined,inageneralway,changesinthestructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregion.Casestudiesofland-tenurechangesintheValleBajo;ValleAlto;SacabaValley;Palca,intheAyopayahighlands;theColomihighlands,whichformapartofChapareprovince;CantónParedón,whichborderstheValleAlto;MizqueProvince;andtheArquehighlandsfurtherillustratesthetransformationsoutlinedabove.Thedatadescribedheredocumentthegrowthinthenumberofproperties,thefragmentationofhaciendas,andcontinuityandchangeinlandtenure.

ValleBajo

Theliquidationofthecorporateindigenouscommunitycontributedtotherapidfragmentationofagriculturallandandtheproliferationofminifundio.However,thesubdivisionoflandalsooccurredinthesectionsofthevalleydominatedbyhaciendasattheendofthecolonialperiod.Moreover,somesubdivisionofruralestatestookplaceinthe1840s,1850s,1860s,and1870s.Forexample,therewere58privatepropertiesinCantónQuillacolloin1844,and940in1882.Similarly,thenumberofpropertiesinCercadoProvince(CalaCala,Itocta)increasedfrom39in1835to1,766in1882(seeTable5.1).

Thegrowthinthenumberofpropertiesacceleratedfollowingtheimplementationofthelawofvinculaciónandtheeconomiccrisisofthe1890s.In1882,therewere3,469propertiesintheValleBajo;thenumberdoubledto7,269around1900;anditmorethandoubledagainto18,384about1924.Between1924and1945,urbanization

andlandconsolidationtookplace:inthelatteryeartherewere15,566propertiesinthevalley(seeTable5.1).

Table5.1PrivatePropertiesintheValleBajoinSelectedYearsJurisdiction 1828 1835 1844 1882 1900QuillacolloProvincePasso ? 12 99 347Colcapirhua 3 32 216 1518SipeSipe 16 22 304 401Tiquipaya 5 16 144 1054Quillacollo 25 58 940 2006CercadoProvince 1766CalaCala 16 819ltocta 23 1554Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ArchivoNacionaldeBolivia,variousjurisdictionsandyears;GustavoRodriguez,"Economiacampesina,mercadoycrisisagraria(18801952).Notasparasuestudio,"1329;ElHeraldo,September23,1898;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;RafaelPeredoAntezana,Quillacolloensayomonografico(Cochabamba,1963),p.183;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueajedelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.

Thepartitionofcolonialhaciendascanbedocumentedbystudiesoftheinternalstructureoflandtenureoftwoestatesintheearlytwentiethcentury.VilomayVilomilla(describedinmoredetailbelow)wasasinglelargehaciendaaslateas1828.In1924,thebulkoftheformerhaciendalandswascontrolledby3propertieswithanareaofmorethan100hectares.However,therewerealso50parcelswithanarealessthan50hectares,including43smallpropertieswithanarealessthan1hectareinextension.Anocaraireactually,twoneighboringhaciendaslistedinthecadastralsurveysimplyasAnocaraireevidencedevengreaterfragmentation.In1912,172parcelswithanextensionoflessthan10hectaresoccupied26.4percentofthelandofthetwoformerhaciendas(seeTable5.2)

InowdiscusslandtenureinCantónSipeSipe,ajurisdictionintheValleBajothathadamixedhacienda-communitylandowningpatternattheendofthecolonialperiod.SipeSipe,locatedatthespotwheretheTapacariRiverValleyjoinstheValleBajo,embraceswell-wateredlandsofconsiderablefertility.ThefertilityofthesoilandlaborattractedSpanishlandownerswhocreatedhaciendasontheedgesofSipeSipecommunity,andusurpedcommunitylands.TenhaciendasexistedinSipeSipeinthe1690sonthemarginsofcommunityterritory,andthetributerollslistedfifteeninthemiddleofthenineteenthcentury.Therewassomesubdivisionofexistinghaciendasbetweenthelatecolonialandearlynationalperiodsduemostlikelytoinheritance.Moreover,therewasinstabilityinhaciendatenurebetween1828and1867,withninecasesoftheapparenttransferoftitlebysale.In1867,forexample,JuandeSanzetenea,whoreportedlyhadnolandsinSipeSipeinthe1840s,ownedthreehaciendas.Theevidencesuggeststhedivisionoffourhaciendasforinheritanceduringthesamefortyyears(seeTable5.3).

HaciendasinSipeSipeexperiencedfurthersubdivisioninthesixtyyearsbetweenthe1860sand1920s,andmanyfamiliesthatowned

landin1867hadlosttheirpropertiesbythe1920s.Thecadastralsurveypreparedabout1924listedsixty-twopropertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectares,whichindicatesadegreeofsubdivisionofthelargercolonialhaciendasaswellastheformationofsmallfincasfromcommunitylands.ThirteenofthehaciendaslistedinTable5.3experiencedachangeinownershipbetweenthe1860sand1920s,largelyasaresultofthelate-nineteenth-centuryeconomiccrisisandthegrowingdebtcrisis.Onlytwofamiliesthatownedlandsinthe1860sretainedownershipinthe1920s.EstanciaUchuUchuremainedinthehandsofthePradofamily,andmembersoftheGarnicafamilystillhadsubstantialholdingsaslateasthe

Table5.2StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaViloma&VilomillaandHaciendaAnocaraireSizeofParcel

NumberofProperties %

AreainHectares %

VilomayVilomilla0.99 43 81.1 16.87.75 .9514.99 2 3.8 2.97.51 .171049.99 5 9.4 137.60.30 7.7100499.99 2 3.8 624.79.20 35.11000+ 1 1.9 1,000.00.00 56.1Total 53 100 1,782.24.76 100.02

Anocaraire0.99 133 72.7 51.15.01 8.614.99 34 18.6 66.56.48 11.259.99 5 2.7 39.59.63 6.61049.99 7 3.8 174.56.16 29.35099.99 4 2.2 264.69.28 44.4Total 183 100 596.56.56 100.1Source:CPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantonQuillacollo,CantonSipeSipe.

1920s.

1In1924,therewere27parcelswithanareaofmorethan10hectareswithintheboundariesofthecolonialperiodhaciendas,inadditiontomanysmallerparcels.

Haciendasexperiencedfragmentationbytheseparationofsuyosandthesaleofsmallparcels,generallyonthefringesofthehacienda.ThereareexamplesofbothinCantónSipeSipe.ThefirstcaseisMolleMolle,whichformedonesuyoofalargerhaciendathatbelongedtotheSanzeteneafamilyinthemid-nineteenthcentury.Threemembersofthefamilydividedthelargerhaciendain1880forinheritance.2In1924,

HaciendaMolleMollehadasurfaceareaof89.26hectares,andfifty-ninesmallparcelswithameansizeof1.88hectaresoccupiedanother110.43hectaresofland.Oversomefortyyearsthepropertyexperiencedconsiderablesubdivisionthroughthecreationofsmallplotsofland.

ThesecondexampleisHaciendaVilomaandVilomilla,oneofthelargesthaciendasintheValleBajointhelatecolonialperiod.TheheirsofNicolasadeCamberasdividedthehaciendaforinheritancebetween1844and1867,andtheownersfurthersubdividedthepropertyforin-

Table5.3HaciendasinCantonSipeSipe,18281867

HaciendaNumberofPropertiesin1828

ChangeofOwnershipByc.1924

NumberofPropertiesWithanAreaofMorethanTenHectares

Hamiraya 1 yes 1Suticollo 1 yes 1Coachaca 1 yes 2VilaVila 1 yes 4Chacapaya 1 yes 1Pancuruma 1 yes 2Viloma&Vilomilla 1 yes 8UchuUchu 1 no 1Caramarca 1 yes 2Cocaraya 1 yes 1Sorata 2 yes 1Siquisquia 1 yes 1Huancarani 1 ?Caramarca&MolleMolle 1 yes 2Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince;CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantonSipeSipe,APC.

heritanceandthroughlandsales.FourmembersoftheQuirogafamilyownedmanysuyosofthesectionofthehaciendalocatedinCantónQuillacollo,withacombinedsurfaceareaof107.85hectares.TheQuirogalandsapparentlywerealargerpropertypreviouslydividedforinheritance.OneAdriandelaTorreownedafifthsuyowithanareaof178.51hectaresofland.Therewasoneparcelwithanareaoflessthanonehectares.ThesectionoftheformerhaciendalocatedinCantónSipeSipecontainedthreemedium-largepropertieswithanareaofmorethantenhectares,andforty-foursmallparcelsoflessthanonehectare.Onelandownertookadvantageofthelate-nineteenth-centuryeconomiccrisistoconsolidatecontroloveralargeshareofhaciendalands.GeneralJulianLopezownedonesuyoofVilomaby1861,andpurchasedmoreinsubsequentyears.In1924,hisheirsownedaproperty

purchasedmoreinsubsequentyears.In1924,hisheirsownedapropertywithintheareaoftheformercolonialhaciendawithanextensionof446.28hectaresofland.Inthe1920s,theownersofoneofthelargerLopezpropertiesdividedapartofthelandsintolotswithasizeoflessthanonehectareforsale.

IhavearepresentativesampleofeightyhaciendasalesinCantónSipeSipefromthe1860sthroughthe1920sabstractedfromthenotarialprotocolsandthelandregister.

3Thesampledocumentsthecrisisofthe

1890swithanelevatednumberofsales.Therewere,however,fewertransactionsrecordedduringthecrisisofthe1920s.Therewerefoursalesduringthedecade18601869,fivebetween1870and1879,eightintheyears1880to1889,thirty-fourfrom1890to1899,twentybetween1900and1909,threeintheyears1910to1919,andsixinthedecadeof1920to1929.

Asnotedinapreviouschapter,membersofthelocalelitecarvedasmallnumberofmediumsizedfincasoutofformercommunitylandsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación.Accordingtodataabstractedfromthecadastralsurveythenewlycreatedfincasoccupiedatleast426.38hectaresofland,or21.6percentofcommunitylandsin1826.Thecreationoftheseproperties,however,didnotconstituteanexpansionofexistinghaciendasoroftheholdingsofthepre-1860shaciendaowningfamilies.Rather,anewgroupoflandownersboughtupformercommunitylands.In1924,forexample,threemembersoftheQuirogafamilyownedsmallhaciendasintheformerSipeSipecommunityterritory,butdidnothavelandsinthecolonialperiodhaciendas.AnothernewlandownerwasJoséGuzman,whoownedfoursmallhaciendasinthesamedistrictwithatotalareaof89.71hectares.OneexceptiontothepatterndescribedabovewastheownershipbyValerioSaavedraofthecolonialHaciendaTarguaniandHaciendaUrinsaya,oneofthepropertiescreatedfromcommunitylands.Saavedra,whomayhavebeenamemberofapre-1860slandowningfamilyinCantónSipeSipe,expandedhisholdingsthroughthepurchaseofpropertiesworthBs71,124beginningin1895.Saavedratookadvantageoftheinstabilityofhaciendatenureinthe1890stobuyland,butthenapparentlyover-extendedhimself.DuringthesameperiodSaavedrasoldandresoldlandswithavalueofBs68,214.

Thelong-termchangeinlandtenurealsocausedsignificantsocialchange.Bythe1920stherewasalargegroupofpiquerosinSipeSipe

largelyconcentratedinthefertilevalleylands.Accordingtothec.1924cadastralsurveytherewere3,289parcelsinthejurisdictionwithanareaoflessthantenhectareswhichoccupied19.9percentoftheagriculturalland.Mediumandlargesizedhaciendaswithanareaofmorethanfiftyhectarescontrollednearly74percentoftheland,butinsomecasesmuchofthelandofthehaciendasconsistedoflessfertilelandslocatedathigherelevationsorestanciasinthehillssurroundingthevalley(seeTable5.4).ThepatternofthegrowthinthenumberofpiqueroswasgeneralizedthroughouttheValleBajo,andbythelate1920smuchofthelandlocatedintheterritoryoftheothertwocommunitieshadexperiencedfragmentation.

Table5.4StructureofLandTenureinCantonSipeSipe,c.1924SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 2,807 83.5 1,025.90.66 9.614.99 456 13.6 913.41.41 8.659.99 26 .77 176.48.88 1.71049.99 32 .95 676.66.50 6.45099.99 14 .42 1,068.69.69 10.0100499.99 12 .36 2,411.49.60 22.6500999.99 1 .03 892.56.00 8.410004999.99 3 .09 3,500.00.00 32.8AreaNotGiven 12 .36Total 3,363 100.1 10,665.22.74 100.1Source:CPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantonSipeSipe.

ValleAlto

WhentheSpaniardsconqueredandsettledtheCochabambaregioninthe1530sand1540s,theValleAltowasamosaicofdifferentethnicgroupsthatexploitedcorn-producinglandsinthevalley.

4However,duringtheformativeperiodofthecolonialstructureoflandtenure(thesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies),haciendasdedicatedtograinproductioncametodominatetheValleAlto.5In1692,thereweretwenty-fourhaciendasintheValleAlto.6Attheendofthecolonialperiodthereweremorethanonehundredhaciendasinthevalley.7HaciendasintheValleAltospecializedinwheatandcornproduction,andthusweresensitivetochangesinandtheerosionofmarkets.Intheearly1920s,forexample,landownersinClizaProvince(Cliza,Tolata,andToco)shiftedtocornproduction,onlytoseethemarketforcorncollapseafter1925.8

ThestructureoflandtenureintheValleAltoexperiencedsignificant

changeintheseventyyearsbetween1860and1929.Haciendatenurebecameunstable,andhaciendaowners,manyalreadywithlargedebts,soldorsubdividedtheirestates.Therewasaproliferationinthenumberofsmallandmediumproperties,manyownedbypeasantsmallholders.Moreover,thecompositionofthelandowningelitechangedasmanyfamilieslosttheirlands.Therewasalsoaproliferationofminifundio.

AswasthecaseintheValleBajo,therewasarapidgrowthinthenumberofpropertiesintheValleAlto.From142haciendasin1831,thenumberincreasedto5,864in1882,and16,998in1912.Thisrepresents

a41-foldgrowthinthefiftyyearsbetween1831and1882,andnearlyathree-foldgrowthfrom1882to1912.Theincreaseinpropertiescontinuedoverthenext30years.In1945,atotalof37,083propertiesexistedintheValleAlto,atwofoldincreasefrom1912(seeTable5.5).

ThefragmentationofhaciendasoccurredthroughouttheValleAlto,asshownintwocasestudies.ThefirstisthecolonialHaciendaMamata,locatedinCantónTarata.Shortlyfollowingindependence,in1831,tenpropertiesexistedinMamata,andthehaciendawasfurthersubdividedforinheritance.

9In1869,forexample,onepropertywithanareaof295.88.30hectareswasdividedintothreesections.Anothersectionofthehaciendawasdividedintothreesectionsin1884.10Byabout1900,601propertiesexistedinthebodyofthecolonialhacienda:380withanareaoflessthanonehectare,63.2percentofallpropertiesoccupying9.5percentoftheland;and4propertieswithanareaofmorethan50hectaresoccupying35.1percentoftheland(seeTable5.6).

Similarly,HaciendaCollpa,locatedinCantónArani,experiencedrapidfragmentationduringthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Asnotedinchapter2,CollpabelongedtotheAugustinians,untilsoldbythenewlyindependentBoliviangovernmentinthelate1820s,followingtheconfiscationofAugustinian-ownedlandsin1826.ToribioCano,anofficialintheprefecturalgovernment,boughtthepropertypriorto1831.11ThePazSoldanfamilyinheritedthehaciendabetween1846and1850.12Thehaciendawasdividedforinheritanceonseveraloccasionsduringthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury.In1892,forexample,onepropertywithanareaof644.78.31wasdividedintotwelvesections.Sixyearslater,in1898,

anotherlargesectionofCollpawasdividedintotwosections.13Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912,membersofthePazSoldanfamilycontinuedtoownlargesectionsofHaciendaCollpa,butfamilymembersalsosoldsmall,medium,andlarge-sizedparcelstoothers.Sixtypropertiesexistedinthebodyoftheformerhacienda.Thirty-six,60percentoftheproperties,hadanareaoflessthanonehectare.Anotherthirteen,21.7percentoftheproperties,hadasizeofmorethanfiftyhectares(seeTable5.6).

ThepatternofthefragmentationofagriculturallandwasgeneralizedthroughouttheValleAlto.Therewasarapidgrowthinthenumberofproperties.Muchofthegrowthinpropertiesresultedfromthesaleofsmallplotsoflandfromhaciendaterritory,thedivisionandresaleofsmallplots,andaproliferationinthenumberofplotswithanareaoflessthanonehectare.Forexample,inabout1900,therewere2,449smallparcelswithanareaoflessthanahectareinCantónTarata,69.1percentofall

Table5.5NumberofPropertiesintheValleAltoinSelectedYearsJurisdictionJurisdiction 1831 1882 1900 1912 c.1945Punata 16763

Punata 30 1467 1634 3218SanBenito 7 231 479 1194Muela 542 718 2194

Arani* 5517Arani 27** 220 309 559

Tarata* 7316Tarata 69*** 2151 3542 5246

Cliza 7487Cliza 1 1 437 515Toco 8 678 2227 2780Tolata 574 N.D. 1292

Total 142 5864 16998 37083*Includeshighlandjurisdictions.**IncludespropertiesinMuela.***IncludespropertiesinTolata.Source:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,1831;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),Pp.3234;ElHeraldo,October25,1907;CPR,APC,variousjurisdictions;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje.Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.

properties.In1912,therewere1,039smallpropertiesinCantónTolata,84.6percentofallproperties.Parcelswithanextensionoflessthantenhectaresoccupied16.8percentofthelandlistedinthecadastralsurvey(seeTable5.7).Itwas5,059plotswithanareaoflessthanahectareinPunataProvinceabout1912,79.96percentofallparcels,and353smallpropertiesinCantónAraniinthesameyears,63.2percentofalllandsinthejurisdiction.

14In1924,therewere1,112propertiesinCantónCliza,941or83.9percentwithanareaoflessthanahectare.15

ThefragmentationofagriculturallandledtoconsiderablesocialchangeintheValleAlto.Forexample,thenumberofservicetenantsdropped.Manycolonosbecamelandowners,acquiringparcelsoflandtheypreviouslyrented.OtherslefttheValleAltotoworkintheminesintheBolivianaltiplanoandnorthernChile,orinthesugarplantationsinnorthernArgentina.16

ThechangesinlandtenureandruralsocialrelationsintheValleAltohadaprofoundimpactonsubsequentBolivianhistory.Thedepressioninthe1930sforcedmanymineworkerstoreturntotheland,whenthe

Table5.6StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpaSizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %

Mamata0.99 380 63.2 153.23.68 9.514.99 176 29.3 356.84.88 22.05.9.99 19 3.2 143.39.90 8.91049.99 22 3.7 398.74.11 24.65099.99 1 0.2 69.92.97 4.3100499.99 3 0.5 498.45.46 30.8Total 601 100.1 1,620.61.00 100.1

Collpa0.99 36 60.0 14.15.54 1.214.99 5 8.3 7.47.46 0.61049.99 5 8.3 145.62.68 12.55099.99 10 16.7 635.96.33 54.5100499.99 3 5.0 364.33.50 31.2SizeNotGiven 1 1.7Total 60 100.0 1,167.55.51 100.1Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonTarata,AraniProvince,CantonArani.

largeminingcompaniesfiredthousandsofworkers.Ex-mineworkershadexperienceincollectiveorganization,andtookaleadintheorganizationofpeasantleagues(sindicatos)thatattemptedtoimprovethequalityoflifeoftheirmembersandensureaccesstoland.In1936,theleadersofthefirstpeasantleaguefoundedinAnaRanchopressuredthegovernmenttonegotiateanagreementwiththenunsoftheconventofSantaClaratorent,andlatertheyconsentedtoselllandtotheresidentservicetenants,andgaveimpetustotheorganizationofpeasantleaguesinotherpartsofCochabamba.

Thegrowingmomentumofreformpoliticsinthelate1930s,1940s,andearly1950sincludedagrowingrecognitionoftheneedforchangesinthecountryside,especiallytheeliminationofwhatwereseenasanachronisticcolonialinstitutions,suchaselementsofservicetenantryandthefeudalhacienda.TheMovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionariopartyincorporatedthecallforagrarianreformintoitsreformagendainthelate1940s,andformallyimplementedanagrarian-reformdecreeafterseizingpowerinacoupin1952.18However,inmanysensesthepeasantleagues

Table5.7StructureofLandTenureinCantonTolatain1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 1,039 84.6 319.82.12 6.814.99 183 14.2 348.50.54 7.459.99 16 1.2 119.94.48 2.61049.99 38 2.9 808.94.33 17.25099.99 3 0.2 193.36.80 4.1100499.99 13 1.0 2,914.51.28 61.9Total 1,292 100.1 4,705.09.55 100.0Source:CPR,APC,ClizaProvince,CantonTolata.

themselvesforcedthenewgovernmenttomakegoodonitscommitmenttoenforcetheagrarian-reformmeasure.PeasantsintheValleAltoandsurroundingdistrictsinvadedanddividedhaciendalands,attackedhaciendaownersandadministrators,and,insomeinstances,evenattackedruraltowns.

19Moreover,forabouttwentyyearsthepeasantleaguesbecamethepowerbrokersinthecountryside,andinthecaseoftheso-calledCliza-UcurenaWarinthelate1950sandearly1960s,individualpeasantleagueslaunchedmilitaryattacksagainstrivalleaguesinpoliticaldisputes.20ThemassacreatTolata,intheValleAlto,bythearmyofpeasantsinJanuary1974endedthepoliticalprominenceofpeasantleaguesintheValleAlto.21

SacabaValley

TheSacabaValleydevelopedapatternoflandtenuredominatedbylargehaciendasthatproducedgrain,especiallywheat,andpotatoesforlocalconsumptionandexport.Inthe1690s,therereportedlywereelevenhaciendasinthevalley,andtwenty-sevennearlyacenturylater,inthe1780s.22Thegrowthinthenumberofhaciendasindicatesthecreation

ofnewproperties,orthedivisionofexistingestatesforinheritanceorforothermotives.

Therewerefurtherchangesinhaciendaownershipandlandtenureinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies.Ofthe27haciendasinSacabainthe1780s,4weredividedbyinheritanceorsaleby1835,whenthetributerollslisted32haciendas.Overthenextfiftyyears,thenumberofprop-

ertiesincreasedmorethansixtytimesto1,967in1882.Thenumbersgrewto3,114in1894,and4,597in1912.Theproliferationofsmallpropertiescontinuedoverthenextthirtyyears.In1945,therewere6,320parcelsinChapareProvince(Sacaba,Colomi,Tablas,Mendozayungas),mostofthemlocatedintheSacabaValley(seeTable5.8).

NocommunitylandsexistedintheSacabaValleyattheendofthecolonialperiod.Therefore,therapidgrowthofpropertiesafter1835resultedfromthepartitionofhaciendasandthegrowthofminifundio.Table5.9recordsthenumberofhaciendasin1835,instancesofdivisionduetoinheritance,andthenumberofpropertiesin1912withanareaofmorethantenhectares.Therewereatleastnineinstancesofthedivisionofestatesforinheritance,andin1912,ninety-twoparcelslargerthantenhectaresexistedwithintheboundariesoftheformercolonialhaciendas(seeTable5.9).

ThepartitionofruralestatescanalsobeseenthroughdetailedcasestudiesofHaciendasLaAbraandTucsapucyo(seeTable5.10).

TherearedataonthepartitionofLaAbraforinheritanceaswellasanumberofsales,andevidenceofinstabilityoftenure,especiallyduringthecrisisofthe1890s.In1865,fourindividualsdividedthehaciendaforinheritance.In1905,theheirsofoneModestinoGarcíaRevollodividedlandswithanextensionof185hectares.In1918,theheirsofFelicidadValencia,oneoftherecipientsoflandsfromtheinitialdivisionofthehaciendain1865,dividedapropertywithanareaof100hectares.

23Duringthecrisisofthe1890sand1920s,therewasinstabilityofownershipoflandsinLaAbra.Forexample,oneJuanMoyanoboughtasectionofthehaciendain1888,butsoldthepropertyeightyearslatertothreeindividuals.Oneofthethreepurchasers,amannamedBernabeZelada,experienceddebtproblemsandhadtosellhis

shareayearlater,in1897.In1929,CarlosSalamancaboughtlandsinLaAbrafromtheBancoHipotecarioNacional.Thebankhadforeclosedon,andtakenpossessionof,theproperty.24

In1912,thereweresixty-fivepropertiesinLaAbra,fifty-eightofwhichmeasuredlessthantenhectaresinextension.Thesmallpropertiesoccupied22percentofthelandsofthehacienda.Incontrast,fourlargeparcelsgreaterthanfiftyhectaresinextentcontrolled63.2percentofthehaciendalands(seeTable5.10).

HaciendaTucsapucyobelongedtotheUrquidifamilyin1835.Familymembersbegansellinghaciendalandsinthe1860s,ifnotearlier.IhavefoundatleastsevensalesbymembersoftheUrquidifamily,includingfourtransactionsin1866forlandswithatotalareaof103hectares.In

Table5.8NumberofPropertiesinCantonSacaba(SacabaValley)inSelectedYearsYear NumberofProperties1835 321882 1,9671894 3,1141912 4,597c.1945 6,320

*Includespropertiesinhighlanddistricts.Source:RobertH.Jackson,''TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),Pp.259281;GustavoRodriguezandHumbertoSolares,Sociedadoligarchica,chichayculturapopular(Cochabamba,1990),p.21;RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje.Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.

1912,onlyonefamilymemberownedalargeparcelwithanareaof107hectares,or7.6percentofthetotalareaofthehaciendaregisteredinthecadastralsurvey.Thepurchasersofhaciendalandssoldandresoldparcels,furthercontributingtotheparcelizationofthehacienda.

In1912,therewere131separatepropertiesinHaciendaTucsapucyo,includinglargenumbersofsmallplots.Ofthese,118hadanarealessthan10hectares,occupying13.2percentoftheareaoftheestate.Therewere6medium-tolarge-sizedpropertieswithanareagreaterthan50hectares,whichoccupiedmorethan70percentoftheland(seeTable5.10).

Theimpactofperiodiceconomiccrises,suchasthoseinthe1890sandlate1920s,canbemeasuredbyincreasesinhaciendasales.Arepresentativesampleofeighty-eighthaciendasalesbetween1860sand1929showstwoperiodsofelevatednumbersofsalesinthe1880sand

1890s,andagaininthe1920s.Intheformerperiod,atotalofthirty-sixsaleswererecorded,tenduringthe18951899quinquennium,attheheightofthecrisisintheregionaleconomy.Anumberofthesesalesresultedfromforeclosurefordebt.Haciendasalesdroppedoverthenexttwentyyearstosixteenfrom1900to1909,andeightoverthefollowingdecade.Butthetempoofsalesincreasedtosevenrecordedin19201924,andthirteeninthelastquinquenniuminthedecade.26

AgriculturallandintheSacabaValleyhadexperiencedconsiderablefragmentationbytheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,andthenum-

Table5.9HaciendasinCantonSacaba,18351912

HaciendaPropertiesin1835

DivisionForInheritance

Propertiesin1912

Laicacota 2 ? 4Chimboco 3 Yes 16Curubamba 1 Yes 5MolinoBlanco 1 No 1MayoMolino 1 No 1Ucuchi 1 ? 2Laquina 2 Yes 16Corihuma&Corimayu 1 Yes 5LabaLaba 1 ? 11Tucsapucyo 1 Yes 13Chacacollo 1 No 1SauceArocagua&Quintanilla 1 Yes 4LaAbra 1 Yes 7Puntiti 1 No 3GuaillaniChico 1 Yes 1Guaillani 1 Yes 2GrandeSource:PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince1835,1844,1850,1855,1868,1878;CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.

berofmediumtolargehaciendashadgrown.The1912cadastralsurveyrecordsatotalof4,418propertieswithanextensionoflessthan10hectaresthatoccupiedaquarterofthelandregisteredinthesurvey.Therewere64haciendas(seeTable5.11).

HighlandDistrictsinCochabambaDepartment

ThehighlanddistrictsofCochabambaDepartmentexperienceddifferentchangesinland-tenurepatterns.Thesmallerrivervalleyslocatedata

higherelevationthanthethreecentral-valleydistricts(Capinota,Caraza,Itapaya)sawagrowthinthenumberofsmallparcels.Attheendofthecolonialperiod,anindigenouscorporatecommunityand2haciendascontrolledthefertilelandsofCapinotaValley.

27In1912,therewere908separatepropertiesinthearea,including814lessthan10hectaresinsizethatoccupied22percentoftheland.28Carazawasdominatedby18

Table5.10StructureofLandTenureinHaciendaLaAbraandHaciendaTucsapucyo

SizeofParcelNumberofProperties %

AreainHectares %

LaAbra0.99 27 41.5 13.70.58 3.014.99 28 43.1 62.61.85 13.859.99 3 4.6 23.42.77 5.21049.99 3 4.6 67.08.55 14.85099.99 4 6.2 285.79.81 63.2Total 65 100.0 453.63.56 100.0

Tucsapucyo0.99 67 51.2 32.57.87 2.314.99 44 33.6 103.21.22 7.359.99 7 5.3 51.61.58 3.61049.99 7 5.3 179.07.72 12.65099.99 1 0.8 59.50.40 4.2100499.99 5 3.8 991.79.39 69.95Total 131 100.0 1,417.78.18 99.95Source:CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.

haciendasin1835.

29In1912,therewere748,including690withanextensionoflessthan10hectaresthatoccupied21.7percentofthelandsregisteredinthecadastralsurvey.30In1912,CantónItapaya(QuillacolloProvince)counted370properties,351measuringlessthan10hectaresembracing26.8percentofthelandsinthejurisdiction.31

Aswasthecaseinthethreecentral-valleydistricts,thefragmentationofagriculturallandinthethreedistrictsdiscussedabovewasexceptional.Largehaciendascontinuedtodominatemostofthehighlandsectionsof

CochabambaDepartment,includingTapacari,Arque,Totora,Mizque,Ayopaya,Campero,andothersmallerjurisdictions.

Theearlydevelopmentofthelowlandcoca-producingyungas,especiallyapushattheendofthenineteenthandinthefirstdecadesofthepresentcentury,ledtothegrantingbytheBoliviangovernmentofextensiveconcessionstounderdevelopedorpartiallydevelopedtropicalrainforestlands.In1912,forexample,theheirsofoneManuelZarateownedMaicaMonte,anestatelocatedintheTablasyungaswithareportedsurfaceareaof50,500hectaresandworthonlyBs12,500,avalueofonly

Table5.11StructureofLandTenureinCantonSacabain1912SizeofParcel

NumberofProperties %

AreainHectares %

0.99 3,387 73.7 1,223.49.82 7.914.99 911 19.8 1,813.70.91 11.759.99 120 2.6 842.20.96 5.51049.99 101 2.2 2,229.49.39 14.45099.99 31 0.7 2,183.96.74 14.1100499.99 31 0.7 5,807.77.10 37.6500999.99 2 0.004 1,362.60.16 8.8SizeNotGiven 14 0.3Total 4,597 100.004 15,463.25.08 100.0Source:CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonSacaba.

Bs4.04perhectare.ThepropertyproducedanannualincomeofBs500.

32ThecadastralsurveyoftheYungasofYcunaandYungasofArepucho(TotoraProvince),landsdescribedasfertiletropicalrainforest,didnotevenrecordtheextensionofproperties;thesurveymerelyestimatedthevalueofthelandconcessions.33

Nevertheless,changesdidoccurinhighlandlandtenure.Therewasinstabilityofownership,andthedivisionofestatesforinheritance.Thefollowingsectionsexamineland-tenurechangesinfourhighlanddistricts,CantónPalca(AyopayaProvince),theColomihighlandslocatedinChapareProvince,CantónParedón,andMizqueProvince.

TheAyopayaHighlands(CantónPalca)

TheadministrativejurisdictionofAyopayaProvinceincludeslandslocatedatdifferentecologicalzonesfromthepunoatfourthousandmetersinelevationusedprimarilyforpasture,tolow-lyingrivervalleys(yungas)atseventeenhundredmetersinelevation,suitableforthe

productionofsugar,cotton,chilipeppers,andothersemitropicalcrops.34Somehaciendascontrolledlandsatalloftheecologicalzonesfoundintheprovince,andproducedawidevarietyofcrops.Forexample,HaciendaMansanani(CantónPalca)producedcorn,wheat,barley,potatoes,fruitsandvegetables,andsugarcane.35

ThreeactivitiesdominatedtheeconomyoftheAyopayahighlands.LandownersinCantónChoquecamata(Cocapata)exportedquantitiesof

Peruvianbarkontheinternationalmarketfortheproductionofquinine.

36Mosthaciendasintheregionspecializedingrainandpotatoproduction,eitherforthemarketinthecentral-valleydistrictsorinthealtiplano.Finally,apatternofseasonaltranshumanceexisted,basedupontherentalofpasturelands(yerbaje)intheAyopayapuno.Dr.FedericoBlancodescribedthelong-distancetranshumancethatbroughtsheepfromsurroundinghighlanddistrictstopastureinAyopaya,andcattleandotheranimalsfromthethreecentralvalleys.37Thehighlandhaciendaspecializedincerealandtuberproduction,andgenerallyonlyasmallareaofthebestagriculturallandwouldbecultivatedatagiventime.Thevastpastureproducedarentthroughyerbajethatperhapsprovidedlandowningfamilieswithenoughincometosurviveinthefaceoflimitedorunstabledemandforcerealsandtubers.IncomeproducedthroughyerbajeenabledsomeAyopayalandowningfamiliestoretaincontroloverthelandattheendofthenineteenthcentury,whilemanylandownersinthecentralvalleyslosttheirlandsandfaceddownwardsocialmobility.

TherewasnopatternofthefragmentationofagriculturallandinAyopayaProvince.ThenumberofpropertiesinAyopayaincreasedduringthenineteenthcentury,butnottothesamedegreeasinthecentral-valleydistricts.Theincreaseinthenumberofpropertiesmostlikelyresultedfromthedivisionoflargerpropertiesforinheritanceorsaleandthecreationofnewpropertiesalonganexpandingagriculturalfrontier.Therewere70haciendasinAyopayaProvincein1839.38In1912,thenumberwas676.Inthethirtyyearsbetween1912and1945,however,thetotalnumberofpropertiesactuallydecreased,whichsuggestsadegreeoflandconsolidation.Largelandownersstrengthenedtheirmonopolyoveragriculturalland(see

Table5.12).AnexaminationofthelandmarketinAyopayaProvincefromthe1880stothe1920sshedslightonthedynamicofchangesinthestructureoflandtenure.CantónPalca,whichisrepresentativeoftheotherjurisdictionsintheprovince,andthehistoryofoneimportantPalcalandowningfamilytheCrespos,whohadextensivelandholdingsinthejurisdictionbyatleastthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyareusedtoillustratethetransformationoflandtenure.

ThelandmarketwasfairlyactiveinCantónPalca.Ihavearepresentativesampleof344salesinCantónPalcabyvaluerecordedbetween1860and1929.TheareaofagivenpropertyrarelyappearsinthesalecontractsforAyopayaProvincerecordedinthelandregister(derechosreales),soIusethesalepriceasaroughgaugeoftherelativesizeofaproperty.Therewere170salesofsmallandmedium-sizedproperties,thosewithasalepriceoflessthanBs500,or49percentofthesample.

Table5.12NumberofPropertiesinAyopayaProvinceinSelectedYearsYear NumberofPropertiesc.1882 461c.1902 548c.1912 676c.1948 616

Source:FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeograficodelaRepublicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.13;HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblacion18441939(Lima,1978),Pp.3234;CPR,APC;AyopayaProvince;RafaelReyeros,ElpongueajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosIndiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.216.

Thesaleofsmallandmedium-sizedproperties,however,doesnotnecessarilyindicatethatlandlesspeasantswereabletobuyland.Therewerealsosalesofmedium-andlarge-sizedproperties,thosewithasalepriceofmorethanBs1,000.Twenty-fiveproperties(7percent)hadasalepriceofmorethanBs10,000,andanotherninety-eight(29percent)soldforapriceofbetweenBs1,000andBs10,000.

ThelatifundioremainedthedominantformoflandtenureinPalca.Smallparcelsoccupiedarelativelysmallamountoflandasregisteredinthecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912.Therewere179smallandmedium-sizedpropertieswithanareaoflessthanfiftyhectares,whichoccupiedanareaof912.80hectares,lessthan1percentofthetotalarearegistered.Someindividualsownedmorethanonesmallormedium-sizedproperty,andmembersofelitelandowningfamilies,suchastheCrespos,alsoownedsmallparcels.Ontheotherhand,fiftyhaciendaswithanareaofmorethan500hectaresoccupiedsome162,150hectaresor96percentofthelandinPalca(seeTable5.13).

Thepatternoflandsalesinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcentury

suggestsadegreeoffluidityintenureinPalcawhichenabledcertainfamiliestoexpandtheirholdings.AnexaminationoftheCrespofamily,whichownedlandsintheregionbyatleastthe1870sandstillownsomeland,illustratethesetrends.Accordingtoonememberofthefamily,theCresposoriginallyownedlandsintheValleBajo,andmovedintoAyopayaatthetimeofthePeruvianbarkexportcycleinthemiddletolatenineteenthcentury.40In1879,forexample,oneGenaroCrespoownedextensivelandsinboththeValleBajoandAyopaya.TheeconomyofCrespo'sholdingsinAyopayacomplementedthatofhislandsintheValleBajo.CresporentedpastureintheValleBajoforpartoftheyear,during

Table5.13StructureofLandTenureinCantonPalcain1912

AreainHectares %

0.99 13 5.1 6.75 .004149.99 166 64.6 906.05 .545099.99 15 5.8 1,020 .61100499.99 13 5.1 2,352 1.4500999.99 8 3.1 6,500 3.910004999.99 31 12.1 70,150 42.250009999.99 9 3.5 53,500 32.11000014999.99 1 .39 12,000 7.220000+ 1 .39 20,000 12.0Total 257 100.1 166,434.80 100Source:CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantonPalca.

andimmediatelyfollowingtherainyseason,andthenmovedthelivestocktohisAyopayapropertiesduringthedrypartoftheyear.TheCresposapparentlysoldofftheirlandsintheValleBajoattheendofthenineteenthcentury.

41NofamilymemberappearsasalandownerintheValleBajointhecadastralsurvey,preparedintheearlytwentiethcentury.

TwopatternsemergefromananalysisofasampleoflandtransactionsinvolvingdifferentmembersoftheCrespofamilyinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.42ThePalcalandedeliteintermarried,andmany,ifnotmost,landsalesinvolvedtransactionsbetweenmembersoftheextendedCrespofamilyorothermembersofthelocalelite.Nineofatotalofthirty-six(25percent)salesoflandbymembersoftheCrespofamilyinvolvedothermembersofthesameextendedfamily.Anothertwotransactions(6percent)involvedtheAntezanafamily,alliedtotheCresposthroughmarriage.TheCresposalsoownedagriculturallandof

varyingsizes.In1902,forexample,CesarCrespoboughtaparceloflandwithanareaofonehectareinChallani.

In1912,differentmembersoftheCrespofamilyownedfifteenpropertieswithatotalsurfaceareaof17,515.50hectares,or11percentoftheareasurveyedinCantónPalca.CesarCrespoownedHaciendaMataraniwithanareaof5,000hectares,oneofthelargerhaciendasinCantónPalca.Moreover,membersofthefamilyownedsmall,medium,andlargeproperties.Threeofthefifteenparcelshadanareaofbetween10and49hectares,andanotherthreewithanareaoflessthan10hectares.Inotherwords,theexistenceofsmallandmedium-sizedpropertiesinCantón

Palcadoesnotindicatethepresenceofagroupofindependentpeasantproprietors.

CantónColomi

ThelatifundioremainedthedominantformoftenureinCantónColomi,ChapareProvince,althoughthetrendduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturieswasthepartitionoftheestanciasthroughsaleanddivisionforinheritance.TheColomiestanciasproducedpotatoesandothertubersformarkets,whichmayhavebeenstableinrelationtothevolatilegrainmarkets,andtheyhadareputationforthequalityofthepotatoesproduced.Thisreputationattractedsomecapitalinvestmentintheearlytwentiethcentury.In1907,anunidentifiedgroupofinvestorsorganizedtheNewLindiAgriculturalCompanytoexploitagriculturallandsinColomi.44

AgricultureinColomiwasnotintensivenorextensive.Thelowerqualityofthesoiland,especially,thecoolerclimatedictatedalongerperiodoffallowwithinthesystemofcroprotation.Accordingtoonesource,landsinColomiproducedtwocropsinafive-yearsystemofrotationwiththreeyearsoffallow.45Onlyasmallpercentageofestancialandwasactuallycultivatedatanyonepointintime,andtherentalofextensivepasturelandsprobablyearnedadditionalincomeasinAyopaya.

TheAguirrefamilyownedEstanciaColomi,thesinglelargepropertyinthejurisdiction,inthe1860s.46Theincreaseinthenumberofpropertiesbetween1870sand1920sresultedfromthepartitionofEstanciaColomiandseveralotherpropertiesoverseveralgenerationsthroughsale,inheritance,orlegaldisputesoverownershipbetweenmembersoftheAguirrefamily.Theprocessofpartitionbeganin

1871,whenMiguelAguirredividedthepropertybetweenhisthreechildren,Nataniel,Modestino,andJosefa.NatanielAguirrerealizedanumberoftransactionsandalawsuitthatconsolidatedcontroloverthelandsinheritedbyhisbrother.Atthesametime,AguirresoldsectionsofEstanciaColomiwhichfurthercontributedtotheprocessofthesubdivisionoftheproperty.47

AnanalysisofthepatternoflandsalesinCantónColomiindicatesthefollowingtendencies.Thegreatestnumberofsalesoccurredinthe1880swithnine(31percent),andagaininthe1920switheight(27.6percent).NatanielAguirre,whoheldvariouspostsinthegovernmentinthe1880s,soldsectionsofEstanciaColomi.Severalpurchasersapparentlyboughtthelandasaspeculation,orelsefacedfinancialdifficultiesandhadto

resellthelandswithinashortperiodoftime.In1881,forexample,oneJoséMoscosoboughtashareofEstanciaColomi,butsoldhisholdingswithintwoyears.Theelevatednumberofsalesinthe1920smayhavebeenrelatedtodebtproblems.Althoughnotacorn-producingdistrict,landvaluesinColomimayalsohaverisenduringtheearlytwentiethcentury,andlandownersmayhavecontracteddebtstotakeadvantageofthegrowingequityintheirlands.Debtsprobablybecametoomuchofaburdenwiththegeneraldownturninagricultureinthe1920s,andparticularlyfollowingthedevastatinglocustinvasionafter1922.ThefirstsalesofsmallparcelsinColomiwereregisteredinthe1920s,andmayhavereflectedanattemptbylargelandownerstoraisecash.

AnanalysisofthedatafromthecadastralsurveyfurtherdocumentsthepartitionofEstanciaColomi.In1894,thereweresevenpropertiesinCantónColomi,thelargestofwhichhadanareaofmorethantwothousandhectares.ThemajorchangeinlandtenureinColomiwastheincreaseinthenumberofsmallestanciaswithanareaofbetweenonehundredandfivehundredhectaresseparatedfromlargerproperties.Table5.14comparesthestructureoflandtenurein1894and1912.Itshouldbenotedthatthereisadiscrepancyinthetotalsurfacearearecordedin1894and1912,whichcanbeattributedtoinaccuraciesinthemeasurementofextensivehighlandproperties.Servicetenantryremainedthemostimportantformofhaciendalabor,althoughthenumberofcolonosdroppedattheendofthenineteenthcentury,mostlikelyduetoout-migration.Therewere818colonosinColomiin1894,and643in1912.49

HaciendaandPiqueriainCantónParedón

Inthelatecolonialperiod,Paredónwasadistrictdominatedbyhaciendasthatproducedwheat,barleyandpotatoesandothertubers,whichweregenerallygrownwithoutthebenefitofirrigation.Therewerealsocattleestancias.50TheeconomyofParedónwas,andstillis,closelytiedtomarketsintheValleAlto,especiallythegrainmarketsinClizaandTarata.Theimportationofgrowingvolumesofforeign(primarilyChilean)wheatflourunderminedtheprofitabilityofhaciendaproduction.ParedónhacendadosalsoownedlandsintheValleAlto.TheJordanandBarrientosfamilies,forexample,ownedhaciendasinParedónandtheValleAlto.EvidencefromthetributerollsindicatesthattherewerenineteencolonialhaciendasandestanciasinParedón-Izataattheendofthecolonialperiod,andtwenty-fourin1831.51Severalhaciendasbelonged

Table5.14StructureofLandTenureinCantonColomiin1894andc.19121894 1912

SizeofPropertiesinHectaresNumberofProperties AreainHectares

NumberofProperties

AreainHectares

100499.99 2 618.52.94 11 2134.46.49500999.99 4 3093.65.45 2 1309.18.8010004999.99 1 2447.54.50 2 2443.50.87Total 7 6159.72.89 15 5887.08.16Source:ElComercio,March13,1895;andCPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantonColomi.

tocorporateinstitutions,includingTijrascaandMorochata,whichbothbelongedtothenunsofSantaClara.

Divisionsforinheritanceandlandsalescontributedtothepartitionofhaciendas,andinthelatenineteenthcenturythenumberofpiquerosgrewrapidly.Iexaminethecasesofthesubdivisionoftwohaciendas,LlallahuaniandKhalaLlusta.TheheirsofJoséGandarillasdividedHaciendaLlallahuanipriorto1846,althoughtheGandarillasfamilyapparentlylostorsoldtheirinterestsinthepropertypriorto1912sincenomemberofthefamilyislistedinthecadastralsurveyasowningland.Thirty-sixsmallandmedium-sizedpropertieswithanextensionoflessthanfiftyhectarescontrolledthemajorityoftheland,andthesinglelargestproperty,thecoreoftheformerhacienda,occupiedsixtyhectaresofland(seeTable5.15).53HaciendaKhalaLlustawasdividedintotwoseparatepropertiespriorto1831,andthesectionofthehaciendathatbelongedtotheFerrufinofamilywasfurthersubdividedforinheritancebetween1855and1872.AswasthecasewithLlallahuani,theprincipalownersofKhalaLlusta,theFerrufinoandAngulofamilies,donotappearinthecadastralsurveypreparedabout1912.54Ninetyproperties

withanareaoflessthanfiftyhectarescontrolledsome70percentoftheland(seeTable5.16).

TherewasarapidgrowthinthelandmarketinParedónandIzatainthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Forexample,between1870and1905,258landsaleswereregisteredinCartónParedón,withthegreatestnumber112(43percent)duringthedecade18901899,attheheightofthecrisisintheregionaleconomy.Thebulkofthelandsalesweresmallandmedium-sizedparcels.55Similarly,between1893and1922therewasagrowingnumberoflandsalesinCantónIzata;atotal

Table5.15StructureofLandTenureLlallahuani,c.1912

AreainHectares %

0.99 17 45.9 7.25 4.6149.99 19 51.4 89.70 57.25099.99 1 2.7 60.00 38.2Total 37 156.95Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.

of23intheyears18931902,47between1903and1912,and59from1913to1922.Thenumberoflandsalesthendroppedto19overthenexttenyears.

56Therelativeavailabilityoflandallowedpiquerostobuyseveralparcelsoflandlocatedatdifferentlocationswithinasmallarea,astrategydesignedtospreadtheriskofpotentialcroplossduetofrostorotherecologicalfactorsoverseveralplotsofland.Forexample,inKhalaLlusta53ofthe91parcelsregisteredbelongedtolandownerswhoownedbetween2and10parcelsofland,andthenumberoflandownerstotaledfifty-five.OneKhalaLlustasmallholder,PantaleónSoto,reportedlyowned10separateparcels,withacombinedextensionof7.42hectares.57

Tables5.17and5.18summarizethestructureoflandtenureinCantónParedónandCantónIzataaround1912.Haciendasstilldominatedthecountrysideinbothjurisdictions,buttherewasasignificantnumberofpiqueros.InParedón,therewere1,005separatepropertieswithanextensionoflessthan1hectare,andanother570withanareaofbetweenIand49.99hectares.Similarly,inIzatatherewere145propertieswithanareaoflessthanIhectare,andanother66withanextensionoffrom1to49.99hectares(seeTables5.17and5.18).Alltold,smallandmedium-sizedpropertiesoccupied22percentofthe

registeredlandinParedón,and41percentinIzata.

HaciendatenureinParedón-Izataexperiencedsomeinstabilityinthelatenineteenthcenturyasaconsequenceofthedeteriorationoftheagriculturaleconomyandgrowinglevelsofdebt.ThehistoryofHaciendaSacabambatypifiestheinstabilityinhaciendatenure.Sacabamba,madeupofthreesuyos(sections)namedSacabambayYuncathaqui,Matarani,andChallaque,occupiedanareaofsome10,400hectaresinthreemountainbasins.Inthemid-nineteenthcentury,thehaciendabelongedtoManuelJordan,buthisthreeheirsdividedthehaciendain1853.Thedivisionofthehaciendaresultedinthecreationsofthreeestates:Sacabambay

Table5.16StructureofLandTenureKhalaLlusta,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 44 48.4 9.99 2.8149.99 46 50.6 244.30 68.9100499.99 1 1.1 100.00 28.2Total 91 354.29Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.

Yuncathaqui(4,000hectares),Matarani(3,800hectares),andChallaque(2,600hectares).

Oneofthethreeheirs,NinfaJordan,marriedamerchantnamedPabloBarrientos,whorealizedanumberoflandtransactionsonbehalfoftheJordanfamily.In1879,BarrientoscontractedadebtofBs20,000withamortgageonHaciendaSacabamba.Barrientosapparentlyencounteredsomedifficultyinservicingthedebt,andin1888hesoldthehaciendatooneDiogenesPradoforBs38,000.ThesalecontractstipulatedthatPradopayofftheoutstandingdebttotheCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia,whichheldthemortgage.However,adisputearoseoverthepaymentofthemortgageandthepurchaseprice,andBarrientosinitiatedlitigationtoregaincontrolofthehacienda.AccordingtoBarrientos'sattorney,Pradodidnotpaythepurchasepriceinthetimeperiodstipulatedinthesalecontract,andhedidnotverifythecancellationofthedebt.Moreover,Barrientosclaimedthathisheir,MercedesBarrientos,paidoffthedebt.59Barrientostookhiscasetothenewspapers.

Mr.Revollo[Prado'slawyer]saysthattheseller[Barrientos]receivedthe[purchase]priceforSacabambainletrashipotecarias[interest-bearingbonds],banknotes,andmoney[Bs700],thathiscreditorsgavetohimwiththemortgageonthefinca....Thathe[Prado]didnot[payoffthedebt]isclear,theseletras[hipotecarias]andmonieshavenotremainedinthepowerofthe

sellernorhisheir[MercedesBarrientos],rathershehasreturnedtheseletras[hipotecarias],notes,andmoney[theamountofthedebt]tothecreditorsfromherpeculium,withoutthesupposedbuyerhavingpaidasinglecent.60

Thecaseremainedinlitigationthroughoutthe1890s,butMercedesBarrientostookpossessionofHaciendaSacabambaby1893.Inthatyear,

Table5.17StructureofLandTenureCantonParedon,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 1,005 61.9 293.46 9.9149.99 570 35.1 3,673.00 12.45099.99 18 1.1 1,294.00 4.4100499.99 20 1.2 3,763.00 12.7500999.99 5 .31 3,788.00 12.81,0004,999.99 5 .31 16,800.00 56.7Total 1,623 29,611.46Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonParedon.

sherentedthehacienda.MercedesBarrientosdiedin1896,andwilledthehaciendatotheSociedaddeBeneficencias.TheBishopofCochabambaadministeredthepropertyonbehalfofthecharity.However,PradodidnotabandonhisclaimtoSacabamba.In1896,PradorentedthehaciendatooneDanielLemoine.By1902,PradoapparentlyregainedundisputedcontrolofSacabamba.Inthatyear,PradowasnamedinadebtactionbroughtbytheCreditoHipotecariodeBoliviatocollectanoutstandingdebtofBs6,287.77,securedwithamortgageonSacabambaandHaciendaLiquinas,locatedinCantónTarata.

61Finally,PradosoldSacabambain1916toManuelaUreydeSalamanca.

ManuelaUreydeSalamancaboughtallthreesectionsofthelargerHaciendaSalamancabetween1900and1916,payingBs260,000forthethreehaciendas.Thereconsolidationofthehacienda,firstdividedin1853,wasfacilitatedbythecrisisfacedbymanylandownersinthe1890s,whichwasrelatedtodebtproblemsandthedeteriorationoftheregionalagriculturaleconomy.LandownersinParedón-Izataappeartohavebeenparticularlyhardhitbythedeclineindemandforlocally

producedwheatflourinthe1890s.HaciendaChallaque,forexample,wassoldthreetimesduringthedecade.

Paredón-Izataprovidesaconcreteexampleoftheimpactonhighlandhaciendasofthedeteriorationinthedemandinthe1890sforlocallyproducedwheatflour,coupledwithgrowinglevelsofdebtandtheinabilitytopayoffloans.Haciendaownershadtoselltheirestates,orsellsmallparcelsoflandtosmallholdersorlandlesspeasantstoraisemoney.Theeconomiccrisisofthelatenineteenthcenturyacceleratedtheprocessofmestizajeinlegalandfiscalterms,althoughnotinculturalterms.A

Table5.18StructureofLandTenureCantonIzata,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %0.99 145 66.5 44.14 2.7149.99 66 30.28 639.01 39.15099.99 3 1.4 207.00 12.7100499.99 4 1.8 745.00 45.6Total 218 1,635.15Source:CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantonIzata.

superficialreadingofcensusfiguresindicatesrapidmestizationofthepopulationofParedón.Betweenthelate1780sand1900,theIndiansegmentdeclinedfromconstitutingamajorityofthepopulationofParedóntoamere22in1900,orlessthanIpercentofthetotal.In1900,8,351mestizoslivedinParedón,77percentofthetotalpopulation.AcloserexaminationofthevitalratesofthepopulationofParedóninthelateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturiesdemonstratesthatthepatternofrapidmestizationthatoccurredinthenineteenthcenturywasafunctionofchangesinthecriteriausedintheregistrationofnewbornchildren,andnotofculturalorbiologicalchangeinthepeasantpopulation.SamplestakenfromtheextantbaptismalregistersfromParedónparishindicateasuddendiscontinuationoftheuseofthefiscal-legalcategory''indio"intheregistrationofnewbornchildren.Between1788and1792,776"indios"(55percentofthetotal)receivedbaptisminParedón.Intheyears1831to1835,amere156"indios"(12percentofthetotal)werebaptized,andafter1837theterm"indio"nolongerappearsintheParedónbaptismalregister.

Aswithallfiscal-legalrecordsfrequentlyusedtodescribethestructureofruralsocietyinBolivia,theParedónparishregistersreflectthesocio-racialviewsofthepriestsregisteringtheethnic-racialidentityof

newbornpeasantchildren.TheshiftfromIndiantomestizoinParedóndidnotentailasignificantculturalorbiologicalchange,butratherachangeinthewayinwhichtheywerecategorizedbypriests,censustakers,andthegovernmentcommissionsthatassignedtributestatustothepeasantswhomthestatelegallydefinedas"Indians."63InthespecificcaseofParedón,ownershipofindividualparcelsoflandwasakeydeterminantinthedefinitionofapeasantasbeingmestizo,andthegrowthinthenumberofsmallholdersinthelatenineteenthcenturyspeededuptheprocessof

Table5.19StructureofLandTenureMizqueProvince,c.1912SizeofParcel NumberofProperties % AreainHectares %149.99 129 16.8 1,924.60.75 0.65099.99 74 9.6 5,950.05.27 1.8100499.99 386 50.3 104,779.29.20 31.3500999.99 126 16.4 90,191.98.62 27.01,0004,999.99 45 5.9 82,514.89.13 24.75,0009,999.99 6 0.8 38,739.70.00 11.610,000+ 1 0.1 10,333.56.00 3.1SizeNotGiven 1 0.1Total 768 334,431.08.97Source:CPR,APC,MizqueProvince.

mestizajeasincreasingnumbersofpeasantsbecamelandowners.Peasantssharingalargelyuniformculture

64changedinlegalstatusasaresultofthewaytheygainedaccesstoland.Finally,theabolitionoftributeinthelatenineteenthcenturyandthegeneralizationoftherequirementtopaythelandtaxintroducedinthe1880salsocontributedtothechangingperceptionofParedónpeasantsasbeingeither"indio"ormestizo.SmallholdersinParedónalsopaidthelandtax,whichforcedthemintothemarketeconomysincetheyhadtoearnmoneytosatisfytheirtaxobligations.

MizqueProvince

MizqueProvinceembracesawiderangeofecologicalzones,fromhigh-altitudeplains(altiplano-puna),suitedtocerealandpotatoproduction,towarmervalleyslocatedatlowerelevations,characterizedbychronicproblemswithmalariaandothertropicalfevers.Attheendofthecolonialperiod,IntendantFranciscodeViedmacharacterizedMizqueasbeingidealfortheproductionof"wheat,corn,wine,etc.,"andashaving

goodpastureforgrazinglivestock.65Historically,haciendasdominatedMizque,andthetrendcontinuedinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Intheseconddecadeofthepresentcentury,haciendasvirtuallymonopolizedagriculturallandinMizque.Therewere178haciendaswithanextensionofmorethan500hectares,whichcontrolled66.4percentoftheagriculturallandregistered,andanother386haciendasofbetween

Table5.20LandSalesofIndalecioGalvarroin1896and1897Property AreainHectares Buyer PriceinBsTotoral 381.95.25 CecilioRicaldez 1,060Torre 370.05.17 FernandoMejia 600Quehuinal 381.35.25 CiriacoSalazar 1,000TamborMayu 363.08.13 JuanGarcia 400PataTorreMayu 348.22.53 ManuelEscobar 400PuccaOrcco 356.15.09 ManuelBalderrama 240Cochi 363.08.13 JoseVillarroel 440PucaOrccoPampa 363.08.13 BenitoCaceres 560Gillapani 300.20.00 CantalicioCamacho 600Gillapani 355.15.09 SamuelArnez 400CcayaraPucru 367.07.65 DamasoVillarroel 655PucaOrccoyAlalay 453.50.61? RaimundoSejas 8,000Total 4,376.63.35 14,355*Salecancelledbecausethebuyercouldnotpaythepurchaseprice.Mayhaveincludedthesaleoftheentireestate.Source:RobertH.Jackson,"AportesparaelestudiodelacrisisregionalafinesdelsigloXIX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),115.

100and500hectares,whichoccupiedanother31.3percentoftheland(seeTable5.19).

HaciendaownersinMizqueProvinceweremorecloselytiedtoregionalmarketsinneighboringPotosíDepartment,particularlythesaleofgrainsandtubers.Thelatenineteenth-centurycrisisintheregionaleconomyaffectedhaciendaownersinMizque,althoughnottothesamedegreeasinthecentral-valleydistricts.Haciendaswerebrokenup,somewereforecloseduponfornon-paymentofdebt,andinsomeinstancessilver-miningentrepreneursinvestedmoneyinlargehaciendas.

Adetailedcasestudyofthedivisionofonelargeestanciadocumentstheimpactofthecrisisinagricultureinthe1890s.In1896and1897,oneIndalecioGalvarrofirstattemptedtosellhisentireestate,namedPucaOrccoyAlalayandlocatedinCantónVilaVila(apunaregion);andthenhedividedthelargeestanciaintosmallerparcelsforsalewhenthefirstsalefellthrough.Galvarrodividedtheestancia,whichoriginallyhadanextensionofatleast4,376hectares,intoelevenseparatepropertieswithextensionsofbetween300and453hectares(seeTable5.20).Ownershipofthenewlycreatedestanciasprovedtobesomewhatunstable.Accordingtothecadastralsurveypreparedaround1912,fiveoftheelevenestanciashaddifferentownersthanthosewhopurchasedtheestanciassomefifteenyearsearlier,in1897.67

ConclusionsFollowingthearrivaloftheSpaniardsintheCochabambaregionin1539,aruraleconomyandsocietyevolved,shapedbyroyalpolicy,marketforces,anddemographicchange.Inthesixteenth,seventeenth,andeighteenthcenturies,amixedpatternoflandtenureevolved,dominatedbyhaciendasandcorporatecommunitiescreatedbyViceroyFranciscodeToledointhe1570s.Althoughthecrowngavelegalrecognitiontothecommunitiesand,atleasttheoretically,providedfortheprotectionofthecommunitylandbase,influentialSpanishlandownerswereabletousurpcommunitylands.Thegrowthofthehaciendaandthehaciendaeconomywaslinkedtothepolicyofcomposicióndetierras,whichenabledlandownerstolegalizetitletolandstowhichtheyhadquestionabletitle,andtomigrationbyAndeanpeasantswhosettledonhaciendasasyanaconasandservicetenants.TheagriculturaleconomyofCochabambawaslinkedfromthemiddleofthesixteenthcenturytothegrowinginterregionaleconomythroughthesaleofgrainandflour.Fromthelatesixteenthcentury,PotosíevolvedasadominanturbanmarketinthesouthernAndesbecauseofthelargesizeofitspopulationandtheneedforfoodstuffsthatcouldnotbeproducedlocally.However,Potosíwasnottheonlylargeurbancenterintheregion,andasthepopulationofPotosídroppedasaresultofaseculardeclineinsilverproduction,othertownsandminingcampsgrewinsize.Oruro,equallydependentonfoodstuffs,grewinthelateseventeenthcentury,andmostlikelyitabsorbedalargepartofthepopulationleavingPotosí.ThedeclineofthemarketcreatedbythespectaculargrowthofPotosíintheearlyseventeenthcenturydidnotcauseadeclineinCochabamba'sgrainandflourtrade.Onthecontrary,changesinlandtenureandrurallaborrelationsonlyoccurredinthemiddleandlatenineteenthcentury,and

notthelatecolonialperiod,andtheywererelatedtothedeclineofBolivia'sminingeconomyandtheCochabambagraintradeinthedecadesfollowingBolivianindependence.

Moreover,Cochabambagrainandflourproducerscontinuedtoexportlargequantitiesofgrainandflouruntilthenineteenthcentury,aswellaschicha,whichhadagreatervaluepervolumethancorn.AlackofconcreteglobalfiguresonexportsfromtheCochabambaregioninthelatesixteenthcenturypreventsamoreaccurateevaluationofthedynamismofCochabamba'sgrainandflourtradeintheeighteenthcentury.

ThestructureoflandtenureandruralsocialrelationsthatevolvedinCochabamba,beginningin1539,tookitsfinalformbytheendoftheseventeenthcentury,andexperiencedrelativelylittlechangeuntilthenineteenthcentury.Haciendasweredividedforinheritance,andestatesweresoldandresold,buttheorganizationofproductionremainedunchanged.Yanaconajediedout,butservicetenantryevolvedandpersistedastheprimaryformofhaciendalaboruntilthetwentiethcentury.Servicetenantsprovidedcheaplaborforhaciendaproduction,buttherentstheypaidwerenotimportantsourcesofincomeforhaciendaowners.Thefactorsthatmostcontributedtothefinancialdifficultyoflandownersweretheweightofcensosandcapellaníasonhaciendaincome,andperiodicsubsistencecrisiswhichaffectedallofAltaPeruand,insomeinstances,Peruaswell.

Intheperiodfrom1840to1929,thestructureoflandtenureandhaciendalaborinCochabambaunderwentchange.Haciendaownerswhofaceddecliningincomelevelsandgrowingdebtsoldalltheirland,orsubdividedsectionsoftheirestatesintosmallparcelsforsystematic,well-organizedsales.Shiftsinregionalmarketsandgovernmentpoliciesunderminedtheprofitabilityofhaciendaagriculture,andchangesingovernmentpolicyinthesecondhalfofthenineteenthcenturyledtothelegalabolitionofcorporate

indigenouscommunities,andtherapidparcelizationofcommunitylands.

AcomparisonofchangesinthestructureoflandtenureintheCochabambaregionwithamoredynamicagriculturalregion,Chile'scentralvalleyinthelatenineteenthcentury,providesfurtherinsightsintotheprocessofchangeinCochabamba'sagrarianstructure.Chileanhaciendaownersexpandedtheareaofwheatproductiontosupplyexpandinginternational,regional,andlocalmarketsbyconvertingpasturetoagriculture.Anabundanceoflaborallowedhaciendaownerstoexpandproductionlevelswithminimalcapitalinvestment,andpopulationgrowthduringthelateeighteenthandnineteenthcenturiesleftasurpluspeasantpopulationwillingtobecomeinquilinos(servicetenants),whoprovidedlaborinreturnforasmallsubsistenceplot.Moreover,withtheabundanceofcheaplabor,levelsoftechnologyremainedstatic.Forexample,seed

wasbroadcastwithaminimumpreparationofthesoil,andthecropwaslargelyharvestedbyhand.HaciendaownersinChiledidnotneedtoinvestinmechanizedharvesters,aswasthecaseinAustraliaandinCalifornia'sSanJoaquín,bothareaswithinsufficientlabor,whichbecamemajorwheatproducersinthemid-nineteenthcentury.Chileanhaciendasweredividedforinheritance;landownersalsofacedchronicdebtproblems,butthehacienda-owningclassremainedrelativelyintactanddidnotexperiencethesamedegreeofturnoveraswasthecaseinCochabamba.

HowdidthecollapseofmarketschangeCochabambahaciendaproduction?BothBrookeLarsonandGustavoRodríguez,intryingtoapplytheoreticalmodelsbaseduponhistoricalconditionsinEuropeintheearlymodernperiodtoadistinctagrarianstructure,arguedthatCochabambahaciendaownerswererentierswho,becauseofthestagnationofthedemandforgrainandflour,reliedheavilyonmoneyrentspaidbyservicetenantsasasourceofincome.3Thisassumption,however,isbasedonanincompleteunderstandingoftheevolutionoftheCochabambahacienda.AdiscussionoftheexistenceofarentiermentalityamongtheCochabambahacienda-owningclasscanbenefitfromacomparativeanalysis,inthiscaseacomparisonoftheagrarianstructureofBritishIndiainthenineteenthcentury,whereatruerentierclassemergedasaconsequenceofBritishrevenuepolicy.

Village-dwellingpeasants(ryots)workedtheland,andtheruralelitesonlycontrolledthesurplusincomegeneratedfromagriculture.EastIndiaCompanyofficialsattemptedtomodifyruralsocietybyconvertingindividualswhohadarighttocollectsurpluspeasantproductionintolandownerswithanobligationtopaytaxestothecompany.Theseindividuals,knownaszamindars/taluqdars,were,in

someinstances,formerrevenueofficialsoftheMoghulempirewhoassumedorreceivedtherighttocollectrevenuefromagivendistrictfollowingthecollapseofeffectiveMoghuladministrationduringtheeighteenthcentury,orlocalstrongmenwhohadbeenabletoestablishbyforcetherighttocollecttherevenuefromagriculture.Thezamindars/taluqdarshadnodirectrelationtothelandotherthantoextractasurplusfrompeasantproduction,oftenthroughtheuseofforce.TheBritishattemptedtomodifytheexistingagrarianstructurebygivingzamindars/taluqdarsproprietaryrightsoverthelandasaclassoflandedgentry,similartotheEnglishgentryattheendoftheeighteenthcentury.ArchitectsoftheBritishrevenuesystemhopedthatthezamindars/taluqdarswouldnotonlyextractrevenue,butwouldalsoinvestcapitalintheimprovementofagriculture.Inpractice,

however,thenewproprietorswereaprivilegedrentierclasscreatedbytheBritishRaj,whomerelysiphonedoffasmuchsurplusfrompeasantagricultureaspossible,andthisclasswasimposeduponanextremelycomplexsystemoflandtenurethathadevolvedovercenturies.

PatternsincolonialIndiahadmoreincommonwithearlymodernSpain,asdescribedinarecentstudybyRichardHerr,wherethechurch,nobility,andcrownownedlargequantitiesoflandworkedbypeasantsincomplextenureswhopaidrent.5LatinAmericanruralsocietyevolveddifferently,andwasinfluencedbyotherfactorssuchasmarketdemandandtheavailabilityoflaborand,lessimportantly,land.IncolonialMexico,forexample,changingmarketforcesmodifiedlanduse.InastudyoftheGuadalajararegion,EricVanYoungshowshowthegrowthofthelocalurbanmarketledtoaconversionfromranchingtograinproductiononhaciendas.6Bauer'sanalysisofruralChile,discussedabove,providesanexampleoftheimpactofpopulationgrowthonhaciendalaborrelations.ThegrowthoftheruralpopulationallowedChileanhaciendaownerstoextractmorelaborfromservicetenants.7Scobie'sstudyofnineteenth-centuryArgentinewheatdevelopmentprovidesanotherexampleoflaborshortagesandanabundanceoflandgivingrisetotenantries.8

Cochabamba'sagrarianstructuredevelopedinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesinarelativevacuum.Haciendaownersorganizedcommercialagricultureonunusedorunderutilizedland,andattractedlaborthroughtheofferofasubsistenceplotandsomeprotectionfromtheexactionsofthecolonialstate,inreturnforlaborservices.TheSpanishelitethatemergedincolonialCochabambadidnotimposeitselfuponanexistingagriculturalsystem.Hacienda

ownersorganizeddirectexploitationoftheland.Althoughservicetenantsmayhavepaidamoneyrentaswellasprovidinglaborservices,theevidenceshowsthatlaborwasthemostimportantinputinthehaciendaeconomyandmosthaciendaownersderivedmostoftheirincomefromthesaleofgrainand/orflour.9Therentalofhaciendaswascommon,butdoesnot,initself,constitutearentiermentality.Certaingroupsroutinelyrentedentirehaciendasorestancias:thedifferentreligiouscommunitiesandparishesthatownedland;thecolonialand,later,therepublicanstate;andwomen.Itmayhavebeensociallyunacceptableforwomentodirectlyadministerland,andrentalappearstohavebeenanacceptedformofestatemanagement.IncontrasttotheIndianproprietorwho,insomeinstances,hadtousearmedretainerstocollectrentsorevenvisitthevillagesthatconstitutedtheir"property,"theCochabambalandownerorhis/herrepresentativeexerciseddirectcontrolovertheland,includingdecisionsaboutwhatcropstoplant

onthedemesne.TenurepatternsinIndiaandotherpartsofAsiawerecenturiesoldandhadexperiencedconsiderablemodification,bothbeforeandfollowingtheestablishmentofcolonialcontrolbydifferentEuropeancountries;whereasinCochabambathelandtenurethatexistedattheendofthecolonialperioddevelopedonlyfollowingtheestablishmentofSpanishrule,andwasnotascomplex.Itwasonlywiththedeclineofservicetenantryandthegrowthinimportanceofsharecroppinginthetwentiethcenturythattherelationshipofthehaciendaownertotenantchanged.

Thedeclineofregionalmarkets,coupledwithdebtproblems,ledtotheinsolvencyofmanyhaciendaowners,thefragmentationoflargecolonial-eraestates,agrowthinthenumberofpeasantlandowners,andamodificationoflaborrelationsonthehaciendasthatsurvivedintactorexperiencedsubdivisionintosmallerhaciendas.ThesealterationsdidnotchangethementalityofCochabambahaciendaowners,butmerelymodifiedlandownershipandthenatureoflaborrelationsonhaciendas.

The1953AgrarianReform:TheCaseoftheValleBajo

Structuralchangesinthecentral-valleydistrictsinCochabambainthelatenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiessetintomotioneventsleadingtotheimplementation,after1953,ofanagrarianreformthatliquidatedmostoftheremaininghaciendasintheregion.Theemergenceofthefirstpeasantleagues(sindicatos)intheValleAltointhe1930s,perhapsthemostdynamiclong-termfactorinthetransformationofCochabamba'sruralsocietyinthetwentiethcentury,canbedirectlyrelatedtothechangesinlandtenuredocumentedabove,and,inparticular,thesaleoflandsfromHaciendaClizaownedbytheconventofSantaClara.Thecolonoswholivedonthelandsretainedbytheconventhadtheexpectationofimprovingtheirstatusbyacquiringtitletoaparcelofland,asthousandsofpeasantshad

alreadydone.Moreover,followingthebeginningofthedepressionandthecurtailmentofminingintheBoliviantinminesandnorthernChileannitratemines,manypeasantswhohadfoundemploymentintheminesreturnedtoCochabambawithanewsenseofclassidentityandexperienceinnewformsofcollectiveorganization.Formerminers,alongwithreturningChacowarveterans,assumedanimportantroleintheorganizationofthefirstpeasantleagueestablishedatAnaRancho.Theleadersofthesindicato,withsupportfromreformistmilitaryofficers,lobbiedthegovernmentofColonelDavidToro(1936

1938)tonegotiatetherentaland,later,thesaleoflandfromtheconventofSantaClara,althoughtheconventadministratortriedtopreventthesaleofhaciendalandstoservicetenants.

Ataboutthesametime,thepeasantslivingontheestanciasinCantónVacas,administeredbytheCochabambamunicipalcouncil,organizedasindicato,andin1936theyrentedtheestancias.TheoriginsoftheVacaspeasantleaguewasalsorelatedtoattemptstomodifylaborrelationsbetweentheresidentservicetenantsandtheindividualwhorentedtheestanciasfromthemunicipalcouncilinmuchthesamewayasoccurredinChuquisacaduringthesameperiodoftime.11In1929,acolononamedGabrielCantónchargedthatJulioHumerez,therenteroftheestancias,hadmodifiedthetasksassignedtotheservicetenants,occupiedfallowlandsassignedtothecolonos,andgenerallymistreatedthetenants.Accordingtothetenantstheconflictbeganwithanattemptbytherentertoextractadditionallaborfromtheservicetenants.12Humerezmayalsohavewantedtomodifyoreliminatereciprocityinhaciendalaborrelations.FromthepointofviewofthecolonosHumerezupsetthemoraleconomyofthepatron-tenantrelationship.

Thepressureforreformandlandtenureandhaciendalaborrelationsgainedimpetusinthemid-1940s,followingamilitarycoupwhichbroughtcochabamba-bornGualbertoVillarroelandtheMovimientoNacionalistaRevolucionarioblockofpoliticianstopower.Villarroelsponsoredacongressin1945ofrepresentativesofBolivia'speasantryinLaPaz,anddecreedtheabolitionofpongueaje,personalserviceduehaciendaownersbyservicetenants.However,obstructionbylocalgovernmentofficialsalliedtohaciendaownersandthesuspensionofVillarroel'ssocialprogramfollowinghisfallfrom

powerin1946stalledchangeinthecountryside,whichledtoabloodyrevoltinAyopayain1947.13

TheM.N.R.andthepeasantmovementthatemergedinthe1930sandduringVillarroel'spresidencyfailedtoachievechangebetween1946and1952,eventhoughlawspromotingruralsocialchangeremainedonthebooks.OligarchicgovernmentsalliedwiththeBolivianmilitaryandhaciendaownerssuccessfullykepttheM.N.R.frompowerinBolivia,andrepressedcollectivepeasantactivities.However,inAprilof1952theM.N.R.,ledbyVictorPazEstenssoro,seizedpowerinanarmedrevolution.14

TheM.N.R.includedagrarianreforminitspoliticalagenda,butBolivia'speasantrytookanactiveroleinacceleratingchangeinthecountryside.Intheyearfollowingtherevolutionthepeasantmovementthroughoutthecountryreorganized,andrapidlychangeditstacticsfrom

legalismtoconfrontation.Peasantsorganizedsindicatosthroughoutthecountry,and,insomeinstances,beganlegalproceedingstoreclaimlandlostduringthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.InJulyof1952,forexample,alegalclaimwasfiledwiththegovernmenttolandsinHaciendaTamboradalocatednearCochabambaCity.OnAugust6,1952,fivemonthsfollowingtherevolution,peasantsorganizedasindicatoinSipeSipe.InthemonthsthatfollowedadditionalsindicatoswerefoundedintheValleBajo.PeasantsandM.N.R.representativesorganizedmassmeetings,suchasthemeetingof3,000peasantsinPassoinNovemberof1952and10,000inCochabambaCityinthefollowingmonth.Servicetenantsonhaciendasbeganworkslow-downsinthefirstmonthsfollowingtherevolution,andviolenceinthecountrysideescalatedascolonosattackedhaciendaownersortheiroverseers,sackedhaciendahouses,andbeginninginMarchandAprilof1953seizedanddividedhaciendalands.Forexample,peasantsoccupiedlandsinHaciendaViloma.Finally,attheendof1952andin1953,bandsofarmedpeasantsattackedtownsandblockedroads.OneofthefirstsuchattacksoccurredatColomiinChapareProvinceinNovemberof1952,anareastilldominatedbylargeestates.

Haciendaownersattemptedtoorganizetoprotecttheirinterests,andusednewspaperstocounterthegrowingcallforlandreformandmobilizesupporttocontrolthegrowingunrestinthecountryside,butwithlittlesuccess.16OnAugust2,1953,thegovernmentissuedadecreeofagrarianreformwhich,inthewordsofhistorianJamesKohl,"soughttolegislateorderintotheexpropriationprocess."17Thegovernmentsetupajuzgadoagrarioin1954inQuillacollotown,andbegantheprocessofliquidatingthesurvivinghaciendasintheValleBajo.18Thereformdecreetargetedinefficient"feudal"estatesthat

stillemployedwhatthereformersclaimedwerebrutalformsoflaborthroughservicetenantry.InQuillacolloprovince,thejuzgadoagrarioidentified20haciendasthatfellintothiscategory,includingeightpropertiesthatbelongedtomembersoftheSalamancaclan,andHaciendaVilomaandVilomillaownedbyoneCarlosdelaTorre.19Intheeightyearsfollowingthe1952revolution,thenumberofpropertiesinQuillacolloprovince(excludingCantónItapayawhichisnotapartoftheValleBajoproper)grewfrom14,104c.1950to23,734c.1960,andthrough1961thejuzgadoagrariodistributed1,552titlesto3,066peasantsandformerminersthroughoutQuillacolloprovince.20AsofAugust31,1967,thegovernmentdistributed1,209,350hectaresoflandthroughoutallofCochabambaDepartmentunderthetermsoftheagrarianreformdecree.21

IntheValleBajolargehaciendascontinuedtoexistuntil1953andoccupiedalargepartofthelandinthevalley,butnolongerdominatedthecountrysideastheyhadintheearlynineteenthcenturyandcontinuedtodoinmostofthehighlandsectionsofCochabambaDepartmentandtherestofBolivia.TheagrarianreformliquidatedthelastremnantsoftheruralsocietythatbegantoevolveafterthefirstSpaniardsarrivedintheregioninthelate1530s.Today,rurallandtenureintheValleBajoischaracterizedbysmallholdings.ThemeanamountoflandgrantedinQuillacolloandCercadoprovincesrespectivelywas2.50and2.07hectares.However,consolidationintolargerpropertieshasoccurred,creatingpropertieswithameansizeof13.0hectaresinQuillacolloprovinceand12.7hectaresinCercadoprovince.Inthequartercenturyfollowingthereform,agriculturalproductionhasincreased,andregionaleconomyflourishedasshown,forexample,bytherapidgrowthofthecancha,anopenairmarketinCochabambaCitynexttotherailroadstation.

22Thedynamismofthepost-reformpeasanteconomycontrastswiththebitternessofmanyformerhaciendaownerswholosttheirlands,privilegedsocialstatus,andpoliticalinfluencefollowingtheagrarianreform.23

FurtherinsightsontheimportantroleofpeasantsintheBolivianreformcanbegainedthroughacomparisonwiththecontemporaryGuatemalanagrarianreform,implementedfollowingtheissueofdecree900whichwasapprovedbyGuatemala'scongressonJune17,1952.DespitetheorganizationofapeasantleagueinGuatemalain1950,decree900wasatoptobottomreform.Aprovisionofthelawstipulatedthatlocalpeasantorganizationshadtofilealegaldenunciotolayclaimtolandeffectedbythelaw.Thismeasurecausedtherapidorganizationoflocalpeasantleaguesthat,accordingtocontemporary

sources,numbered2,500by1954.24Incontrast,theCochabambapeasantleaguesprecipitatedacrisisinthecountrysidewhichforcedthehandofthenewlyinstalledM.N.R.governmenttobringordertotheunilaterallandseizuresbylandlesscolonos.Moreover,thepushtoorganizelocalsindicatosbeganpriortotheagrarianreformdecreein1953.TheCochabambapeasantleagueswereagrass-rootsorganizationthatemergedinresponsetochangesinthestructureoflandtenureoverthepreviouscentury,andtheywerenotmobilizedbyreformistpoliticians,asintheGuatemalancase,whowerelookingtocreateanewpoliticalcoalitiontochallengetheoligarchicintereststhathaddominatedthecountryforcenturies.

Appendixes

Appendix1.DivisionofSelectedPropertiesintheCentralValleyDistrictsForInheritanceYear Property AreainHectares

ValleBajo1828 Chimba 75.29.631862 Caracota 639.83,621862 GuachiR. 146.48.011863 Itocta 91.38.211864 CacicasgodeChiquicollo 22.23.301864 Capacachi 100.22.631864 Collpapampa 32.26.251866 ElRosal 197.74.381868 Challacaba 3.53.441868 Sorata 59.20.831869 Sumunpaya 81.25.701869 Collpapampa 8.92.721873 Sarcobamba 61.39.291875 Mayorazgo 133.01.121875 CalaCala 142.23.381875 Caramarca 166.09.591875 Challacaba 112.65.731875 Linde 19.45.421875 Sumunpaya 22.99.861877 ConaCona 38.92.141877 Caico 115.12.691877 Collpapampa 64.18.171877 Yquircollo 78.41.081877 Sumunpaya 27.17.381877 Colca 6.16.251878 ChimbaChico 91.13.96

Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolicianosValleBajo

1878 QueroQuero 64.01.99 30,074.741878 QueruQueru 52.00.14plusestancia 38,100.401879 Tamborada 35.04.37 4,294.401879 Asirumarca 206.11.49 21,560.501879 Cambuyo 11.23.751879 Colcapirhua 11.72.08 10,098.001880 Higuerani 17.94.491880 Chimba 3.15.24 3,466.651881 Lacma 22.47.50 1,955.001881 Suticollo 48.26.48 15,983.371881 Illataco 2.76.79 3,822.501882 Capellania 17.64.17 2,906.701882 Itocta 3.03.12 374.401882 Ladera 68.95.56 2,593.401882 Machacamarca 34.85.14 4,659.301883 Challacaba 149.35.00 47,518.841883 Paucarpata 749.48.89 42,486.901883 LaMaica 42.37.22 15,354.901883 Chiquicollo 40.68.06 14,537.401883 ConaCona 32.54.30 19,602.201885 LandsinPasso 7.82.89 1,475.801885 LaMaica 22.22.901885 ConaCona 2.66.211885 QueruQueru 0.58.40 1,664.801885 Yllataco 19.97.77 6,641.321888 StoDomingo 87.77.10 28,369.611888 PotoPoto 87.77.10 28,369.611888 Pocpocollo 24.89.17 7,724.991888 Pucara 171.00.28 12,525.00

Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianos

ValleBajo1888 Cuturipa 88.46.291888 Tamborada 5.09.251890 Ucuchi 4.44.921890 Chimba 109.44.831890 CalaCala 1.28.361890 Lambiasu 4.91.391890 Apote 3.72.971891 Llanquenqueri 3.83.441891 Villcataco 13.23.371891 Tacata 63.15.551891 StoDomingo 12.58.681892 Tiquipaya 9.45.751892 QueruQueru 32.67.041892 Esquilan 55.66.381895 Esquilan 25.66.031895 Pucara 22.10.991895 Linde 7.24.621895 Chiquicollo 0.45.311896 VintoChico 32.48.881896 Chocaya 33.66.011897 Itocta 6.38.581898 Tiquipaya 0.96.141898 Chimba 42.00.181898 Itocta 46.70.551898 Chiquicollo 8.95.171898 Esquilan 25.93.40

Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianosValleBajo

1898 ApoteChico 18.84.231899 Collpapampa 3.03.461899 Montecillo 4.22.761899 KanaRancho 0.77.36Source:CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba;andEscriturasPublicas,ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba.

Year Property AreainHectaresSacabaValley

1856 Rodeo1862 Quintanilla1865 LaAbra 514.38.111870 Chimboco1870 Sangangoche1871 Arocagua 269.11.061871 Monjas&Chacacollo1874 Chequemayu&MolleMolle 223.50.001874 Cuadras 211.08.331874 Linde1875 Arocagua 1,248.62.001875 Catachilla1877 Atoc-Rancho 26.90.281877 Chacacollo 272.79.431878 6thsuyoChacacollo1879 Linde 652.99.25

Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property AreainHectares

SacabaValley1879 Guaillani 1,250.85.50

plusmonte&pasture1879 Guaillani 651.00.591880 Patiti1881 Recreo&Monjas1881 GuaillaniChico1885 Ucuchi1886 ElSastre1886 Recreo&Monjas 132.99.581886 Larati1888 suyoofArocagua 24.02.851888 Choquechambi 29.77.521889 CurubambaGuaillani1889 Chico 41.23.37

Ulutunto 20.11.50Tucsapucyo 9.39.52

1891 Querarani 23.34.331891 Chacacollo 8.01.621892 Chimboco1892 Lloquemayu1895 Alalay 111.75.001895 Coluyo&Curubamba1895 2ndsuyoTucsapucyo1897 Tucsapucyo 117.63.811899 Pucara 368.31.14

Year Property AreainHectares ValueinBolivianosSacabaValley

1900 Monjas1900 Churituyo1900 1stsuyoTucsapucyo1902 Parati1902 Temporal1903 Laquinas1905 Esmeralda1905 LaAbra 185.12.521907 Tucsapucyo1907 Tutimayu1909 Huayllani1912 Esmeralda1912 Chacacollo1913 ElSalto1916 Quintanilla 223.30.271918 suyoLaAbra1918 Laquinas1924 Pucara1926 Chimboco1926 Recreo&Monjas1929 CatachillaSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;DR,APC,ChapareProvince.

Appendix1.ContinuedYear Property Areain

HectaresValleAlto

1861 Sunchupampa 356.08.581869 Mamata 295.88.301869 Laguna 472.33.751869 Cotani 122.11.99

plusestancia1870 Loma 77.10.751871 Chullpas1874 Loma 49.41.831876 Torolapa 2,151.23.971877 Paracaya 553.98.051884 Mamata1886 Cuchupunata 31.33.611892 Collpa 644.78.311895 1stsuyoLoma 42.85.551898 CebadaJichana 727.32.231898 CollpaSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;andEP,AHMC.

Appendix2LandTransactionsandLandsoftheSalamancaFamilyYear Property Seller Buyer

SelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamily1863 Collpapampa DionicioGuzman JoseSalamanca1863 Collpapampa ManuelPozo JoseSalamanca1878 Yanacaca,etc JoseAviles JoseSalamanca1879 Collpapampa JoseVargas JoseSalamanca1881 Collpapampa JosefaBustamante JoseSalamanca1883 Pocpocollo EliodoroSalamanca JoseSalamanca1883 ShareEstanciaMarquina EstefaniaHidalgo JoseSalamanca1884 EstanciaTambo,etc JoseBalderrama JoseSalamanca

Estancias,Lakes,etc1885 AlturasdeTiquipaya MelchorCamacho JoseSalamanca1885 Challacaba CatalinaOmonte JoseSalamanca1885Montecillo NicanorGandarillas JoseSalamanca1889 F.Bellavista&Estancias MelchoradeGuzman JoseSalamanca1890 CalaCala JoseArze JoseSalamanca1890 Pocpocollo AureliaHinojosa JoseSalamanca1890 «fincaPocpocollo JacintaMaldonado JoseSalamanca1891Montecillo ManueladeSalamanca PedroMolina1891MolleMolle ManueladeSalamanca ToribioBarrientos1894 Pocpocollo JoseMaldonado ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pandoja FranciscoOrellana ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pocpocollo FranciscoRomero ManueladeSalamanca1895 Pocpocollo JulianBustamante ManueladeSalamanca

Appendix2.ContinuedYear Property Seller Buyer

SelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamilyMariano Manuelade

1895 CantonPaso Aguilar Salamanca1895 CantonPaso ManueladeSalamanca MarianoAguilar1895 Paucarpata ManuelaPol ManueladeSalamanca1895 Paucarpata ManueladeSalamanca NicanorDaza1896 Sumunpaya FranciscoSaavedra MariaSalamanca1896 Sumunpaya SebastianSaavedra MariaSalamanca1896 Paucarpata ConcepcionPol ManueladeSalamanca1896/1897 Paucarpata ManuelPol ManueladeSalamanca1897 Pocpocollo JuanaGuzman ManueladeSalamanca1897 CalaCala CarlosSalamanca M.Saturnino

Salamanca1897 Collpapampa MariaVargas ManueladeSalamanca1897 FincaBellavista CarlosSalamanca OctavioSalamanca1898 Paucarpata ManueladeSalamanca CarlosUrquidi1898 CantonPaso JulianBustamante ManueladeSalamanca1898 CantonPaso ManuelSotelo ManueladeSalamanca

1899 Sumunpaya JuanaSaavedra MariaSalamanca1899 Taconi ManueladeSalamanca MelchorCadima1899 Taconi ManueladeSalamanca MelchorCadima1899 EstanciasCotani VictorQuiroga CarlosSalamanca

(Colomi)&Comer-cocha

Year Property Seller BuyerSelectedLandTransactionInvolvingMembersoftheSalamancaFamily

1900Matarani&Chaupicollo NinfaJordan ManueladeSalamanca1906 Chilimarca NicanorCabrera DanielSalamanca1907 Collpapampa VictorTellez DanielSalamanca1909 Collpapampa DanielSalamanca RosendoArze1909 Paucarpata GabrielArroyo MSaturnino

Salamanca1910 Challaque WenceslaoChirvechis ManueladeSalamanca1916 Sacabamba&Yuncathaqui DiogenesPrado ManueladeSalamancaSource:CochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;CPR,APC;Tapacari,Quillacollo,andTarataProvinces.

Property AreainHectaresDivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894

HouseinCochabambaHouseinCochabambaHouseinCochabamba 9,663.30Furniture,Silver,Animals,etc.LetrasHipotecariasBankStockMiningStock 52ActiveDebts 86,572LandsCalaCala 1.12.35

.93.061.42.81.55.43Total

Appendix2.ContinuedProperty AreainHectares ValueinBs

DivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894LandsSumunpaya 3.60.32 1,994.41

4.11.47 2,547.804.44.82 2,304.592.95.31 936.2531.89.19 13,314.252.67.28 322.702.93.70 1,515.83Total 22,935.83

LandsPandoja 4.28.31 2,550.25.41.40 1,009.302.07.02 1,126.793.17.79 1,850.321.70.93 994.171.74.80 1,045.963.46.95 2,019.111.88.90 2,888.983.95.20 1,983.302.97.08 368.802.52.30 1,043.501.88.50 1,176.599.05.04 5,893.332.32.72 821.851.89.70 1,106.951.53.53 381.203.36.88 1,132.134.34.03 1,366.53

Property AreainHectares ValueinBsDivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894

3.48.08 1,051.25.91.43 227.007.36.11 4,068.1324.08.61 9,048.14

LandsCollpapampa 95.89.33 259,388.9712.84.45 7,590.109.09.06 4,620.901.48.70 868.27.97.06 745.383.40.75 2,338.011.78.91 1,089.58Total 276,641.21

LandsMolleMolle 71.05.40 8,845.01251.19.47 27,132.89Estancia 3,560Total 39,537.90

LandsBellavista 273.87.27 44,877.34Estancia 2,471.67Total 47,349.02

LandsMontecillo 155.27.08 33,051.70Estancia 1,040Total 34,091.70

LandsChapicirca 146.45.00cultivatedplsuextensiveuncultivatedlands 7,400LandsChacnacollo 107.58.19 64,550.95

1.84.55 240.00Total 64,790.95

Appendix2.ContinuedProperty AreainHectares

DivisionoftheEstateofJoseDomingoSalamanca,1894TotalValueofEstateHijuelasbyValueManueladeSalamancaCarlosSalamancaJoseSalamancaDanielSalamancaMariaSalamancaOctavioSalamancaManuelSaturninoSalamancaSource:EPExpediente#154,AHMC.

Property AreainHectares ValueinBsDivisionofLandsofManuelaUreydeSalamanca,1904

Paucarpata 39.91.85 ManuelSaturninoSalamanca93.80.533.23.995.12.65

Chacnacollo 112.64.48 JoseSalamanca.23.111.84.79

Property AreainHectaresDivisionofLandsofManuelaUreydeSalamanca,1904

Pandoja&Pocpocollo 67.29.28 OctavioSalamanca4.83.011.56.842.05.252.05.255.77.422.05.25.32.062.56.73.49.709.07.292.55.0319.27.77.83.45

HijuelasbyValueJoseSalamancaOctavioSalamancaDanielSalamancaCarlosSalamancaManuelSaturninoSalamancaMariaSalamancaSource:DR,APC;TapacariandQuillacolloProvinces.

Appendix3.LandTransactionsinCantonPalcaInvolvingMembersoftheCrespoFamilyYear Property Seller Buyer PriceinBolivianos1872 Totorani (inheritance) AparicioCrespo&siblings1879 Tablahuasi RosaCrespo ManuelTejada1881 Aguada ModestoMendizabal Isaacderespo1881 Cocayoca LorenzoCrespo CesarCrespo1883 Manzanani GenaroCrespo CesarCrespo1885 Rodeo AparicioCrespo MaximilianoCrespo1886 Aguada MaximilianoCrespo MarianoCardozo1887 Pairumani MelchoraCrespo JulianZurita1888 LandsPalca LorenzoCrespo MelchoraZubieta1888 Chochocani AparicioCrespo ManuelCastellon1889 Vinto* GenaroCrespo RosaPrado1891 Rosasani PalermoAlvarez LorenzoCrespo1895 Chacarilla VenancioTamez MaximilianoCrespo1895 Aramasi SinforosaCrespo MariaCrespo1896 Pucapampa MacedonioCrespo SebastianCardozo1899 Pairumani VicenteMorales AndresCrespo1901 PotreroChico MacedonioCrespo EloisaFernandez

Year Property Seller Buyer PriceinBolivianos1902Challani EustaquioParra CesarCrespo1902Tacopampa EzequielOrlinda H.Bascope&I.Crespo1902LaVega JoseZelada CesarCrespo1905Tablado&Chalapuncru JoseCrespo ManuelGarnica1910Mamuta MartinaSaavedra CedarCrespo1910Chochocani JacintaCastellon AbrahamCrespo1911 Chochocani AbrahamCrespo AndremaPonce1913Mamuta AnicetoAntezana CesarCrespo1918Mamuta FranciscoAntezana CesarCrespo1918Laguna ManuelaLopes EugeniaCrespo1918Aguada CelimaCrespo LupencioVargas1918Aramani FelicianoCrespo TeodosioHinojosa1922CoallacoChico MariaValenzuela CesarCrespo1922Tacucuno RosaCrespo CesarCrespo1922ShareAguada AparicioCrespo JoseCrespo1922Aguada LauraCrespo ValentinOchoa1923Aguada AparicioCrespo ValentinOchoa1925Condorillo LeandroVilalo JoseCrespo1929Rodeo JoseCrespo JoseSandoval1929Guaillipaya ElroyTejada JesusCrespoSource:DR,AyopayaProvince;CochabambaNotarialProtocols1889,AHMC.

Appendix4.LandTransactionsinCantonColomiSalesofEstanciasinCantonColomi

Year Estancia Seller Buyer1878 1/4Colomi ModestinoAguirre NatanielAguirre1878 ShareColomi NatanielAguirre ManuelOrtega1880 1/4Colomi NatanielAguirre EulogiaGranado1880 Cuchicancha&Malaga NatanielAguirre RamonQuiroga1881 1/8Colomi NathanielAguirre JoseMoscoso1881 1/8Colomi NatanielAguirre JoseMoscoso1883 1/4Colomi JoseMoscoso SalomeAntezana1883 Chullpani hManuelOrtega RaimundoSolis1884 1/2Colomi FranciscoGranados ManuelAnzoleaga1885 Colomi ManuelAnzoleaga NicanorPatino1886 Chomoco SalomeAntezana FedericoJimenez1890 1/2Cuchicancha AlejandrodelaReza MarianoVillarroel1896 2suyosColomi NicolasCespedes ManuelAnzoleaga1900 1/3Yanamayu SalvadorJordan JulioJordan1904 Yanamayu ManuelMontano PedroAntezana1908 Chomoco FedericoJimenez CarlosJimenez1908 HilariGrande SamuelMorato BenitaGonzales1910 Toncoli&Canco CarlosAguirre JoseAguirre1910 Canco&Parati JavierBaptista JoseAguirre1918 1stsuyoColomi hEnriqueAguirre JoseLopez1918 ElCentro ManuelCespedes RosendoSaucedo1918 ElCentro ManuelCespedes MaximoAlbornoz1924 2ndsuyoColomi LuisGuzman JoseLopez1924 Canco&StaYsabel JoseGuzman JoseLopez1925 SanAntonio ManuelPatino EmilianoRios

SalesofEstanciasinCantonColomiYear Estancia Seller Buyer1926 Tranca&Chullcumayo LuisZegarra ToribioCanas1927 Chomoco&Huarmacha A.JimenezdeBeltran DoloresJimenez1927 Quinsamayu EduardoLopez RosalioOlmosSource:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;DR;ChapareProvince.

PartitionofColomiEstanciasForInheritanceorDuetoLegalDisputeYear Estancia Owner ValueinBs1871 Colomi* MiguelAguirre1874 Quinsamayu 4,4481879 SarnaLoma hMariaCespedes

Nataniel1880 Colomi* Aguirre 58,854.98

LorenzoMoscoso&1883 Centro&Parati NicolasCespedes 10,685

NatanielAguirre&1898 Pucara* hNestorPatino 26,732.40

CarmenAguirre1908 Centro* Guzman

JosefaAguirrede1908 SuyoColomi* Guzman1922 3rdsuyoColomi* hFelipeGuzman

hJoseGuzman1924 4thsuyoColomi* Aguirre

hLuisFelipe1925 Canco&StaYsabel* Guzman1925 Canco&StaYsabel* hMercedesGuzman*PropertiesthatbelongtomembersoftheAguirrefamilyortheirdescendents.Source:CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;EP,AHMC;andDR;ChapareProvince.

Abbreviations

CPR,APC

CatastrodelaPropiedadRústica,ArchivodelaPrefecturadeCochabamba.

DR RegistrodeDerechosReales

AHMC ArchivoHistóricoMunicipaldeCochabamba

EP EscriturasPúblicas

ANB ArchivoNacionaldeBolivia,Sucre

DUSCLPDispatchesoftheUnitedStatesCounseltoLaPaz

Introduction

1.CarlosSempatAssadourian,Elsistemadelaeconomíacolonial:Mercadointerno,regiones,yespacioeconómico(Lima,1982).AntonioMitredefinedregionalmarketsinthesouthernAndesinthenineteenthcentury,inElmonederodelosandes:RegióneconómicoymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986).

2.See,forexample,SteveStern,Peru'sIndianPeoplesandtheChallengeofSpanishConquest:Huamangato1640(Madison,1982);BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988);LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Producciónycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVII(LaPaz,1985);andFlorenciaMallon,TheDefenseofCommunityinPeru'sCentralHighlandsPeasantStruggleandCapitalistTransition,18601940(Princeton,1983).

3.Adetailedmicrohistoricalapproachprovidesthenecessarydataonagriculturalprices,changesinlandtenureandtheprofitabilityofruralestates,haciendalaborrelations,andothermattersneededtodefinemacrohistoricalpatterns.ExcellentmicrohistoricalstudiesincludeLuisMiguelGlaveandMariaIsabelRemy,Estructuraagrariayvidaruralenunaregiónandina:OllantaytamboentrelossiglosXVIXIX(Cuzco,1983);KeithDavies,LandownersinColonialPeru(Austin,1984);SusanRamírez,ProvincialPatriarchs:LandTenureandtheEconomicsofPowerinColonialPeru(Albuquerque,1986);ErickLanger,RuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989).

4.Larson,Colonialism.ForamorecompletediscussionofLarson's

useofinvolution,seebelow,chap.3.Larson'sinterpretationisechoedingeneralstudiesofBolivianhistory.See,forexample,HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionofaMulti-EthnicSociety,2ded.(NewYork,1992),p.65.AccordingtoKlein,''Cochabambathusbecamethemajorcenterforsmall-scale,non-community,freehold-stylefarming,andthemostimportantregionofminifundioagricultureinUpperPeru"attheendofthecolonialperiod.BasinghisviewsonapartialreadingofdatafromJoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia(LaPaz:repr.ed.,1975),areportonBoliviapreparedinthemid-1840s,Kleinhypothesizesthat"thehaciendapopulationofyanaconas(orlandlesslaborers)[actuallycalledarrenderosorcolonosservicetenantsbyDalence]probablynumberedbe-

tween375,000and400,000,andtheother200,000personsoftheruralpopulationwereprobablyfreeholdersinthesouthernregionsorlandlessmigratingworkerswhorentedlandsfromeitherthecommunitiesorthehaciendas"(p.124).Inhisreport,Dalencelistsfourruralgroups:haciendaowners;communityresidents;arrendadores,asmallgroupofindividuals,describedbelowinmoredetail,whorentedhaciendasorlargesectionsofhaciendas;andarrenderosoarrendadoresmenores,who,asnotedabove,Dalencealsodefinedascolonosorservicetenants(p.21011).Klein'sdescriptionofBolivianruralsocietydoesnotagreewithDalence's.

5.DavidBrading,HaciendasandRanchosintheMexicanBajio:León,17001860(Cambridge,1978);EricVanYoung,HaciendaandMarketinEighteenth-CenturyMexico:TheRuralEconomyoftheGuadalajaraRegion,16751820(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1981);CherylEnglishMartin,RuralSocietyinColonialMorelos(Albuquerque,1985);Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs.

6.ArnoldBauerdescribesthechangesinChileanservicetenantry(inquilinaje)asaresultofthegrowthintheruralpopulation.SeeChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.1316,5057,15758,16063.Brading,HaciendasandRanchos,alsodescribesservicetenantryinLeón,althoughinnotasmuchdetailasBauer.

7.CharlesGibson,TheAztecsunderSpanishRule:AHistoryoftheIndiansoftheValleyofMexico,15191810(Stanford,1964),chap.10;WilliamTaylor,LandlordandPeasantinColonialOaxaca(Stanford,1972),chap.3;WayneOsborn,"IndianLandRetentioninColonialMetztitlan,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview53(1973),pp.21738.

8.RobertKeith,ConquestandAgrarianChange:TheEmergenceof

theHaciendaSystemonthePeruvianCoast(Cambridge,Mass.,1976);Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs.

9.Larson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformation.

10.Contemporaryurbanopinionmaintainedthatagricultureinthecentralvalleyscouldnotprogresswhiletechnologyremainedatlowlevels.See,forexample,ElHeraldo,October23,1904.

11.Ibid.,October22,1907.

12.Ibid.,September23,1898.

13.Ibid.

14.Dalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,p.238.

15.ElHeraldo,September23,1898.

16.ElRepublicano,July22,1926,andJuly24,1926.

17.CPR,APC;ChapareProvince,CantónSacaba.

18.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.114.

19.InterviewwithJulioCésarCrespo,Cochabamba,March12,1986.CrespoisamemberofaformerelitelandowningfamilyfromCantónPalca,inAyopayaProvince.

20.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince.

21.CPR,APC,CercadoProvince,CantónCalaCala.

22.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1863.

23.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónTarata;ElRepublicano,July22,1926,andJuly24,1926.

24.ElRepublicano,July22,1926.

25.CPR,APC,TapacariProvince,CantónTapacari,CantónChalla.

26.ElHeraldo,March18,1907.

27.ElFerrocarril,November1,1915,andDecember1,1915.

28.ElHeraldo,"Homenajealprimercentenariodel14deSeptiembrede1910,"publishedonSeptember14,1910.

29.ElAvisador,April7,1878.

30.Majorsubsistencecrisesoccurredin17221723,1741,17821785,18031805,and1807.SeeBrookeLarsonandRosarioLeón,"DosvisioneshistóricosdelasinfluenciasmercantilesenTapacari,"inEnriqueTandeter,OliviaHarris,andBrookeLarson,eds.,Participaciónindigenaenlosmercadossurandinos(Cochabamba,1987),p.323.

31.WalterSánchez,GuidoGuzmán,DavidMercado,andAbelBustamante,"Crisis,sequíayepidemias:Tarata18001809,"unpublishedmanuscriptinthepossessionoftheauthors.

32.Severalgeneralstudieshavediscussedthe18771879crisis:RobertoQuerejazuCalvo,Guano,salitre,ysangrehistoriadelaguerradelpacifico(LaPaz,1979);DanieleDemelas,NationalismesansNation?LaBolivieauxXIXeXxeSiècles(Paris,1980).

33.LicenciadoJorgeRodríguezFlores,PersonalCommunication,Cochabamba,January17,1987.LicenciadoRodríguezFloresisanagronomistwithextensiveexperienceinagricultureinthecentralvalleys.

35.RobertH.Jackson,"CiclosdemortalidadenTarata(18771885),"

Nispa-Ninku11:28(1987),11.

36.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1876,1877,1879,1881.

37.Demelas,Nationalisme,p.15.

38.QuerejazuCalvo,Guano,p.253.

39.ErwinGreishaber,"SurvivalofIndianCommunitiesInNineteenthCenturyBolivia"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1977),pp.29899.

41.QuerejazuCalvo,Guano,pp.25557.

42.Jackson,"CiclosdeMortalidad."

43.Sánchez,Guzmán,Mercado,andBustamante,"Crisis,sequíayepidemias."

44.ElFerrocarril,January13,1910.

45.FortheevolutionofBolivianeconomicpolicyinnineteenth-centuryBolivia,seeTristanPlatt,EstadotributarioylibrecambioenPotosí(sigloXIX)(LaPaz,1986).AconventionalintellectualhistoryofBoliviaisGuillermoFrancovich,ElpensamientobolivianoenelsigloXX,2ded.(Cochabamba,1985).

46.ElFerrocarril,October28,1912.

47.Ibid.,February12,1912.

48.Ibid.,January13,1910.

50.Ibid.,January11,1910,January13,1910,andJanuary14,1910.

52.Ibid.,January18,1910.Thegovernmentprogramtocreatepublic-worksjobsfortheurbanunemployedwasashort-termexpediencythat,however,failedtoaddressthelong-termconsequencesofcyclicaldroughtforCochabambafarmers,particularlydecapitalizationwiththelossofseedstockanddraftanimals.ContemporaryBritishdroughtpolicyinIndiaprovidedshort-termsupportthroughemploymentonpublicworksandapublicdole,butitalsoprovidedfarmerswithcredittorebuildseedstocksandtopurchasenewdraftanimalsinordertoresumeagricultureoncerainfallhadreturnedtonormallevels.SeeMichelleBurgeMcAlpin,SubjecttoFamine:FoodCrisisandEconomicChangeinWesternIndia,18601920(Princeton,1983),chap.6.Ontheotherhand,farmersmayhavebeenabletoobtainloansfrombanksandmoneylenderssecuredwithmortgagesontheirland.Withrisinglandvalues,banksandmoneylenderswillinglylentmoneytofarmers,includingsmallholders.

53.Ibid.,January20,1910,January24,1910,andJanuary25,1910.

Chapter1

1.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),p.28.

2.Ibid.,pp.2627.

3.NathanWachtel,"TheMitimasoftheCochabambaValley:TheColonizationPolicyofHuaynaCapac,"inGeorgeCollier,RosaldoRenato,andJohnWirth,eds.,TheIncaandtheAztecStates,14001800(NewYork,1982),pp.199235.

4.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,ThePopulationofLatinAmerica:AHistory,trans.W.A.R.Richardson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,

1974),p.46.

5.Larson,Colonialism,pp.4042.

6.RaimundoSchramm,"MosaicosethnohistoricosdelvalledeCliza(vallealtocochabambino),sigloXVI,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),pp.341.

7.Ibid.,pp.413.

8.ThierrySaignes,Losandesorientales:Historiadeunolvidado(Cochabamba,1985),p.2425.

9.Ibid.,p.74.

10.ForausefuldiscussionofToledo'sreforms,seeSteveStern,Peru'sIndianPeoplesandtheCballengeofSpanishConquest:Huamangato1640(Madison,1982),pp.7679.

11.JoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformationoftheAgrarianStructureofCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseofHaciendaPaucarpataandPassoCommunity,15381645and18721929,"unpublishedmanuscript.

12.Ibid.

13.lbid;MercedesdelRíoandJoséGordilloClaure,LavisitadeTiquipaya(1573):Analisisetno-demográficodeunpadróntoledano,forthcomingCERES.

14.BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeinanAgriculturalHinterland:Cochabamba(Bolivia)intheLateColonialPeriod"(Ph.D.diss.,ColumbiaUniversity,1978),p.337.

15.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),pp.6397.

16.Ibid.,pp.7073.

17.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenelAltoPeru(Lima,1978),p.176.

18.Larson,Colonialism,pp.7879,notesthatthefirstdataonCapinotadatesfrom1612.Capinotamayhavebeenorganizedafter1573,eitherfortributariesfromtheValleBajowhoresettledintheArqueRiverValley,and/orforhighlandethniccoloniesthatestablishedindependencefromtheirethniclords.

19.JoséGordilloClaure,"AnalisisdeunpadróngeneraldeladoctrinadeSanPedrodeSipeSipe(Cochabamba)-1798,"Estudios-UMSS1(1987),pp.4163.

20.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónPasso.

22.Viedma,Descripcióngeográfica,Appendix4,p.280.

23.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.153.

24.JoséGordilloClaure,"EmpadronamientodeindiosmitayosentornoaundocumentoineditodelsigloXVIII,"Nispa-Ninku2:28(April30,1987),p.13.

25.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,pp.16163.

26.Ibid.,pp.2930.

27.Viedma,Descripcióngeográfica,pp.86,93,95.

28.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.163.

29.Ibid.,p.163.

30.Ibid.,p.30.

32.Ibid.,p.97,andchap.4.

33.Ontheinstitutionalbackgroundoftheencomienda,seeLesleyB.Simpson,TheEncomiendainNewSpain(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1950);andJamesLockhart,"EncomiendaandHacienda:TheEvolutionoftheGreatEstateintheSpanishIndies,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview49(1969),41129.OntheencomiendaintheAndeanregion,see,forexample,JamesLockhart,SpanishPeru,15321560:AColonialSociety(Madison,1968);RobertG.Keith,ConquestandAgrarianChange:TheEmergenceoftheHaciendaSystemonthePeruvianCoast(Cambridge,1976);EfrainTrellesArestegui,LucasMartínezVegazo:Funcionamientodeunaencomiendaperuanainicial(Lima,1982);Stern,Peru'sIndianPeoples;(Madison,1982);KarenSpalding,Huarochiri:AnAndeanSocietyunderIncaandSpanishRule(Stanford,1984);SusanRamírez,ProvincialPatriarchs:LandTenureandtheEconomicsofPowerinColonialPeru(Albuquerque,1986);andJosepBarnadas,Charcas,15351563:Originesdeunasociedadcolonial(LaPaz,1973.

34.Ramírez,ProvincialPatriarchs,pp.3536.

35.Ibid.,pp.3741.

36.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba:Conformacióndelaestructuraagraria(15501700)"(thesisforthelicenciatura,UniversidadMayordeSanSimón,1987),p.51;andSánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.158.

37.Wachtel,"Mitimas,"p.202;andJosepBarnadas,"LosorigenescolonialesdeCochabamba,"RevistadeEstudiosBolivianos"Kollasuyu"86(1974),p.24.

38.Barnadas,Charcas,pp.32425.

39.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,p.158;GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"p.52;Barnadas,Charcas,pp.29596.

40.SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,chap.1.ForstudiesofotherAndeanregions,seeNobleDavidCook,DemographicCollapse:IndianPeru,15201620(Cambridge,1981);SuzanneAlchon,NativeSocietyandDiseaseinColonialEcuador(Cambridge,1991).

41.Larson,Colonialism,p.75.

42.GordilloClaureandJackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformation."

44.GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"p.74.

45.Onthebackgroundofthecomposicióndetierras,seeFrancoisChevalier,LandandSocietyinColonialMexico:TheGreatHacienda,trans.AlvinEustisanded.LesleyB.Simpson(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1963),pp.26577.

46.GordilloClaureandJackson,"Formation,Crisis,andTransformation."

47.Ibid.

48.GordilloClaure,"Elorigen,"pp.261,33348.

49.Ibid.,pp.32021.

51.Barnadas,Charcas,pp.29596.

52.GordilloClaure,"ElprocesodeextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabamba(analisisdeunpadróndeyanaconas1692)"(Cochabamba:mimeo,1987).

54.Ibid.,p.101.

55.Ibid.,Fig.5,p.100.

56.Ibid.,pp.190201.

57.JoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,repr.ed.(LaPaz,1975),p.211.

58.ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.5057,15970.

59.RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14562.

60.Dalence,Bosquejoestadistico,p.211.

61.Larson,Colonialism,pp.190201;Jackson,"Evolución."

62.Ibid.,p.5.

63.Larson,Colonialism,pp.78,191,19497,210,29697.LarsonappliesCliffordGeertz'sconceptofinvolution,developedtodescribetherealitiesofIndonesianagriculture,toCochabamba,arguingthat

Geertz'semphasisontheelaborationoflaborrelationsonestatesappliesequallywelltothemaizevalleysofCochabamba.Itwaseconomicinvolution"frombelow":thegradualdispersionofhaciendaresourcesamongadensepeasantpopulationthatengagedinintensivecultivationofmaizeonparcelsoflandthatoftenyieldedtwoharvestsayear.Thesesmall-scalecultivatorsrarelyappearincontemporarysources,buttheir

proliferationsignaledadiversificationofagriculturalinputsandoutputsthatcontinuedtocharacterizeagrarianpatternsinCochabambaintothetwentiethcentury.(p.197)

LarsonrelatesservicetenantryonCochabambahaciendastothetypeoftenantrythatexistedinpartsofsoutheastAsia,includingIndonesiaandalsonorthernIndia.ServicetenantrywasimportantonCochabambahaciendasasaformoflabor.InIndonesiaandIndia,ontheotherhand,"landlords"weretruerentierswhohadlittleinputintheday-to-dayorganizationofagriculture,andmerelyskimmedoffapartofthesurplusproducedbypeasantproducers.OnIndianagriculture,seeEricStokes,ThePeasantandtheRaj:StudiesinAgrarianSocietyandPeasantRebellioninColonialIndia(Cambridge,1978);EricStokes,ThePeasantArmed:TheIndianRebellionof1857,ed.C.A.Bayly(Oxford,1986);ThomasR.Metcalf,Land,Landlords,andtheBritishRaj:NorthernIndiaintheNineteenthCentury(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1979).ForamorecompleteevaluationofthisaspectofLarson'sinterpretation,seeRobertH.Jackson,"Evolución,"pp.14562;RobertH.Jackson,"Markets,Peasantry,andtheFormationandFragmentationoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia,"PeasantStudies16:1(1988),pp.3952.

64.ThediscussionofminingisbaseduponOrlandoCaprilesVillazón,Historiadelamineríaboliviana(LaPaz,1977);ClaraLópezBeltrán,Estructuraeconómicodeunasociedadcolonial:CharcasenelsigloXVII(LaPaz,1988);HarryCrossandDavidBrading,"ColonialSilverMining:MexicoandPeru,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview52(1972),54579;JohnFisher,MinasyminerosenelPerucolonial,17761824(Lima,1976);EnriqueTandeter,"LaRenteCommeRapportdeDistribution.LeCasdeL'IndustrieMinieredePotosí,17501826"(Thesede3eCycleenHistoire,EcoledeHautesEtudesenSciencesSociales,Paris,1980);

CarlosSempatAssadourian,HeraclioBonilla,AntonioMitre,andTristanPlatt,MineríayespacioeconómicoenlosAndes(Lima,1980);HerbertKlein,"TheImpactofCrisisinNineteenth-CenturyMiningonRegionalEconomies:TheExampleoftheBolivianYungas,17861838,"inDavidRobinson,ed.,SocialFabricandSpatialStructureinColonialLatinAmerica(AnnArbor,1979);andRosarioJiménezandHonorioPinto,MineríaenBolivia:Docurnentos(Lima,1979).Forlatefifteenth-centuryEuropeanmining,seeHarryMiskimin,MoneyandPowerinFifteenth-CenturyFrance(NewHaven,1984).

65.CarlosSempatAssadourian,Elsistemadelaeconomíacolonialmercadointerno,regiones,yespacioeconómico(Lima,1982)p.122.

66.Barnadas,Charcas,p.379.

67.Ibid.,p.388.

68.LauraEscobarideQuerejazu,Producciónycomercioenelespaciosurandinos.XVII(LaPaz,1985),p.39.

69.Ibid.,pp.4243.

70.LuisMiguelGlave,"Trajines:Uncapituloenlaformacióndelmercadointernocolonial,"RevistaAndina1:1(1983),p.14;HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionoraMulti-EthnicSociety(NewYork,1982),p.58.

71.JiménezandPinto,Minería,p.17.

72.Ibid.,p.43.

73.EnriqueTandeteretal.,"ElmercadodePotosíafinesdelsigloXVIII,"inEnriqueTandeter,OliviaHarris,andBrookeLarson,eds.,Participaciónindigenaenlosmercadossurandinos(Cochabamba,1987).Larson,Colonialism,p.234,recordsthevalueoftradetoPotosíin1794as2,806,700pesos,ofwhich39.6percentwassuppliedfromMoqueguainsouthernPeru.

74.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"p.451.

75.Ibid.,pp.44346.

76.Ibid.,p.230.

77.LilianaLewinski,"Unaplazadeventaatomizada:LacanchadeOruro,1803and1812,"inTandeter,Harris,andLarson,Participación,p.450.

78.JosephPentland,InformesobreBolivia,trans.JackAitkenSoux(Potosí,1975),pp.99,105.

79.Dalence,Bosquejoestadístico,pp.254,274,and276.

80.NilsJacobsen,"LandTenureandSocietyinthePeruvianAltiplano:AzangaroProvince,17701920"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,1982),pp.8990.

81."LibrodeYnbentariosydeFabricadelaYglesiaenMatrizdeestaCiudad[deCochabamba]correspondientealaYglesiadeSantoDomingo,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.

82.OnthegrowthofthesouthernPeruvianwooltradeduringthenineteenthcentury,seeAlbertoFlores-Galindo,Arequipayelsur

andinosiglosXVIIIXX(Lima,1976);ManuelBurgaandWilsonReategui,Lanasycapitalmercantilenelsur:LaCasaRicketts,18951935(Lima,1981);Jacobsen,"LandTenure."

83.Flores-Galindo,Arequipa,p.75.

84.QuotedinAntonioMitre,ElmonederodelosAndes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.56.

85.Flores-Galindo,Arequipa,pp.8284.

86.MagnusMörner,NotassobreelcomercioyloscomerciantesdelCuzcodesdefinesdelacoloniahasta1930(Lima,1979),p.27.

87.GustavoRodríguez,RicardoAzogue,andHumbertoSolares,"Cochabamba:elprocesohistóricodesuconstitucióncomoregión(18251952),"LosTiempos,September14,1985.

88.EnriqueTandeterandNathanWachtel,Preciosyproducciónagraria:PotosíyCharcasenelsigloXVIII(BuenosAires,1983).

89.Larson,Colonialism,p.235.Foranarrativeaccountoftherevolts,seeLillianE.Fisher,TheLastIncaRevolt,17801783(Norman,1966),chap.7.RebellionbrokeoutinthehighlandsectionsofCochabamba,suchasArque,Tapacari,andAyopaya,aswellasintheValleBajo,theClizaValley/ValleAlto,andtheSacabaValley.IntheValleBajo,residentsoftheSipeSipe,Passo,andTiquipayacommunitiesroseinrebellion.TheaccountbookofTapacariparishdescribedlocaldevastationcausedbytherevolt.SeeManuscript,"LibrodeFab-

ricaenqueseasientaelCargoyDescargodelasentradaspertenientesalaYglesiadeNuestroPadredeSanAgustíndelPuebloRl.deTapacariqueempiezadesdeeldia8deMayode1781años,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.Foradiscussionofthebackgroundoftherevolt,seeSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987).

91.Ibid.,p.329.

92.Reportsfromtheearlytwentiethcenturynotedthatlargelandownerswithstoragefacilitiesforgrainfacedlossesfromvermin,insects,andmildew,andcouldnotkeepgraininstorageforlongperiodsoftime.SeeElFerrocarril,January11,1910,January13,1910,January14,1910,andFebruary1,1910.Thediscussionofthegrain-storagecapacityofCochabambahaciendasresultedfromchargesbeingmadethatinresponsetoweatherconditionsindicatingthatthe19091910harvestwouldbepoor,haciendaownersremovedstoredgrainfromlocalmarkets.Haciendaownerswithgranariescouldprobablyrealizewindfallprofitsfromascarcitylastingayear,buttheywouldhavebeenvulnerabletoasubsistencecrisisthatlastedseveralyears,asinthe1780s.

93.OncensosintheruraleconomyofSpanishAmerica,seeArnoldBauer,"TheChurchintheEconomyofSpanishAmerica:censosandDepositosintheEighteenthandNineteenthCenturies,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview63(1983),pp.70733;MichaelCosteloe,ChurchWealthinMexico:AStudyofthe'JuzgadodeCapellanías'intheArchbishopricofMexico,18001856(Cambridge,1967).OnthegeneralimpactofcensosinCochabamba,seeLarson,Colonialism,pp.22127.Larsonincorrectlyindentifiesallcensosasbeingloans,but

doesrecognizethatlandownersdidexperiencefinancialdifficultiesasaresultofthealienationofincometothechurch.

94.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"pp.43435.

95.Manuscript,"Indiceformadodetodoslosinstrumentosu]econtieneesteProtocoloporelCapitan[CapitándeExersitoo]nManuelJosefValderramasiendoAdministradordelasRentasdelMonasteriodeN[uest]raSenora[SeñoradelCarmenenestaCiudaddeCochabamba,"ArchivodelArzobispadodeCochabamba,Cochabamba,Bolivia.Theindex,foundatthebeginningofthevolumeofnotarialprotocolscollectedbytheadministratoroftheMonasteryofCarmen,summarizesthecontractscontainedwithinthevolume.

97.Manuscript,"Indice."

99.FanorMeruvia,"MercadodetierrasenelvallecentraldeCochabamba,sigloXVIII,"forthcoming,Estudios-UMSS.

100.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"p.91.

Chapter2

1.Foracomprehensivediscussionofthemotivesfortheimplementationofthelateeighteenth-centuryagrarianreformmeasuresinSpain,seeRichardHerr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinancesinSpainattheEndoftheOldRegime(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1989),chap.1andpassim.

2.ForarecentstudyoftheconsolidationpolicyinoneregioninMexico,seeMargaretChownin,"TheConsolidationofValesrealesintheBishopricofMichoacan,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),45178.

3.LiberalisminMexicoduringthenineteenthcenturyhasreceivedthemostattentionfromscholars.See,forexample,CharlesHale,MexicanLiberalismintheAgeofMora,18211853(NewHaven,1968);RichardSinkin,TheMexicanReform,18551876:AStudyinLiberalNation-Building(Austin,1979);CharlesBerry,TheReformInOaxaca,18561876:AMicrohistoryoftheLiberalRevolution(Lincoln,1981);RobertKnowlton,"ExpropriationofChurchPropertyinNineteenthCenturyMexicoandColombia:AComparison,"TheAmericas24:4(April1969),387401;RobertKnowlton,ChurchPropertyandtheMexicanReform(18561910(DeKalb,1976);T.G.Powell,ElliberalismoyelcampesinadoenelcentrodeMéxico,1850a1876(México,D.F.,1974);JanBazant,TheAlienationofChurchWealthinMexico:SocialandEconomicAspectsoftheLiberalRevolution,18561875(Cambridge,1971);andLaurensPerry,JuárezandDíaz:MachinePoliticsinMexico(DeKalb,1978).ForearlyreformmeasuresinColombia,seeFrankSafford,"Race,Integration,andProgress:EliteAttitudesandtheIndianinColombia,17501870,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71(1991),133;andRichardHyland,"AFragileProsperity:CreditandAgrarianStructureintheCaucaValley,Colombia,185187,"TheHispanicAmerican

HistoricalReview62(1982),369406.Forageneraloverviewtoeconomicliberalism,seeJosephLoveandNilsJacobsen,eds.,GuidingtheInvisibleHand:EconomicLiberalismandtheStateinLatinAmericanHistory(NewYork,1988).InabookentitledBetweenSilverandGuano:CommercialPolicyandtheStateinPostindependencePeru(Princeton,1989),PaulGootenbergexploresliberal-conservative-nationalistconflictinPeruasrelatedtotheissueoffreetrade.

4.MoststudiesofBolivianliberalismfocusonthequestionofcorporate-ownedlands.See,forexample,ErickLanger,EconomicChangeandRuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989);RobertH.Jackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicyandtheTransformationoftheRuralSectoroftheBolivianEconomy,18631929:TheCaseofCochabamba"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,1988);ErwinGrieshaber,"ExportExpansionandIndianLandSalesintheDepartmentofLaPaz,Bolivia,18811920,"forthcoming,inSpanish,inAndes(Salta,Argentina);GustavoRodríguezOstria,Expansióndellatifundioosupervivenciadelascomunidadesindigenas?CambiosenlaestructuraagrariabolivianadelsigloXIX(Cochabamba,1983);GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajoCochabambino,"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregiónandinaduranteelsigloXIX,"Quito,March1989;TristanPlatt,Estadobolivianoyaylluandino:TierraytributoenelnortedePotosí(Lima,1982);andTristanPlatt,''LiberalismandEthnocideintheSouthern

Andes,"HistoryWorkshop17(1984),318.TheonlystudytoexamineliberalpoliciesthataffectedbothchurchandcommunitylandsisErickLangerandRobertH.Jackson,"ElliberalismoyelproblemadelastierrasenBolivia(18251920),"SigloXIX5:10(1990),932.

5.SeeLangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo."IbasemydiscussionofthechangingorientationofBolivianliberalisminthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies,withspecificreferencetochurchandcommunitylands,onthisarticle.

6.ForageneraldiscussionofthedifferentsourcesofchurchincomeinSpanishAmerica,seeArnoldBauer,"TheChurchintheEconomyofSpanishAmerica:CensosandDepositosintheEighteenthandNineteenthCenturies,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview63(1983),70733;andMichaelCosteloe,ChurchWealthinMexico:AStudyofthe'JuzgadodeCapellanías'intheArchbishopricofMexico,18001856(Cambridge,1967).

7.WilliamLofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia(LaPaz,1983),p.120.

8.OnthegeneralconceptualizationofchurchwealthbyLatinAmericanliberals,seeBazant,Alienation,chap.1;andHale,MexicanLiberalism,chap.8.AcomprehensivehistoryofBolivianliberalisminthenineteenthcenturyhasyettobewritten.

9.Lofstrom,ElMariscalSucreenBolivia,pp.13342;ThomasMillington,DebtPoliticsafterIndependence:TheFundingConflictinBolivia(Gainesville,1992),pp.9398;LangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo";HerbertKlein,Bolivia:TheEvolutionofaMulti-EthnicSociety(NewYork,1982),pp.10810.Kleinstatesthatthegovernmentseizedandadministeredthelandsoftheconventsandmonasteriesnotclosed.Inthecaseofthefemaleordersin

CochabambaDepartment,theevidenceindicatesthatlayadministratorsappointedbytheprioressoftheinstitutionadministeredtherentalpropertiesthatremainedintheirhands.AlawofSeptember8,1831,forexamplestipulatedthatthenominalvalueofcanceledcensoscouldbediscountedby50percent,andpaymentmadeincashanddepreciateddebtcertificates.InMarchof1839,JuanAntonioSantibanezpaid85pesosincashanddebtcertificateswithanominalvalueof1,115pesosforacensosonhisHaciendaChimba(outskirtsofCochabambaCity)withanoriginalvalueof2,400pesos.SeeMs."Escrituradecancelación[March4,1839]delcensode1,200pesosquereconocialahaciendadelaChimbapropiadelCiudidanoJuanAntonioSantibanez,"unorganizedSantibanezFamilypapers,UniversityLibrary,UniversidadMayordeSanSimon,Cochabamba,Bolivia.OnthevalueofformerchurchlandssoldinCochabambaDepartment,seeLangerandJackson,"Liberalismo,"p.30,n.9.

10.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadisticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),p.79.

11.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB(hereaftercitedasPT);ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1831.

12.PT;ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1846,1850.

13.DamianRejas,TercercentenariodelafundacióndelMonasteriodeSantaClaradeAsisenCochabamba-Bolivia,años16481948(Cochabamba,1948),pp.1617.

14.ElHeraldo,May23,1923.

15.Ibid.,May7,1926.

16.RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),154.

17.ElHeraldo,July1,1901.

18.TheCochabambapriceseriesistakenfromRobertH.Jackson,"TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),281.

19.See,forexample,ElFerrocarril,July25,1911.

20.Ibid.,January8,1912;andRegistrodeDerechosreales(hereinaftercitedasDR);TarataProvince,1912.

21.ElFerrocarril,July2,1917.

22.DR;TarataProvince,ClizaProvince,18911929;andRobertH.Jackson,"CambiosenlatenenciadelatierraenlaProvinciadeCliza(18601930)yorigenesdelossindicatoscampesinosbolivianos,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),99110.

25.Ibid.,July30,1914.

26.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesunUcurena,19351952(Cochabamba,1983),pp.9091,andmap4.

27.SeeNicolásSánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos(Lima,1978),pp.7491;andBrianEvans,"CensusEnumerationinLateSeventeenth-CenturyAltoPeru:TheNumeraciónGeneralof16831684,"inDavidRobinson,ed.,StudiesinSpanishAmericanPopulationHistory(Boulder,1981),pp.2544.

28.RobertH.Jackson,"Evolución,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14748;andBrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),pp.93108.

30.Ibid.,p.277.

31.Ibid.,p.278;JoséGordilloClaure,"AnalisisdeunpadróngeneraldeladoctrinadeSanPedrodeSipeSipe(Cochabamba)1798,"Estudios-UMSS1(1987),pp.4849;SánchezAlbornoz,Indiosytributos,pp.18085.

33.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"EntreReformasycontrareformas:LascomunidadesindigenasenelValleBajoCochabambino(18251900),"paperpresentedatthesymposium"LascomunidadesindigenasenlaregiónandinaduranteelsigloXIX,"Quito,Ecuador,March1989,pp.1417.

34.EP,AHMC,Expedienteno.113.

35.ErwinGrieshaber,"SurvivalofIndianCommunitiesinNineteenthCenturyBolivia"(Ph.D.diss.,UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill,1977),p.294.

36.PT,ANB,CercadoProvince,selectedyears.

37.PT,ANB,ClizaProvince,selectedyears.

38.EP,AHMC,expedienteno.108.

39.PT,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota,1856,1858.

40.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodelaRepúblicadeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1902),p.22.

43.PT,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi,1858,1863.

44.Larson,Colonialism,p.225,n.47.

45.Blanco,Diccionario,pp.11516.

46.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi.

47.DR,ArqueProvince.

48.Ontheevolutionofcommunitylandlegislation,seeRamiroCondarcoMorales,Zarateel"temible"willka:Historiadelarebeliónindigenade1899enlarepúblicadeBolivia,2ded.(LaPaz,1982);Platt,Estadoboliviano,chap.2;andErickLanger,"ElliberalismoylaabolicióndelacomunidadindigenaenelsigloXIX,"HistoriayCultura14(1988),5995.

49.QuotedinSilviaRiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos":LuchasdelcampesinadoAymarayQuechwa,19001980(LaPaz,1983),p.26.Thetranslationismine.

50.QuotedinLuisAntezana,ElfeudalismodeMelgarejoylareformaagraria(LaPaz,1970),pp.2123.Thetranslationismine.

51.NadineNicollsH.,GloriaMeruviaC.,andOsvaldoGutiérrezA.,"Leydeex-vinculaciónenlaszonasdeserraniadeTapacari(18701905),"unpublishedmanuscript,Cochabamba,1987,p.4.

53.InformedelaOficinadelCreditoPúblicoalH.CongresoNacional(1900),inJorgeOvandoSanz,EltributoindigenaenlasfinanzasbolivianasdelsigloXIX(hereaftercitedasTIFB)(LaPaz,1985),p.476.

54.CondarcoMorales,Zarate,pp.4344.

55.RodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas."

56.PantaleónDalence,InformedelMinistrodeHaciendaeIndustria1874,inTIFB,p.413.Dalence'sstatementechoedthesentimentsofMexicanliberalreformerJoséMoraofsomefortyyearsearlier.SeeHale,MexicanLiberalism,chap.7.

57.CondarcoMorales,Zarate,pp.4548;andPlatt,Estadoboliviano,pp.7378.

58.TIFB,p.302.

59.EliodoroVillazón,MemoriapresentadaalaConvenciónNacionaldeBoliviaen1880,inTIFB,p.418;PedroGarcía,InformedeHaciendaeIndustria,inTIFB,p.441;andEnriqueBorda,InformequeelMinistrodeHaciendaeIndustriaPresentaalCongresoOrdinariode1893,inTIFB,p.452.

60.RodríguezOstria,"Entrereformasycontrareformas."

61.CensodelaRepúblicadeChilelevantadoel28denoviembrede1907(Santiago,1909),pp.127482;Tercercensonacional[deArgentina]levantadoel10dejuniode1914:Población(BuenosAires,1916),passim;andElHeraldo,October28,1925.

62.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.186.

63.OctavioSalamanca,ElsocialismoenBolivia:Losindiosdelaaltiplanicieboliviana(Cochabamba,1931),p.188.

64.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodelaextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabamba(Analisisdeunpadróndeyanaconas,1692),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),2960;PT,ANBTapacariProvince,1828,1844,1867.

65.ThediscussionoflandsalesandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCantónSipeSipeisbaseduponCochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR;TapacariandQuillacolloProvince;CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipe.Forabriefdiscussionoflong-termpatternsofchangeinthestructureoflandtenureinSipeSipe,seeJoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlosSiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537.

66.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipe.

69.RafaelReyeros,Elpongueajelaservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),p.219.

72.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónQuirquiavi,TapacariProvince,CantónChalla;Reyeros,Elpongueajelaservadumbrepersonal,p.219.

73.DR;PunataProvince,1902.

74.Nicolls,Meruvia,andGutiérrez,"Leydeex-vinculación,"p.9.

76.Ibid.,1885.

77.ElFerrocarril,March25,1912.

78.ElHeraldo,May17,1909,May22,1909,andMay27,1909.

81.DR;ArqueProvince,1911.

82.ElHeraldo,November13,1917.

83.Jackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicy,"p.57.

84.LangerandJackson,"Elliberalismo."

85.PeredoAntezana,Laprovincia,p.186.

86.Millington,DebtPoliticsafterIndependence.

87.Bazant,Alienation.

88.Grieshaber,"ExportExpansion;"M.RigobertoParedes,TiahuanacuylaprovinciadeIngavi(LaPaz,1955),pp.17376.

89.OnchangingpatternsoflandtenureinOruroDepartment,seeJackson,"Decline,"27677.OnthechangingstructureoflandtenureofIngaviProvince,LaPazDepartment,seeParedes,Tiahuanacu,pp.7,3031,14647,15455,17071,17374,17677.

90.ForChayanta,seePlatt,Estadoboliviano;onChuquisaca,seeLanger,EconomicChange.

91.ForamorecompletediscussionofchangingpatternsoflandtenureintheValleBajo,seeJackson,"LiberalLandandEconomicPolicy,"passim.

92.MyunderstandingofthemotivesforpeasantresistancerelatedtochangeisinformedbyJohnTutino'snotionoftheimportanceofpeasantsubsistencesecurity,outlinedinhisFromInsurrectiontoRevolutioninMexico:SocialBasesofAgrarianViolence,17501940(Princeton,1986),pp.337andpassim;andErickLanger'sadaptationoftheconceptofthemoraleconomytotherealitiesof

Andeanpeasantlife,inhis"LaborStrikesandReciprocityonChuquisacaHaciendas,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),25577;andLanger'sEconomicChange,pp.56.

93.OnpatternsofresistanceinBoliviaduringtheyearsfollowingthepassageofthelawofex-vinculación,seeLanger,EconomicChange;RiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos";RobertoChoqueCanqui,LamasacredeJesúsdeMacbaca(LaPaz,1986);ReneArzeAguirre,Guerrayconfiictossociales:Elcasoruralbolivianodurantelacampanadelchaco(LaPaz,1987);TristanPlatt,"TheAndeanExperienceofBolivianLiberalism,18251900:RootsofRebellioninNineteenth-CenturyChayanta(Potosí),"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.280323;ErickLanger,"TheGreatSouthernBolivianIndianRebellionof1927:AMicroanalysis,"paperpresentedattheforty-sixthInternationalCongressofAmericanists,Amsterdam,Holland,July48,1988;ErickLanger,"AndeanRitualsofRevolt:TheChayantaRebellionof1927,"unpublishedpaper.

94.OnpeasantuprisingsinMexicofollowingtheimplementationofliberalanti-corporatelandpolicies,seeLeticiaReina,LasrebelionescampesinasenMéxico(18191906)(México,D.F.,1980);JohnCoatsworth,"Railroads,Landholding,andAgrarianProtestintheEarlyPorfiriato,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview54(1974),4871;andGuyP.C.Thomson,"AgrarianConflictintheMunicipalityofCuetzalán(SierradePuebla):TheRiseandFallofPalaAgustinDieguillo,18611894,"TheHispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71(1991),20558.

95.Foradescriptionofthe1947Ayopayarevolt,seeJorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inStern,ed.,Resistance,

Rebellion,andConsciousness,pp.33478.Onthelong-termsocialoriginsofthe1927and1947rebellions,seeRobertH.Jackson,"LandTenureandHaciendaLabor:TheOriginsofSocialConflictintheAyopayaHighlands,CochabambaDepartment,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.

96.RobertKnowlton,"LadivisióndelastierrasdelospueblosduranteelsigloXIX:ElcasodeMichoacán,"HistoriaMexicana40(1990),325.

Chapter3

1.HerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia,18801952(Cambridge,1969),pp.1013.

2.JamesDunkerly,"ReevaluacióndelcaudillismoenBolivia,"HistoriaBoliviana1(1981),5977.

3.NicolásSánchezAlbornoz,IndiosytributosenelAltoPeru(Lima,1978)p.198.

4.Ibid.,p.198.

5.AntonioMitre,Elmonederodelosandes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.26.

6.Onthemintingofdebasedcoins,seePlatt,EstadotributarioylibrecambioenPotosí(SigloXIX)(LaPaz,1986),andMitre,Elmonedero.

7.AntonioMitre,LospatriarcasdelaplataestructurasocioeconómicadelamineríabolivianaenelsigloXIX(Lima,1981),pp.113,129,15152;andKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChange,pp.2627.

8.CensogeneraldelapoblacióndelaRepúblicadeBolivia(LaPaz,1902),vol.1,p.45(hereaftercitedasCG).

9.Platt,Estadotributario.AccordingtoPlatt,aylluleadersviewedthebreakdownoftheprotectedcolonialmarketandthemintingofdebasedcoinsasaviolationoftheinformalagreementbetweenstateandcommunitytoexchangetributepaymentsforaguaranteeofprotectionforcommunitylands.AccesstothemarketformedthebasisofthetributesysteminChayanta(NorthernPotosíDepartment),asitallowedtheayllutoobtainmoneytopayitstributeobligations.

10.Mitre,Elmonedero,pp.8287.

11.Ibid.,pp.92.

12.Platt,Estadotributario,p.40.

13.ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975),pp.6465,andpassim.

14.ThomasWright,"AgricultureandProtectionisminChile,18801930,"JournalofLatinAmericanStudies7(1973),4558.

15.J.D.PortertotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,May9,1886,DespatchesfromUnitedStatesConsulsinLaPaz,Bolivia,NationalArchives,Washington,D.C.(hereaftercitedasDUSCLP);GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,March12,1894,DUSCLP;SergioSepúlveda,Eltrigochileñoenelmercadomundial(Santiago,1959),pp.70,12728.

16.ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910.

17.JoaquínAguirreLavayen,GuerradelPacificoPactodeTregua(Cochabamba,1987),pp.7879.

18.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Cochabambaylaguerradelpacifico,"EconomíaySociedad2(1987),p.5.

19.WilliamSater,ChileandtheWarofthePacific(Lincoln,1986),pp.106,202,n.43.

20.OficinaCentraldeEstadística,SinopsisestadísticaygeográficadeChile(Santiago,1879).

21.AguirreLavayen,Guerra,pp.53159.

22.PascualAhumadaMoreno,GuerradelPacifico:RecopilacióncompletadetodoslosdocumentosoficialescorrespondenciasydemaspublicacionesreferentesalaguerraquehadadoluzlaprensadeChile,PeruyBolivia(Santiago,1982),vol.8,p.485.

23.Ibid.,vol.8,pp.48788.

24.Ibid.,vol.8,p.488.

25.OnthepoliticalchangesinBoliviafollowingthefallfrompowerofHilarionDaza,seeKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChange,chap.1.

26.Sater,Chile,chaps.24.

27.RobertH.Jackson,"RegionalTradeandtheWarofthePacific:ChileandtheOpeningoftheBolivianNationalEconomy,"UniversityofMinnesotaWorkingPapersoftheSocialHistoryWorkshop(April5,1989),pp.1315;ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910;ElComercio,March14,1910.

28.ElRepublicano,November21,1919.

29.Platt,Estadobolivianoyayulluandino:TierraytributoenelnortedePotosí(Lima,1982),p.70.

30.JuanAlbarracinMillan,Elpodermineroenlaadministraciónliberal(LaPaz,1972),p.34.HightransportationcostspreventedtheUnitedStatesfromexportinggoodstoBolivia.Inan1870report,theAmericanconsulgeneralinLaPaz,CharlesRand,notedthat"theheavyfreightratesfromthecoastrenderourtradeinsignificant."AccordingtoRand,itcostfromeighteentotwenty-fivepesostoship300lbsofgoodsbymulefromTacnatoLaPaz.Randconcludedhisreportbystatingthat"untilrailroadsorevengoodordinaryroadsarebuiltfromthecoasttotheinterior,itwillbeidletoexpectthetradeofBoliviawiththeouterworldtoshowactivityorprogress";CharlesRandtotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,September30,1870,DUSCLP.Twenty-fouryearslater,in1894,AmericanconsulgeneralGerardoHallesreportedmoreenthusiasticallythatLaPazconsumerswerereadytobuyAmericanwheatflour;GerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,March12,1894,DUSCLP.

31.ElComercio,January13,1898.

32.Takenfromasampleofpricesfortheyears18981929abstractedfromCochabambanewspapers,includingElHeraldo,ElComercio,14deSeptiembre,ElFerrocarril,ElRepublicano.ThefigureforthecostofChileanflourinLaPazcomesfromGerardoHallestotheSecretaryofState,LaPaz,Bolivia,July11,1899,DUSCLP.

33.ElHeraldo,March11,1910,andMarch14,1910;ElComercio,March14,1910.

34.ElHeraldo,June5,1913.

35.PanAmericanUnion,TheCommerceofBoliviafor1913(Washington,D.C.,1915).

36.ElComercio,March20,1926.

37.ElHeraldo,October8,1920.

38.CG,vol.1,pp.18,132.

39.ElFerrocarril,June24,1913.

40.ElHeraldo,January27,1917.

41.Ibid.

42.ElRepublicano,September24,1917.

43.ElHeraldo,April26,1918.

44.ElRepublicano,November22,1921.

45.Ibid.,March7,1922,March22,1922,andApril7,1922.

46.Ibid.,April3,1922.

47.ElHeraldo,December8,1918.

48.Ibid.,September25,1923,andSeptember27,1923.

49.ElRepublicano,November25,1926,January6,1927,andJanuary14,1927;ElComercioSeptember30,1926.

51.ElComercio,October30,1926.

53.ElHeraldo,May5,1903,January16,1904,July20,1904,October9,1907.TheClizaalcoholfactorymayhavebeenavictimofthecreationofthealcoholmonopolyin1894.Theowner,oneCarlosBlumering,wasforcedtosellthefactoryatpublicauctionin1898becauseofdebt.ThecommercialhouseC.H.CanejaBrothersandCompanyboughtthefactoryforBs150,000.CochabambaNotarialProtocols1898,AHMC.

54.ElRepublicano,October11,1917.

55.Ibid.,May9,1921.

56.ElHeraldo,December10,1925.Wecanassumethattheestimateislowbecauseofthemotivethatproducershadtoattempttoavoidpayingtaxes,whichwouldhavecontributedtoanunderregistrationoftheamounttaxable.

57.ElRepublicano,March13,1924.

58.ElHeraldo,August27,1926.

59.Dalence,Bosquejoestadistico,pp.238.

61.ElComercio,August20,1927.

62.Ibid.,October26,1926;ElRepublicano,October31,1926,andSeptember12,1926.

63.ElHeraldo,July25,1927;ElRepublicano,October8,1926.

64.ElComercio,December7,1926.

65.Ibid.,December7,1926.

67.ElHeraldo,July25,1927.

68.NestorCuetoVidaurre,MemoriadelMinistrodeHaciendaalHonorableCongresoNacional(LaPaz,1917).

69.ElRepublicano,,November25,1926.

70.ElComercio,February28,1928.

71.Ibid.,September30,1926.Foradiscussionoftheuseofcreditto

financeagriculturalproductioninCochabamba,seeJackson,"DeclineoftheHacienda,"pp.27274.

72.ElComercio,February28,1928,February3,1929,andMay11,1929.

73.Ibid.,May12,1927.

74.Ibid.,November11,1927.

75.Ibid.,May11,1929.

78.ElComercio,May5,1926.

79.Ibid.

81.LaPatria,November6,1906,andNovember27,1906.

82.ElComercio,November23,1926.

83.ElRepublicano,December18,1926.

88.Ibid.,August30,1927.

89.Ibid.,June1,1927.

91.ElRepublicano,February13,1929.

92.ElComercio,March22,1928.

93.Ibid.,April28,1928.

98.Ibid.,June5,1928.

99.ElRepublicano,February9,1928.

100.Ibid.,July12,1929.

101.Ibid.,March12,1928.

102.JorgeDandier,JoséBlanes,JulioPrudencio,JorgeMuñoz,ElsistemaagroalimentarioenBolivia(LaPaz:CERES,1987),pp.13436.OntheLaPazwheatflourmillingindustryinthe1930sand1940s,seeLuisPenaloza,LaPazensuIVCentenario15481948:monogrfíaeconómica(LaPaz,1948),pp.7475.Accordingtothissourceimportsofwheatandwheatflourintheperiod1928to1932totaled36,037and69,543tonsrespectivelydistributedasshownintable,page242.

103.ChristineWhitehead,"CochabambaLandownersandtheAgrarianReform"(Bachelor'sthesis,St.Hugh'sCollege,OxfordUniversity,1970),p.7.

104.Dandier,Blanes,Prudencio,Munoz,Elsistemaagroalimentario,pp.13637.

105.ElComercio,October30,1926.

Chapter4

1.JoséDalence,BosquejoestadísticodeBolivia,repr.ed.(LaPaz,1975),pp.211,24041.

2.OctavioSalamanca,ElsocialismoenBolivia:Losindiosdela

altiplanicieboliviana(Cochabamba,1931),pp.56.

4.JosephDorsey,"ACaseStudyoftheLowerCochabambaValley:Ex-HaciendasParotaniandCaramarca,"LandTenureCenterResearchPaper64(Madison,1975),p.12.

5.RafaelReyeros,Elpongueaje:Laservadumbrepersonaldelosindiosbolivianos(LaPaz,1949),pp.11,26970.

6.JosephDorsey,"ACaseStudyofEx-HaciendaToralapaintheTiraqueRegionoftheUpperCochabambaValley,"LandTenureCenterResearchPaper65(1975),pp.2,9.

7.Dorsey,"CaseStudyoftheLowerCochabambaValley,"pp.7,10.

8.ArchivoHistoricoMunicipaldeCochabamba.

9.JoséGordilloClaureandRobertH.Jackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlossiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537.

10.CochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC.

11.ElHeraldo,February22,1915.

12.ElRepublicano,January14,1927,andJanuary5,1928.

13.DR,TapacariProvince,SipeSipeProvince,CantónSipeSipe.

14.AntonioMitre,Elmonaderodelosandes:RegióneconómicaymonedabolivianaenelsigloXIX(LaPaz,1986),p.107.

WheatandWheatFlourImports,19281932Year WheatinTons WheatFlourinTons1928 492 17,0311929 737 21,1671930 2,322 19,2751931 10,476 9,1001932 22,010 2,970Inthe1930sand1940s,thevolumeofArgentineangrainexportstoBolivia,primarilywheat,increased.

ArgentineanGrainExportstoBoliviainTons,19341944Year Corn Wheat1934 57 5,0001935 37 11,5781936 229 26,1591937 985 37,1091938 277 29,8791939 15 33,9711940 2,439 44,1891941 8,772 51,1301942 1,896 57,2511943 15 55,1141944 81 46,690

Source:AnuarioestadisticodelaRepublicadeArgentina:1948(BuenosAires,1949).

15.OnthedevelopmentofBolivianbanking,seeLuisPenalozaCordero,NuevahistoriaeconómicadeBolivia:Comercio,moneda,ybancos(Cochabamba,1984).Thereis,however,stillaneedforacriticalratherthanastrictlynarrativeaccountofthedevelopmentofbankinginBolivia.

16.Mitre,Elmonadero,p.121.

17.See,forexample,theloanmadein1879toPabloBarrientosforBs20,000bytheCreditoHipotecariodeBolivia;inCochabambaNotarialProtocols1879,AHMC.Thetermsoftheloan,whichranthrough1903,stipulatedtherepaymentoftheprincipaloftheloaneachsemester,plusinterestanddividends.

18.ElHeraldo,February18,1893.

19.ElComercio,April30,1897.

20.MagdaCastellóndeGarcía,HectorRojasVacas,andClaudioMontano,''ElmercadodecreditoenCochabamba(18711890),"Cochabamba,mimeo(1987),Tables14.

22.DR;TarataProvince,1888.

23.EugeneWeimers,"AgricultureandCreditinNineteenth-CenturyMexico:OrizabaandCordoba,18221871,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),51946.

24.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC.

25.ElHeraldo,May29,1894.

26.Ibid.,April7,1897,September23,1897,andSeptember7,1898.

28.GustavoRodríguezOstria,"Laacumulaciónoriginaria,capitalismoyagriculturaprecapitalistaenBolivia(18701885),"Avances2(1978),11943.Onthequestionofinvestmentinbanksasanalternativetoinvestmentinlandorstocksduringtheperiodofcrisisinthesilverminingindustry,seeErickLanger,EconomicChangeandRuralResistanceinSouthernBolivia,18801930(Stanford,1989),chap.3.

29.AgustínAspiazu,Diccionariorazonadodelderechocivilboliviano(LaPaz,1923),pp.19398.

31.Ibid.,March27,1897.

32.EscriturasPúblicas,Expediente146,AHMC.

34.BrookeLarson,"EconomicDeclineandSocialChangeinanAgrarianHinterland:CochabambaintheLateColonialPeriod"(Ph.D.diss.,ColumbiaUniversity,1978),p.80.

35.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,18311872.

36.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,TarataProvince,

ClizaProvince.

38.OlenLeonard,CantónChullpas:estudioeconómicosocialenelValledeCochabamba(LaPaz,1947),pp.9,2326.

39.ElFerrocarril,July2,1917.

40.Larson,"EconomicDecline,"pp.7980.

43.Ibid.,July30,1914.

44.DR,TarataProvince.

45.DR,ClizaProvince.

46.OntheoriginsandearlyactivitiesofthepeasantleaguesintheValleAlto,seeJorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952,2ded.(Cochabamba,1983),pp.6376.

47.Ibid.,pp.9091,andmap4.

48.Thefollowingtablesummarizesthreeten-yearsamplesofhaciendarentalsbyregion.Seetableattopofpage244.

49.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince,18351878.

50.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1863.

51.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince,CantónTiquipaya.

52.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,Expedienteno.154.

53.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1895,1897.

54.DR,TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince.

SampleYears ValleBajo ValleAltoChapareProvince/SacabaValley

HighlandProvinces

18601869 65 19 8 4318761885 75 16 11 3818901899 59 10 12 45Total 199 45 31 126Source:RobertH.Jackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),p.153.

55.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.186.ThethreehaciendasinSacabambadistrict,CantónParedón,wereSacabamba,Matarani,andChallaque.

56.Forageneraldiscussionofservicetenantry,seeJackson,"Evolución."

57.Ibid.,p.155.

58.LaPatria,April17,1907.

59.Jackson,"Evolución,"p.152.

60.Salamanca,Elsocialismo,pp.16970,describesthemethodsusedbypeasantstoaccumulatecapitalforthepurchaseofland.

61.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónParedón.

62.Salamanca,Elsocialismo,p.173;Reyeros,Elpongueaje,pp.22526.

63.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),p.57.

64.Onlythe1947revolthasreceivedadetailedscholarlyexamination.SeeJorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,

ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.33478.

65.PabloMacera,Boliviatierraypoblación,18251936(Lima,1978),p.15;MemoriaquepresentaelpresidentedelHonorableConcejoDepartamentalde1887(Cochabamba,1888);CensosgeneraldelapoblacióndelaRepúblicadeBoliviasegúnelempadronamientode1deseptiembrede1900(LaPaz,1902);andCensodemográficode1950(LaPaz,1955).

66.HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblación,18441939(Lima,1978),pp.3234.

67.TheremayhavebeenIndianlandsinonesectionofAyopayaProvince.ThecadastralsurveyofCantónCharapaya,preparedca.1912(CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantónCharapaya)listedeightseparatepropertiesintheLivimanidistrictassayanas,atermusedforcommunitylands.Aco-ownerofoneofthepropertieslistedasasayanawasnamedInocencioApasa,clearlyanAymarasurname.ThecommunityorformercommunitylandsinCantónCharapayamayhavebeenanethniccolonyfromanAymaraayllufromOruroor,morelikely,neighboringLaPazDepartment.Theexistenceofcommunitylandswouldbeanexceptiontothecharacterizationoflandtenuredominatedbythelatifundio.

Chapter5

1.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElprocesodellaextincióndelyanaconajeenelvalledeCochabambasiglosXVIIXVIII,"EconomíaySociedad2:12(1987),pp.67;PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,TapacariProvince,1828,1844,and1867.Foradiscussionofchangingpatternsoflandtenureandthepartitionofthecolonialhaciendainthenineteenthcentury,seeJoséGordilloClaureandRobertJackson,"MestizajeyprocesodeparcelizaciónenlaestructuraagrariadeCochabamba:ElcasodeSipeSipeenlossiglosXVIIIXIX,"HISLA10(1987),1537;RobertH.Jackson,"TheDeclineoftheHaciendainCochabamba,Bolivia:TheCaseoftheSacabaValley,18701929,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview69(1989),pp.25981.

2.CochabambaNotarialProtocols,1880,AHMC.

3.ThediscussionoflandsalesandchangesinthestructureoflandtenureinCantónSipeSipedrawsuponCochabambaandQuillacolloNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR;TapacariProvince,QuillacolloProvince;andCPR,APC;QuillacolloProvince,CantónSipeSipeandCantónQuillacollo.

4.RaimundoSchramm,"MosaicosetnohistóricosdelvalledeCliza(vallealtocochabambino),SigloXVI,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),341.

5.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),pp.18184.

6.JoséGordilloClaure,"ElorigendelahaciendaenelValleBajodeCochabamba:Conformacióndelaestructuraagraria(15501700)"(Thesis,UniversidadMayordeSanSimón,1987),p.349A.

7.Larson,Colonialism,p.183statesthattherewere153haciendasand24estanciasintheValleAlto.However,hercountmayinclude

propertieslocatedinhighlanddistrictsthatformedpartoftheadministrativejurisdictionsintheValleAlto.

8.RobertH.Jackson,"CambiosenlatenenciadelatierraenlaprovinciadeCliza(18601930)yorigenesdelossindicatoscampesinosbolivianos,"HistoriayCultura18(1990),99110.Also,seechap.4,below.

9.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,CantónTarata,1831.

10.CochabambaCityNotarialProtocols,AHMC,1869,1884.

11.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince,CantónArani,1831.

12.Ibid.,1846,1850.

13.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,1892;DR,PunataProvince.

14.CPR,APC,TarataProvince,CantónTarata,ClizaProvince,andAraniProvince,CantónArani;AlbertoRivera,"LosterratenientesdeCochabamba,"unpublishedmanuscript.

15.GustavoRodríguezOstriaandHumbertoSolaresSerrano,Sociedadoligarquica,chichayculturapopular(Cochabamba,1990),p.39.

16.OnmigrationtoaltiplanotinminesandChileannitrateminesfromCochabamba,seeibid.,pp.4648;Larson,Colonialism,pp.31619.Accordingtothe1914Argentiniannationalcensus,therewere17,993BoliviansinArgentina,12,728livinginJujuy,and3,965inSalta.Tercercensonacionallevantadoel1°dejuniode1914,vol.2,Población(BuenosAires,1916).

17.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia:CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952(Cochabamba,1983);Jackson,"Cambios."

18.OnthepoliticalbackgroundtoBolivianreformpolitics,seeHerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia,18801952(Cambridge,1971).

19.Onruralviolencefollowingthe1952BolivianRevolution,seeJamesKohl,"PeasantRevolutioninBoliviaApril9,1952August2,1953,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview58(1978),23859;GabrielPonceArauco,"Insurgenciacampesinayrespuestaestatalenelperiodo,19521953,"inHistoriayevolucióndelmovimientopopular(Cochabamba,1986),pp.35175.

20.OntheCliza-UcurenaWar,seeJamesKohl,"TheClizaandUcurenaWar:SyndicalViolenceandNationalRevolutioninBolivia,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview62(1982),60728.

21.SilviaRiveraCusicanqui,"Oprimidosperonovencidos":LuchasdelcampesinadoAymarayQhechwadeBolivia,19001980(Geneva,1986),p.115.

22.Jackson,"Decline,"pp.26364.

23.Ibid.,p.269.

24.Ibid.,p.269.

25.Ibid.,p.268.

26.Ibid.,p.266.

27.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota,1835.

28.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónCapinota.

29.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ArqueProvince,CantónCaraza.

30.CPR,APC,ArqueProvince,CantónCaraza.

31.CPR,APC,QuillacolloProvince,CantónItapaya.

32.CPR,APC,ChapareProvince,CantónTablas.

33.CPR,APC,TotoraProvince,YungasdeYcuna,YungasdeArepucho.

34.JorgeDandierandJuanTorricodiscussedthe1947Ayopayauprisingin"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),p.336.

36.JoséSamueldeUgarte,VidayobradeSamueldeUgarte(18441907)(BuenosAires,1949),pp.2326.IwouldliketothankAlbertoRiveraforlettingmereadacopyofthislittle-knownbook.

37.FedericoBlanco,DiccionariogeográficodeBolivia:DepartamentodeCochabamba(LaPaz,1901),p.13.

38.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,AyopayaProvince,1839.

39.DR,AyopayaProvince,18881929.

40.InterviewwithJulioCésarCrespo,Cochabamba,December3,1986.

41.Ibid.

42.DR,AyopayaProvince.

43.CPR,APC,AyopayaProvince,CantónPalca.

44.LaPatria,July5,1907.

45.EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC,Expedienteno.130.

46.OntheownershipofColomiinthemiddletolatenineteenthcentury,seePadronesdeTributarios,ANB,CercadoProvince,Cantón

Colomi,variousyears.

47.NatanielAguirrewasanabsenteelandownerduringmuchofhispoliticalcareer,andin1884,herentedoneruralpropertytotheprefectofCochabambaDepartment,Dr.FedericoJiménez.JiménezreturnedthepropertytoAguirre's

directcontrolattheendofthe18831884agriculturalyear,butapparentlyheadministeredthepropertyforAguirre.NatanielAguirretoDr.FedericoJiménez,LaPaz,April4,1884.InJoaquinAguirreLavayen,GuerradelPacifico:PactodeTregua,1884(Cochabamba,1987),pp.2089.ThediscussionofthepartitionofAguirrelandsdrawsuponasampleoflandsalesandothertransactionsfromCochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC,variousyears;EscriturasPúblicas,AHMC;DR,ChapareProvince.

48.DR,ChapareProvince,variousyears.

49.HonorioPinto,Boliviatierraypoblación(Lima,1978),p.127;CPR,APC,CantónColomi.

50.FranciscodeViedma,DescripcióngeográficayestadísticadelaprovinciadeSantaCruzdelaSierra(Cochabamba,1969),pp.7778.

51.PadronesdeTributarios,ANB,ClizaProvince.

52.Ibid.

53.Ibid.

54.Ibid.

55.FernandoGalindo,"MercadodetierrasenCochabambaafinesdelsigloXIXyprincipiosdelXX:ElcasodeParedón,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.

56.GuidoGuzmán,"MercadodetierrasenCantónIzata,18931950,"unpublishedpaperinthepossessionoftheauthor.

57.RobertH.Jackson,"EstructuraagrariaymestizajeenelCantónParedónaprincipiosdelsigloXX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),1314.

58.Unlessotherwisenoted,thediscussionoftheownershiphistoryofhaciendaSacabambaisbaseduponPadronesdeTributarios,ANB,

Tarataprovince,CantónParedón;CochabambaNotarialProtocols,AHMC;DR,TarataProvince.

59.ElComercio,December15,1896.

60.Ibid.

62.Jackson,"Estructuraagraria,"1624.

63.Inaninsightfularticleentitled"Ladefinicióncambiantedeunindio.Comparacióndeloscensosbolivianosde1900y1950"(HistoriaBoliviana5:1and2(1985),4565),ErwinGrieshaberalsoquestionstheuseoffiscal/legalcategoriesinthedescriptionofruralBoliviansociety.GrieshaberdemonstratesthatthelegaldefinitionofIndianchangedbetween1900and1950.

64.MyobservationsonthepeasantcultureofParedón(modernCantónAnzaldo)arebaseduponnumeroustripsthatImadeduring1986and1987todifferentpartsofthejurisdiction,andmyparticipationinandcontributiontoanethnographic/ethnohistoricalstudyoftheParedónpeasantryorganizedbyLic.ItalaD'MamanthroughtheUniversidadMayordeSanSimón.Eventoday,urbanresidentsinBolivialargelydefineIndianandnon-Indianpeasantsbytheirstyleofdress,although,atleastinthecaseofCochabambaDepartment,mostpeasantstodayspeakQuechuaandinmanycasesspeakSpanishonlyasasecondlanguage.ResidentsofCochabambaCitytodayreactindifferentwaystopeasantsdressedinEuropean-styledress,theregionaldressoftheCochabambapeasant,especiallypeasantwomenwhowearpolleras(pleatedskirts),andpeasantsfromoutsideCochabambaDepartmentwhoweartraditionalclothesgenerallyidentifiedwithIndians.

65.Viedma,Descripción,84.

66.ForastudyoflandtenureinthelatenineteenthcenturyinCamperoProvince,ajurisdictionverysimilartoMizque,seeLuisRojasandClaudioMontano,"HaciendasdeCampero(Crisisyexpansión),"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),pp.6186.

67.RobertH.Jackson,"AportesparaelestudiodelacrisisregionalafinesdelsigloXIX,"Estudios-UMSS2(1988),115.

Conclusion

1.EnriqueTandeter,"CrisisinUpperPeru,18001805,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview71:1(1991),pp.3571.

2.ArnoldBauer,"ChileanRuralHistoryintheNineteenthCentury,"TheAmericanHistoricalReview74(1971),pp.105983;ArnoldBauer,"TheHaciendaElHuiqueintheAgrarianStructureofNineteenth-CenturyChile,"AgriculturalHistory46(1972),pp.45570;ArnoldBauer,ChileanRuralSocietyfromtheSpanishConquestto1930(Cambridge,1975).

3.BrookeLarson,ColonialismandAgrarianTransformationinBolivia:Cochabamba,15501900(Princeton,1988),chap.5,chap.6.

4.OntheagrarianstructureofnorthernIndia,seeBernardCohn,"StructuralChangeinIndianRuralSociety,15961885,"inRobertFrykenberg,ed.,LandControlandSocialStructureinIndianHistory(Madison,1969),pp.53121;AsiyaSiddiqi,AgrarianChangeinaNorthernIndianState:UttarPradesh,18191833(Oxford,1973);EricStokes,ThePeasantandtheRaj:StudiesinAgrarianSocietyandPeasantRebellioninColonialIndia(Cambridge,1978);andThomasMetcalf,Land,Landlords,andtheBritishRaj:NorthernIndiaintheNineteenthCentury(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1979).ServicetenantryonCochabambahaciendaswasalsodifferentfromtherural

tenantryinSpainintheeighteenthcentury.SeeRichardHerr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinancesinSpainattheEndoftheOldRegime(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1989).

5.Herr,RuralChangeandRoyalFinances.

6.EricVanYoung,HaciendaandMarketinEighteenth-CenturyMexico:TheRuralEconomyoftheGuadalajaraRegion,16751820(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1981).

7.Bauer,ChileanRuralSociety.

8.JamesScobie,RevolutiononthePampas:ASocialHistoryofArgentineWheat,18601910(Austin,1964).

9.RobertJackson,"EvoluciónypersistenciadelcolonajeenlashaciendasdeCochabamba,"SigloXIX3:6(1988),pp.14562.

10.JorgeDandler,SindicalismocampesinoenBolivia.CambiosestructuralesenUcurena,19351952(LaPaz,1983).

11.ErickD.Langer,"LaborStrikesandReciprocityonChuquisacaHaciendas,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview65(1985),pp.25578.

12.GacetaMunicipal,October1929,citedinAlbertoRivera,"LosterratenientesdeCochabamba,"unpublishedmanuscript.

Province Granted ConsolidatedCercado 2.07 12.7Campero 4.20 47.6Ayopaya 2.80 69.4Tarata 4.90 14.4Arani 4.70 9.2Arque 6.11 13.4Capinota 10.40 15.5Jordan 1.10 7.7Quillacollo 2.50 13.0Chapare* 12.20 64.1Tapacari 3.20 9.3Carrasco* 10.30 36.1Mizque 8.70 17.8Punata 2.20 9.5DepartmentalMean 5.70 27.7NationalMean 42.50 51.4

*Includeszonesofcolonizationintropicallowlands.

13.JorgeDandierandJuanTorrico,"FromtheNationalIndigenousCongresstotheAyopayaRebellion:Bolivia,19451947,"inSteveStern,ed.,Resistance,Rebellion,andConsciousnessintheAndeanPeasantWorld,EighteenthtoTwentiethCenturies(Madison,1987),pp.33478.

14.HerbertKlein,PartiesandPoliticalChangeinBolivia18801952(Cambridge,1971),chap.12.

15.RafaelPeredoAntezana,LaprovinciadeQuillacollo:Ensayomonográfico(Cochabamba,1963),p.195;JamesKohl,"PeasantandRevolutioninBolivia,April9,1952August2,1953,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview58(1978),pp.23859;GabrielPonceArauco,"Insurgenciacampesinayrespuestaestatalenelperiodo,

19521953,"EstudiosSociales1:1(1987).

16.Kohl,"PeasantandRevolutioninBolivia,"pp.25556.

17.Ibid.,p.259.

18.PeredoAntezana,Laprovincia,p.203.

19.Ibid.,p.186.

20.Ibid.,pp.49,183,203.

21.DwightHeath,CharlesErasmus,andHansBuecher,LandReformandSocialRevolutioninBolivia(NewYork,1969),p.373.

22.RobertoLaserna,Espacioysociedadregional(ConstituciónydesarrollodelmercadointernoenCochabamba)(Cochabamba,1984),Table36,andpassim.LandgrantedandconsolidatedinhectaresintherestofCochabambaDepartmentissummarizedintableabove.

23.AsseenininterviewswithformerhaciendaownersbyAlbertoRivera,reportedinhis"Losterratenientes."

24.JimHandy,"'TheMostPreciousFruitoftheRevolution':TheGuatemalanAgrarianReform,19521954,"HispanicAmericanHistoricalReview68:4(1988),pp.675705;JimHandy,"TheCorporateCommunity,CampesinoOrganizations,andtheAgrarianReform,"inCarolSmith,ed.,GuatemalanIndiansandtheState:15401988(Austin,1990),pp.16382.

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Agrarianreform(1953):comparedwithGuatemala,202;

conventpropertyunder,84;

decreeof,201;

dividesHaciendaCliza,159;

factorsleadingto,199-200;

haciendaownersoppose,201;

affectsSalamancafamily,161;

salesofchurchlandsunder,66;

andValleBajocase,199-202

Agrarianstructure:ofBritishIndiacomparedtoBolivia,197-98;

theoriesof,198

Agriculturalcrisis(1890s):anddebtandforeclosure,144;

effectof,150;

haciendasin,178,191;

landlossin,151

Agriculturalcrisis(1920s):cadastralvaluein,11;

comparedtoU.S.,124;

andcornproduction,14;

effectof,150;

andfreightrates,119-20;

governmentresponseto,120-22;

andhaciendas,154,178;

andrecovery,118-22;

inValleBajo,11;

wheatin,120.SeealsoDebtcrisis

Agriculturaleconomy:colonialevolutionof,195-96;

andinstabilityandhaciendadivision,150

Agriculturalland:inCantónAnzaldo,6(il.);

consolidationof,138;

andelites,148,150;

encomenderosin,32;

entailofabolished,150;

expropriated,201;

fragmentationof,5,7,137-41,179-80,181;

largelandownersmonopolize,183;

overevaluationof,118;

rentalof,150;

stabilityof,186

Agriculturalproduction:andagrarianreform,202;

comparative,11,12-16;

andmining,40-41;

andpriceincreases,10;

ofSacabaValley,11,13;

ofValleBajo,11,13

Agriculture,Cochabamba:andChileanwheat,96;

incrisis,96-106,115-16;

andfreetrade,96;

andgovernment,123;

andlowproductivity,8-9;

mechanizationof,139;

overviewof,8-16;

andprofitability,16;

andrevival,108-9;

stagnationof,92,124;

transformationof,92;

andwheatproduction,120.

SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s)

Agriculture:andbanks,120;

inCantónColomi,186;

andChileanexports,98(3.1);

Chileanpolicieson,98-100;

andliberalism,19;

andmodernization,7;

peasantproducersin,40;

andproducepriceincrease,10

Aiquile&Totora:landdistributionin,27;

reduccionesof,26(1.1)

Alcoholindustry:andagriculturalcrisis,92;

collapseof,109;

controlson,119-20;

corncropin,116(3.10);

crisisin,112-13;

clineof,115;

expansionof,111;

importanceof,113;

andimports,111,113-14(3.90);

monopolyon,108-11,120;

policyon,108-12;

underprotectionism,109,111-14;

quantityof,112(3.8),114;

stagnationof,124;

taxationof,95,111

Alcohol:cane,113;

contraband,112-13;

costof,112;

factoriesof,113-14

Anocaraire:createdbyInca,24;

hacienda,34,169,170(5.2)

Anti-clericalpolicies:ofBoliviaandMexico,85,88;

inliberalreforms,59-63,65-70;

underSucre,84-85

Anti-communitypolicies:factorsin,85;

legislationon,70-81;

inMexicoandBolivia,87-88;

profitfrom,82-83

Antofagasta:importschileangoodsafter1889,103

Anzaldo,Cantón:fieldsin,6(il.),130(il.),131(il.);

haciendahousesin,128(il.),129(il.),130(il.)

Arani:agriculturalproductivityin,13;

marketplacein,127(il.);

minifundioin,175;

propertiesin,139(4.1);

statelandsin,83(2.9);

tributariesin,68

Arcamoqui,Estancia:resaleof,82

Argentina:exportsflourtoBolivia,193

ArqueHighlands;agriculturelandsin,14;

alcoholfactoriesin,114;

colonosin,164(4.12);

HaciendaChangollain,162;

haciendasdominate,181;

landconsolidationin,138;

landdistributionin,27;

propertiesin,52,139(4.1);

statelandsin,83(2.9)

Arrendadores:buyland,151;

inCochabamba,159-60;

inruralsociety,137;

socialmobilityof,159

Assadourian,CarlosSempat:influenceshistoriography,3

Augustinians:ownHaciendaCollpa,174;

propertylossof,62

Ayllus:ethnicconflictofinreduccion,26

Aymara:resettleValleBajo,24

Ayopaya:casestudyof,182-86;

ecologicalzonesof,182;

economyof,182-83;

haciendasdominatein,181;

landconsolidationin,138;

landtenurein,183;

peasantrevoltin,87,89;

propertiesin,52,139(4.1),184(5.12);

rebellionin,166;

servicetenantryin,164-65;

socialtensionsin,166.

SeealsoPalca,Canton

Baldíos:inhaciendaformation,33

Banks:andcreditmarket,142;

foreclosuresby,178;

initiatedebtactions,144,47;

andsilverpurchases,44

Baptista,Mariano(1894-1898);

createsalcoholmonopoly,109

Barley:productionof,14;

salesanduseof,114

Barrientosfamily:anddebtobligation,143;

andHaciendaSacabamba,190-91;

ownshaciendas,187

BeniandColoniasDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);

importsandexportsof,110(3.7)

Bienesdeinstrucción:statelandsinCochabambaDepartmentas,82

Blanco,Federico:onHaciendaQuirquiavi,70;

onproductivity,11;

ontranshumance,183

Bondmarket:relatedtocreditmarketgrowth,142-43

Bourbonreforms:andcorporateproperty,56

Bureaucracy:andexportearnings,107;

andfiscaldebility,93,and

fiscalgrowth,93-95;

andinternaleconomy,124

Cadastralsurveys:of1924,118,119-20,169;

ofproperties,146(4.3)

CalaCala:agriculturalproductionin,13;

haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);

privatepropertyin,167,168(5.1);

tributariesin,68

Calliri,Cantón:landusein,14

Camperoadministration:fearsChileaninvasion,102;

andWarofthePacifictreaty,100,102

Campero:haciendasdominate,181;

propertiesin,139(4.1)

Canedofamily:aslandbuyersandspeculators,82

Cano,Toribio:backsanti-clericalpolicies,85;

buyschurchlands,62;

buysHaciendaCollpa,174

Capinota:communitylandof,67,68,75(2.5);

flourmillsin,122;

landtenurein,180;

inreducción,27;

residentsinValleAlto,25;

tributariesin,69(2.4)

Capitalaccumulation:bypeasants,75,77,166

Capuchinnuns:acquireruralproperties,62-63;

propertylossof,84

Caraza:landtenurestructurein,180-81

Caudillos:andeconomy,92;

andpoliticalinstability,91

CensosandCapellanías:andforeclosure,51-52;

andlandsales,196;

valueof,50-51

Censos:cancellationof,62;

anddebtfunding,84;

andhaciendasales,49-50;

andlandrental,52;

redemptionof,59,64-65,84;

valueof,34,59,60,61(2.2)

Census:ofdispersedsettlement,27;

tribute,67,69

CentralValleydistricts:propertydivisionin,204-10(Appendix1)

CercadoProvince:agriculturalproductionin,13;

haciendasin,139;

landreclassificationin,138;

landtenurein,202;

propertiesin,52,139(4.1),167,168(5.1);

tributariesin,68

CerrodePasco:silver-miningexpandsin,43

Chácaras:createdbyInca,24;

ofOndegardos,32;

inValleBajo,33,34

Challa,Canton:communitylandsin,68,75(2.5);

pro-indivisotenurein,81

Challacollo:landdistributionof,27

Challani:Crespofamilylandin,185

ChallomaGrande,Hacienda:buyersof,80;

communitylandsalesof,80;

incomesourcesof,162;

Indiansbuy,70

Changolla:alcoholfactoriesandproductionin,114

ChapareProvince:colonosin,164(4.12);

landsalesin,149(4.6);

latifundioin,186;

smallholdingsin,178

Chayanta:communitylandlossin,86;

andChileanwheattrade,96;

peasantrevoltin,87

Chichaproduction:corncropusedin,114,116(310);

asminifundioproblemsolution,155;

taxon,120

Chile:exportsof,103;

financialstresseson,102;

freetradeagreementwith,96;

landtenurestructureof,196-97;

tradewithBolivia,104-105(3.4);

inWarofthePacifictreaty,100

Chimba,Hacienda:houseof,125(il.)

Chimboate:communitylandsin,75(2.5)

Chullpas,Hacienda:ownershipandpartitionof,153-55

Chuquisaca:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);

communitylandlossin,86;

importsandexportsof,109(3.6),110(3.7);

peasantrevoltsin,87

Churchproperty:alienationof,84-85;

inCochabambaDepartment,64(2.3);

HaciendaSacabambaas,191;

retentionof,63-64;

salesof,61-62,64-66;

ofsecularparishes,63-64

Churchwealth:financialbasefor,59-60;

liberalattackson,57-66

Classinterests:andfreetradequestion,96

Clergy,regular:inCochabamba,60(2.1);

incomeof,59-61(2.2);

liberaloppositionto,60

ClizaProvince:colonosin,164(4.12);

cornproductionin,173;

haciendapartitionin,153-155;

landtaxesin,118;

minifundioin,175;

socialtensionin,155

Cliza,Hacienda:areaof,155;

salesanddivisionof,65-66,155,157-159;

valueof,60

Cliza:agriculturalproductivityof,13-14;

alcoholproductionin,114;

HaciendaClizasoldin,65-66,155;

landtaxesin,119;

sindicatosconflictin,177

Coca:comparativeproductionof,14,15

CochabambaCity:administersstatelands,81-83;

Chileanflourin,106;

ChurchofSantaClarain,134(il.);

churchpropertylossin,62-63;

andcommunitylandsales,75;

andfreetradeagreement,102;

HaciendaChimbahousein,125(il.);

landreclassificationin,138;

nunsofacquireland,62-63;

religiousin,59;

regulars'incomein,61(2.2);

Salamancafamilyin,160;

tributariesin,68

CochabambaDepartment:agriculturalcrisisin,115-16,118-23;

andalcoholindustry,108-16;

alcoholproductionin,111,113,114;

altiplanomarketsfor,45;

bienesdeinstrucciónin,82;

churchpropertyin,62,63,84;

churchwealthin,59;

colonosin,163,164(4.12);

andcommunityland,58,70-81;

corncropusein,116(3.10);

economicstagnationin,107;

economictransformationof,92;

vinculaciónin,81;

farmers'interestsin,123;

foreclosuresin,116-18;

grainandalcoholproductionandsalesin,111,112(3.8),113,114-16;

importsandexportsof,107,108,109(3.6),110(3.7),123;

andlanddivision,5,7,137-42,166;

landlossin,62,151;

andlandtenure,34,52,79-81,86-87,137-66,167-94;

mapof,2;

innationaleconomy,107-8;

peasantrevoltsin,87;

peasantsbuylandin,89;

populationof,68;

servicetenantryin,161-62;

smallholdersin,87;

stateestanciassalesin,82-83;

tradeof,45-46

Cochabambafarmingcommission:economicreformproposals,119

Cochabambaflour:competes,106,107;

consumptionof,97;

innationaleconomy,107

Cochabambagrain:marketdeclines,44;

producersinnationaleconomy,107

Cochabambaregion:agriculturalproductionof,8-16;

communitiesin,66-67;

encomiendasin,30-32;

estatesin,52;

grainproductionin,39;

haciendasandchácarasin,34,

35(1.3);

Incassettle,23-25;

mapof,2,9;

migrationto,28;

populationof,25;

reducciónin,25;

tributariesin,30-31

Coins,debased:economicuseof,93;

mintingends,96

Colcapirhua:communitylandsin,68,74,75(2.5);

privatepropertiesin,168(5.1)

Collpa,Hacienda:casestudyof,174;

landtenurestructurein,176(5.6)

Collpapampa,Hacienda:divisionandsaleof,160

Colomi,Cantón:casestudyof,186-87;

landtenurestructurein,187,188(5.14);

landtransactions,220-21(Appendix4);

latifundiodominancein,186

Colomi,Estancia:divisionofandspeculationon,186

Colomi:smallholdingsin,178;

tributariesin,68

Colonialstate:internaldistributionofcommunitylands,66-67;

tributeincreases,67

Colonias:inexportsector,108;

Colonos:inCochabambaDepartment,164(4.12);

conditionsof,166;

ashaciendalaborers,38,166;

becomelandowners,159,173;

organize,157;

revolt,165;

risingexpectationsof,166;

statusandnumbersof,163.

SeealsoMitayos,Servicetenants;Servicetenantry;Yanaconas

Composicióndetierras:toalienatelands,32;

ofcommunitylands,33-34;

consolidateslandholdings,195;

incorporatecommunities:29;

forHaciendaPaucarpata,34;

andreduccion,26

Comunitarios:communitylandrightsof,87;

andlandpetitions,68;

landtitleof,74.SeealsoForasteros;Originarios;Tributaries

Condebamba,Hacienda:valueof,34

Conservativepolicies:asreactiontoliberalregimes,56,57

Consolidacióndevalesreales:implementationof(1804),56

Cornproduction:andalcoholproduction,109,111,114-16;

boom-and-bust,92;

comparative,11,13-14;

underIncas,23,24;

andmortgages,116;

andpricedrop,115-16;

taxeson,95;

inValleAlto,173

Corn:Argentine,115;

inCochabamba,107;

comparativeuseof,114,116(3.10);

exportedbyCochabamba,47;

inPotosimarket,39,42;

pricesof,42,50,116,118,146;0

salesof,114-16;

taxon,119-20;

inValleBajo,11

Corporatecommunities:inIncaperiod,23-25;

liberaloppositionto,57;

legalrecognitionof,74;

survivalof,53

Corporatecommunityland;alienationof,29,33,85,86,87-88;

buyersof,75,77(2.7),85-86;

inCochabambaDepartment,75(2.5);

disputesover,69;

expropriationof,70-71;

undervinculación,73,74-79,81,85-89;

fragmentationof,172;

governmentpolicyon,70-81;

mapof,71;

nonexistant,178;

redistributionof,68-70;

returnedtopublicdomain,81;

reversalofsalesof,88;

andsalesof,72-73,74-81,85-89;

stateregulationof,66-81;

tenureof,5,70,72-74,79-80,86-88;

inValleBajo,30.SeealsoStatelands

Corporateownership:liberaloppositionto,56-58

Corregidores:andtributecollection,30

Creditmarket:growthof,142-43;

andlandmarkets,142-43;

landtenure,142-48;

inMexico,143-44

Crespofamily:landtransactionsof,218-19(Appendix3);

ownland,183,184-85

Crespo,Genaro:landownerinAyopayaandValleBajo,18;

rentsland,15

Crisis,economic:andecologicalcrisis,20-21;

andhaciendatenure,169,171,179;

andprivateproperties,167.

SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s);Debtcrisis

Crisis,mortality:epidemicsin,18;

reductionoftributaries,68

Crisis,subsistence:16-19;

affectsdemographyandprofitability,16;

affectshaciendas,50-52.SeealsoDebtcrisis

Cropdisaster:anddebtsales,146;

andlandtenureinstability,143;

andmortalitycrisis,18

Crown:attemptstocurbencomenderos,31,32;

credittominingentrepreneursby,43

Dalence,Joséonimportsandexports,108

Daza,GeneralHilarión:removalfrompower,102

Debtcrisis:andbanks,117-18;

andcornprices,116,118;

foreclosuresin,118;

andgovernment,124;

andhaciendasales,179;

andhaciendatenure,160;

andlandsales,124;

proposedsolutionsfor,11.

SeealsoAgriculturalcrisis(1890s);Agriculturalcrisis(1920s);Crisis,economic

Debtstructure:relatedtolandtenurestructure,142-48

Debt:cancellationsof,117(3.11);

increasein,146;

obligationsof,144;

andownershipretention,147;

andpropertysales,117,144-46,178,187,194;

ofselectedproperties,147(4.4),148(4.5)

Demography:changein,192;

andlaborrelations,5;

mortalitycrisisaffects,18-19

Depression,economic:andalcoholconsumption,113;

effectsreturnmigration,175-76

Deslinde:effectoncommunitylanddistribution,69

Dorsey,Joseph:onlandmarketgrowthinCochabamba,140

Drought:affectsagriculturalproductivity,8,13;

anddemandforproduce,15;

opensmarkets,97;

andmortalitycrisis,17-18;

affectsprofitabilityandtenure,16;

intwentiethcentury,20

Ecology:relatedtoeconomiccrisis,20-21;

relatedtolandvaluesandproductivity,10

Economicliberalism:causesriot,19

Economicpolicy:free-tradevs.protectionism,91;

protectionist,95-96

Economy,international:effectonminingindustry,19-20

Economy,interregional:andfreetrade,96;

Potosiin,3

Economy,national:exportsectorof,107;

andfreetrade,96;

integrationof,91,92-95;

recoveryof,93;

regional,92;

stagnant,92-93;

tradebalancein,108;

transformationof,91-92.

SeealsoImport-exporteconomy

Economy,Peruvian:growthofexportsectorin,45-46

Elite:compositionof,172;

andfamilylandtransactions,185;

incomesourcesof,150;

investmentandinheritance,148-50;

ownsmallparcels,184

Encomenderos,30-32

Encomiendas:incolonialsociety,29-32;

declineof,32;

ethniccom-

positionof,31;

forminelabor,40;

restrictionson,30;

inValleBajo,32.

SeealsoRepartimientos

Entail:abolished,150

Esquilan,Hacienda:alienatedunderagrarianreform,84

Estancias,Vacas:rentalof,81-82;

servicetenantsrent,83;

sindicatoon,83

Estancias:casestudyof,194;

formationof,80;

inheritancedivides,186;

numbersof,187;

inParedon,187;

rentalof,81-82;

salesof,150-51

Ethnicgroups:resettlementunderIncas,23-25

Ex-vinculación,lawof(1874):inCochabambaDepartment,58,81;

oncommunitylands,73,81,172;

comparedwithMexico,87-88;

andcorporatecommunities,7,57,85;

andfincas,172;

haciendasafter,86,140;

andmarketgrowth,140;

onpeasantland,89;

andprivateproperties,74,167;

provisionsof,79,87;

inQuirquiavi,79-80

Exportsector:majorareasof,108;

innationaleconomy,107;

supportedbygovernment,123-24

Export-importmodel:asproblemtoday,123

Exports:Chilean,99(3.2),103;

fromCochabambatoPeru,45;

promoteeconomicintegration,91

Farmers:affectedbyrailroadconstruction,93

Farmingcommission,Cochabamba:onalcoholproduction,119;

onfreightrates,118;

ontaxstructure,119

Fincas:fromcommunitylands,169,172;

creationof,78;

numbersof,34

Flour,Cochabamba:competitionwithimports,107;

consumptionof,97;

innationaleconomy,107

Flour,imported:inBolivia,103;

Chilean,97,103,106;

impactof,106;

sourcesof,106-7

Flour-millingindustry,national:creationof,120-123;

effectoneconomy,123;

andexistingmills,122;

usesdomesticandimportedwheat,123.

SeealsoWheatproduction

Foodprices:inmortalitycrisis,17,18

Forasteros:incensuses,69;

incorporatecommunities,29;

ashaciendalaborers,35-36;

numbersof,36,66-67;

receivecommunityland,67-70;

inValleBajo,28-29.

SeealsoComunitarios;Originarios;Tributaries

Foreclosure:andbankcrisis,118;

bybanksormoneylenders,144;

effectonhaciendas,51-52,178,179;

spatialdistributionof,146

Freetrade:agreement,96-102;

andChileanwheatimports,97-107;

andclassinterests,96;

Cochabambaeconomyunder,92;

andlandmarket,140;

partisansof,91;

reasonsforandagainst,96

Gasca,Viceroydela:andtasas,30

Governmentpolicy:onagricultureandinternaleconomy,123-24;

oncorporatecommunitylands,5,70-81;

andeconomicintegration,91;

onexports,123;

andlandtenure,55-74,79,81,84,85,87-89;

andmining,44.

SeealsoAnti-communitypolicies

Governmentrevenues:fromalcohol,109;

fromcustoms,102;

ineconomicdepression,95;

andtinandalcoholproduction,111;

sourcesof,94-95,109;

fromwheattariff,121

Government,Conservative:supportssilverminingmodernization,94

Government,national:orderscommunitylandredistribution,68;

insubsistencecrisis,20-21

Grain:comparativeproductionof,11,13,14,193;

andimport-exporteconomy,8;

marketdeclines,44;

marketprotectionends,96;

innationaleconomy,107;

andPeruviantrade,46;

pricesof,47,48(1.4)-53;

productiondeclines,41;

productionprotectionof,91;

productivityof,8;

salesof,45,46-47,194;

urbandemandfor,53

Guatemala:agrarianreformin,202

Gutiérrez]Guerra,PresidentJosé(1917-1920):proposesmolassesimports,111-12

HaciendaChullpas:fragmentationof,154;

peasantsownparcelson,154-55

Haciendainstability:relatedtocreditanddebt,142-47;

factorsin,47-52;

ofHaciendaLaAbra,178;

inhighlands,182-94;

andlandsales,172;

inMizque,194;

inParedón-Izata,189;

inSipeSipe,169-70;

inValleAlto,173-77;

andwheatflourimports,191

Haciendalabor:evolutionof,195,196,198,199,200,201,202;

factorsmodifying,5;

formsof,35-38;

scarcityof,35;

servicetenantryas,161-62;

structureof,195-96;

yanaconasas,35-36.

SeealsoServiceTenantry

Haciendaowners:asrentierclass,5,36,39-40,197;

comparedwithIndia,197-98

HaciendaTucsapucyo:divisionandsalesof,178-79

Haciendas:inAyopaya,182-3;

disintegrationof,140;

dominatein,181,193-94;

andecologicalzones,182;

andeconomicinstability,150;

evolutionof,4-5,39,52-53,195-96;

expansionof,87;

formationof,25,32,33,53,85,86,172;

incomesourcesfor,162;

andindigenouscommunities,85;

laborrelationson,161-62,166,200(SeealsoServiceTenantry);

inMexico,88;

numbersof,34,35(1.3),177,180(5.9),183,187-88;

ownershipof,151,152(4.7),197-98;

inParedon,187-93;

partitioncasestudiesof,153-59;

partitionof,5,137-66,167,150-59,169-72,173,174,177-80,188;

peasantson,77;

productionon,42-43,183;

productivityof,53;

remaining,202;

sabotageon,120;

salesof,151,153;

sharecroppingon,163-64;

inSipeSipe,169-170,171(5.3);

sizeof,139;

stabilityof,52;

insubsistencecrisis,50-52;

inValleAlto,173;

valueof,34

Highlanddistricts:agriculturein,14;

landtenurein,180-94;

servicetenantsin,164;

smallholdingsin,180

Historiography:ofSouthernAndes,3-4;

theoryin,4

Huanchaca:railroadopens,103

Huaqui,Cantón,haciendasof,86

Ideology:Liberalvs.conservative,56-57

Import-exporteconomy:effectongrainproducers,7-8;

emergenceof,91.SeealsoEconomy,national

Importsandexports:bydepartment,109(3.6),110(3.7)

Imports:fromChile,103,106(3.5);

aseconomicindicator,108;

food,123;

in1900s,103

Incaperiod,23-25

India:agrarianstructureof,197

Indian:asobstacletoprogress,72

Infrastructure:andagriculture,123-124;

andeconomicintegra-

tion,91-92;

improvementof,120;

andmining,94.

SeealsoRailroads;Roadsandrailroads

IngaviProvince:haciendasof,86

Inheritance:affectshaciendatenure,4;

lawof,150;

partible,150;

inpropertydivision,150,169,170-71,178,183,186,188,189,204-10(Appendix1)

Instability,political:relatedtoeconomy,92;

reasonsfor,91

Integration,national:governmenteffortstoward,93;

independenceperiod,92

Intendants:distributecommunitylands,67

Interests,regional:effectonalcoholpolicy,110-12

Inventories,estate:reflectinvestmentpatterns,148

Investmentpatterns:agriculturallandin,148,150;

inestateinventories,148;

andprofitability,148

Irpalrpalanddispute,69

Irrigation:asfactorinproductivity,10

Itapaya:communitylandsin,68,75(2.5)

Itocta:haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);

landuseof,13;

tributariesin,68

Izata,Canton:landtenurestructurein,192(5.18)

Jesuits:ashaciendaownersincolonialperiod,69

Jordanfamily:ownsHaciendaSacabamba,187,189-90

Kekoma:agriculturallandsin,127(il.);

haciendahousein,128(il.)

KhalaLlusta,Hacienda:divisionof,188;

Kurakas:asalliesofencomenderos,24;

powerof,26

LaAbra,Hacienda:casestudyof,178;

landtenurestructurein,178,181(5.10)

LaPazDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);

communitiesdisappearfrom,85;

communitylandalienationin,73,74;

haciendasof,86;

importsandexportsof,103,106,108,109(3.6),110(3.7);

mesasrevisitadoresin,79-80;

regularsin,84

LaPaz:alcoholproductionin,111;

Chileanflourin,106;

consumesChileanflour,97;

importsChileanwheat,96

Labordraft.SeeMita

Labor:colonialevolutionof,195-96;

onhaciendas,52-53,87,166,200;

migrationin,52-53;

inmines,40,41;

organizationof,25(seealsoSindicatos);

pongueaje,38;

scarcityof,38;

valueof,52.

SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje

Landcommissions:SeeMesasrevisitadores

Landsales:inAyopaya,183-85;

buyers'professions,153;

inCantonColomi,186-87;

inCantonIzata,188-89;

inCantonPalca,183-85;

fordebt,146;

indebtcrisis,124;

factorsof,49-52;

foreclosureand,52;

foreconomicneed,144;

ofHaciendaChullpas,154-56(4.8);

ofHaciendaCliza,158(4.9);

ofHaciendaViloma&Vilomilla,171;

ofhaciendas,155,169,188;

increasein,140-42,188;

ofIndalecioGalvarro,194(5.20);

ofparcels,140-41,154,155,157;170;

topeasants,140,159,162;

public,145(4.2),149(4.6);

toservicetenants,162;

sizepatternof,154-55;

andsocial

mobility,159;

inValleBajo,51(1.5)

Landspeculation:inEstanciaColomi,186;

ofHaciendaLaAbra,178;

ofHaciendaChullpas,157;

instatelands,82-83

Landtax:introduced,193;

reflectsoverevaluation,118;

replacestithes,74

Landtenurepattern:inCochabamba,34,86-87;

relatedtocolonos,164;

changeinhaciendas,150-59;

ofpeasants,162;

inQuirquiavi,79-80;

inSipeSipe,78,169;

inValleBajo,33,34

Landtenurestructure:changesinValleAlto,173;

ofChile,196-97;

consolidationinAyopaya,183;

ofCantónColomi,187,188(5.14);

ofCantónIzata,189,192(5.18);

ofCantónPalca,185(5.13);

ofCantónParedón,189,191(5.17);

ofCantónSacaba,182(5.11);

ofCantónSipeSipe,173(5.4);

ofCantónTolata,177(5.7);

andcreditanddebt,142-48;

ofHaciendaAnocaraire,170(5.2);

ofHaciendaKhalaLlusta,190(5.16);

ofHaciendaLaAbra,178,181(5.10);

ofHaciendaLlallahuani,189(5.15);

ofHaciendaMamataandHaciendaCollpa,176(5.6);

ofHaciendaTucsapucyo,179;

ofHaciendaVilomayVilomilla,170(5.2);

ofhaciendas,169-72;

ofMizqueProvince,193(5.19)-94;

ofPandojaandPocpocoho,161(4.10);

ofPocpocollo,163(4.11);

variesinvalleysandhighlands,137

Landtenure:afteragrarianreform,202;

inCalaCala,13;

casestudies,167-94;

changein,167-72,173,177-80;

inCochabamba,7,47-52,137-66;

relatedtocolonos,164;

ofcorporatecommunities,5;

evolutionof,195-96;

governmentpolicyon,55-74,79,81,84-85,87-89;

relatedtograinmarket,40,47,48-52;

ofhighlanddistricts,180-94;

relatedtoIndianmigration,52-53;

liberalreformsof,7,57-58;

marketsaffect,7,39-53;

non-economicfactorsaffect,8;

ofpeasants,162;

inPocpocollo,163(4.11);

andpoliticalhistory,175-77;

inSipeSipe,77-79,169-72;

smallholdersdominate,202;

stabilityof,52;

transformationof,44,69-70,183-86

Landtransactions:inCantónColomi,220-21(Appendix4);

ofCrespofamily,218-19(Appendix3)

Landvalues:inCalaCala,13;

comparedwithencomienda,52-53;

decreaseof,117;

deflationof,116;

factorsinriseof,10;

increaseof,142

Land:agriculturallanddivision,138(seealsoAgriculturalland);

debtsalesin,144;

disputesofsubsistenceplots,155;

distributionunderIncas,24-25;

foreclosuresindebtcrisis,116-18;

grantsof,32,33;

lossof,183;

losstoSpaniards,26-27;

marketfor,140-42;

newclassofowner,172;

forpasturerental,186;

peasantsbuy,139;

preventionofloss,52;

qualitydeterminesvaluesandproductivity,10-11;

reclassificationduetourbangrowth,138;

inreducciones,26;

relatedtomestizaje,191-93;

rental,198;

rentalrelatedtoforeclosure,52;

Salamancadivisionof,211-17(Appendix2)

Larson,Brooke:4,7,33,36,39-40,41,44,50,52-53,197

Latifundio:consolidationof,138;

dominanceof,184,186

Laws:NewLawsof1542(encomienda),30;

of1826(churchprop-

erty),61-63;

of1831(censosredemption),65;

of1857(communityland),68;

of1866(communityland),72,73;

of1880(pro-indivisotenure),74;

of1900(bienesdeinstrucción),82;

of1918(alcoholimports),111;

oninheritance,150

Lawofex-vinculación:SeeEx-vinculación,lawof

LazarteyMolina,VisitadorGeneralFrancisco:distributeslandtoreduccion,26

Legislation:anti-community,70-74,79,81;

foreconomicrecovery,120-21

Leonard,Olen:ondeclineofpeasanteconomy,155

LetrasHipotecarias:SeeBondmarket

Liberalgovernments:supporttinmining,94-95

Liberalparty:anticlericalismunder,66;

andsalesofstatelands,82-83

Liberalpoliticians:buycommunitylands,86;

self-enrichmentunderanti-communitylaws,83

Liberalpolicies:55-60,84-89;

anticlerical,59-63,65-70;

andconservativeideology,56-57;

divisivenessof,60;

onlandtenure,7,57-58,84-89;

limitedimpactof,57;

ofMexicoandBolivia,57,84-89;

opposecorporateownership,56-58

Liberalstate:evolutionof,92-95

Liquinas,Hacienda:foreclosuresaleof,143

LittoralDepartment:asChileanmarket,97,103;

occupationbyChile,99;

undertheWarorthePacifictreaty,100,102;

wheattradeof,96

Livestock:inValleAlto,25

Llallahuani,Hacienda:landtenurestructureof,189(5.15);

subdivisionof,188

Location:asfactorinlandvalueandproductivity,10-11

Londo,Hacienda:valueof,34

Mallcorrancho:populationof,27;

landdivisionof,78

Mamata,Hacienda:casestudyof,174;

Mansanani,Hacienda:cropsof,182

Market,interregional:breakdownof,41;

transformationof,46

Markets,urban:affectcommunityland,5;

affecteconomy,39;

andminelabor,41;

encourageproductivity,8

Markets:instabilityaffectslowproductivity,8;

andlandtenure,4,39-53;

local,forcornproducers,115

Matarani,Hacienda:houseof,128(il.),129(il.);

ownedbyCrespos,185

Melgarejoadministration(1864-1871):communitylandsunder,69,73;

implementsfreetrade,96;

resistancetolandprogram,73;

effectonlandsales,72-23,140

Melgarejo,PresidentMariano:fallfrompower,73,85

Mendoza:smallholdingsin,178

Mesasrevisitadores:distributetitlestocommunitylands,74;

suspendactivities,88;

workof,79-80

Mestizaje:relationtoeconomiccrisis,191-92;

andsmallholders,193.

SeealsoSocialchange

Mexico:anticlericalprogramof,84-85;

anti-communitylawsin,87-88;

corporatecommunitylandtenurein,5;

landalienationin,88;

liberalreformsin,57

Migration:andencomiendadecline,3;

roleinlandtenureandlabor,52-53;

toandfromValleAlto,175-76

Minifundio:increaseof,178;

problemsof,155;

proliferationof,167,173;

inValleAlto,175

Miningentrepreneurs:promotefreetrade,91

Mining:Chilean,97;

dependenceupon,19-20;

asfactorin1910riot,20;

ingovernmentrevenues,94-95;

modernizationsupportfor,94;

stagnationof,93.

SeealsoSilvermining;Tinmining

Mita:declines,41;

establishmentof,30;

forminelabor,40,43;

ofPotosi,28;

suspensionof,43.

SeealsoHaciendalabor;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje

Mitayos:declineof,28.

SeealsoColonos,Servicetenants;Yanaconas

Mitimaes,24,25

Mitmaq:inValleBajo,24

MizqueProvince:agriculturalproductionin,15,193;

forasterosin,28;

haciendasin,181;

landtenurestructurein,193(5.19)-94;

originariosin,28;

propertiesin,139(4.1)reduccionesof,26(1.1);

resettlementof,24;

Spanishattackedin,25

MNR:implementsagrarianreform,176;

oppositionto,200

MolleMolle,Hacienda:dividedareaof,170

Moneylenders:initiateforeclosures,144

Montes,Ismael:buyscommunitylands,83,86;

supportsalcoholmonopoly,110

Montesillo,Hacienda:servicetenantryon,161-62

Moralesadministration(18701872):returnscommunitylands,73

Mortgage:anddebtcancellations,117(3.11);

onlargeproperties,146,190-191;

underliberalreformers,56;

relatedtocornproduction,116

Nationaleconomies,Andean:integrationintoworldmarket,91

Obrajes:encomenderosinto,32

Oligarchy:economicandpoliticaloutlookof,92;

supportedbyexportearnings,107

Ondegardo,Geronimode:composicióndetierrasby,31,32;

aslandowner,32

Ondegardo,JuanPolode:alienatesland,32;

asencomendero,3

Originarios:incensus,69;

incorporatecommunities,29,68-69(2.4),70;

declinein,27-28,67;

forasterosbecome,67-70;

landdistributedto,70;

landusurpationby,6;

aslandowners,80;

relationshiptoforasteros,29;

astributaries,36;

SeealsoComunitarios;Forasteros;Tributaries

Oruro:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);

Cochabambaproductsin,45;

communitiesdisappearfrom,85;

communitylandin,74;

consumesgrain,43;

inexportsector,108;

forasterosin,36;

haciendasin,86,139;

importsandexportsof,109(3.6),110(3.7);

importsflour,103;

regularsin,84;

resistencetomesasrevisitadoresin,79-80

Pacajes:communitylandsalesof,73

Paiacollo(SipeSipecommunity):landdivisionof,78;

populationof,27

Pairumani,Hacienda:agriculturallandsof,125(il.)

Palata,ViceroyDuquedela:reformstributesystem,66-67

Palca,Cantón:casestudyof,182-86;

landsalesin,183-85;

landtenurein,183,185(5.13);

landtransactionsin,218-19(Appendix3).

SeealsoAyopayaHighlands

PandojaandPocpocollo:landtenurein,161(4.10);

Salamancalandsin,160,161;

SeealsoPocpocollo

Paredón:agriculturallandsin,130(il.),131(il.);

casestudyof,187-93;

economicactivitiesin,187;

haciendaforeclosurein,143;

haciendahousesin,128(il.),129(il.),130(il.);

landtenurestructurein,161(4.10),191(5.17);

peasanttenurepatternin,162;

Salamancasloselandin,161;

tributariesdeclinein,68

Passo,Encomienda:ethniccompositionof,31;

passedtosecondgeneration,31

Passo:communitylandsalienatedin,29,34,67,68,74;

communitylandsin,75(2.5);

haciendasin,52;

hamletsin,27;

landtenurestructurein,161(4.10);

mitayosin,28;

peasantmeetingin,201;

peasanttenurein,162;

privatepropertiesin,168(5.1);

reduccionesin,26(1.1)asrepartimiento,24;

Salamancalandsin,160;

tributariesleave,26

Pasture:inValleBajo,13;

rentalinAyopaya,15,16,183,186

Patiño,Simon:managesalcohol

monopoly,110;

ownscasa-quinta,13

Paucarpata,Hacienda:chacaraascoreof,32;

formationof,34;

salesof,153,160

PazEstenssoro,Victor:takespower(1952),200

PazSoldánfamily:ownsHaciendaCollpa,62,174

Peasantleagues:inGuatemala,202;

SeealsoSindicatos

Peasants:buyland,162,166;

capitalaccumulationby,75,77,165,166;

deniedlandgrantchallenges,33;

invadehaciendas,177;

landholdingsof,173;

aslandowners,7,58,78-79,137,154;

landownershippatternof,162;

lossofsubsistencelandby,87;

nonexistence,of,182,186;

politicizationof,166;

rebelagainsthaciendaowners,165;

resistlandtenurechanges,87;

roleinagrarianreform,200-202;

inruralsociety,137;

statusof,192-93,200-202;

SeealsoPiqueros;Smallholders

Peru:alcoholoftoBolivia,112-13;

exportsflour,103;

exportsof,45;

landtenurein,5;

tradewithChile,99

Piqueros:increaseof,188,189;

aslandownersinSipeSipe,78-79;

inSipeSipe,172.

SeealsoPeasants;Smallholders

Pitutacommunity:landlossin,86

Platt,Tristán:onwheatimportsandprotectedmarkets,96

Poconaworkers:herdlivestock,25

Pocona:communitylandsin,67,75(2.5);

forasterosin,28;

landdistributionof,27;

originariosin,28;

reduccionesof,26(1.1);

repartimientosin,31;

resettlementof,24;

Spanishattackedin,25;

tributariesin,31

Pocpocollo:landtenurestructureof,163(4.11);

peasanttenurepatternin,162.

SeealsoPandojaandPocpocollo

Pol,Manuel:sellsHaciendaPaucarpata,160;

sellshaciendashares,153

Pongueaje:abolished,200;

SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Servicetenantry;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje

Population:declinein,41;

dispersalof,25-28;

Indiandeclinein,68;

instabilityof,27;

inValleBajo,26(1.1)

Porfiriato:landtenurepatternschangeunder,88

Potatoesandtubers:comparativeproductionof,11,13-15,193;

saleof,194

PotoPoto:createdbyInca,24

PotosiDepartment:communitylandalienationin,86;

communitylanddivisionresistancein,74;

inexportsector,108;

importsandexportsin,109(3.6),110(3.7);

mesasrevisitadoresin,79-80

Potosi:ineconomicdevelopment,3;

inexportsector,108;

forasterosin,36;

importsof,103;

silverminingin,40;

asurbanmarket,39,40-45

Primicias:replacedbylandtax,74

Privateproperties:divisionof,204-10(Appendix1),211-27(Appendix2);

increaseof,167,173-74,183,186,187;

numbersof,52,137-38,139(4.1),168(5.1),175(5.5),179(5.8),

184(5.12)

Pro-indivisotenure:79-81,88;

ininheritance,150;

lawpermitting,74;

lawandWarofthePacific,85

Punata:agriculturalproductivityin,13;

minifundioin,175;

tributariesin,68

QueruQueruHacienda:divisionplanof,136(il.)

Quillacollo:alcoholproductionin,114;

flourmillsin,122;

haciendaownershipin,152(4.7),haciendasalesin,153;

landrentalin,147-48;

landsalesin,77;

landtaxesin,119;

landtenurein,202;

propertiesin,139(4.1),167,168(5.1);

suyosin,171

Quirogafamily:buyscommunity

lands,172;

ownssuyos,171

Quirquiavi,Hacienda:divisionsin,69-70

Quirquiavi:communitylandsin,69-70;75(2.5),80,81;

landtenurein79-80;

statelandsin,82,83(2.9)

Railroadsandroads:effectonregionalcornproduction,115;

andWarofthePacifictreaty,102

Railroads:andCochabambaagriculture,92,108;

andCochabambacornsales,115;

effectoneconomy,92,93,102;

expansioninMexico,88;

facilitatesflourimports,106;

freightrateslowered,119-120;

asimportroute,46,103;

affectmarkets,41;

andminingmodernization,94;

andpeasantrepression,89;

andstatelandrental,82

Rawmaterials:inimport-exporteconomy,91

Reducción:established,25;

ethnicrelationsin,25-26;

populationdispersalafter,27;

inValleBajo,25-26(1.1)

Reformpolitics(1930s-1950s):andhaciendastructure,176

Rejas,SenatorDamián:proposalsforeconomicrecovery,120;

resistancetolandtaxes,118

Religiousorders:alienationoflandsof,58-66;

declineof,84;

numbersof,59

Religiousorders,female:anti-clericallawsimpact,84;

economicviabilityof,66;

landlossby,84;

landrentalreduction,64-65;

landsalesby,65-66;

propertiesof,64(2.3);

propertyacquired,62-63;

survivalof,63,85

Religiousorders,male:propertiesof,62-64(2.3)

Repartimientos:createdinValleBajo,24;

escheatmentofinUpperPeru,31.

SeealsoEncomiendas

Republicangovernment:redistributescommunitylands,67-70

Resistance:toagrarianreform,201;

tolanddivision,73,74,80,85;

tolandtaxes,118-20;

toSpanishrule,24;

toSpanishsettlement,25

Resistance,peasant:inAyopaya,89;

lackof,89;

tolandtenurechangesinMexicoandBolivia,87,88

Revenues,government:sourcesof,93-94;

fromtribute,67

Revolts:of1910,19;

ofpeasants,8,73,87;

ofTupacAmaru-TupacKatari,49-50

Rodríguez,Gustavo:oncommunityland,74;

onelite,148;

theoryof,197;

onWarofPacifictreaty,98,100

Saavedra,PresidentBautista(1921-1925):onalcoholimportation,111;

onprohibitionofgrainalcohol,112

Sacaba:agriculturalproductionin,11,15;

declineoftributariesin,68;

flourmillsin,122;

haciendaownershipin,152(4.7);

haciendasin,25,177-78,180(5.9);

incomesourcesforhaciendain,162;

landsalesin,141;

landtenurein,177-80,182(5.11);

Salamancasloselandin,161;

smallholdingsin,178

Sacabamba,Hacienda:divisionof,189-91;

landsof,130(il.);

ruinsof,130(il.);

foreclosuresaleof,143

Salamancafamily:159-61;

agrarianreformand,161;

buysland,178;

dividesland,160;

employssharecroppers,163;

landexpropriated,201;

landtransactionsof,211-17(Appendix2);

upwardmobilityof,159

Salamanca,ManuelaUreyde:buysHaciendaPaucarpata,153,160;

buysHaciendasSacabamba,191

Salamanca,Octavio:describessubdivision,138;

inheritsPassoland,160;

onsharecropping,163

SanBenito:haciendahousein,126(il.)

SanFrancisco:agriculturallandsat,131(il.)

SantaAnayMolleMolle:populationof,27

SantaClaranuns:haciendasof,188;

landsalesby,66;

respondtosindicatos,176;

sellHaciendaCliza,155

SantaClara,Churchof:inCochabambaCity,134(il.)

SantaCruzDepartment:alcoholproductionin,111,112(3.8);

importsandexportsof,110(3.7);

smallholdersin,139

Sanzeteneafamily:haciendaof,169,170

Sarcobamba,Hacienda:valueof,34

Secularparishes:propertiesof,63-64(2.3)

Servicetenantry:164-65;

comparedtoinquilinaje,38;

evolutionof,196,onhaciendas,5,36,38,161-62;

importanceof,38;

inLatinAmerica,198,99;

moneyrentfrom,162;

inproductioncosts,162.

SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mita;Sharecropping;Yanaconaje

Servicetenants:buyland,162,176;

onhaciendas,87;

landtenureand,164.

SeealsoColonos;Mitayos;Yanaconas

Sharecropping:onhaciendas,163-64.

SeealsoHaciendalabor;Mira;Servicetenantry;Yanaconaje

SicaSica:communitylandsalesin,73

Sicaya:communitylandsof,67;

landdistributionin,27

Siles,PresidentHernando(1926-1930):onagriculturecrisis,

createsflour-millingindustry,122;

investigatesalcoholindustryproblems,113

Silverminingindustry:declineandexpansionof,43;

evolutionof,40;

governmentresponsetocrisisin,123;

ingovernmentrevenues,94;

promotionbyliberalstate,93-94;

reasonsforstagnationof,43-44;

recoveryof,93-94;

andtaxation,93.

SeealsoMining:Tinmining

Silvermonopoly:endof,96;

bygovernment,44;

inpost-independenceperiod,93;

underprotectionism,95

Silverproduction:andagriculturalproduction,40-41;

dropin,41;

effectonhacienda,39;

silverpricecomparedto,94(chart);

taxloweredon,44;

andtradeliberalization,96

Sindicatos:inagrarianreform,201;

begin,155;

ensurelandaccess,176-77;

evolutionof,199-201;

forcesales,159;

aspower-brokers,177;

onVacasestancias,83

SipeSipe:alcoholfactoriesin,114;

casestudyof,77-79;

communitylandin,33,67,73,74-75(2.5),78;

ethnicgroupsin,23;

forasterosin,29;

HaciendaViloma&Vilomillain,171;

haciendasin,52,152(4.7),169-72;

landparcelsizein,79;

landredistributionin,68;

landsalesinarea,79(2.8);

landtenurein,169-73(5.4);

landusurpationin,78;

landvaluesin,142;

Lawofex-vinculacionin,77;

mitayosin,28;

populationin,27,37(map);

reduccionesin,26(1.1);

rentalofmortgagedlandsin,147-48;

repartimientoin,24,31;

residentsinValleAlto,25;

saleofcommunitylandsin,172,sindicatosin,201;

tributariesin,31

Smallholders:priorto1953agrarianreform,139;

inCochabambaDepartment,87;

insufficientlandof,154-55;

paylandtax,193.

SeealsoPiqueros;peasants

Smallholdings:consolidated,202;

ofelites,184,185;

increaseinhighlanddistricts,180-8;

inParedónandIzata,189;

proliferationof,173,174-75,178

Socialchange:decreaseofservicetenants,175;

inelitecomposition,172-73;

andlandloss,159;

andmobility,183

SocialDarwinism:andmortalitycrisis,18;

reinforcesstate-building,85

Socialrelations:factorsdictating,165;

andlandfragmentation,166;

transformationof,161-66

Society,rural:classesin,137;

evolutionof,198-99.

SeealsoMestizaje

Statecontrol:ofcommunitylands,66-70

Statelands:administrationof,81-83;

areaof,83(2.9);

rentalof,81-83;

salesof,82-83

Sucreadministration:anti-clericalprogramof,84-85,88;

desamortizeschurchwealth,7,57;

economicrestrictionsonclergy,61;

impactonreligiousorders,59,61-66;

liberallandreformin,55

Sugar:PeruexportstoChile,99;

productionof,14

Sumunpaya,Hacienda:planofdivision,135(il.)

Suyos:creationof,153;

ofHaciendaSacabamba,189;

ofHaciendaViloma&Vilomilla,171;

ofMolleMOlleinSipeSipe,170;

saleofinHaciendaChullpas,154

Tablas:smallholdingsin,178;

tributariesin,68

Tacna:importsChileanwheat,96

Tacopaya,Canton:communitylandsalesof,80;

landsboughtbyIndians,70

Tapacari:agriculturalproductionin,14;

communitylandsin,68,73,75(2.5),81;

consolidationoflandholdingsin,138;

forasterosin,28;

haciendasdominate,181;

originariosin,28;

pro-indivisotenurein,81;

reduccionesandtributariesin,26(1.1);

statelandsin,82-83(2.9);

tributariesin,31

Tapacari,partidoof:Indianpopulationof,67

Taracopeninsula(LakeTiticaca):alienationofcommunitylandsin,86

Tarata:agriculturalproductionin,15;

agriculturalproductivityof,13;

demographyofmortalitycrisisin,18-19;

haciendadivisionin,174;

haciendaforeclosurein,143;

irrigationin,10;

smallholdingsin,174;

subsistencecrisisin,16-17

Targuani,Hacienda:createdfromcommunitylands,172

TarijaDepartment:alcoholproductionin,112(3.8);

Tasas:abuseof,31;

established,30

Taurani:populationof,27

Taxprotests:duringeconomiccrisis,118-20

Taxation:ofalcoholrelatedtotin,111;

andminingmodernization,94;

andagriculture,123-24.

SeealsoGovernmentrevenues

Tinminers:organizecolonos,157;

organizesindicatos,175-76

Tinmining:declineof,113;

governmentsupportfor,84-95;

peasantsin,77

Tinproduction:relatedtoalcoholtaxation,111;

tinpricecomparedto,95(chart)

Tiquipaya,Encomienda:passedtosecondgeneration,32

Tiquipaya:ayllusin,26;

communitylandsin,33,67,68,74,75(2.5);

ethniccompositionof,26,31;

haciendasin,52;

mitayosin,28;

asrepartimiento;

tributariesleavereduccion,26

Tiraque:declineoftributariesin,68

TiuRancho:landdivisionof,78

Toco:agriculturallandsin,127(il.);

cornproductionin,173

Toco,JuntaAgrícolade:resistancetolandtaxesof,118

Tolata,cantón:cornproductionin,173;

landtenurestructureof,177(5.7);

peasantmassacrein,177;

smallpropertiesin,175

ToledoFranciscode:createsreducciónSipeSipe,77-78;

encomiendagrantsby,31;

escheatsrepartimientos,31;

institutesreduccion,25;

landdistributionby,27;

promotesminingtechnology,40;

regulatesyanaconalabor,35-36

Toro,ColonelDavid(1936-38):supportssindicatos,83,199-200

Totora-Aiquile:forasterosin,28;

originariosin,28;

reduccionesof,26(1.1)

Totora:haciendasdominate,181;

landconcessionsvaluesin,182;

repartimientosandtributariesin,31

Trade,Chilean:declineof,103;

withPeruandBolivia,99,101(3.3);

withminingcenters,103

Trade:expansionof,93;

growthasreasonforliberalization,96

Transportation:andcornpricedrop,115-16;

andhaciendatenure,4;

andregionalcornproduction,115;

andregionalmarkets,41.

SeealsoRailroads

Tributaries:inCantónCapinota,68-69(2.4);

inCochabamba,30-31;

declineof,32;

numbersof,36;

overchargingof,31;

reductionof,68;

inValleBajo,26(1.1);

yanaconasas,35-36.

SeealsoCommunitarios;Forasteros;Originarios

Tribute:abolitionof,193;

inCochabambaregion,25;

collectionof,67;

fromcommunitylands,85;

forgovernmentrevenues,95-96;

afterindependence,67-70;

underliberals,67-69;

innineteenthcentury,93;

underprotectionism,96;

reductionof,31;

rollsfor,169;

valuecomparedwithland,52

Tucsapucyo,Hacienda:casestudyof,178-79;

incomesourcesfor,162;

landtenurestructureof,179,181(5.10)

TupacAmaru-TupacKatari,rebellionof(1781):declineinmitayosduring,28;

andlandsales,49-50

Vacas,Canton:communitylandsreturnedtopublicdomainin,81;

pro-indivisotenurein,81;

statelandsin,83(2.9)

Vacas:areaofcommunitylandsin,75(2.5);

communitylandstoforasteros,67;

landdistributionin,27

ValleAlto:agriculturallandsinCantónToco,127(il.);

agriculturalproductivityof,13;

colonosin,163;

cropproductionin,25;

ethniccompositionof,24-25;

haciendahousein,126(il.);

haciendapartitionin,153-55;

landtenurechangein,173-77;

landvaluesin,118;

marketplacein,127(il.);

migrationandsocialchangein,175-76;

minersorganizesindicatosin,175-76;

propertiesin,52,173-74,175(5.5);

preColumbianpopulationof,173;

resistancetolandtaxesin,118;

smallplotsalesin,174;

socialchangein,175;

tributariesin,68

ValleBajo:agriculturelandsin,125(il.);

agriculturalproductionin,11;

alcoholproductionin,114;

communitylandsalesin,73,74-79;

communitylandsin,30(1.2),67-68,70-81;

conventpropertyin,84;

ethniccompositionof,23-24;

ethnicinstabilityof,24;

flourmillsin,122;

forasterosandoriginariosin,28,67;

haciendainstabilityin,47-52;

haciendaservicetenantryin,161-62;

HaciendaVilomahousein,126(il.);

haciendasin,25;

Indianpopulationof,67;

irrigationin,10;

landsalesin,51(1.5),140-141,142;

landtenurein,34,167-72;

landusurpationin,29;

mapof,12;

andmitaquota,28;

originariosdeclinein,27-28;

peasanttenurepatternin,162;

piquerosincreasein,172;

populationdispersalin,27;

professionsoflandbuyersin,77(2.7);

rentalofstatelandsin,81;

retentionofownershipin,147-48;

Salamancafamilyin,159-161;

settlementpatternin,24;

sindicatosin,201;

smallholdersin,87;

titletocommunitylandsof,73

Viedma,IntendantFranciscode:distributescommunitylandstoforasteros,67;

onruralsocialrelations,164-65

VilladeOropesa:influenceonlandgrants,33

Villarroel,Gualberto:inpower,200

VilomayVilomilla,Hacienda:expropriationof,201;

fragmentationof,169,170-71;

houseof,126(il.);

Vinto:alcoholproductionin,114

WarofthePacific:effectonanticommunitypolicy,88;

effectoncorporatecommunitylands,85;

opensBolivianmarkets,97-106

WarofthePacificTreaty:andfreetradeagreement,100,102;

opensBolivianmarkets,98-100,102-103

Water:asfactorinlandvalueandproductivity,10

Wheatflour:Chileexports,96-107;

effectofimports,92,187,191;

producersprotected,91,120;

inWarofthePacifictreaty,102

Wheatimports:underfreetradeagreement,95-107;

fornewmills,122-23

Wheatproduction:governmentprogramstoexpand,122;

inValleAlto,173;

oppositiontotariffon,121-22;

protectivetariffon,120,122;

stimulationof,120

Wheat:comparativeproduction,11,13-15;

costinPotosi,42;

demandinurbancenters,53;

exportedbyCochabamba,47;

importationunderfreetradeagreement,96-97,99,103,106-7;

andmortalitycrisis,18;

inPotosimarket,39;

pricesinsubsistencecrisis,50;

tradeaffectedbyChileanwheat,96.SeealsoWheatflour

Yanaconaje:diedout,196

Yanaconas:declineofimportance,36;

ashaciendalaborers,35-36;

asminelabor,40;

astributaries,35-36.

SeealsoColonos;Mitayos;Servicetenantry;Servicetenants

Yungas:forasteropopulationin,36;

landconcessionsin,182;

landdevelopmentgrantsin,181;

latifundioin,181-82;

producescoca,15

regional markets and agrarian transformation in bolivia: cochabamba, 1539-1960

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