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Stem-initial Prominence in West and Central Africa: Niger-Congo, areal, or both?FLORIAN LIONNET (PRINCETON UNIVERSITY)

ACAL 48, University of Indiana, 30 March – 2 April 2017

1

IntroductionvStem-Initial Prominence (SIP)

vDefinition restricted to segmental distributional asymmetries here (not phonetic prominence, cf. van de Velde & Idiatov 2016)

vStem-initial C or CV sequence vallow for more segmental contrasts than any other position within the stemvAre subject to less restrictions than the rest of the stemvVery often correlates with stem/word maximality constraint

2

IntroductionvWell-known property of many NW Bantu languagesvEx: Kukuya (Bantu B77 [Paulian 1975]vC1V1|CV…

vMaximal stem length: 3 syllablesv1σ: CV, CVCv2σ: CV.CV, CV.CVC, CVC.CV, CVC.CVC, v3σ: CVCV.CV

C1 p t k pf tʃ b d g bv dʒ f s h m ɱ n ɲ ŋ l w yC2+ P T k m n l

3

IntroductionvEx: Eton (Bantu A71) [van de Velde 2008]

vC1V1|CV…

vMaximal stem length: 2σ (3σ) (i.e. 3 syllables, but most stems are 1 or 2 σ)

C1 p t tʃ k kp b d dʒ g gb s v z m n ɲ ŋ ŋm l w yC2+ b d g s z m n ɲ ŋ ŋm l w y

V1 i e ɛ a ə ɔ o uV2+ |i| |a|

4

IntroductionvWhy STEM-initial?vBecause in languages with prefixes, the prefix is never part of the

prominent domain

vE.g., in Kukuya:vAttested prefix consonants: P, K, l, mvPrefixes never form a prosodic domain with the following stem, but with

the preceding stem:

[CVCV]stem CV- [CVCV]stemprosodic domain 1 prosodic domain 2

5

IntroductionExcluded: syllablev -based distribu2onal asymmetriesE.g. v Mofu-Gudur (Chadic, Biu-Mandara) [Barreteau 1988]

Internal onsets v are not subject to any restric2ons:me.dé.mbé.ɬey ‘se bousculer’me.bə́l.ŋgwe.ɗey ‘renverser’

6

Onset p t c k kw kp ʔ b d j g gw gb mb nd nj ŋg ŋgw ŋgb ɓ ɗCoda p t c k kw (ʔ) ɓ ɗ

Onset f ɬ s h hw v ɮ z m n ŋ ŋw l r w y ⱱCoda f ɬ s h hw v ɮ z m n ŋ ŋw l r w y

IntroductionvThe syllable seems to be irrelevantvIllustration: prominent elements in putative CVC.CVC:vStem-initial C:

vStem-initial CV:

vNever stem-initial syllable:

7

C V C . C V C

C V C . C V C

C V C . C V C

IntroductionvThe syllable seems to be irrelevantvIllustration: prominent elements in putative CVC.CVC:vStem-initial C:

vStem-initial CV:

vNever stem-initial syllable:

8

C V C . C V C

C V C . C V C

C V C . C V C

cf. Harris 2004: Initial CV = head of trochaic foot, the initial syllable coda is not part of the foot head (English, Danish, Ibibio)

IntroductionvAlready noticed as a widespread property of many Niger-Congo

languages (see Downing 2010, a.o.):v Hyman (2004): “prosodification” of the stem, together with stem

shortening (i.e. SIP) is a diachronic step in the evolution v from “Bantu-type” agglutinative languages v to “Kwa-type” monosyllabic and isolating ones.

v Potential areal feature in Northern Sub-Saharan Africa, as suggested by Hyman (2004), van de Velde & Idiatov (2016).

9

IntroductionLong-term goals:

10

IntroductionLong-term goals:

Map1) SIP in Northern Sub-Saharan Africa ≈ “Macrov -Sudan Belt” (Güldemann 2008)≈ “Sudanic Belt” (Clements &v Rialland 2008)

11

IntroductionLong-term goals:

Map 1) SIP in Northern Sub-Saharan Africa ≈ “Macrov -Sudan Belt” (Güldemann 2008)≈ “Sudanic Belt” (Clements &v Rialland 2008)

Establish a 2) typology of SIP in this area

12

IntroductionLong-term goals:

Map 1) SIP in Northern Sub-Saharan Africa ≈ “Macrov -Sudan Belt” (Güldemann 2008)≈ “Sudanic Belt” (Clements &v Rialland 2008)

Establish a 2) typology of SIP in this areaDetermine origin of SIP in this area: 3) areal vs. gene2cally

inherited

13

Introduc)onvDatabase in the making (started with Spencer Lamoureux, UC Berkeley)

vsyllable-, stem- and word-structure in Northern Sub-Saharan African

languages

v≈ 50 languages fully entered in database

v≈ 120 languages with partial information

vResults presented today: preliminary, but promising

14

Introduc)onGoal for today:

1. Preliminary typology of SIP

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution of SIP

15

1. Typology of SIP

16

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminencevSIP requires the existence of polysyllabic stems (at least 2σ)

vThere are different “levels”, different “strengths” of SIP

vCriteria:vNumber of segments affected: C1 vs. C1V1

vMagnitude of the asymmetry (number of contrast neutralizations)vNumber/type of stems affected: all, only N or VvMaximal stem length: 2σ vs. 3σ etc. vs. unrestricted

17

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a very strong SIP languages Lua (Adamawa, Bua)

vMaximal stem (and word) length:

v2σ (rare 3σ)

vCV(ː)(C).(CV)(C)

18

[Boyeldieu 1985]

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a very strong SIP language: Lua (Adamawa, Bua)vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

19

[Boyeldieu 1985]

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ s h m n ɲ l r w w̃ yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a very strong SIP language: Lua (Adamawa, Bua)vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

20

V1 i e ɛ [ia] ɨ ə a u o ɔ [ua] ĩ ẽ ɛ̃ [iã] ə̃ ã ũ õ ɔ̃ [ũã] + length

V2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

[Boyeldieu 1985]

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ s h m n ɲ l r w w̃ y

C2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a very strong SIP language: Lua (Adamawa, Bua)vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

21

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem max

strong strong All 2σ

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ s h m n ɲ l r w w̃ y

C2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

V1 i e ɛ [ia] ɨ ə a u o ɔ [ua] ĩ ẽ ɛ̃ [iã] ə̃ ã ũ õ ɔ̃ [ũã] + length

V2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

[Boyeldieu 1985]

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

22

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

23

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ ʼy s h m n ɲ l r w yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)

vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C)

24

V1 i e ɛ[ia]

y ø[ɥo]

œ[ɥa]

ɨ ə a u o ɔ[ua]

+ length

V2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ ʼy s h m n ɲ l r w yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)

vC1V1 | (C).(CV)(C) (strict disyllabic maximum)

25

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem max

strong strong All 2σ

V1 i e ɛ[ia]

y ø[ɥo]

œ[ɥa]

ɨ ə a u o ɔ[ua]

+ length

V2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ ʼy s h m n ɲ l r w y

C2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)vRealization of /B, D, J, G/:

26

[-voice] / _# [+voice] / word-internally

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceSimilar example: Laal (isolate)vActive ban on words longer than 2 syllables:

27

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a weaker SIP language: Gbaya

vC1 | V1(C).(CV)(C)

28

C1 p t k kp ʔ b d g gb mb nd ŋg ŋgb ɓ ɗ f s h v z m n ɲ ŋ ŋm l r w y

C2+ t k kp mb nd ŋg ŋgb ɓ ɗ f s z m n ɲ ŋ ŋm l r w y ⱱC/_# p t k m n ŋ l r

V1 i e ɛ a ɔ o u ĩ ɛ̃ ã ɔ̃ ũ

V2 i e ɛ a ɔ o u ĩ ɛ̃ ã ɔ̃ ũ

[Moñino & Roulon 1972]

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem max

weak (no) All 2σ (3σ)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of a very weak SIP language: Masa (Chadic)

vC1 | V1(C).(CV)(C)

29

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g ɓ ɗ f ɬ s h v ɮ z ɦ m n ŋ l r w yC/V_V b d j g ɓ ɗ v ɮ z ɦ m n ŋ l r w y

C/_# p t k f ɬ s h m n ŋ l r w y

V1 i e a o u + lengthV2 i e a o u + length

[Melis 1999]

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem maxweak (no) All (unrestricted)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceExample of noun vs. verb asymmetry: Kɔnni (Gur)vC1V1 | .C2V2.(C3V3)

30

C1 p t tʃ k kp b d dʒ g gb f s h v z m n ɲ ŋ ŋm r l w yC2 t b g s m r lC3 g s r l

V1 i ɪ e ɛ a ɔ o ʊ u +lengthV2+ epenthetic /i~ɪ/ no length

[Cahill 2007]

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem maxstrong strong Verbs 3σ

In Nouns: • no SIP in synchrony, • but there probably used to be SIP,

now blurred by (frozen) compounding

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminenceThe particular case of Dogon, e.g. JamsayvStems may have up to 5σvSeries of lenitions & contrast neutralizations target σ2

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[Heath 2008]

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominencevg-spirantization:

32

1)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominencevg-spirantization:

33

1)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominencevg-spirantization:

34

1)

2)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominencevg-spirantization:

35

1)

2)

3)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominencevg-spirantization:

36

1)

2)

3)

3)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminencevV2 reduction (in verbal nouns):

37

[+front] → [i] ~ [ə]

[-front] → [u] ~ [ə]

1. Typology of Stem-Initial ProminencevWeakening of σ2 as indirect way of making stem-initial CV

prominent?

38

C1V1 | C2V2 | (CV).(CV).(CV)

1. Typology of Stem-Initial Prominence

39

Ex. C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem maxEton, Lua, Laal strong strong All 2σ (3σ)

Kukuya strong (no) All 3σ

Kɔnni strong strong Verbs 3σ

Gbaya weak (no) All 2σ (3σ)

Masa weak (no) All (unrestricted)

Jamsay (Dogon)very weak

(only C1 > C2)only V1 > V2 (varies) (unrestricted)

2. Geographical and genealogical distribution

40

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

41

Family Language Family LanguageNC N Atlantic Wolof, Pulaar Plateau Izere, Birom

C Altantic (Jola) Gusiilay Cross-River IbibioW Mande Bambara, Maninka Adamawa Mumuye, Dii/Duru Mundang,

Mambay, Day, Kim, Lua, Tunia, S Mande Mano Gbaya NW GbayaDogon Jamsay, Nanga Grassfields Fe’fe’ Bamileke, Mungbam,

MankonGur Kɔnni, Koromfe NW Bantu Eton, Basaa, Kukuya, TieneKwa Ewe, Anyin Indenie Other Bantu Kikongo

2. Geographical / genealogical distributionFamily Language

NS Central Sudanic (SBB)

Kenga, Sar, Kaba Deme, Kaba Na, Yulu, Fer,

Songhai Tondi Songway KiiniSaharan Kanembu, BeriaDaju Dar Daju Daju

Isolate Laal

42

Family LanguageAA Semitic Moroccan Arabic

Berber Tamasheq

W Chadic Hausa, Goemai, Bade, Guruntum

C Chadic + Masa

South Margi, Mbara, Masa, Mofu-Gudur,

E Chadic Ndam, Tumak, Kera, Bidiya

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SIP zone

44

SIP zone

weak SIP (?)

45

SIP zone

“Kwa type”(no SIP)

weak SIP (?)

46

SIP zone

weak SIP (?)

“Kwa type”(no SIP)

“Bantu type”(no SIP)

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

47

vStrong genetic signal: the overwhelming majority of SIP languages are Niger-Congo

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

48

vHowever, areal signal as well

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

49

vHowever, areal signal as well◦ Strongest cases of SIP (as well as monosyllabic endpoint) are to be found in

center of area

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

50

vHowever, areal signal as well◦ Strongest cases of SIP (as well as monosyllabic endpoint) are to be found in

center of area◦ Strength decreases as one gets further from that area

◦ Dogon: fairly limited, unclear◦ Gbaya: limited

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

51

vHowever, areal signal as well◦ Strongest cases of SIP (as well as monosyllabic endpoint) are to be found in

center of area◦ Strength decreases as one gets further from that area

◦ Dogon: fairly limited, unclear◦ Gbaya: limited

◦ Peripheral NC languages and families are not affected:◦ North-Central Atlantic◦ Non-NW Narrow-Bantu◦ Mande (except South)◦ Kordofanian (?)

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

52

vHowever, areal signal as well◦ Cuts across families:

◦ NW Bantu vs. rest of Bantu◦ S Mande vs. rest of Mande

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

53

v A few non-NC have SIP: they are all in contact with NC language with SIP → areal effect

v Example: two micro-areas◦ Jos Plateau: Chadic + Benue-Congo ◦ Middle-Chari: Chadic + Laal + Adamawa/Bua

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

54

v Jos Plateau: v Chadic (Goemai)v Benue-Congo, in articular Jukunv Goemai has strong SIP, very similar to neighboring Benue-Congo

“[M]any present-day Goemai speakers trace their origins back to the Jukun, i.e., to speakers of a Benue-Congo language.” (Hellwig 2011: 6)

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

55

v Middle-Chari (Chad):◦ E Chadic: Ndam, Tumak, Boor◦ Isolate: Laal◦ Adamawa/Bua: Lua, Ba

◦ All have relatively similar inventories and SIP.

C1 > C2+ V1 > V2+ Stem type Stem maxstrong strong (Lua, Laal)

weak (Ndam, Tumak)All 2σ (3σ)

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

56

Consonants:Lua (Adamawa)

Laal (isolate)

Ndam (Chadic)

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ s h m n ɲ l r w w̃ yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g mb nd nj ŋg ɓ ɗ ʼy s h m n ɲ l r w yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

C1 p t c k ʔ b d j g ɓ ɗ s h m n ɲ l r w yC2+ /B, D, J, G/ s m n ɲ ŋ l r w y

[Broß 1988]

[Boyeldieu 1985]

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

57

Vowels:Lua (Adamawa)

Laal (isolate)

Ndam (Chadic)

V1 i e ɛ [ia] ɨ ə a u o ɔ [ua] ĩ ẽ ɛ̃ [iã] ə̃ ã ũ õ ɔ̃ [ũã] + lengthV2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

V1 i e ɛ[ia]

y ø[ɥo]

œ[ɥa]

ɨ ə a u o ɔ[ua]

+ length

V2 i e ɨ ə a u o no length

V1 i e a o u ə ʌ + lengthV2 i e a o u ə ʌ no length[Broß 1988]

[Boyeldieu 1985]

2. Geographical / genealogical distribution

58

v Long history of contact and acculturationv Between Lua and Laal speakers (Boyeldieu 1985)v many Lua loans in Laalv Intermarriagev Common culture, initiation rites, music/dances, econom

v Between Laal and Ndam speakersv Between Ndam and Lua speakers

ConclusionvPreliminary results seem to show that:vSIP is likely to be an areal feature of Northern Sub-Saharan AfricavSIP is mostly attested in Niger-Congo languagesvHowever it cannot be said to be a feature inherited from Proto-Niger-

Congo

59

ConclusionvSIP is better described as an areal feature within the core of the

Niger-Congo spread zone, vThere is an areal tendency to “prosodify” (Hyman 2004) and gradually

shorten stems, leading to Kwa-type analyticity and monosyllabicityvTrend easily borrowed into neighboring non-NC languages in intense

contact situations

60

Thank you!

61

ReferencesBarreteau, Daniel. 1988. Description du Mofu-Gudur: langue de la famille tchadique parlée au Cameroun. Paris: Orstom. 2 vols.

Broß, Michael. 1988. Materialen zur Sprache der Ndam von Dik (Republik Tschad): Untersuchungen zur Phonologie und Morphologie. (MA thesis, Marburg. 118pp.)

Cahill, Michael. 2007. Aspects of the morphology and phonology of Kɔnni. Dallas: SIL International and The University of Texas at Arlington.

Good, Jeff. 2012. How to become a “Kwa” noun. Morphology 22.293-335.

Harris, J. 2004. Release the captive coda: the foot as a domain of phonetic interpretation. Phonetic Interpretation: Papers in Laboratory Phonology, pp.103-129. Cambridge: CUP.

Hyman, Larry M. 2004. How to become a Kwa verb. Journal of West African Languages 30.69-88

Monino, Y. and Roulon, P. 1972. Phonologie du Gbaya Kara 'Bodoe de Ndongue Bongowen (Région de Bouar, République Centrafricaine). Paris: SELAF

Melis, Antonino. 1999. Description du masa (Tchad): phonologie, syntaxe et dictionnaire encyclopédique. Doctoral dissertation, Tours: Université François Rabelais.

Hellwig, Birgit . 2011. A Grammar of Goemai. (Mouton Grammar Library, 51.) Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hellwig 2011

Paulian, Christiane. 1975. Le kukuya, langue teke du Congo: phonologie- classes nominales. (Société d'études linguistiques et anthropologiques de France, 49-50.) Paris: SELAF. 222pp. van de Velde, Mark. 2008. A Grammar of Eton. Mouton de Gruyter.

van de Velde, Mark & Dmitry Idiatov. 2016. Stem-initial accent and C-emphasis prosody in North-Western Bantu. Paper presented at ACAL 47, UC Berkeley, March 2016.

Williamson, Kay. 1985 How to become a Kwa language. In: Makkai A, Melby AK (eds) Linguistics and philosophy: Essays in honor of Rulon S. Wells, Amsterdam: Benjamins, pp 427–443

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