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Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
Law Working Paper N° 306/2016
December 2015
Christian LeuzUniversity of Chicago Booth School of Business, NBER and ECGI
Peter WysockiUniversity of Miami
© Christian Leuz and Peter Wysocki 2016. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permis-sion provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source.
This paper can be downloaded without charge from:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
www.ecgi.org/wp
The Economics of Disclosure and Financial Reporting Regulation: Evidence and Suggestions
for Future Research
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
ECGI Working Paper Series in Law
Working Paper N°. 306/2016
December 2015
Christian Leuz Peter Wysocki
The Economics of Disclosure and Financial ReportingRegulation: Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research
We thank Phil Berger, Matthias Breuer, Hans Christensen, Joao Granja, Luzi Hail, Mark Lang, Mark Maffett, Valeri Nikolaev, Ahmed Tahoun and Laurence van Lent for helpful comments as well as Andrew Karolyi and Andrei Shleifer for comments on an earlier version of this survey. Special thanks goes to Pietro Bonetti for his comments and assistance. This paper draws upon, extends, and replaces an earlier unpublished survey paper entitled “Economic Consequences of Financial Reporting and Disclosure Regulation: A Review and Suggestions for Future Research” (Leuz and Wysocki, 2008).
© Christian Leuz and Peter Wysocki 2016. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source.
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
Abstract
This paper discusses the empirical literature on the economic consequences of disclosure and financial reporting regulation, drawing on U.S. and international evidence. Given the policy relevance of research on regulation, we highlight the challenges with: (i) quantifying regulatory costs and benefits, (ii) measuring disclosure and reporting outcomes, and (iii) drawing causal inferences from regulatory studies. Next, we discuss empirical studies that link disclosure and reporting activities to firm-specific and market-wide economic outcomes. Understanding these links is important when evaluating regulation. We then synthesize the empirical evidence on the economic effects of disclosure regulation and reporting standards, including the evidence on IFRS adoption. Several important conclusions emerge. We generally lack evidence on market-wide effects and externalities from regulation, yet such evidence is central to the economic justification of regulation. Moreover, evidence on causal effects of disclosure and reporting regulation is still relatively rare. We also lack evidence on the real effects of such regulation. These limitations provide many research opportunities. We conclude with several specific suggestions for future research.
Keywords: Transparency, Regulation, Accounting standards, Capital markets, Institutionaleconomics, International accounting, Disclosure, IFRS, Political economy, Cost-benefit analysis, Real effects
JEL Classifications: D78, D82, G14, G18, G30, G38, K22, K42, M41, M42
Christian Leuz*J. Sondheimer Professor of International Economics, Finance and AccountingUniversity of Chicago, Booth School of Business5807 S. Woodlawn AvenueChicago, IL 60637, United Statesphone: +1 773-834-1996e-mail: cleuz@chicagobooth.edu
Peter WysockiProfessor of AccountingUniversity of Miami, School of Business AdministrationDepartment of Accounting - K/E 3085250 University DriveCoral Gables, FL 33146-6531, United Statesphone: +1 305-284-8618e-mail: wysockip@miami.edu
*Corresponding Author
IGM Working Paper No. 132
Booth Working Paper Series No. 16-03
The Economics of Disclosure and Financial Reporting
Regulation: Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research
Christian Leuz University of Chicago Booth School of Business and NBER
Peter Wysocki University of Miami
Initiative on Global Markets The University of Chicago, Booth School of Business
“Providing thought leadership on international business, financial markets and public policy”
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
The Economics of Disclosure and Financial Reporting Regulation:
Evidence and Suggestions for Future Research*
Christian Leuz University of Chicago & NBER
Peter Wysocki University of Miami
December 2015
Abstract
This paper discusses the empirical literature on the economic consequences of disclosure and financial reporting regulation, drawing on U.S. and international evidence. Given the policy relevance of research on regulation, we highlight the challenges with: (i) quantifying regulatory costs and benefits, (ii) measuring disclosure and reporting outcomes, and (iii) drawing causal inferences from regulatory studies. Next, we discuss empirical studies that link disclosure and reporting activities to firm-specific and market-wide economic outcomes. Understanding these links is important when evaluating regulation. We then synthesize the empirical evidence on the economic effects of disclosure regulation and reporting standards, including the evidence on IFRS adoption. Several important conclusions emerge. We generally lack evidence on market-wide effects and externalities from regulation, yet such evidence is central to the economic justification of regulation. Moreover, evidence on causal effects of disclosure and reporting regulation is still relatively rare. We also lack evidence on the real effects of such regulation. These limitations provide many research opportunities. We conclude with several specific suggestions for future research.
Keywords: Transparency; Regulation; Accounting standards; Capital markets; Institutional economics; International accounting; Disclosure; IFRS; Political economy; Cost-benefit analysis; Real effects
JEL Classifications: D78; D82; G14; G18; G30; G38; K22; K42; M41; M42
* We thank Phil Berger, Matthias Breuer, Hans Christensen, Joao Granja, Luzi Hail, Mark Lang, Mark Maffett, Valeri Nikolaev, Ahmed Tahoun and Laurence van Lent for helpful comments as well as Andrew Karolyi and Andrei Shleifer for comments on an earlier version of this survey. Special thanks goes to Pietro Bonetti for his comments and assistance. This paper draws upon, extends, and replaces an earlier unpublished survey paper entitled “Economic Consequences of Financial Reporting and Disclosure Regulation: A Review and Suggestions for Future Research” (Leuz and Wysocki, 2008).
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2733831
Table of Contents
1. Introduction and Overview ........................................................................................................... 1
2. Cost-Benefit Analysis, Identification, and Measurement of Disclosure and Reporting .......... 8
2.1. Cost-benefit analysis and evidence-based regulation ............................................................... 9
2.2. Identification challenges for disclosure and reporting regulation studies .............................. 14
2.3. Measurement of corporate disclosure and reporting (quality) ............................................... 17
3. Empirical Evidence from Disclosure Studies ............................................................................. 23
3.1. Comments on the role of voluntary disclosure studies for regulatory analysis ...................... 24
3.2. Firm-specific benefits from disclosure and reporting ............................................................. 27
3.2.1. Capital-market benefits of corporate disclosure and reporting ................................... 27
3.2.2. Real effects of corporate disclosure and reporting ..................................................... 34
3.3. Firm-specific costs of corporate disclosure and reporting ..................................................... 35
3.4. Market-wide effects of firms’ disclosure and reporting activities .......................................... 38
4. Evidence on the Economic Effects of Disclosure Regulation ................................................... 39
4.1. Studies examining the introduction of U.S. securities regulation ........................................... 39
4.2. Studies on major changes in U.S. disclosure regulation ......................................................... 46
4.2.1. Regulation Fair Disclosure .......................................................................................... 47
4.2.2. Sarbanes-Oxley Act ...................................................................................................... 51
4.3. International evidence on costs and benefits of disclosure regulation .................................... 62
4.4. Other studies on real effects of disclosure regulation ............................................................. 71
5. Evidence on the Economic Effects of Mandated Reporting Standards .................................. 77
5.1. An incentives view on reporting regulation ............................................................................. 78
5.2. Expected economic effects of IFRS adoption and identification challenges .......................... 80
5.3. Overview of key findings in IFRS studies ................................................................................ 82
5.3.1. Changes in reporting properties and financial disclosures ......................................... 83
5.3.2. Capital-market outcomes ............................................................................................. 85
5.3.3. Going beyond capital-market effects ............................................................................ 87
5.4. Heterogeneity in the findings of IFRS studies and the interpretation of the findings ............. 90
5.5. The links between reporting and other non-reporting institutions .......................................... 94
6. Suggestions for Future Research ................................................................................................ 99
1
1. Introduction and Overview
This study reviews the empirical literature on the economic consequences of disclosure and
financial reporting regulation, summarizing U.S. and international evidence. Our focus on
regulation reflects that corporate disclosure and financial reporting are frequently regulated,
mandated, or standardized. Therefore, regulation and standardization are core issues for financial
accounting. This does not imply that disclosure and financial reporting have to be regulated or
could not arise voluntarily. But undoubtedly, disclosure and reporting regulation is an important
and recurring policy issue that deserves significant attention by academic research. Further fueling
demand for this research, policy makers, regulators, and standard setters are increasingly asked to
conduct cost-benefit (or economic) analyses of intended as well as past regulation and standards.1
Three developments that have spurred disclosure and financial reporting regulation around
the world make our review timely. First, a series of financial crises and corporate scandals leading
to calls for regulatory reform. The Asian financial crisis of 1997, the Enron scandal in the U.S., and
the financial crisis in 2008 are, but a few important examples. In the aftermath of these events,
policy makers and regulators enacted significant changes to disclosure and reporting regulation.
Second, over the past decade many countries have adopted International Financial Reporting
Standards (IFRS) in an attempt to increase the harmonization and global convergence of accounting
rules and reporting standards. Third, recent national debates about the competitiveness of countries’
capital markets and the increasing internationalization of capital markets have spurred discussions
about reforms to securities and disclosure regulation.2 These three developments have motivated a
large empirical literature, which we review in this paper. As disclosure and reporting regulation has
become a global issue, we emphasize international evidence. We also recognize that regulating
1 See, e.g., Meekes and Meekes (2001), Schipper (2010), Bartlett (2014), Coates (2014), Cochrane (2014), and Posner
and Weyl (2013, 2014). 2 Examples are the debates in the EU (e.g., Lamfalussy, 2000) and in the U.S. (e.g., Commission on the Regulation of
U.S. Capital Markets in the 21st Century, 2007).
2
disclosure and setting accounting standards are intertwined, which is why this review combines
evidence on the economic effects of disclosure as well as financial reporting regulation.3
While we focus primarily on corporate disclosure and financial reporting, mandated
disclosure is used in many other areas, such as product quality, consumer protection, conflicts of
interest, environmental policy, health care, etc. In these areas, disclosure mandates are increasingly
used in lieu of regulation that explicitly stipulates or prohibits certain behaviors, the idea being that
mandated disclosure and transparency incentivize desirable behaviors and discourages undesirable
ones. This incentive or governance role of disclosure regulation deserves greater attention – a point
that we emphasize in this review. The widespread use of disclosure regulation in many different
areas underscores the importance of disclosure and transparency as a research topic that goes
beyond corporate reporting. Thus, in our view, understanding the economic effects of disclosure
regulation is of first-order importance, not just for accounting and finance.
For the purpose of this review, we deliberately use a broad definition for disclosure and
reporting regulation, which includes a central authority formally creating and interpreting disclosure
and reporting rules, monitoring compliance with these rules, and enforcing and imposing penalties
for deviations from the rules.4 Disclosure and reporting rules stipulate that firms and hence
managers/owners of firms provide certain information to investors, consumers, contracting parties,
regulators and government agencies, or the general public.5 Consistent with this broad definition,
3 Other survey papers on the empirical disclosure literature include Healy and Palepu (2001), Core (2001), Beyer et al.
(2010). Our focus is on regulation and mandated changes in reporting standards. 4 For example, the OECD defines regulation “as imposition of rules by government, backed by the use of penalties that
are intended specifically to modify the economic behavior of individuals and firms in the private sector” (https://stats.oecd.org/glossary/detail.asp?ID=3295). We acknowledge that informal norms and common practices can and do arise without central coordination and mandate. However, for the purposes of this review, the term regulation refers to mandated sets of formal rules and associated penalties that are coordinated and implemented by one or several central authorities, which are not necessarily government authorities, but could also be private standard setters.
5 The disclosed information is also defined broadly and not confined to reported numbers or footnotes in the financial statements. Our definition of rules encompasses financial reporting and accounting standards. However, we largely exclude work on bank regulation as it is separately discussed in this journal issue by Acharya and Ryan (2016).
3
we do not review studies on a particular accounting standard or narrow disclosure rule.6 Instead, we
focus on new disclosure mandates (e.g., Securities Exchange Act), major extensions of the entire
disclosure regime (e.g., Sarbanes-Oxley Act), and required changes in the entire set of accounting
standards (e.g., mandatory IFRS adoption). However, we acknowledge that the delineation is not
always clear cut. Similarly, we do not review studies on the effects of voluntary disclosure or
financial reporting choices in detail. These studies by their nature do not speak directly to
regulatory consequences or the desirability of regulation. That said, they can provide useful
evidence on economic links and consequences of disclosure and reporting activities, including
externalitites. In essence, they contribute an “inventory” of potential economic outcomes, which is
useful to consider when evaluating disclosure and reporting regulation. For this reason, we refer to
a number of key studies that examine economic outcomes of voluntary disclosures.
Our survey touches on broader issues related to regulation that are also discussed in the
economics literature, such as competition, political lobbying, and regulatory capture. However, this
literature focuses often on regulation of product-market monopolists and the corresponding impact
on consumers (e.g., Kahn, 1988; Laffont and Tirole, 1993). Disclosure and reporting settings have
their own economic and regulatory issues, and regulated financial reporting has a number of unique
features. In fact, one conjecture that we put forward in this review is that disclosure and reporting
regulation could even spur competition and innovation, and in that sense, be quite different from
product-market regulation.
This review does not provide a summary of the theoretical arguments in favor and against
disclosure regulation (as well as regulation more broadly). They have been summarized elsewhere.7
6 Studies on the effects of particular standards have been reviewed in prior surveys. See, e.g., Gonedes and Dopuch
(1974), Holthausen and Leftwich (1983), Watts and Zimmerman (1986), Fields et al. (2001) and Kothari (2001). 7 For economic justifications of disclosure and reporting regulation, see Seligman (1983), Coffee (1984), Easterbrook
and Fischel (1984), Mahoney (1995), Leuz and Wysocki (2008), Hart (2009), Zingales (2009), Bushman and Landsman (2010), Leuz (2010), and Hermalin and Weisbach (2012).
4
Our starting point is that the case in favor or against disclosure and reporting regulation is not ex
ante obvious and that the relative magnitudes of various costs and benefits that arise from a mandate
are largely an empirical matter. This motivates our focus on empirical studies.
Consistent with the forward-looking theme of this year’s Journal of Accounting Research
conference, we attempt to identify opportunities for future research throughout this review. In
addition, we emphasize issues related to research design and identification for two primary reasons.
First, identification and causal inferences are of first-order importance for policy and regulatory
debates. Lack of identification generally leads to alternative interpretations, which in turn restricts
our ability to inform policy makers and regulators. As such, we hope that our research-design focus
is useful to regulators and policy makers in evaluating extant research. Moreover, without
identification, the magnitude of the estimated effects is of limited relevance, except to gauge the
plausibility of findings. This is not to say that directional results and associations cannot be
informative. But the magnitude of an effect becomes a critical input into quantitative cost-benefit
analyses only if the estimated effect is indeed causal. Second, we hope that our focus on research
design provides a guide for future empirical research on disclosure and reporting regulation. Many
of the points we bring up reflect the collective wisdom of the field and we do not claim that we are
the first to identify certain research-design issues or limitations in the prior literature. But we
believe it is nevertheless useful to provide such evaluations of prior studies. We stress that these
discussions are not meant as a criticism. but intended to move the field forward.
Having delineated the scope of this review, the remainder of this section presents five major
conclusions that emerge from it. These conclusions summarize our views on the literature’s status
quo as well as broadly identify opportunities for future research. At the end of this review, we
additionally discuss numerous specific areas and topics for future research on the economic
consequences of financial reporting and disclosure regulation.
5
Our first conclusion is that evidence on the causal effects of disclosure and financial
reporting regulation is often difficult to obtain and still relatively rare. Studies often struggle to
identify counterfactuals, unaffected control groups, and/or natural experiments that would allow a
clean identification of the regulatory effects and their economic consequences. In addition, it is
difficult to measure disclosure outcomes (e.g., reporting quality) separately from the underlying
economics. This measurement problem limits our ability to produce evidence along the entire
“causal path,” i.e., from regulatory changes to disclosure outcomes to economic consequences.
Most studies are reduced form and directly estimate the economic consequences of regulatory
changes. Linking disclosure outcomes to the regulatory changes and economic consequences would
substantially increase the confidence in the estimates. For most regulatory changes, we are unable
to provide causal estimates of their costs and benefits, let alone elasticities for the effects of
disclosure and reporting mandates. Thus, while we have a lot of evidence that is qualitatively
useful, we are still far from being able to perform quantitative cost-benefit analyses.
Second, and related to our first conclusion, there is a paucity of evidence on market-wide
effects from regulation, especially on externalities. Such evidence is central to the economic
justification of regulation in the first place. Regulatory studies document primarily economic
consequences for individual firms in a market or an economy. But we lack evidence that reporting
standards and disclosure regulation produce information spillovers, externalities, and/or network
effects. One reason is that the identification of such indirect effects is arguably even harder than the
identification of direct economic consequences on firms or investors. We also have almost no
evidence on welfare effects from disclosure and reporting regulation, except perhaps for the
corporate sector. Moreover, because studies typically do not identify or compute counterfactuals,
6
the empirical literature to date has little to say about the efficiency or desirability of existing
disclosure and reporting regulation.8
Third, the empirical literature exhibits a heavy focus on disclosure regulation in the U.S.
Each major U.S. regulatory change has been studied extensively. There is much less evidence for
major changes in disclosure and reporting regulation in other countries. It is plausible that many
basic regulatory tradeoffs are similar across countries and hence many U.S. results may carry over.
If so, there are research-design advantages to studying the effects in one of the largest economies
and capital markets with widely-available data. But studying other countries should give us a richer
understanding of the many facets of regulatory effects, especially when it comes to interactions
among various elements in countries’ institutional frameworks. Moreover, novel settings in other
countries may permit tighter research designs that are not feasible in a U.S. setting. Thus, we
encourage researchers to seek settings outside the U.S., be it for better identification or to document
novel effects. We also encourage researchers to examine non-traditional disclosure and reporting
settings, especially to learn about the real effects of disclosure mandates.9 More generally, we
conclude that the analysis of real effects deserves more attention.
Fourth, and in contrast to the work on disclosure regulation, there is a huge literature on the
effects of reporting standards internationally. The worldwide adoption of IFRS is arguably one of
the largest regulatory events in accounting history and not surprisingly has spawned a large
literature on the economic consequences of financial reporting standards. Reviewing this literature
is a core part of this survey. We conclude that few studies in this literature are able to attribute the
8 This holds because outcomes for alternative regulatory (or market-based) regimes that were not implemented cannot
be observed and hence we do not know whether they would have provided superior outcomes. To tackle this issue, we need to model and estimate counterfactuals.
9 We define real effects as situations in which the disclosing person or reporting entity changes its behavior in the real economy (e.g., investment, use of resources, consumption) as a result of the disclosure mandate. Real-effects studies analyze this change in behavior. See also further discussions in Section 3.2 and Section 4.4. Of course, there can also be real effects from voluntary disclosure, but they are not the focus of this essay.
7
documented effects to IFRS adoption, i.e., the change in accounting standards. This inability stems
from two key problems. IFRS were often adopted amidst a series of other (unrelated) institutional
reforms, making it difficult to identify the effects of IFRS adoption separately from other concurrent
institutional changes. Moreover, several countries have adopted IFRS together with other changes
to the reporting infrastructure (e.g., stricter enforcement), often with the intention to support IFRS
adoption, which further complicates the identification of IFRS effects. More generally, our review
highlights that there are important interactions and complementarities between reporting systems
and various institutional factors. These interactions provide major opportunities for future research,
but also pose severe difficulties for identification and economic analysis.
Finally, to make significant progress with respect to the (causal) estimation of regulatory
effects and cost-benefit analysis, researchers likely need help from legislators and regulators. For
example, one major issue for empirical studies is that most regulation is required as of a particular
date, which makes the analysis susceptible to confounding effects, be they other concurrent
institutional changes, economic shocks, or market responses to the events that gave rise to the
regulation. To mitigate this issue, new regulation could stipulate that rules be implemented in a
staggered fashion, which would greatly facilitate ex-post economic analysis. A staggered
introduction is often viewed as not feasible because it is arbitrary and violates fairness
considerations. At the same time, new regulation can have significant costs and unintended
consequences. Thus, potentially large societal gains from better economic analysis need to weighed
against the fairness concerns about (by design) arbitrary implementation. The more general point is
that, if we want better economic analysis, then we need to design regulation with ex-post analysis in
mind, including provisions for firms and regulators to collect the necessary data. In addition, we
need more pilot studies and field experiments, perhaps jointly conducted by regulators and
8
researchers. Such studies would also facilitate ex-ante economic analysis and could mitigate the
risks of unintended consequences.
The remainder of the survey is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses overarching issues
related to cost-benefit analysis, identification, and the measurement of disclosure and reporting
outcomes. In Section 3, we provide an overview on key economic relations that are particularly
relevant and commonly used when evaluating the economic consequences of disclosure and
financial reporting regulation. Section 4 reviews empirical studies on major changes in disclosure
regulation in the U.S. and internationally as well as cross-country comparisons of disclosure
regimes. Section 5 discusses evidence on the economic effects of financial reporting standards,
primarily from mandatory IFRS adoption. It also reviews evidence on the links between disclosure
and reporting regulation and other elements of countries’ institutional frameworks. Section 6
concludes the review with an extensive discussion of specific suggestions for future research.
Finally, we provide an online appendix with summary tables of studies discussed in the text as well
as relevant studies not explicitly discussed. This appendix is an integral part of this review.
2. Cost-Benefit Analysis, Identification, and Measurement of Disclosure and Reporting
In this section, we discuss three foundational issues that permeate this review. First, we
recognize that empirical studies have the potential to inform regulators and policy makers who must
consider cost-benefit tradeoffs in evaluating existing and proposed disclosure and reporting
regulation. We therefore discuss a number of challenges in cost-benefit analysis. Second, our
understanding of the effects of disclosure and reporting regulation ultimately relies on our ability to
draw causal inferences. Causal evidence is central to evidence-based policy making. Thus, we
discuss common identification challenges in regulatory studies. Finally, a central issue for the
economic analysis of disclosure and reporting regulation is how well we can measure disclosure and
9
reporting activities as well as their properties. We highlight many measurement problems and argue
that progress with respect to measurement is critical for tighter identification in regulatory studies.
2.1. Cost-benefit analysis and evidence-based regulation
It has become increasingly common that regulators and standard setters conduct prospective
cost-benefit analysis of new regulation as well as post-implementation reviews. While the notion of
ex-ante and ex-post economic analysis of regulation and standards is inherently sensible, it is easier
said than done. Our literature review highlights that there is significant risk of an “expectation gap”
as to what academic research can actually contribute to cost-benefit analysis. It is unrealistic, at
least in the near future, that we will be able to measure and comprehensively evaluate the net
benefits of disclosure and reporting regulation to firms and investors, let alone to the economy as a
whole (see also Schipper, 2010; Coates, 2014; Cochrane, 2014). Why is this so difficult?
Naturally, a quantitative cost-benefit analysis requires evidence on causal effects as a critical
input. However, such evidence is difficult to generate, especially when it comes to long-run and
general-equilibrium effects. In many areas of regulation, it is not possible to run long-run,
randomized field experiments. It is possible to conduct pilot studies as well as field experiments on
particular aspects of a new regulation (see also Floyd and List, 2016). Such evidence would be
particularly useful for ex-ante economic analysis and for the design of regulation, and it could
significantly mitigate the risks of unintended consequences.
In general, however, ex-ante and ex-post cost-benefit analysis by and large has to rely on
empirical studies using archival (or observational) data without the use of randomization. Ideally,
such studies would provide quasi-experimental evidence that allows for causal inferences. But as
our review of the literature highlights we have only a few studies that provide such evidence. While
there are opportunities for researchers to improve and tighten their research designs and to embrace
10
new econometric methods of estimating treatment effects (e.g., Angrist and Pischke, 2009, 2014),
the main limitation is how the underlying data are generated, i.e., the institutional settings
themselves and the process by which new regulation arises. Our subsequent discussions of the
literature on disclosure and reporting regulation (in Sections 4 and 5) forcefully illustrate this point,
and this is one reason why our review casts the spotlight on research-design issues that come with
the institutional settings or regulatory processes.
One might argue that we often have several empirical studies providing consistent results,
perhaps even across different settings, and that consistent evidence should make us more confident
that certain economic links exist or regulation has certain effects. However, this “piling up” of
studies generally does not address the fundamental challenges limiting causal inferences unless the
different studies have fairly orthogonal research-design challenges. In our judgment, studies often
share fairly similar identification and measurement problems (see Section 2.2) and hence different
studies do not really “diversify” the research-design problems.10 Generally speaking, we do not
have quasi-random assignment of firms to a treatment group subject to disclosure regulation and an
unaffected control group. The identification of externalities and spillover effects, which are critical
to the economic justification of regulation, is even harder. Externalities imply that a central
assumption of the causal-inferences paradigm (Rubin, 1978) no longer holds.11 Basically, there are
direct treatment effects for treated firms as well as potentially indirect effects on treated and
untreated firms that arise due to externalities and spillovers. Thus, identification requires an
additional control group that is completely unaffected against which the indirect effects of
regulation can be benchmarked.
10 This is also why formal meta-analyses across a set of regulatory studies would likely not be as useful. 11 The Stable Unit Treatment Value Assumption (SUTVA) maintains that one unit's outcomes are unaffected by another
unit's treatment assignment, which is obviously violated in the presence of externalities. In addition, the reflection problem (Manski, 1993) likely arises as well as noted already in Section 3.
11
Articulating why a particular setting and design provides proper identification of the
economic effects as well as appreciating the potential threats to identification requires a deep
understanding of the institutional setting, including the process by which regulation came about and
other concurrent institutional changes. The description and study of the institutional setting is
therefore a critical first step. Given that the features of the institutional settings are often a key
limiting factor, there are many opportunities to seek new and non-traditional institutional settings
with an eye towards identification. But in this quest for new settings, it is important to recognize
that we generally face a tradeoff between internal and external validity. For instance, a setting that
provides quasi-random assignment for a particular regulatory change may yield average treatment
effects that are fairly local, i.e., specific to the setting and hence may not translate to other settings
or broader regulatory issues. In fact, one could argue that studying the causal effects for a particular
setting often amounts to a case study, at least, as far as the magnitude of the estimated treatment
effect is concerned. Thus, there is a price that we have to pay for identification.
Despite the aforementioned challenges, academic research can provide many useful inputs
into regulatory cost-benefit analysis, especially when the latter takes a more qualitative or less
formal approach. Theoretical research can point to potential outcomes of disclosure and reporting
regulation, which should underpin any qualitative cost-benefit analysis even if estimating the
magnitude of various costs and benefits is difficult. For cost-benefit analysis, it is important to
broadly identify potential direct and indirect disclosure costs and benefits to firms, investors,
consumers, and the economy as a whole. Especially indirect effects and externalities require
substantial attention when justifying the regulatory change, but also to avoid surprises and
unintended consequences. For this reason, we briefly take stock of potential effects that have been
examined in prior empirical research on disclosure and reporting activities (Section 3). Empirical
research can play an important role in identifying and quantifying certain economic links as well as
12
regulatory effects, which in turn could provide useful inputs when performing cost-benefit analyses.
Here, we need both more descriptive studies that highlight potential regulatory effects as well as
studies with tight identification that provide causal estimates or even elasticities (e.g., by how much
liquidity changes if a mandate improves the quality of information by 1%). In the end, however,
cost-benefit analysis still requires the expert judgment of those that have been tasked to make the
normative decisions (see also Coates, 2014). Even if we had causal estimates of the costs and
benefits, there would still be the questions of how to aggregate them and how to tradeoff the
differential effects on firms, investors, and consumers (e.g., Gonedes and Dopuch, 1974).
However, at this point, we are still far from having such estimates and from performing
quantitative cost-benefit analysis. Economic elasticities are very hard to compute (Cochrane, 2014).
As noted, the key limitations are (i) the way in which the data are generated institutionally as well
as (ii) lack of data. Thus, to make significant progress with respect to economic analysis, we likely
need to design regulation with ex-post analysis in mind, which will require the help of regulators
and policy makers. Here are several examples illustrating the general idea.12
First, new regulation can be implemented in ways that make it more conducive to economic
analysis. For instance, having thresholds above or below which the new rules apply as well as a
staggered implementation can significantly help the identification of causal estimates, as our
discussion in Sections 4 and 5 illustrates.13 Thresholds and, in particular, staggering often raise
fairness concerns. At the same time, much is to be gained from careful ex-post analysis of new
regulation. Thus, we need to weigh the potential societal gains from better economic analysis 12 See Hahn and Tetlock (2008) for further suggestions on how to improve cost-benefit analysis and a more general
discussion of the evidence on the effectiveness of cost-benefit analyses in the U.S. For critical reviews of (formal) cost-benefit analysis, see also Schipper (2010), Bartlett (2014), Coates (2014), Cochrane (2014).
13 The staggering could be along at least two dimensions. First, components of a “regulatory package” might be implemented in a staggered fashion to facilitate the evaluation of the components. Second, the entire regulatory package could be applied to cohorts of firms in a time-staggered fashion to allow for better identification of regulatory effects using regulated and yet unrelated firms. We note, however, that multiple regulatory events are not a panacea, especially when firms can anticipate regulatory changes, which is more likely if such changes are frequent (Hennessy and Strebulaev, 2015).
13
against the fairness concerns about (by design) arbitrary implementation. To evaluate this tradeoff,
we should study examples in which regulation has been introduced in a staggered fashion or has
included thresholds (see discussion in Section 4). Abramovicz et al. (2011) push even further and
argue for randomly assigning individuals, firms, or jurisdictions to different legal rules.
Second, to address the missing data problem, new disclosure and reporting regulation could
mandate that firms and/or auditors collect and keep relevant data for ex-post analysis. As we
discuss in Section 2.3 below, having more granular data about the specific changes in firms’
disclosure and reporting activities as a result of the new regulation would allow researchers to
perform better economic analyses along the entire causal path, including the mechanism(s). For
instance, when implementing a new asset impairment rule, firms could keep data on what the
impairment would have been under the old rule as well as details about the changes made under the
new rule. These data would then be made available for economic analysis. As such data could be
proprietary, they could be made available to researchers only on a confidential basis following the
model of the U.S. Census Bureau. To reduce the costs from the data collection mandate, it is
conceivable that only some firms are ex-ante randomly chosen to collect the data (in which case the
fairness tradeoff arises again).
Third, we see parallels between the recent push for evidence-based financial regulation and
the emergence of evidence-based medicine, which Eddy (1990) describes as “explicitly describing
the available evidence that pertains to a policy and tying the policy to evidence.” An evidence-
based approach to medicine typically involves classifying evidence by its epistemological strength,
systematically reviewing and aggregating the evidence (such as the Cochrane Collaboration), and
developing practice guidelines and recommendations. Given the parallels, it might be useful for
regulators, policy makers and academics to study the experience in medicine. Importantly, we
recognize that the emergence of evidence-based medicine required the creation of an entire
14
“infrastructure” to support the approach (e.g., Eddy, 2005). In accounting, economics, and finance,
we are still far from having such an infrastructure and, more generally, from following an evidence-
based approach to disclosure and reporting regulation (see also Buijink, 2006; Schipper, 2010).
2.2. Identification challenges for disclosure and reporting regulation studies
Regulatory settings have the advantage that disclosure and reporting is imposed on firms.
Thus, from the perspective of an individual firm, the regulatory regime is exogenously given. We
can therefore use differences or changes in disclosure and reporting regulation to estimate economic
consequences without the self-selection concern that typically arises in voluntary disclosure settings.
Nevertheless, regulatory settings pose several identification challenges for studies estimating the
causal effects of disclosure regulation (see also Gow et al., 2015).
First, new regulation and changes in regulation do not occur in a vacuum. There are
typically economic and political reasons for the regulatory changes, which in turn lead to selection
concerns at the level at which the regulation is imposed (e.g., at the country level). Such reasons do
not necessarily imply a selection problem at the firm level. Whatever the reasons, the regulation is
still imposed on firms, eliminating or at least mitigating selection at the level of the individual firm.
However, the selection concern at the country level usually limits the generalizability of the
findings to other countries and settings. For instance, a country that decides to impose new
disclosure regulation on its firms has likely done so after an explicit or implicit consideration of the
costs and benefits. Thus, if a study analyzing this regulatory change documented significant (net)
benefits, it is unclear that this result would carry over to other countries that have not imposed such
regulation (e.g., the latter may have done so deliberately).14 Hence, we have to be careful in our
interpretation, e.g., we cannot advocate for the same change in other countries based on this result.
14 In our minds, there is a subtle distinction between studies that use a regulatory change (or legal shock) to examine the
existence of a potential economic link and studies that aim to provide an economic analysis of the regulatory change. For the former, the precise magnitude of the economic link is likely of lesser importance, though not irrelevant.
15
Second, even though regulation is imposed on firms, selection problems arise when firms
can opt out or have ways to avoid the regulation (Heckman, 1997). Examples of such avoidance
strategies when it comes to disclosure and reporting regulation are going private, delisting from an
exchange, deregistering from the SEC, switching the location of incorporation, etc. The same issue
arises when regulation includes a financial threshold and managers have discretion whether or not
their firms satisfy the threshold. Thus, it is important for regulatory studies to consider such
avoidance strategies as they can systematically bias the estimated regulatory effects.
Third, regulatory changes are often a response to financial or political crises or other major
events (e.g., a corporate scandal or bankruptcy). Financial markets also respond to these events.
For instance, the Enron scandal reduced trust in financial reporting. It is likely that the ensuing
skepticism led to corporate responses attempting to assuage investor concerns (for evidence, see
Leuz and Schrand, 2009). The implication is that market reactions to the scandal and the effects of
a regulatory change in response to the event are endogenously aligned in time. Thus, it is difficult
to empirically disentangle the effects of the market response from the regulatory effects. A study
that analyzes the effects around the regulatory change is prone to also pick up the market responses
to the scandal (see also Ball, 1980; Mulherin, 2007). Importantly, this concern is not addressed
with a difference-in-differences design unless the control group is subject to the market responses
but not subject to the regulation.
Fourth, regulatory changes tend to apply to a larger group of firms at or after a (single) point
in time. As a result, the analyses of regulatory studies are susceptible to other institutional changes,
general time trends as well as market-wide shocks (e.g., macroeconomic events) that are concurrent
with but unrelated to the regulatory change. Difference-in-differences estimation addresses this
concern to the extent that the control group is subject to the same concurrent shocks as the treatment
group and both groups are expected to respond similarly to these concurrent shocks (parallel-trends
16
assumption). If the regulation is implemented in a staggered fashion, i.e., phased-in over time, then
concurrent events can also be controlled for with appropriate time-fixed effects. Such a staggered
implementation arises frequently with disclosure and reporting regulation because of differences in
firms’ fiscal year ends (e.g., Daske et al., 2008; Christensen et al., 2013). However, using the
staggered implementation for identification is not a panacea. It is important to ascertain that the
effective dates are plausibly exogenous, e.g., pre-determined or tied to arbitrary characteristics like
the ticker symbol. If a firm or country can choose when to adopt or implement the regulation, then
economic factors determining this choice are likely to contaminate the estimation of the regulatory
effects (and we are back to the selection concern). In addition, spillover effects can be a concern
with a staggered implementation. For instance, if investors witness the regulatory effects for firms
that adopt first, they might anticipate the effects for later adopters. Depending on the outcome
variable of the study, the effects for later adopters can then be muted or no longer present (when
measured at the actual implementation date).15 It would also be a concern if seeing the regulatory
effects for early adopters alters the implementation responses of late adopters.
Fifth, capital markets often anticipate regulatory changes, even before the first firms adopt
the new rules. In particular, market prices, returns and the ex-ante cost of capital are going to
reflect the expected regulatory effects, especially after the change has been announced. Thus, the
regulation is “priced in” from the time of the announcement, if not earlier, which in turn implies that
a staggered design will not work with economic outcome variables that are anticipatory in nature
(see also Christensen et al., 2013, 2016). Similarly, estimated treatment effects are biased when
firms can anticipate regulatory changes and hence make adjustments ahead of the mandate. This
issue is particularly prevalent when changes occur frequently (Hennessy and Strebulaev, 2015).
15 It is also possible that the regulatory effects depend on the size of the network (e.g., the number of firms that have
adopted the regulation). For instance, early adopters could see substantially smaller effects than later adopters. In this case, the observed effects for early adopters likely do not generalize and hence need to be interpreted carefully. The average effect over the entire population of treated firms could still appropriately capture the network effects.
17
Sixth, a regulatory response to a corporate scandal or financial crisis can signal future
regulatory actions, including for instance a tougher stance when it comes to enforcement. Similarly,
the market response to the announcement of the regulation likely already contains expectations
about how the regulation will be implemented and enforced. Moreover, it may include expectations
about subsequent regulatory modifications. Such expectations present a major challenge for the
ability of return-based event studies to isolate and cleanly measure regulatory effects.16
Finally, the effects of regulatory changes likely depend on existing regulation and
institutions. For instance, new disclosure regulation or reporting standards need to be enforced and
hence are unlikely to be effective without reliable auditing, supervisory agencies, and/or legal
remedies. These institutional complementarities can pose major challenges for the estimation of
treatment effects, as the observed effects around the regulatory change often reflect joint effects.
The aforementioned challenges are not meant to be comprehensive, but they highlight that it
is very difficult to estimate economic effects of disclosure and reporting regulation and to draw
causal inferences.17 We revisit all these challenges in Sections 3-5 in the context of specific studies.
2.3. Measurement of corporate disclosure and reporting (quality)
This section discusses the measurement of disclosure and reporting as well as its challenges.
Measurement of these activities is obviously critical and, as we explain below, measurement
problems are one major reason why we struggle with the (econometric) identification of the
economic consequences of disclosure and reporting regulation. We first briefly review commonly
used measures of disclosure and reporting. We start with broader or more comprehensive measures
(e.g., a firm’s disclosure policy) followed by narrower or more specific measures (e.g., accruals or a
specific disclosure item). In principle, more specific (or narrow) measures facilitate consistent
16 For the challenges of regulatory event studies, see also Gonedes and Dopuch (1974), Foster (1980), Schwert (1981),
Holthausen and Leftwich (1983) and Binder (1985). 17 See also the discussion of research-design challenges for “shock-based research” in Atanasov and Black (2015).
18
measurement across firms and are also more conducive to measuring quality differences. But with
narrower measures, the concern arises that other disclosure activities could serve as a substitute (or
a complement). For instance, firms could compensate poor earnings quality with additional
disclosures. Thus, without controlling for other disclosure and reporting choices, it is difficult to
isolate the effect of the particular measure in question. Broader measures that characterize a
disclosure policy or reporting regime are more likely to capture a firm’s commitment to a certain
level of transparency, i.e., a promise to provide certain information irrespective of its future
realizations, and hence are less likely to be influenced by specific realizations (e.g., poor
performance in a given year).
Commonly-used measures in the broader category are binary indicators of whether a firm
publicly provides an annual report; files a 10-K or other disclosure forms with the SEC; reports
financial statements quarterly, reports under IFRS, U.S. GAAP, or a particular reporting regime.
Similarly, studies use variables characterizing disclosure policies, e.g., whether and how frequently
a firm provides management forecasts, hosts conference calls, issues press releases, etc. Generally,
these variables are focused on the existence of a certain disclosure (policy). As such, they can be
precisely measured, but they primarily capture the quantity, rather than the quality, of the
information provided.
Another widely-used group of measures in the broader category are disclosure indices. The
best-known but, at this point, dated measure is the Association for Investment Management and
Research (AIMR) rankings, which are based on annual surveys of financial analysts asking them to
rank U.S. firms with respect to their disclosures activities (e.g., Lang and Lundholm, 1993, 1996;
Welker, 1995; Healy et al., 1999; Nagar et al., 2003). These rankings arguably reflect the
usefulness of firms’ disclosures to expert users of this information and hence capture both quantity
and quality aspects. The rankings cover a broad range of disclosure activities including annual
19
report information, voluntary disclosures, and investor relations activities, but they are available
only for large U.S. firms and for a limited time period. A concern with the rankings is that they not
only reflect the usefulness of firms’ disclosures, but also sell-side analysts’ objectives.18
Other studies use (self-constructed) disclosure indices that are generally based on a checklist
of corporate disclosures activities (e.g., Botosan, 1997; Hail, 2002; Francis et al., 2005). Similarly,
international studies often rely on the CIFAR index or the S&P Disclosure score, which are
constructed from annual report and disclosure checklists. They are available for large firms across a
number of countries and often averaged at the country level (e.g., La Porta et al., 1998; Hope, 2003;
Leuz et al., 2003; Khanna et al., 2004; Doidge et al., 2007). These disclosure indices have several
limitations: The selection and coding of relevant disclosures are subjective, the construction of an
index assigns (equal or subjective) weights to disclosure items that likely differ substantially in their
importance and informativeness, and the additive construction does not account for the possibility
that some items are complements and others are substitutes. Again, the indices generally capture
the existence of particular disclosures, rather than their quality.
By focusing on specific disclosures, it is often possible to construct measures that have a
quality (or informativeness) dimension. For instance, for managerial earnings forecasts, we can
measure precision and bias (see Hirst et al., 2008, for a review). For segment disclosures, we could
construct measures for the granularity of the disclosures using the number and relative size of the
segments that are broken out as well as the number of line items per segment. Many important
disclosures such as the Management Discussion & Analysis, 10-K footnote disclosures, and
conference call transcripts are qualitative, text-based, and narrative in nature, which previously
made it difficult to use them. However, recent advances in text analysis, computational linguistics,
18 There are concerns that sell-side analysts simply assign higher ratings to firms with better prospects and financial
performance. Consistent with this concern, Lang and Lundholm (1993) find that AIMR rankings are strongly correlated with past performance. Healy and Palepu (2001) identify additional limitations of the AIMR data.
20
and natural language processing allow us to construct new measures for narrative disclosures, some
of which have quality dimensions (e.g., Li, 2008, 2010; Loughran and McDonald, 2011; Lang and
Stice-Lawrence, 2014). Text-based proxies can be applied broadly (e.g., to the entire 10-K) or more
narrowly (e.g., to an earnings announcement or a particular part of the 10-K), so the earlier
discussion of the tradeoffs between narrower and broader measures applies here as well. As text-
based measures are fairly new, there are still substantial debates about what the proxies capture and
how well they work in empirical studies.19
Probably the most frequently used measures are based on firms’ reported earnings and hence
fall into the narrower category.20 Earnings management and accruals-based proxies have been used
for three decades starting with Healy (1985), Jones (1991) and the modified Jones model introduced
by Dechow et al. (1995). A more recent and also widely-used model for accruals quality has been
advanced by Dechow and Dichev (2002) and subsequently been extended by McNichols (2002). In
addition, there are numerous other proxies based on the properties of reported earnings, including
timely loss recognition and conservatism (e.g., Basu, 1997; Ball et al., 2000), earnings smoothing,
(e.g., Ronen and Sadan, 1975; Leuz et al., 2003; Francis et al., 2004), earnings persistence (e.g.,
Penman, 2001; Dechow and Dichev, 2002; Francis et al., 2004), and the value-relevance of earnings
(Collins et al., 1997; Francis and Schipper, 1999). All these proxies capture important positive and
negative aspects of firms’ reported earnings, but they also suffer from many conceptual and
measurement problems (see Dechow et al., 2010, for an extensive discussion).
International studies often aggregate several of the aforementioned proxies into a combined
measure (e.g., Leuz et al., 2003; Lang et al., 2003b; Lang et al., 2006; Burgstahler et al., 2006). By
aggregating across measures, these studies attempt to obtain a less specific (or summary) measure
19 See also Das (2014) and Loughran and McDonald (2014, 2016). 20 See Healy and Wahlen (1999), Dechow and Skinner (2000) and Dechow et al. (2010) for extensive reviews of this
literature.
21
of reporting quality and also to address concerns about measurement error. However, as with the
construction of disclosure indices, there is the question of how to weight the individual earnings
properties and the issue that tradeoffs among the various properties (e.g., substitutional relations)
are ignored. We also have to be careful that the combined proxies measure the same underlying
construct. Moreover, if all proxies suffer from measurement problems for the same or similar
reasons, it is not clear that combining measures helps. At this point, we have little evidence that the
combined measures are indeed superior and that aggregation reduces measurement error.
Having briefly discussed the array of commonly used measures, we conclude this section by
discussing a fundamental problem that essentially all proxies for corporate disclosure and reporting
share: they need to separate a firm’s economic situation and business model from the representation
of these fundamentals. By their very nature, proxies for earnings and accruals quality are inherently
connected to a firm’s economic characteristics and performance because the accounting system
measures economic performance (see, e.g., Kothari et al., 2005; Hribar and Nichols, 2007; Cohen,
2008). Therefore, separating a firm’s reporting from the underlying economics (or alternatively
controlling for the economics) is very difficult. Illustrating that accrual proxies reflect primarily the
underlying economics rather than reporting quality, Francis et al. (2005) find that economic factors
(which determine “innate” accrual properties) dominate the association between accrual quality
proxies and the cost of capital. The separation problem has plagued all measures of reporting and
accruals quality, earnings management proxies as well as other reporting properties such as
conservatism (see also Dechow et al., 2010). Importantly, the same issues arise with narrative or
text-based disclosure proxies that describe a firm’s economic performance as well as with specific
disclosures (e.g., about fair value estimates) that also reflect a particular business model or
economic situation.
22
Making matters worse, managers may endogenously respond to performance shocks by
manipulating disclosures and reported numbers, which creates the additional issue of distinguishing
between the properties of manipulated and “neutral” or “normal” earnings (e.g., Wysocki, 2008;
Gerakos and Kovrijnykh, 2013). Furthermore, managers are likely to engage in obfuscation to hide
their manipulation and to mimic the properties of normal earnings or financial reports.
Based on our current state of the literature, it is fair to state that essentially all commonly-
used proxies for disclosure and reporting are likely to comingle the firm’s underlying economics
with the reporting (quality) constructs that they are trying to measure. Accounting research has not
yet found a satisfactory way to empirically identify reporting quality.21 A potentially promising
approach is to impose more structure on the problem. Recent attempts in this direction are Gerakos
and Kovrijnykh (2013), Zakolyukina (2013), and Nikolaev (2014). Structural approaches might be
particularly suited for this problem because the accounting system naturally provides structure that
can be exploited for identification. An example for a study using accounting structure is Nikolaev
(2014). He uses simple relations between accruals and cash flows as well as the fact that accruals
reverse to identify accounting quality in a GMM estimation framework. Another approach is to use
quasi-experimental methods, such as instrumental-variable estimation and regression-discontinuity
analysis. The latter approach requires that researchers find instruments or situations in which
reporting (quality) changes, but a firm’s underlying economics (e.g., performance) is plausibly
unchanged. Such situations (or instruments) are difficult to find, but it is not impossible. Similarly,
mandatory disclosure and reporting changes in disclosure could be exploited to serve this purpose.
Partly in response to the described measurement problems, empirical studies often directly
estimate the capital-market consequences of regulatory changes in disclosure and reporting, rather
than proceeding in two steps by first linking a new reporting mandate to reporting changes and then
21 Conceptually, identification implies a clean separation of the accounting properties from the underlying economics.
23
linking the observed reporting changes to capital-market consequences. The former reduced-form
approach sidesteps the measurement of disclosure and reporting changes, but it makes the analysis
susceptible to the influence of concurrent but unrelated shocks that directly affect the capital-market
variables. In light of the identification challenges discussed in the previous section, providing
results along the entire causal path and proceeding in two steps could have its advantages. It would
mitigate concerns about unrelated concurrent shocks that directly affect capital-market outcomes.22
It would provide evidence that a regulatory change indeed operates through disclosure and reporting
changes and allow us to explore the mechanism(s). It is for these reasons that we need more
research on the measurement of disclosure and reporting activities, which in turn would
substantially aid empirical studies on disclosure and reporting regulation.
3. Empirical Evidence from Disclosure Studies
In this section, we enumerate an “inventory” of potential economic effects and outcomes
associated with firms’ disclosure and financial reporting activities. These effects and outcomes are
relevant when evaluating disclosure and reporting regulation. In the Appendix Table 3.1, we
tabulate a large array of effects that have been investigated empirically. In the main text, we discuss
a few key economic links as examples, primarily to give the reader a sense for the progress and
challenges in establishing these links, which also points to opportunities for future research.
We view this stock-taking of potential effects as a necessary first step in an economic
analysis of disclosure and reporting regulation, especially considering that it is generally not
feasible to directly measure and analyze aggregate welfare effects of past or intended regulation.
While we are still far from quantitative cost-benefit analyses of disclosure and reporting regulation,
as discussed in Section 2, the identification and assessment of potential costs and benefits can 22 To be clear, the first stage would in essence provide a falsification test. That is, finding no correlation between the regulatory change and reporting outcomes would make the reduced-form result for capital-market outcomes suspect. Causal estimates at the second stage still require an exclusion assumption (just like instrumental-variable estimation).
24
nevertheless help inform debates about existing and potential future regulation, as well as more
qualitative cost-benefit-analysis.
With this goal in mind, we highlight several firm-specific (micro-level) and market-wide
(macro-level) effects of firms’ disclosure and reporting activities in the literature. This overview
complements prior surveys of the empirical disclosure literature (e.g., Healy and Palepu, 2001; Core,
2001; Beyer et al., 2010; Lang and Maffett, 2011). Our focus, however, is on how this evidence can
advance our understanding of the economic consequences of regulated disclosure and reporting,
which we discuss subsequently in Sections 4 and 5.
3.1 Comments on the role of voluntary disclosure studies for regulatory analysis
Many empirical studies in accounting examine the economic consequences of corporate
disclosure and reporting based on associations with firms’ voluntary disclosure and reporting
choices. As these studies often suggest that the documented results are of interest to policy makers
and regulators, we first want to clarify the role of these studies for regulatory analysis.
In general, studies using firm-level variation in disclosure and reporting that largely reflects
firms’ choices cannot be used to justify the desirability or need for mandated disclosure, even if
they document substantial (net) benefits from disclosure. The reason is that, in this case, firms
would already have incentives to provide the information voluntarily (e.g., Ross, 1979). That is,
precisely in situations in which firms’ benefits from disclosure exceed their costs, we do not need
regulation. Therefore, one economic justification for regulation is that the social value of the
disclosed information exceeds its private value to firms, in which case there is too little disclosure
from a societal perspective due to the existence of positive externalities. Other justifications are
25
that disclosure regulation (i) produces market-wide cost savings, (ii) provides strict sanctions that
are not available privately, and (iii) mitigates dead-weight costs from fraud and agency conflicts.23
However, voluntary disclosure and reporting studies generally do not provide evidence on
the discrepancy between the private and social benefits of information or the existence of
externalities. The focus tends to be on the firm-specific benefits or costs. However, such evidence
at best represents a treatment effect on the treated, rather than the average treatment effect, which is
what would be most relevant to policy makers and regulators.
Therefore, the primary role of studies using variation from firms’ choices is to illustrate the
existence of certain costs and benefits from corporate disclosure and reporting activities. That is,
they can help to establish relevant economic links. Specifically, these studies can inform regulatory
analyses and debates in that (i) they pinpoint key costs and benefits of disclosure and financial
reporting, which in turn should be considered when evaluating mandates of these activities; (ii) they
inform us about differential costs and benefits to firms, which can help us understand how a
mandate may differentially affect firms (including potential wealth transfers among firms); (iii) they
help us predict which firms may take avoidance actions or lobby for or against a proposed
regulation given the differential effects on firms and the wealth transfers between them; and (iv)
they can illustrate the existence of spillovers and externalities because, if they exist, they should
arise also from voluntary disclosures and reporting. For these reasons, we discuss several studies on
the economic consequences of voluntary disclosure and reporting activities below.
But even if we use voluntary disclosure and reporting studies merely to establish the
existence of an economic link, it is important to recognize that by their very nature these studies
23 For a more detailed discussion of these three arguments, see Leuz and Wysocki (2008). Similar arguments have been
used in many other regulatory contexts. Hermalin and Katz (1993) show in a general bargaining context that there are only three reasons for outside interference with private contracting: (i) the parties are asymmetrically informed ex ante; (ii) there is an externality on a third party; and (iii) the state has access to more remedies than private parties. See also Hart (2009) and the references in Footnote 7 for extensive discussions of the potential economic reasons for or against disclosure regulation. We take these arguments as our starting point and focus on the empirical evidence.
26
face a selection problem, which poses major challenges to identification and hence makes these
studies prone to spurious effects.24 As an illustration, consider the selection issues that arise in a
study that examines the association between firms’ disclosure choices and their cost of capital. First,
firms are likely to raise external capital when they experience shocks to their growth opportunities.
But they likely also increase disclosure when raising capital. New opportunities often change
business risk and hence the cost of capital. Thus, one can easily obtain an association between
disclosure and the cost of capital, even when the economic link (or causal relation) does not exist.
Second, assuming disclosure does indeed reduce the cost of capital as hypothesized, then we would
expect firms to respond with disclosure when there are cost of capital shocks (Leuz and Schrand,
2009; Clinch and Verrecchia, 2014). Thus, in a cross-sectional study, one easily obtains a positive,
rather than negative relation between disclosure and the cost of capital. Third, firms are likely to
change disclosures in response to performance. For example, managers provide more information
to explain poor performance. If performance changes also directly affect the cost of capital, then at
least part of the estimated relation is again spurious. Adding to this concern is that, as discussed in
Section 2.3, commonly-used measures comingle corporate disclosure and reporting quality and the
underlying economics.
Given the above discussion, it is worth noting that, in principle, an analysis of externalities
and spillover effects based on voluntary disclosures should be less prone to selection. We expect
firms to base their decisions on the private costs and benefits, not the externalities of their decisions.
If that is true, then externalities and spillovers are essentially an unintended (rather than a selected)
outcome. Put differently, even if a firm (optimally) chooses to provide a certain disclosure, we can
24 A second issue with studies using cross-sectional variation in (voluntary) disclosures, particularly by U.S. firms, is
that the economic significance of this variation could be rather small, especially when considering that the U.S. disclosure and reporting system already mandates a rich set of disclosures. Moreover, this variation is less likely to capture major differences in the commitment to disclosure (see also Leuz and Verrecchia, 2000). But it is the latter for which theory predicts a reduction in information asymmetry and adverse selection in capital markets.
27
study the effects of this disclosure on other firms. The concern in such a study is not selection or
endogeneity of the decision but that the economic conditions determining the firm’s disclosure
decision also apply to other firms (e.g., industry peers) and that they drive the observed effects for
other firms. This concern is essentially a variant of the reflection problem (Manski, 1993).
3.2 Firm-specific benefits from disclosure and reporting
In this sub-section, we discuss empirical studies that identify possible benefits of improved
corporate disclosure and reporting. We distinguish between capital-market effects and real effects.
We define real effects as situations in which the disclosing manager or reporting entity changes its
behavior in the real economy (e.g., investment, use of resources, consumption). Thus, the focus is
on the non-reporting behavior of the sender of the information. Capital-market effects arise from
the behavior of the information receiver, such as investors and financial analysts. The two effects
are connected because capital-market effects (or responses of the receiver) are generally the reason
the disclosure feeds back to the real actions of the sender (see also Kanodia and Sapra, 2016).
In Appendix Table 3.1, we identify major categories of economic benefits of improved
disclosure and note the commonly documented direction of the relation or results. The categories
are: market liquidity, cost of capital, Tobin’s Q, investors’ portfolio allocations, analysts and
broader information environment, capital raising and structure, and investment behavior.
3.2.1. Capital-market benefits of corporate disclosure and reporting
In its search for potential capital market benefits from disclosure and reporting, the
empirical literature has concentrated heavily on two economic constructs, namely, market liquidity
and the cost of capital. One reason is that for both constructs, there are relatively clear and direct
theoretical links. We therefore focus our discussion on studies related to these two outcomes (or
benefits) and summarize key studies in Table 3.2. There are other capital-market benefits that more
28
indirectly relate to firms’ capital-market access and the broader information environment, including
investor participation, institutional investor activity, and analyst following. We do not discuss them
in the main text as they face similar challenges as liquidity or cost-of-capital studies, though the
theoretical links are less clear. Key studies in this category are summarized in Table 3.3.
Arguably, the firm-specific benefit of disclosure best supported by theory is the effect on
market liquidity. At its core is the insight that information asymmetries among investors introduce
adverse selection into share markets (e.g., Copeland and Galai, 1983; Glosten and Milgrom, 1985;
Kyle, 1985; Easley and O’Hara, 1987; Admati and Pfleiderer, 1988). Uninformed or less informed
investors have to worry about trading with privately or better informed investors.25 As a result,
uninformed investors either price protect or exit the market to minimize possible losses from trading
with informed counterparties. These actions reduce the liquidity of share markets, i.e., ability to
quickly buy or sell shares at low cost and with little price impact. Corporate disclosure and
reporting can mitigate the adverse selection problem and increase market liquidity by leveling the
playing field among investors (Verrecchia, 2001).
Consistent with this prediction, the empirical literature using voluntary disclosures generally
documents a positive association between better disclosure and liquidity (e.g., Welker, 1995; Healy
et al., 1999; Leuz and Verrecchia, 2000; Heflin et al., 2005; Brown and Hillegeist, 2007). In
addition, survey evidence suggests that managers believe that such liquidity benefits exist (Graham
et al., 2005).26 More recent work takes the basic relation as given and focuses (i) on channels or
mechanisms for the relation as well as (ii) on other attributes of liquidity in order to gain a deeper
understanding of how disclosure affects information asymmetry and liquidity.
25 In essence, an uninformed investor fears that an informed investor is willing to sell (buy) at the market price only
because the price is currently too high (too low) relative to the information possessed by the informed trader. 26 They find that 44% of the managers strongly agree with the statement that “voluntarily communicating information
increases the overall liquidity of our stock” (and only 17% of managers strongly disagree with the statement).
29
The studies in (i) suggest more nuanced relations; for instance, that better disclosures reduce
information asymmetry, but also induce some liquidity suppliers to exit the market when they have
fewer opportunities to transact on private information (Heflin et al., 2005). They also shed light on
the channels for the liquidity effect of disclosure; for instance, showing that the liquidity benefit of
disclosure arises primarily because disclosure reduces the likelihood that investors discover and
trade on private information (Brown and Hillegeist, 2007). In our view, more evidence that
disclosure reduces the non-productive search costs, as predicted in Verrecchia (1982) and Diamond
(1985), would be very useful for a welfare analysis of disclosure regulation.
The studies in (ii) show that disclosure is also associated with other liquidity attributes. For
instance, Lang and Maffett (2011) find that more transparent firms (measured in a number of ways)
have lower liquidity volatility, fewer extreme illiquidity events and a lower association between
own firm-level liquidity and market liquidity. These results are more pronounced during crises.
Similarly, Ng (2011) suggests that better reporting is negatively associated with liquidity risk,
defined by Pastor and Stambaugh (2003) as the sensitivity of stock returns to unexpected changes in
market liquidity. Ng (2011) also finds that the negative association between reporting quality and
liquidity risk is stronger in times of large market liquidity shocks. In our view, the suggestion that
the benefits of transparency are largest in financial crises is worth exploring more as it could play an
important role in the economic justification of disclosure regulation (see also Section 6).
As discussed in Section 3.1, a major problem in voluntary disclosure studies is the selection
problem. Many studies recognize this problem and attempt to estimate the relation with some
correction for self-selection (e.g., Welker, 1995; Leuz and Verrecchia, 2000; Brown and Hillegeist,
2007). However, finding valid instruments to implement selection models and instrumental-
variable regressions is very difficult and these studies generally provide little discussion explaining
30
why their instruments satisfy the exclusion restriction.27 Thus, their evidence should probably not
be interpreted in a causal way. To strengthen evidence of a causal link, Balakrishnan et al. (2014)
exploit an exogenous shock to the information environment, i.e., the loss of an analyst, stemming
from brokerage house closures and mergers after Reg FD. They document that firms respond to a
loss in analyst following with more management forecasts, and then show in an instrumental-
variable regression that, for those firms that increase their disclosures, there is an increase in market
liquidity. Such evidence is an important step forward, but we probably need further studies to
cement the relation, as Balakrishnan et al. (2014) finds evidence only along the intensive margin,
i.e., for firms that have provided managerial forecasts in the past, and only for one particular
disclosure. Thus, causal evidence from voluntary disclosure studies is still rare. But the causal link
between disclosure and market liquidity is also corroborated by studies that exploit mandated
disclosure and reporting changes and hence do not face selection at the firm level (see Section 4).
The other commonly-analyzed economic link is how disclosure and reporting relates to
firms’ cost of capital. Empirical studies on this link have been guided and motivated by several
theories. First, the aforementioned link between disclosure and liquidity could manifest in a cost of
capital effect. Illiquidity and bid-ask spreads essentially impose trading costs on investors, for
which they expect to be compensated in equilibrium (e.g., Constantinides, 1986; Amihud and
Mendelson, 1986). Moreover, adverse selection problems in secondary markets fold back to the
point at which the firm issues shares. Investors anticipate that they will face price protection in the
future and hence reduce the price at which they are willing to buy shares in the initial securities
offering (Baiman and Verrecchia, 1996). Second, more disclosure and better reporting can improve
risk sharing in the economy and hence reduce the market-risk premium. These effects could arise
when (some) investors are not aware of all firms in the economy (Merton, 1987) and when large
27 As Gow et al. (2016) highlight that there is still too little discussion even in recent accounting studies.
31
and less risk-averse investors are unwilling to hold shares due to adverse-selection concerns
(Diamond and Verrecchia, 1991). Finally, there is a direct link between disclosure and the cost of
capital (or expected returns) arising from estimation risk (e.g., Brown, 1979; Barry and Brown,
1984, 1985; Coles and Loewenstein 1988, Jorgensen and Kirschenheiter, 2003; Hughes et al., 2007;
Lambert et al. 2007, 2012). It is also conceivable that there exists a non-diversifiable information
risk factor in returns, though we currently lack theoretical support for such a factor.
Overall, the empirical literature analyzing the cost of capital effects of disclosure and
financial reporting is more mixed than the evidence for market liquidity (see Table 3.2). Several
studies document a negative association between disclosure and the cost of equity capital, but the
relation is often only present for certain groups of firms (e.g., Botosan, 1997) and certain types of
disclosures (e.g., Botosan and Plumlee, 2002). The evidence is also mixed when studies examine
the relation outside the U.S. in weaker disclosure environments (e.g., Hail, 2002; Daske, 2006),
which likely increase the power of voluntary disclosure studies. In addition, there is evidence
showing associations between certain properties of firms’ reported numbers (e.g., accruals quality,
earnings volatility or smoothing) and the cost of equity capital (e.g., Francis et al., 2004; Verdi,
2006). As discussed in Section 2.3, it is difficult to separate attributes of reporting (such as accruals
quality) from firms’ underlying economics (e.g., operating volatility). Thus, it is possible that these
studies do not illustrate the effects of accruals quality or earnings smoothing, but instead reflect
differences in firms’ operating and economic risks.
We suspect that one potential reason for the mixed cost-of-capital evidence is again the
selection problem, which arises in all of the aforementioned studies (see also Nikolaev and van Lent,
2005). Several but not all studies attempt to address this problem by estimating selection models or
instrumental-variable regressions. But as mentioned before, it is difficult to find proper instruments
and to satisfy the exclusion restriction in these settings. Larcker and Rusticus (2010) illustrate this
32
problem and the effects of instrument choice on the results in this context. They conclude that, in
their setting, there is no evidence that disclosure quality has an association with the cost of capital.
Motivated by the selection problem, Leuz and Schrand (2009) exploit the Enron scandal in
2001 as an exogenous shock to the perceived precision and credibility of U.S. corporate reporting.
They show that, in response to this shock, firms increase their disclosures and that these (plausibly
exogenous) disclosure changes are in turn associated with subsequent declines in the cost of capital,
as measured by beta and another proxy for estimation risk. The link between disclosure and the
cost of capital is also further corroborated by studies exploiting mandatory changes in disclosure
and reporting (e.g., Shroff et al., 2013). They are discussed in Sections 4 and 5.
Similar to the work on liquidity, there are studies that focus on the potential mechanisms
linking disclosure and the cost of capital. Using path analysis, Bhattacharya et al. (2012) find
associations consistent with a direct path from earnings quality to the cost of equity, and an indirect
path that is mediated by information asymmetry. Similarly, Lang et al. (2012) use mediation
analysis to illustrate that liquidity is an important mechanism through which disclosure increases
firm valuation (Tobin’s Q) and also lowers the cost of capital. However, these studies do not
establish causality for the mechanisms, which presents an opportunity for future research.
In addition, there are a number of studies examining the relation between disclosure and
firms’ external capital raising activities, rather than the cost of capital per se. Studies generally find
a positive link between capital raising activities and disclosure quantity and quality (e.g., Frankel et
al., 1995; Healy et al., 1999; Lang and Lundholm, 2000; Shroff et al., 2013). There are also studies
that document that more extensive pre-IPO disclosures are associated with lower underpricing,
which is a cost of raising capital (e.g., Schrand and Verrecchia, 2005; Leone et al., 2007).
Finally, there is a growing literature that investigates to what extent firms’ reporting quality
represents a non-diversifiable information risk factor that is priced in returns. As noted earlier,
33
there is not much theory supporting such a risk factor. Standard asset pricing models imply a
relation with firms’ beta factor (e.g., Lambert et al., 2007). That said, several studies document a
negative relation between reporting quality proxies and firms’ cost of equity (e.g., Aboody et al.,
2005; Francis et al., 2005; Ecker et al., 2006; Kim and Qi, 2010; Ogneva, 2012; Barth et al., 2013).
The evidence has been controversial, although more recent work is generally supportive of a
negative relation even using two-stage cross-sectional regressions (Core et al., 2008; Kim and Qi,
2010; Ogneva, 2012). However, it is important to note that the aforementioned studies do not use
exogenous reporting variation. Moreover, commonly-used proxies for reporting quality are prone
to pick up differences in the underlying economics and could also reflect measurement error in
other risk factors, in particular beta. We are not aware of a study that addresses these concerns.
While most studies have focused on the cost of equity, there are also studies on the cost of
debt (e.g., Sengupta, 1998; Nikolaev and van Lent, 2005). For instance, Miller and Puthenpurackal
(2002) find that U.S. debtholders demand economically significant premiums for bonds of foreign
firms that have no prior history of ongoing disclosure. Zhang (2008) finds that lenders offer lower
interest rates to firms that report conservative earnings numbers.28 Studies on the cost of debt face
the same selection and endogeneity concerns as cost-of-equity studies. A potential advantage of the
debt studies is that the cost of debt can be measured more directly. However, a major difficulty
with tests involving the cost of debt is to control for default risks as well as the specifics of firms’
debt contracts, in particular covenants, and their impact on the cost of debt. Thus, it is a priori not
obvious that it is better to focus on the cost of debt, rather than the cost of equity.
In sum, the evidence on the relation between disclosure and reporting and the cost of capital
is fairly mixed and still evolving. The empirical results appear to be sensitive to a number of factors,
28 This evidence contrasts with evidence in Francis et al. (2004) suggesting that conservative earnings properties are not
a primary factor in determining cost of equity.
34
including the cost-of-capital measures (i.e., realized returns versus ex ante cost of capital), firm size,
and the types of disclosures or earnings attributes (see Table 3.2).
3.2.2 Real effects of corporate disclosure and reporting
A potentially important effect of disclosure and reporting is that they feed back into
corporate decision-making and have real effects (as defined earlier). In this subsection, we discuss
such real effects and summarize key studies in Table 3.4. Overall, there is relatively sparse
empirical evidence on real effects of disclosure and reporting activities, mostly with respect to
corporate investment. However, the analytical literature suggests that real effects should be fairly
common (see Kanodia and Sapra, 2016). Thus, we need more empirical research on the prevalence
and magnitude of real effects with respect to corporate investment and other real economy actions.
One possible channel for real effects of disclosure is that better disclosure and reporting
reduces information asymmetries that otherwise give rise to frictions in raising external capital for
investment. The idea is that better reporting improves monitoring by outside parties, such as
institutional investors and analysts, which in turn can reduce inefficiencies in managerial decisions
(e.g., Bushman and Smith, 2001; Lombardo and Pagano, 2002; Lambert et al., 2007). The literature
on the effects of reporting quality on corporate investment decisions is still in its early stages, but
there are a number of studies suggesting that better reporting is associated with higher investment
efficiency (e.g., Bens and Monahan, 2004; Biddle and Hilary, 2006; Bushman et al., 2006; Biddle et
al., 2009, Badertscher et al., 2013, Cheng et al., 2013; Goodman et al., 2014). Jung et al. (2014)
examine effects on the efficiency of labor investments and document a positive association. There
is also related work suggesting that financial misreporting by one firm can lead to inefficient
investment decisions for competing firms. We discuss such peer effects in Section 3.4.
35
As with the capital-market studies, most real-effects studies use cross-sectional variation in
(voluntary) disclosure and reporting to estimate the links with investment efficiency. Thus, they
face the selection problem that we discussed earlier. To mitigate this problem, Cho (2015) exploits
improvements in mandated segment reporting to analyze real effects on firms’ internal capital
allocation decisions. They find that firms with improved segment reporting allocate capital to
segments in a way that is more in line with segment opportunities, consistent with notion that high-
quality disclosures improve external monitoring and therefore investment efficiency. A nice feature
of this study and setting is that it uses segment reporting under the new standard even for the pre-
adoption period, essentially exploiting restated reports for the prior year. Nevertheless, real effects
studies face a number of challenges, including difficulties in separating capital market and real
effects and the measurement of investment efficiency. We discuss these challenges in more detail
in Section 4.4. Overall, there are still many opportunities for future research on real effects.
3.3 Firm-specific costs of corporate disclosures and reporting
In this subsection, we highlight various studies that identify possible costs of increased
disclosure and better reporting. We identify several categories of possible economic costs and
mitigating effects: litigation risk, proprietary costs, competition, and other disclosure costs. In
Table 3.4, we summarize studies for each category. Below we discuss a few examples only.
The direct costs of corporate disclosures, including the preparation, certification and
dissemination of accounting reports, are conceptually straightforward. However, as the debate
about the costs of SOX implementation suggests (e.g., Ribstein, 2005; Coates and Srinivasan, 2014),
these direct costs could be substantial, especially when considering managerial opportunity costs.
The latter are particularly hard to quantify. Moreover, due to fixed disclosure costs, certain
disclosures can be particularly burdensome for smaller firms. Empirical studies repeatedly find that
larger firms provide more and better disclosures (e.g., Lang and Lundholm, 1993), which is
36
consistent with fixed costs from information production and dissemination resulting in economies
of scale. Overall, however, there is a general paucity of academic evidence that would allow us to
quantify the direct costs and out-of-pocket expenses of firms’ disclosure and reporting practices.
Disclosures can also have indirect costs because information provided to capital market
participants can also be used by other parties (e.g., competitors, labor unions, regulators, tax
authorities, etc.). For example, detailed information about line-of-business or product profitability
can reveal proprietary information to competitors and hence cause proprietary costs (e.g., Feltham
et al., 1992; Hayes and Lundholm, 1996). The fact that other parties may use public information to
the disclosing firm’s disadvantage can dampen its disclosure incentives (Verrecchia, 1983; Gal-Or,
1985). However, a competitive threat may not always induce firms to withhold information. For
example, incumbent firms may disclose information to deter entry by competitors. Firms might
also share information about market demand to prevent overproduction in the industry (Kirby,
1988). Furthermore, competitors can infer information from the fact that a firm does not make
certain disclosures. Thus, the relation between disclosures and proprietary costs is complex and
depends on the type of competition threat (e.g., Vives, 1984; Gal-Or, 1986; Verrecchia, 1990;
Wagenhofer, 1990; Feltham et al., 1992).
There are a number of empirical studies that examine the effects of proprietary costs on
firms’ voluntary disclosure decisions (see Appendix Table 3.4). Generally speaking, the evidence is
consistent with the notion that firms provide fewer segment disclosures due proprietary costs or
competitive concerns (Harris, 1998; Berger and Hann, 2003; Leuz, 2004; Botosan and Stanford,
2005; Berger and Hann, 2007; Hope and Thomas, 2008; Bens et al., 2011). However, as several
studies point out, a potential alternative explanation for much of the evidence is that managers
withhold information for ulterior reasons, e.g., to hide poorly performing segments or internal
capital allocations that are inefficient and not necessarily in the interest of shareholders. Bens et al.
37
(2011) provide evidence suggesting that competitive concerns appear to be particularly prevalent
for less diversified firms and for those competing with private firms. In contrast, for many multi-
segment firms, the firms’ disclosure behavior is consistent with an agency cost explanation.
Similarly, disclosures can be costly to managers in that they could face significant personal
costs from disclosing bad news to investors. Kothari et al. (2009) provide evidence consistent with
the idea that career concerns motivate managers to withhold bad news so that they can bury the bad
news in subsequent good news disclosures (see also Bertomeu et al., 2015).
Other research posits that the risk of shareholder litigation makes it potentially costly for
firms to voluntarily provide disclosures, especially when they are forward-looking. However, as
shown in Table 3.4, the evidence regarding the effects of litigation on disclosure is mixed and also
quite subtle or nuanced, especially when it comes to bad news disclosures (e.g., Kasznik and Lev,
1995; Skinner, 1994, 1997; Francis et al., 1994; Bamber and Cheon, 1998; Johnson et al., 2001,
2007; Field et al., 2005; Rogers and Van Buskirk, 2009; Billings and Cedergren, 2015). Several of
these papers recognize and provide evidence that the relation between disclosure and litigation is
endogenous in that disclosure could also reduce litigation risks and expected litigation costs, which
in turn would be a benefit from disclosure.
Finally, it is possible that disclosure activities have indirect costs to existing financing or
other relationships (e.g., political connections). Evidence in this category comes, for instance, from
Bushee and Noe (2000) and Bushee et al. (2003) suggesting that voluntary disclosures can attract
transient or retail investors, which in turn can increase stock volatility, from Leuz and Oberholzer-
Gee (2006) suggesting that transparency and disclosure can be costly to existing political
relationships, and from Ball et al. (2015) and Chen et al. (2015) suggesting that IFRS adoption can
be costly to debt contracting.
38
3.4. Market-wide effects of firms’ disclosure and reporting activities
As a final category of possible economic outcomes, we discuss potential market-wide effects.
Theory argues that the effects of disclosure and reporting activities often extend beyond the firm
providing the information, resulting in information spillovers and externalities (e.g., Dye, 1990;
Admati and Pfleiderer, 2000). Importantly, disclosure of one firm not only provides information to
investors when evaluating other firms (e.g., industry peers) or to the management of other firms
when making decisions, but it also has the potential to reduce agency problems in other firms. For
example, the disclosure of operating performance and governance arrangements provides useful
benchmarks that help outside investors to evaluate other firms’ managerial efficiency or potential
agency conflicts and, in doing so, can lower the costs of monitoring. Empirically, such information
transfers and governance spillovers have not been explored much.
The early literature shows that earnings announcements provide information to investors
about other firms in the same industry and hence that there are information transfers (e.g., Foster,
1981; Olsen and Dietrich, 1985; Clinch et al., 1987; Baginski, 1987; Han et al., 1989; Han and Wild,
1990). These studies suggest the existence of industry- and potentially market-wide externalities
from firms’ disclosure and reporting activities. More recently, studies explore spillover and peer
effects from accounting restatements and misreporting. They suggest that restatements and
misreporting not only result in equity market penalties for restating firms, but also have information
spillover effects on their competitors (Xu et al., 2006; Gleason et al., 2008; Silvers, 2016) as well as
negative spillover (or peer) effects on their real investment decisions (e.g., Sidak, 2003; Sadka,
2006; Durnev and Mangen, 2007; Beatty et al., 2013). 29 We summarize empirical studies
examining market-wide effects of disclosure and reporting in Table 3.5.
29 There is also evidence on the spillover effects of mandated changes in disclosure and financial reporting (e.g., Bushee
and Leuz, 2005; Chen et al., 2013). We discuss those in Sections 4 and 5.
39
In sum, we call for more research into the market-wide effects of disclosure and reporting
activities, in particular, as they play an important role in the economic justification of disclosure and
reporting mandates.30 As discussed, there are numerous reasons why the disclosures of a single
firm extend beyond the firm itself. Even if such spillovers and externalities from any single firm
are small, they could be large in the aggregate. However, as individual firms are expected to trade
off the private (or firm-specific) costs and benefits, even relatively small disclosure and reporting
costs could deter socially optimal disclosure and reporting activities. As with other externalities,
the problem is that firms are unlikely to internalize all the market-wide benefits and hence may not
provide the socially optimal level of disclosure.
4. Evidence on the Economic Effects of Disclosure Regulation
In this section, we summarize and discuss empirical evidence on the economic effects of
disclosure regulation. We focus on the introduction of new disclosure mandates as well as major
extensions of the entire disclosure regime. 31 We include studies on major changes in the
enforcement as enforcement is an important element of securities or disclosure regulation. We also
discuss studies on international differences in disclosure regulation. Studies examining mandated
changes in the entire set of reporting standards (e.g., IFRS adoption) are discussed in Section 5.
4.1. Studies examining the introduction of U.S. securities regulation
In this section, we focus on studies examining the imposition of disclosure regulation on U.S.
firms via the Securities Act of 1933 and the Exchange Act of 1934. These Acts, which introduced
disclosure requirements for all exchange-traded firms, were—over time—extended to cover over-
30 But we also note that externalities and peer effects are particularly thorny when it comes to identification. See Manski
(1993) and Angrist (2014) for the problems of estimating peer effects, which likely also apply to externalities. 31 As explained in the introduction, we exclude studies that focus exclusively on a particular accounting standard or
narrow disclosure rule. While individual rules can have important capital-market effects, they are typically embedded in a set of accounting standards and an existing disclosure regime, which likely makes the results (more) conditional on the existing reporting regime. We admit that the distinction is more a matter of degree than principle.
40
the-counter (OTC) traded stocks (i.e., the 1964 Securities Act Amendments, the 1999 Eligibility
Rule on the OTC Bulletin Board). In addition to the first-time imposition of disclosure
requirements, there were also major reforms of securities regulation pertaining to disclosure, such as
Regulation Fair Disclosure in 2000 and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002. Studies examining these
major reforms are discussed in the next section.
The early empirical literature on disclosure regulation primarily analyzes the effects around
the Acts of 1933 and 1934 and is generally relatively negative or at least skeptical about the benefits
of disclosure regulation. Studies find little evidence that market-adjusted returns of unregistered
new stock issues are different from the returns of registered issues post SEC regulation (Stigler,
1964; Jarrell, 1981). However, the variance of new issues’ abnormal returns decreases post
regulation (Stigler, 1964; Jarrell, 1981; Simon, 1989). In addition, Jarrell (1981) provides evidence
that default rates of registered bonds have decreased after the Acts. Benston (1969, 1973) finds
little evidence of fraud related to financial statements in the period before the new disclosure
regulation. He also documents that there was widespread voluntary disclosure prior to the
regulation. In addition, he finds little evidence in betas and abnormal returns that the risk of NYSE
stocks that did not disclose prior to the mandate has significantly decreased relative to NYSE stocks
that voluntarily disclosed in the pre-period.32 Finally, Chow (1983) analyzes stock reactions to
events related to the passage of the Acts and finds negative abnormal stock returns. We list the key
studies and summarize their specific findings in Table 4.1.
The early studies and their interpretations have been heavily debated and repeatedly been
challenged (e.g., Friend and Herman, 1964; Seligman, 1983; Coffee, 1984; Easterbrook and Fischel,
32 Mahoney and Mei (2006) follow a different approach and examine short-window market reactions to the first filings
of the mandated disclosures. They find no evidence that these filings contain new information for firms subject to NYSE disclosure rules. This finding is consistent with evidence in later periods that 10K filings have modest, if any, market reactions, especially when compared to earnings announcements (e.g., Foster and Vickrey, 1978; Asthana and Balsam, 2001; Li and Ramesh, 2009).
41
1984; Romano, 1998; Fox, 1999). Proponents of mandatory disclosures often point to the results
indicating that the variance of new issues’ abnormal returns decreases after the imposition of SEC
disclosure regulation. They interpret this evidence as supporting the notion that mandatory
disclosures improve investors’ assessment of risky securities (e.g., Seligman, 1983). Opponents of
disclosure regulation in turn argue that this result likely reflects selection and composition rather
than a treatment effect. They point out that there is also a trend from public debt offerings towards
private debt placements, which is more pronounced among relatively risky bonds (Benston, 1969;
Jarrell, 1981; Simon, 1989). Thus, the introduction of disclosure regulation may have shifted riskier
securities to less regulated markets.33
This discussion highlights the importance to control for firms’ responses to the regulation,
which can result in sample composition changes in the post-period. Moreover, the early studies
lack a control group of unaffected firms because all exchange-traded firms were affected by the new
regulation. The studies typically provide comparisons in the variable of interest before and after the
regulation, rather than formal difference-in-differences tests.34 Several studies attempt to address
these issues by exploiting cross-sectional differences such as differential disclosures before the
imposition of the regulation (e.g., Benston, 1973; Simon, 1989; Daines and Jones, 2012). For
instance, Benston (1973) uses NYSE firms that voluntarily disclosed prior to the mandate as a
benchmark. However, these firms were still affected by the new regulation, though arguably less, in
that the new regulation requires certain disclosures and no longer gives firms a choice. Moreover,
firms have voluntarily selected into this control group, which raises concerns about the parallel-
trends assumption.
33 More recent studies also point to such effects. See, e.g., Bushee and Leuz (2005) and Gerakos et al. (2013). 34 This design is also susceptible to changing market conditions around the regulatory changes, in particular the onset of
the Great Depression. Moreover, it is difficult to separate the effects of the regulation from a market response to the excesses in financial markets in the late 1920s and the ensuing crash, which in turn gave rise to the regulation.
42
A recent study by Daines and Jones (2012) highlights the problems of using cross-sectional
differences among affected firms. They examine changes in information asymmetry and market
liquidity around the Acts and show that exchange-traded stocks, especially on the Curb Exchange,
experience an increase in liquidity relative to OTC firms that were not covered by the Acts.
However, when they partition the results by firms’ prior disclosure status, they find that liquidity
often increases more for firms that previously disclosed a required item voluntarily compared to
firms that were compelled to provide new disclosures. A potential interpretation is that firms that
previously disclosed experience liquidity increases because regulation increases the commitment to
disclosure and the enforcement thereof. But the findings could also be interpreted as casting doubt
on the primary result that the new regulation caused the increase in liquidity. That is, the
interpretation of cross-sectional differences among treated firms depends heavily on the theory of
how firms are affected by the regulation (and its plausibility).35
Thus, overall, studies on the capital-market effects around the initial introduction of SEC
disclosure regulation are inconclusive and, if anything, present negative evidence on the potential
benefits of disclosure regulation. A number of studies revisit the capital-market effects analyzing
extensions of SEC regulation to previously unregulated firms.36 We list and summarize key studies
in Table 4.2. Both the 1964 Securities Act Amendments and the 1999 Eligibility Rule for the OTC
Bulletin Board imposed SEC disclosure regulation on particular firms trading in the OTC equity
market that previously did not have to file with the SEC. One advantage of these regulatory events
is that firms that trade in the same market segment, but already file with the SEC, provide a natural
control group. Moreover, the events are more recent resulting in better data availability and larger
35 We discuss this issue also in Section 4.2 for SOX studies. 36 Strictly speaking, firms in the OTC markets are not entirely unregulated as they are also subject to state securities
regulation, i.e., Blue Sky laws. However, as discussed in Mahoney (2003) and Brueggemann et al. (2014), these laws generally do not require (or result in) publicly available disclosures. The Blue Sky laws are essentially investor protection statutes. See, e.g., Agrawal (2103) for an analysis of the effects of these laws on firms’ financing and investment decisions.
43
samples, and they fall into less turbulent time periods than the Acts of 1933 and 1934. These
factors should facilitate tighter and more powerful research designs.
The Securities Act Amendments of 1964 imposed SEC disclosure regulation on larger OTC
securities, many of which later traded on the NASDAQ market. As shown in Table 4.2, two studies
document significant capital-market benefits around the disclosure mandate. Ferrell (2007) finds a
reduction in volatility among OTC securities relative to NYSE stocks that are already subject to
SEC disclosure requirements. He interprets this evidence as consistent with an increase in price
efficiency due to information being more quickly reflected in prices. In addition, he documents that
OTC securities exhibit positive abnormal returns during the time period over which passage of the
1964 Amendments became likely. Greenstone et al. (2006) find positive (and large) abnormal stock
returns to most affected OTC firms from the time the regulation was proposed to the time it went
into force, relative to size and book-to-market matched NYSE/AMEX firms that are not affected by
the disclosure mandate. By using this control group, Greenstone et al. (2006) do not rely solely on
the asset pricing model to identify the effects of the mandate. To bolster the analysis, they show
that there are no longer any abnormal returns for OTC firms once the new mandate is in place, and
that OTC firms experience positive abnormal returns in the weeks when their compliance with the
new disclosure rules became known to the market.
The authors interpret their evidence through the lens of Shleifer and Wolfenzon (2002)
suggesting that mandatory disclosure “causes managers to focus more narrowly on maximizing
shareholder value.” To support this interpretation, Greenstone et al. (2006) show that OTC firms
experience an increase in operating performance relative to unaffected firms. While it is
conceivable that disclosure regulation reduces the conflicts between controlling insiders and outside
44
shareholders, the evidence for firm value and operating performance is also consistent with other
interpretations, such as a decline in the cost of capital due to better disclosure.37
Battalio et al. (2011) use a different approach to estimate the effect of the 1964 Securities
Acts Amendments. They analyze short-term abnormal returns when OTC firms announce their
intention to list on the NYSE. They compare these returns before and after the Amendments. They
argue that returns should be positive in both cases, but less so in the post period if the disclosure
mandate increases firm value as shown in Greenstone et al. (2006) and Ferrell (2007). Battalio et al.
(2011) do not find significant announcement return differences between the two periods. They
therefore question whether the disclosure mandate had an effect on firm value. Their explanation
for their results is that most OTC firms were already required by the National Association of
Securities Dealers (NASD) to send certified financial statements to shareholders and the NASD on
an annual basis. Consistent with this requirement, Battalio et al. (2011) were able to find financial
information from various sources for most OTC stocks prior to the 1964 Amendments. Given their
evidence, Battalio et al. (2011) raise the possibility that the results in Greenstone et al. (2006) and
Ferrell (2007) reflect the difficulty of measuring abnormal returns over a longer period. However,
such difficulties should also affect the post period in which Greenstone et al. (2006) and Ferrell
(2007) do not find abnormal returns. Moreover, even if firms already provided disclosures through
other channels prior to the disclosure mandate, it would still be possible for the Amendments to
have significant capital-market effects if the SEC mandate was stricter or more strictly enforced.
Thus, we need more research to determine the effects of the 1964 Amendments, particularly,
evidence that is not based on returns.
37 Moreover, the documented firm value increases do not necessarily translate into welfare gains as the abnormal returns
could be the result of wealth transfers from controlling insiders to outside shareholders.
45
Bushee and Leuz (2005) examine the introduction of SEC disclosure regulation to the OTC
Bulletin Board (OTCBB) via the “Eligibility Rule” in 1999. Prior to the Rule, smaller firms that
were not subject to 1964 Amendments could be quoted on the OTCBB without filing with the SEC.
The Rule eliminates this possibility and forces these firms to comply with the reporting
requirements under the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 if they remain quoted on the OTCBB.
Bushee and Leuz (2005) point out that OTCBB firms that already file with the SEC could still be
affected if the disclosures by newly compliant firms have externalities. They find that OTCBB
firms that were already compliant with SEC reporting obligations experience positive abnormal
returns around key announcement dates of the rule as well as sustained increases in liquidity,
relative to NASDAQ Small Cap firms. This evidence is consistent with the existence of positive
externalities from disclosure regulation, possibly due to liquidity spillovers or an enhanced
reputation of the OTCBB. However, this interpretation hinges crucially on the extent to which
NASDAQ Small Cap firms are an appropriate control group to determine the externalities.
Bushee and Leuz (2005) also show that the imposition of SEC disclosure requirements
essentially forced over 2,600 firms (or 76% of the market segment) into the less regulated and less
liquid Pink Sheets market, at significant costs in terms of market value and liquidity. This evidence
suggests that, for the majority of (smaller) OTCBB firms, the (firm-specific) costs of SEC
disclosure regulation outweigh the benefits. 38 In sum, the capital-market evidence from the
introduction of mandatory disclosure in U.S. securities regulation is fairly mixed. Several studies
find a reduction in volatility or liquidity benefits, but the return evidence goes in both directions and
differs across studies and regulatory acts (see Table 4.1). In addition, there is some evidence of
38 Even firms that were compelled to adopt SEC disclosures to avoid removal from the OTCBB exhibit negative
abnormal returns around the rule change. This finding suggests the mandate is on balance costly to these firms, consistent with the Rule eliminating their preferred disclosure strategy. These firms still experience significant increases in liquidity upon compliance, consistent with the notion that increases in the commitment to disclosure manifest in higher liquidity. But the return evidence suggests that these benefits do not outweigh the costs.
46
substitution effects, i.e., firms shifted from public offerings to private placements (Benston, 1969;
Jarrell, 1981; Simon, 1989) or moved to a different trading venue (Bushee and Leuz, 2005). These
findings illustrate that it is important to consider ways in which firms can respond to or avoid the
imposition of regulation. Generally, firms have the option to go private, not to go public, or to
move to an unregulated market. Understanding these and other potential responses and avoidance
strategies is crucial when empirically evaluating the costs and benefits of disclosure regulation and
also when designing the rules in the first place. We have relatively little evidence on such
responses and avoidance strategies, although there are SOX studies with this focus (see Section 4.2).
We further note that there is relatively scant evidence on the aggregate consequences of
these regulatory acts, such as changes in the market equity premium, participation in the stock
markets, capital formation, or capital allocation. Bushee and Leuz (2005) is one of the first
mandatory disclosure studies that explicitly attempts to provide evidence on positive externalities.
Their evidence and the possibility of externalities (or spillovers) caution us more generally to use
already-compliant firms in the same market segment as unaffected, untreated, or control firms.
More research on this issue and on the market-wide consequences of disclosure regulation is needed.
There is also little research examining potential real effects, such as changes in managerial behavior,
corporate investment, stemming from the imposition of disclosure regulation in these U.S. settings.
We discuss studies on such effects in Section 4.4.
4.2. Studies on major changes in U.S. disclosure regulation
In recent years, there were two major changes in U.S. disclosure regulation: Regulation Fair
Disclosure (Reg FD) and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOX) that have already been studied
extensively.39 As there are detailed surveys of these studies (e.g., Koch et al., 2013; Coates and
39 In addition, the Jumpstart Our Business Startups (or JOBS) Act as well as on the Dodd-Frank Act are likely to be
studied extensively. For both regulatory changes, disclosure studies are starting to emerge, but as most are still
47
Srinivasan, 2014), we review this literature in less detail and focus instead on the interpretation of
the findings as well as on important research-design issues. In addition, Table 4.3 in the Online
Appendix provides an overview of this literature.
4.2.1 Regulation Fair Disclosure
Reg FD prohibits selective disclosure of material, non-public information to certain
individuals (e.g., analysts, institutional shareholders) without contemporaneous disclosure to the
public at large. It was adopted by the SEC in August 2000 and became effective in October 2000.
The intention of Reg FD is to increase investor confidence in the integrity and fairness of U.S.
capital markets by targeting the distribution of information and hence the degree of information
asymmetry between investors. It does not prescribe specific disclosures. However, as has been
noted in the legislative process (e.g., Unger, 2001), prescribing how corporate disclosures are
distributed can change firms’ incentives to provide information in the first place. Moreover, it can
affect the behavior of intermediaries engaged in the production and dissemination of information
(e.g., financial analysts). Thus, the effects from Reg FD are primarily a tradeoff between leveling
the playing field and reducing public information available to markets, sometimes called the
“chilling effect” (e.g., Koch et al., 2013).
Consequently, the evidence on Reg FD focuses broadly speaking on three outcomes: (i)
capital-market effects (e.g., trading volume, stock returns around earnings announcements,
information asymmetry, and the cost of capital); (ii) firms’ disclosure responses, including changes
in their communication channels; and (iii) effects on and responses by information intermediaries,
such as financial analysts (see Table 4.3 in the Appendix).
working papers, we do not review this literature. See, e.g., Chaplinsky et al. (2014) and Dambra et al. (2015) for early studies examining disclosure provisions of the JOBS Act.
48
In summary, the evidence suggests that Reg FD has leveled the playing field and reduced
information asymmetries among investors, but at the same time had a chilling effect on the amount
of available information for some firms, particularly smaller and technology firms. The chilling
effect appears to have materialized primarily through changes in information intermediation, such
as reduced analyst coverage for some firms (see Koch et al., 2013, for detailed survey). However,
the evidence for specific outcomes is often mixed and the results differ across studies. One finding
that consistently comes through is that the documented effects around Reg FD depend on firm size
(and trading venue). We discuss several Reg FD studies to illustrate key findings as well as
research-design challenges.
For instance, Eleswarapu et al. (2004) and Chiyachantana et al. (2004) document that bid-
ask spreads of NYSE firms decrease after Reg FD, consistent with a decline in information
asymmetries without a countervailing reduction in the overall amount of information. In contrast,
Sidhu et al. (2008) examine NASDAQ firms and find that the adverse selection component of
spreads increases after Reg FD. Thus, if Reg FD indeed limits selective disclosure, this result
implies a decline in the overall amount of information for these firms (as otherwise spreads should
not widen). The opposing results could be explained by sample differences: Firms trading on
NASDAQ tend to be smaller than NYSE firms and are more frequently in the technology sector.
Similarly, Gomes et al. (2007) and Duarte et al. (2008) find no significant changes in the
cost of capital for NYSE firms, but an increase in the cost of capital for smaller firms and NASDAQ
firms, respectively. In contrast, Chen et al. (2010) find a decline in the implied cost of capital of
large and medium firms after Reg FD, but no significant change for small firms.
The evidence for abnormal returns around earnings announcements and trading volume is
also mixed (e.g., Heflin et al., 2003; Bailey et al., 2003). Francis et al. (2006) replicate these studies
using foreign firms with U.S. cross-listings (ADRs) as a benchmark to control for concurrent
49
institutional and economic changes unrelated to Reg FD. Their findings suggest that the changes in
return volatility and trading volume reflect concurrent events rather than Reg FD. An additional
reason why capital market outcomes are difficult to interpret is that Reg FD is expected to change
firms’ disclosure strategies as well as the behavior of information intermediaries (e.g., incentives for
private information acquisition). The capital-market effects around Reg FD should reflect the
confluence of these responses, likely resulting in considerable cross-sectional variation in the
observed effects. Thus, it is perhaps not surprising that the results of the aforementioned studies
differ considerably by sample composition (or firm size).
Consistent with this conjecture, there is evidence that financial analysts reduced their
information production around Reg FD, at least for some firms. For instance, Gomes et al. (2007)
document a loss in analyst coverage for smaller firms. Gintschel and Markov (2004) find that the
informativeness of analyst reports as measured by their price impact upon release declines after Reg
FD and that this decline is concentrated in growth firms. There is also evidence that forecast
accuracy (dispersion) decreases (increases) around Reg FD (e.g., Heflin et al., 2003; Bailey et al.,
2003), particularly for forecasts that are made early in the year and for smaller firms (Agrawal et al.,
2006). Again, it is not clear to what extent these changes in forecast properties are driven by Reg
FD versus other concurrent events (Francis et al., 2006). But if the results are attributable to Reg
FD, they suggest a chilling effect for some firms as well as a leveling of the playing field, i.e., fewer
selective private disclosures to analysts.
There are also several studies examining the effects of Reg FD on firms’ disclosures.
Consistent with its intended effect, Kothari et al. (2009) provide evidence that Reg FD constrains
managers’ tendency to selectively leak good news ahead of public disclosures.40 In response, firms
40 But there is also evidence that, even after Reg FD, some investors continue to have private access to management, for
example, via invite-only conferences or one-on-one meetings (e.g., Bushee et al., 2011; Soltes, 2014).
50
could make public disclosures in lieu of selective private disclosures. For instance, Bushee et al.
(2004) show that firms switch from closed to open conference calls. Similarly, there is evidence
that firms increase earnings guidance after Reg FD, for example, to compensate the loss in analyst
coverage (Heflin et al., 2003; Gomes et al., 2007; Anantharaman and Zhang, 2011). Firms could
also alter the channel of private communication. Credit rating agencies are exempted from Reg FD
and hence firms could provide information to them. Consistent with such a response, Jorion et al.
(2005) find that credit rating changes have stronger stock market reactions after Reg FD.
When interpreting the Reg FD evidence, it is important to keep a number of research design
challenges in mind. First, and probably foremost, studies on Reg FD have to account for a series of
events that took place around the enactment of Reg FD (see also Francis et al., 2006). There are the
stock market boom and subsequent crash in 2000, the ensuing economic recession, decimalization
of quoted stock prices at major U.S. exchanges in early 2001, a series of accounting scandals in
2001 and 2002 (e.g., Enron, WorldCom), the regulatory response with SOX in 2002, and the Global
Settlement of major investment firms in 2003. These events and the fact that Reg FD applies to all
domestic SEC registrants make it very difficult to isolate the effect of the regulation, even with a
difference-in-differences design. However, most Reg FD studies have a pre-post design solely
estimating changes in the outcome of interest and hence are even more susceptible to concurrent
events. Another design challenge is that prior selective disclosure practices are not observable and
hence need to be inferred. As a result, it is difficult to exploit changes in disclosure behavior, for
instance, by focusing on firms that were forced to alter their disclosure practices (Koch et al., 2013).
In response to the concern about concurrent events, several studies have used foreign firms
with ADRs cross-listed on U.S. exchanges as a control group (e.g., Francis et al., 2006; Gomes et al.,
2007; Chen et al., 2010). ADRs are exempted from Reg FD but likely affected by (many)
concurrent events. However, as discussed in Francis et al. (2006), this control group is appropriate
51
only if (i) ADR firms do not voluntarily comply with Reg FD and (ii) if foreign jurisdictions do not
adopt similar regulations around the same time. Regarding (i), it is not obvious why foreign firms
would adopt Reg FD voluntarily, especially if they have engaged in selective disclosures in the past.
Besides, committing not to engage in selective disclosure is difficult to promise and, even if feasible,
it is something firms could have done much earlier. Thus, it is perhaps not surprising that evidence
on voluntary disclosure changes by foreign firms is mixed (Sidhu et al., 2008; Canace et al., 2010).
Regarding (ii), it should be noted that, while U.S. regulatory changes often become a role model for
other countries, the adoption of similar regulation by a foreign jurisdiction takes time and hence
would not likely be concurrent. Thus, the primary concern regarding the use of ADRs as a control
group is not (i) or (ii) but the extent to which this control group satisfies the parallel-trends
assumption.41
4.2.2 Sarbanes-Oxley Act
The second major change to U.S. disclosure regulation in recent years was SOX. The Act
was passed in 2002 in response to a series of corporate scandals (e.g., Enron, WorldCom). SOX
created the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB) to oversee and regulate
auditing. It also requires auditors to play a larger role in the enforcement of existing financial
reporting and disclosure regulation. Specifically, SOX strengthens the independence and powers of
the audit committee (e.g., to hire the auditor) and requires that firms obtain auditor attestation of
their internal control systems. This requirement does not prescribe particular internal controls.42
However, material weaknesses in the internal control system have to be disclosed. In addition,
41 It requires that foreign firms with ADRs would have been similarly affected by other economic events that are
concurrent, but unrelated to Reg FD. Given that several concurrent events are fairly specific to the U.S. environment, this assumption is tenuous and hence studies with an ADR-based control group should be interpreted with caution.
42 Section 404 has been the most controversial aspect of SOX. Its implementation has been repeatedly delayed and was eventually limited to companies with a public float over $75 million. See Coates and Srinivasan (2014).
52
SOX mandates audit partner rotation every five years. As such SOX is more focused on auditing
and enforcement of financial reporting, rather than on specific disclosures.
Evidence on the effects of SOX focuses broadly speaking on four aspects: (i) the costs from
complying with SOX (e.g., audit fees); (ii) the effects on accounting and auditing quality as well as
capital-market reactions to 404 disclosures; (iii) the net effects on shareholder wealth using stock
returns; (iv) corporate responses to SOX and avoidance behavior (e.g., going private). Table 4.3
provides examples for these outcomes. As with Regulation FD, the evidence on many of these
aspects is decidedly mixed.
The evidence on the direct costs of SOX compliance is mostly based on surveys (e.g., SEC,
2004; Charles River Associates, 2005; Alexander et al., 2013). These surveys show that
compliance costs increase in firm size but at a decreasing rate. They also indicate that compliance
costs have fallen over time, consistent with the revisions to Section 404 implementation over time.
However, one problem in comparing audit fees and other compliance costs before and after SOX is
that the accounting scandals and ensuing loss in investor confidence would have increased the
demand for assurance and auditing even in the absence of SOX. In response to more skepticism
and scrutiny by investors, firms may have also increased their disclosures and improved internal
controls (e.g., Leuz and Schrand, 2009). Without a counterfactual that takes these responses into
account, it is difficult to estimate incremental SOX compliance costs. Illiev (2010) circumvents this
problem using a regression-discontinuity design to estimate the impact of SOX on audit fees. He
exploits the exemption of firms with a public float below $75 million. Firms that are just below this
cutoff should experience the same market forces (e.g., demanding more disclosure, better controls
and auditing) as firms that are just above the cutoff, but only the latter have to comply with SOX.43
43 His study addresses a number of other concerns (e.g., incentives for firms to stay below the $75 million cutoff). See
Gao et al. (2009) for evidence that some firms engage in various actions to avoid crossing the public float threshold.
53
Based on this design, he estimates that audit fees have increased by 86 percent or approximately
$530,000 for the average firm in his sample. However, as is often the case with a regression-
discontinuity design, these estimates do not generalize to firms that are much larger (or smaller).
They also do not capture subsequent changes to SOX implementation that likely have decreased
audit fees and compliance costs (e.g., the switch from Auditing Standard 2 to Auditing Standard 5).
Thus, to date, we have limited evidence on the direct and long-run costs of SOX compliance.44
There are also relatively few studies on the indirect costs of SOX. For instance, SOX
compliance could become a major distraction for managers and it could also make them less willing
to take risks and to innovate. Such indirect costs could swamp the direct costs, especially for larger
firms. Note, however, that an improvement in transparency and investor confidence could also
reduce firms’ cost of capital and hence increase the net present value of new investments. Thus, it
is ex ante unclear how SOX affects corporate investment. Bargeron et al. (2010) and Kang et al.
(2010) analyze this effect and present evidence consistent with a decline in corporate investment by
U.S. firms relative to non-U.S. firms in the period after SOX. In contrast, Albuquerque and Zhu
(2013) find an increase in R&D (and total) investments using a regression-discontinuity design
around the $75 million threshold. But again, this evidence applies only to firms close to the size
threshold. Albuquerque and Zhu (2013) also show that, for a large sample of U.S. firms, corporate
investment starts to decline in 1999, not in 2003 when SOX becomes effective. Thus, as discussed
in Coates and Srinivasan (2014), while there seems to be a decline in U.S. investment, it is not clear
that the trend is driven by SOX, rather than broader changes in the U.S. environment.
With respect to potential SOX benefits, several studies suggest an improvement in reporting
and auditing quality. Specifically, there is evidence that, after SOX, accrual-based earnings
44 There is little evidence that SOX has led to an increase in litigation costs—a concern that was initially raised when
SOX was passed. See Coates and Srinivasan (2014) for a discussion of this concern and the evidence.
54
management, for instance, to meet analysts’ earnings targets, has declined (e.g., Cohen et al., 2008;
Koh et al., 2008; Bartov and Cohen, 2009; Iliev, 2010) and that the recognition of losses has
become more timely (e.g., Lobo and Zhou, 2006). However, several of these studies also point to
an increase in real earnings management, which partially offsets the changes with respect to
accruals. A challenge for these studies is that proxies for earnings management and reporting
quality (e.g., timely loss recognition) are noisy. In addition, measuring earnings quality usually
requires several consecutive firm-year observations. The relatively long measurement period makes
it difficult to attribute the observed changes to SOX (or any other regulatory event). With few
exceptions (notably Iliev, 2010), the aforementioned studies are susceptible to confounding effects
by concurrent events. They also cannot rule out that the changes are driven by increased market
discipline following the accounting scandals (see also Coates and Srinivasan, 2014).
One potential way to mitigate these concerns about concurrent events is to use changes in
liquidity to infer changes in reporting quality from SOX. Market liquidity is tightly linked to
information asymmetry, which in turn is influenced by the quality of reporting and disclosure (see
Section 3). The advantage of using market liquidity is that it can be reliably measured over
relatively short intervals and that liquidity changes should occur if and when reporting improves
(and not much earlier). These features allow researchers to design studies that exploit the timing of
regulatory changes for identification (e.g., a staggered introduction), i.e., to control for unrelated
changes in liquidity including concurrent events and market discipline effects. This approach has
been used for other regulatory changes such as IFRS adoption (Daske et al., 2008; Christensen et al.,
2013). For SOX, only few studies examine changes in market liquidity. Jain et al. (2008) analyze
long-run changes in liquidity around the accounting scandals and SOX. They document a decline in
liquidity during the time period of the accounting scandals and a subsequent improvement in
liquidity that persisted after SOX. To tighten the link to SOX, the study also shows that liquidity
55
changes around SOX are associated with changes in total accruals (used as a proxy for earnings
quality). While Jain et al. (2008) traces out changes in liquidity over time, its primary benchmark is
the pre-scandal period. It does not exploit the staggered introduction of SOX for some firms and
hence the documented liquidity changes could also reflect general trends, concurrent events, and/or
increased market discipline after SOX. To avoid these concerns, Albuquerque and Zhu (2013)
exploit the public float cutoff for Section 404 compliance and use a regression-discontinuity design.
They find a modest increase in market liquidity for firms subject to Section 404 of SOX relative to
firms that are below the cutoff.45 In addition to the studies on accounting quality, there is evidence
suggesting that audit quality has improved. Dyck et al. (2010) show that auditors play a (relatively)
larger role in detecting accounting-related fraud after SOX. DeFond and Lennox (2011) find that a
large number of small audit firms exits the market for public company audits following SOX and
that these auditors are of lower quality than those remaining in the market. Coates and Srinivasan
(2014) note that restatements increase dramatically in the first few years after SOX and note that the
spike in restatements is consistent with increased vigilance in the post-SOX era. While these
studies corroborate the aforementioned studies on improvements in firms’ reporting behavior, it is
again difficult to attribute these changes to SOX and to isolate them from other concurrent events
including changes in market discipline.
One way to attribute outcomes more directly to SOX is to study disclosures (or other
changes) that have been stipulated by the Act. Along this vein, a number of studies provide
evidence that Section 404 disclosures are informative to investors (e.g., Doyle et al., 2007;
Hammersley, 2008; Ashbaugh-Skaife et al., 2008; Feng et al., 2009) and that firms’ cost of capital
increases around these disclosures (e.g., Ashbaugh-Skaife et al., 2009; Kim et al., 2011; Costello
45 It is again not certain that these results can be extrapolated to larger firms. In particular, the concern is that the effects
are more pronounced for smaller firms and hence the liquidity effects could be (economically) insignificant for larger firms.
56
and Wittenberg-Moerman, 2011). While these market reactions are attributable to disclosures that
SOX introduced, it is harder to use these results for an evaluation of the Act.
To this end, a series of studies examines the net effect for shareholders using stock returns
around the legislative events. The basic idea is that stock returns should among other things reflect
the various costs and benefits to shareholders that the aforementioned studies suggest. Akhigbe and
Martin (2006), Jain and Rezaee (2006) and Li et al., (2008) find positive abnormal returns to events
that increased the likelihood of the passage of SOX. In contrast, Zhang (2007) finds negative
abnormal returns to legislative events leading up to the passage of SOX. One reason for the
difference in findings is that the studies use different legislative events, illustrating that the choice
of event dates is critical. In addition, SOX events are clustered in time and often extend over
several days. In fact, Leuz (2007) points out that three of the four key legislative events used in
Zhang (2007) fall in the month of July 2002 and the respective event windows of these events cover
all, but three trading days in the second half of July. This example illustrates the difficulty of
removing unrelated concurrent events and market-wide effects in regulatory event studies. In the
case of SOX, the adjustment of event returns is further complicated by the fact that SOX applies to
all SEC registrants and hence to the vast majority of U.S. publicly traded firms. Thus, a natural
control group of similar, but unaffected U.S. firms by which to adjust returns does not exist. For
this reason, Zhang (2007) uses event-day returns to non-U.S. traded foreign firms as a benchmark.46
Her study illustrates that foreign equity markets experienced large negative abnormal returns around
key legislative events as well. Thus, U.S. event returns without some form of market adjustment, as
for instance in Jain and Rezaee (2006) and Li et al. (2008), cannot be attributed solely to SOX and
need to be interpreted cautiously. But even the return adjustment using foreign markets is tricky as
many of the confounding events over the legislative period likely affect U.S. and foreign firms 46 Another alternative is to use foreign firms that are cross-listed in the U.S., but exempt from SOX. We have already
discussed the pros and cons of this approach in the context of Reg FD studies. They are similar here.
57
differently.47 A way to mitigate this problem is to rely solely on foreign firms and to estimate the
return differential between U.S. cross-listed firms that have to comply with SOX and U.S. cross-
listed firms that are exempt from SOX (Litvak, 2007; Li, 2014).48 The idea of this test is that firms
with U.S. cross-listings have similar exposure to confounding U.S. events. Consistent with Zhang
(2007), Litvak (2007), and Li (2014) find more negative abnormal returns to firms that have to
comply with SOX, consistent with net costs to shareholders from SOX. However, this evidence
does not necessarily apply to U.S. firms. It is possible, for instance, due to differences in
governance structures and other institutional features, that SOX imposes costs on foreign firms, but
is beneficial to U.S. firms, after all it was designed for U.S. firms. Another key challenge is that
foreign firms that do not have to comply with SOX (e.g., many Level 1 ADRs) tend to be quite
different from firms that have to comply with SOX (e.g., Level 2 or Level 3 ADRs). Firms in the
latter group tend to be much larger and likely have (endogenously) more exposure to the U.S.
An alternative way to identify SOX effects is to exploit cross-sectional differences in the
returns to key legislative events (e.g., Jain and Rezaee, 2006; Litvak, 2007; Zhang, 2007; Li et al.,
2008; Li, 2014). The idea of this approach is that, while all firms are affected by unrelated
concurrent events, the return differential can be interpreted as a SOX effect. To illustrate,
Chhaochharia and Grinstein (2007) find that firms that need to make more changes to become
compliant with SOX earn positive abnormal returns around key SOX events compared to firms that
are already more compliant. Similarly, Li et al. (2008) find that abnormal returns around legislative
events are positively related to proxies for earnings management prior to SOX. Hochberg et al.
(2009) use lobbying behavior of corporate insiders to identify firms that are likely more affected by
47 For example, as Leuz (2007) points out, these events include the U.S. moving towards a war with Iraq and
Congressional debates over the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. 48 Zhang (2007) and Li (2014) also provide an analysis comparing the returns of foreign firms with U.S. cross-listings to
foreign firms without such cross-listings. However, the exposure of these two groups to confounding U.S. events is probably still substantially different, so this approach is not as tight as an analysis within cross-listed firms.
58
SOX. They demonstrate that firms whose insiders lobbied against a strict SOX implementation
experience significantly positive abnormal returns over the passage of SOX compared to firms that
did not lobby. They interpret this result as evidence that SOX benefits outside shareholders by
reducing agency problems. To support this interpretation, they provide evidence that lobbying
firms are not as well governed and are more likely to consume more private control benefits at the
expense of outsiders. For the cross-sectional identification strategy to work, we need firm
characteristics that are directly related to SOX, such as lobbying behavior or elements of the
governance structure that make firms already compliant with certain SOX provisions. In addition,
we need a theory that links these and other firm characteristics in a way that aids the preferred
interpretation and precludes alternative explanations. For instance, without corroborating evidence
showing that lobbying firms are poorly governed, the return differential between lobbying and non-
lobbying firms alone could occur because well-governed firms are better able to cope with costly
regulation and also have more time to lobby.
Thus, the interpretation of cross-sectional differences in abnormal SOX returns hinges
critically on having convincing a priori predictions on how SOX differentially affects firms. At the
same time, the firm characteristics used for the cross-sectional tests need to be uncorrelated with the
effects of other unrelated concurrent events. Identifying such characteristics is difficult. Another
shortcoming of the cross-sectional approach is that it can provide only relative evidence on the (net)
costs and benefits. Despite the evidence of positive abnormal returns for some firms, as in
Chhaochharia and Grinstein (2007) and Hochberg et al. (2009), it is still possible that for these
firms SOX was overall net costly to shareholders, albeit to a lesser extent.
A final and more general concern about regulatory event studies is that they capture
expectations at the time of legislation, rather than the effects after implementation. This concern is
particularly relevant in the context of SOX given the implementation was substantially adjusted
59
over time (see also Coates and Srinivasan, 2014). One could therefore estimate abnormal returns
around the regulation’s implementation, but these events are likely to be less “sharp” for a number
of obvious reasons. In the context of SOX, however, it is possible to estimate the announcement
returns to the decision to postpone Section 404 compliance for smaller firms. As the delay applies
only to firms below a certain size cutoff, firms above the size cutoff can be used as a control. Using
this approach, Zhang (2007) and Iliev (2010) find that firms below the cutoff experience positive
returns on days when it is announced that SOX compliance is delayed.49 These results suggest that
SOX was net costly to shareholders of smaller firms, but again are difficult to extrapolate to the
bulk of the U.S. market.
An alternative approach to estimating whether a regulatory act has been net costly or
beneficial to shareholders is to examine firms’ responses to new regulation. For instance, if SOX is
net costly to shareholders, we expect firms to engage in avoidance strategies. This prediction
assumes that managers act in the interest of shareholders. If not, the approach is more likely to
measure the effects of SOX on corporate insiders and managers, rather than outside shareholders.
There are several papers that follow this revealed-preference approach. Engel et al. (2007)
analyze firms’ going-private decisions around SOX. The idea is that firms can avoid SOX costs by
going private and that they will do so whenever the costs imposed by SOX outweigh its benefits
plus the net benefit from being public prior to SOX. Engel et al. (2007) document an increase in
Rule 13e-3 transactions after SOX. These transactions allow firms to deregister their securities
from the SEC, a prerequisite to going private. They also show that the announcement returns to
these transactions are positive and increase for smaller firms after SOX. These results are
consistent with the notion that SOX is net costly for smaller firms. However, Leuz (2007) shows
49 Iliev (2010) also provides long-run, return-based evidence that Section 404 compliance was costly to firms that were
just above the cutoff for compliance relative to smaller firms just below the cutoff.
60
that there are similar going-private trends in other countries around the world, which makes it
unlikely that the increase in Rule 13e-3 transactions documented by Engel et al. (2007) is
attributable to SOX.50 Consistent with this concern, Leuz et al. (2008) show that the frequency of
going-private transactions is not related to SOX-related events. However, Kamar et al. (2009)
document evidence using a difference-in-differences design consistent with a compliance cost effect.
They examine acquisitions of public targets by private and public firms in the U.S. and elsewhere,
and find that the propensity of small public targets to be acquired by private firms (as opposed to
public firms) has increased in the U.S. relative to elsewhere.
Leuz et al. (2008) show that there is a considerable number of public companies that
deregister their securities from the SEC, cease to make periodic SEC filings, but continue to trade
publicly in markets that do not require SEC filings. They show that these going-dark activities
account for the bulk of the SEC de-registrations after SOX and that going dark (but not going
private) is associated with SOX-related events (including Section 404 implementation). Using a
cross-sectional approach, Leuz et al. (2008) provide evidence suggesting that for many firms cost
savings play a significant role in the decision to go dark, consistent with the notion that SOX
imposes substantial costs on firms, particularly smaller ones. However, as for the return-based
event studies using a cross-sectional approach, the latter interpretation depends crucially on the
reason why firms go dark after the imposition of SOX.51 Similarly, there is evidence that foreign
firms are more likely to delist and deregister their cross-listed securities in the U.S. (Marosi and
Massoud, 2008; Doidge et al., 2010; Hostak et al., 2013; Li, 2014). Again, the motive could be
compliance costs or, alternatively, a reduction in private control benefits to insiders as a result of
50 In addition, Bartlett (2009) shows that going private does not, per se, exempt firms from SOX as they may still have
debt securities that require SEC reporting. Moreover, many of the going-private firms were so small that they never had to comply with SOX Section 404 (Coates and Srinivasan, 2014).
51 It is also possible that firms go dark in order to avoid the additional scrutiny imposed by SOX. Consistent with this hypothesis, Leuz et al. (2008) document that, in at least some cases, controlling insiders appear to take firms dark to protect private control benefits and decrease scrutiny.
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SOX. Similar to the going-dark results, there is evidence consistent with both motives playing a
role. In addition, there are studies on foreign firms’ tendency to enter and raise capital on U.S. debt
and equity capital markets (e.g., Piotroski and Srinivasan, 2008; Doidge et al., 2009; Gao, 2011).
The evidence for new cross-listings on U.S. exchanges is mixed (see Table 4.3).
Further evidence on avoidance strategies comes from Gao et al. (2009). They document that
firms take various actions to keep their market capitalization below the $75 million cutoff for
Section 404 compliance. However, as discussed in Coates and Srinivasan (2014), there is little
evidence that SOX has had an impact on the frequency with which U.S. firms go public.
Overall, the revealed-preference approach produces relatively consistent evidence for going
dark of U.S. firms, deregistrations of foreign firms, and cross-listings more generally. It suggests
that avoidance strategies are more prevalent among smaller firms, consistent with the notion that
SOX compliance is particularly costly to smaller firms. However, avoidance strategies are also
more common among firms with weaker governance and larger agency problems, consistent with
the notion that SOX increased the scrutiny that these firms and their controlling insiders face.
In sum, the empirical findings on the impact of Reg FD and SOX suggest that these
regulatory changes had significant costs and benefits, but the evidence is often quite mixed and at
times even conflicting. A more robust finding is that the effects on firms are generally
heterogeneous, especially with respect to firm size, consistent with the notion that new regulation
creates winners and losers. However, many of the documented effects around the two regulatory
changes are not necessarily causal, consistent with the identification challenges discussed in Section
2. Thus, although both regulatory changes have been studied extensively, we are still far from
answering the question of whether these regulatory changes were net beneficial and, more generally,
whether the market-wide benefits of regulating disclosure exceed the aggregate costs.
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4.3. International evidence on costs and benefits of disclosure regulation
An alternative approach to studying the economic consequences of disclosure regulation is
to exploit cross-sectional variation across countries, rather than regulatory changes in a particular
country, as in the previous sections. In this section, we review studies exploiting international
variation in disclosure and securities regulation.52 We begin with cross-sectional studies and then
discuss studies that combine cross-sectional and time-series variation, including regulatory changes.
While there are many international differences in disclosure regulation, exploiting this cross-
sectional variation poses a number of challenges. Financial reporting standards and disclosure
regulation are integral parts of countries’ institutional systems. The elements of these systems are
often systematically related, leading to institutional clusters—a phenomenon that we discuss in
more detail in Section 5.5. We note that the existence of these clusters poses major omitted-
variable concerns and implies that identifying the effects of a single regulatory element in the
institutional system in a cross-sectional study is difficult, if not impossible. Controlling for the
other elements of the system is not a satisfactory identification strategy in most settings because the
list of potentially omitted variables is long and, on top of that, the various elements are likely
endogenously related. For instance, it is no coincidence that countries with large public equity
markets tend to have extensive disclosure regulation, stronger outside investor protection, and
strong legal enforcement.53 Moreover, some elements of the institutional system are measured with
greater precision than others. For this reason, it is generally not appropriate to run a “horse race”
among various elements of the institutional system with respect to some outcome variable. Stronger
associations of one element compared to another could simply reflect lower measurement error,
rather than lower economic relevance. Despite these challenges, cross-country studies have been
52 In addition, there is substantial research on the economic effects of reporting standards using non-U.S. and cross-
country settings. We review this research in Section 5. 53 For evidence on these associations, see La Porta et al. (2006). See also Section 5 for further discussion.
63
instrumental in advancing research on the role of institutions. Moreover, they have opened new
avenues for research by providing a starting point for more in-depth research, posing many new
questions, and by providing novel (and much needed descriptive) evidence.
Following the seminal work of La Porta et al. (1997, 1998), there are many cross-country
studies on financial reporting and disclosure. Broadly speaking, these studies demonstrate that
disclosure and transparency proxies, measured at country- and/or firm-level, exhibit significant
associations with other institutional factors (e.g., investor protection, judicial efficiency, rule of law)
and with various market outcomes (e.g., cost of capital, financial development and market
capitalization, analyst forecast accuracy, foreign investment and international portfolio flows,
informed trading, market liquidity, ownership structure and concentration). Examples are Hope
(2003), Bushman et al. (2004), Francis et al. (2005), Gelos and Wei (2005), Guedhami et al. (2006),
Eleswarapu and Venkataraman (2006), Chen et al. (2009), and Bilinski et al. (2013). Many studies
in this literature also document that firms’ disclosures and countries’ institutions have interactive
associations with respect to market outcomes (e.g., Aggarwal et al., 2005; Leuz et al., 2008; Lang et
al., 2012; Maffett, 2012). For example, Aggarwal et al. (2005) find a positive association between
firms’ voluntary disclosures and foreign mutual fund investment and that this association is more
pronounced for firms that reside in jurisdictions with less mandatory disclosure. In a similar vein,
Leuz et al. (2008) find that foreigners invest less in firms with insider control and opaque earnings
when these firms are domiciled in countries with weaker disclosure regulation and outside investor
protection. Such interactions suggest that the role and effects of firm-level disclosures depend on
countries’ institutions.
However, as these cross-country disclosure studies generally demonstrate associations,
rather than causal effects, we need to interpret this evidence carefully. Often, it is not clear which
of the variables are the primitive ones and in which direction causality runs. Corporate
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transparency and other institutional factors are likely jointly determined and hence not easily
separable (see also Bushman et al., 2004). Moreover, many of the aforementioned studies do not
focus specifically on disclosure regulation. The proxies used in these studies are often based on a
combination of voluntary and mandatory disclosures and hence reflect not only regulatory
differences but also firms’ practices. As this review focuses on regulation, we provide an overview
of these studies and their findings in Table 4.4, but do not discuss them in further detail here.
Instead, we turn to studies providing international evidence specifically on the economic
effects of disclosure regulation. Glaeser et al. (2001) compare securities regulation and the
associated stock market development in Poland and the Czech Republic in the 1990s. Securities
laws were designed from scratch after the two countries emerged from socialism. The study
emphasizes that issuer disclosure and capital-market intermediaries play a key role in securities
regulation and for investor protection. It also suggests that enforcement of disclosure regulation by
specialized regulators may be more efficient than judicial enforcement, which in our view is an
important topic worth further investigation.
La Porta et al. (2006) examine the links between securities regulation and financial
development in 45 countries. They create a dataset evaluating the strength of countries’ securities
regulation and provide evidence that stricter and better enforced securities regulation is associated
with higher financial market development, as measured for example by the size of the equity market
and its IPO activity. Building on this dataset, Hail and Leuz (2006) examine international
differences in firms’ cost of equity capital across 40 countries and their association with the quality
of countries’ legal institutions and securities regulation. They show that firms in countries with
more extensive disclosure requirements, stronger securities regulation and stricter enforcement
mechanisms exhibit a significantly lower cost of capital. These effects are smaller when capital
markets are more globally integrated, suggesting that market integration reduces the influence of
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countries’ legal and regulatory institutions on firms’ cost of capital. Frost et al. (2006) examine the
link between required corporate disclosure at the exchange level and equity market development.
They find that stock exchange disclosure requirements and enforcement are positively associated
with market development using proxies such as market capitalization, number of listed firms, and
market liquidity (see also Cumming et al., 2011).
Thus, the cross-country evidence is generally consistent with the notion that extensive
disclosure regulation fosters capital market development, improves market liquidity, and reduces
the cost of capital. In these studies, strict enforcement tends to have an incremental association
(even beyond proxies for disclosure rules or regulation) and not solely a complementary (or
interactive) effect. However, it is important to recognize that the identification in these studies is
cross-sectional and hence the results should be not interpreted causally. Moreover, it is difficult to
estimate the precise nature of the relation between disclosure rules and enforcement as well as to
isolate their joint effects from the effects of other complementary institutions.54
A different approach is to exploit both cross-sectional and time-series variation in disclosure
regulation. Examples for this approach in securities regulation are Bhattacharya and Daouk (2002)
and Christensen et al. (2016). The former paper analyzes the enforcement of insider trading
regulation around the world and provides evidence that the first enforcement action of the new law
lowers firms’ cost of capital. One concern noted by the authors is that the estimates are quite large
(roughly 700 basis points). Aside from measurement problems with the cost of capital, a potential
explanation is that the timing of the enforcement action is endogenous. It seems plausible that
countries decide to take action when there are major shocks or scandals in their capital markets.
These shocks may partially revert even in the absence of regulatory action, in which case the
54 For this reason, it would be preferable to study changes in disclosure regulation while the other institutions are being
held constant. This design amounts to the U.S. studies that we have discussed in Sections 4.1 and 4.2. There are also studies examining changes in disclosure regulation in other countries. The insights and challenges of these studies are similar to those that we have already discussed for the U.S. We therefore provide only a few examples in Table 4.4.
66
estimates are contaminated (i.e., overstated) by what in labor economics is called the “Ashenfelter
dip.” That is, even if the enforcement action had no effect on the cost of capital, the endogenous
timing of the action in relation to the shock would result in estimates that suggest a decline.
Christensen et al. (2016) examine changes in insider trading and transparency regulation
exploiting two key EU directives on securities regulation. The EU setting allows the authors to
analyze the same regulatory change across 27 EU countries implemented at different points in time.
This setting and, in particular, the staggered implementation in many countries offer better
identification of regulatory effects than a single regulatory event such as SOX. First, by measuring
the regulatory effects in multiple countries at various points in time, the analysis is less susceptible
to concurrent but unrelated economic shocks. Confounding shocks would have to be correlated
with the implementation dates of two directives across several countries to induce the results.
Second, the fact that the directives are designed at the EU level, but implemented at the country
level in a staggered fashion makes the study less prone to pick up market responses to preceding
events that might have given rise to the directives in the first place.55 Third, EU countries have
limited discretion as to when to implement the new directives, which reduces concerns about the
endogeneity of the timing and an “Ashenfelter dip.” To even further tighten the identification,
Christensen et al. (2016) exploit that a few EU countries have large unregulated markets, which are
not or, to a lesser degree, affected by the new directives. The existence of these markets allows
estimating the regulatory effects within-country and hence to control for concurrent local (country-
specific) shocks.
Given these design features, this study yields plausibly causal evidence on the market
liquidity effects of securities regulation, or more specifically, insider trading and transparency
55 The fact that probably not all EU countries would have adopted these directives at this stage of their development
mitigates selection at the country level because there is an element of imposition from the EU.
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regulation. But in contrast to the causal estimates of the studies discussed in Section 4.1 or 4.2, the
estimates in Christensen et al. (2016) are for the population of publicly traded firms in a large set of
countries, rather than a subset of the population (e.g., firms around a size threshold as in Iliev, 2010).
The study estimates that market liquidity increases by roughly 10%, relative to pre-directive levels,
illustrating that stricter securities and disclosure regulation can have substantial economic benefits.
A drawback of the research design is that it can be used only for outcome variables that are
measured over shorter intervals and are not anticipatory in nature. Moreover, the estimated
magnitude of liquidity benefits is likely specific to the setting, including prior regulation, the
particular directives, and countries’ implementation choices. Thus, the generalizability of the
estimates beyond the EU is not obvious.
Consistent with this point, Christensen et al. (2016) show that, even within the EU, the
liquidity benefits differ considerably with countries’ prior regulatory conditions as well as countries’
ability and willingness to implement and enforce new rules. Thus, they document considerable
heterogeneity in the treatment effects even though countries adopt the same regulation and, perhaps
more surprisingly, substantial hysteresis in regulatory outcomes. Countries with a stronger past
track record in securities regulation exhibit stronger effects as a result of the new directives. Thus,
imposing the same regulation on countries with disparate prior conditions can make countries
diverge more, rather than harmonize their markets, which is potentially an important general insight.
At a minimum, these findings highlight the important role of implementation and enforcement for
regulatory outcomes, which is consistent with the enforcement theory formulated in Djankov et al.
(2003) and Shleifer (2005).
In summary, international studies on disclosure regulation provide mostly cross-sectional
evidence on capital-market benefits but also use a few settings that afford tighter identification.
Overall, the evidence is arguably the strongest for market liquidity, which is perhaps not surprising
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as this proxy is well suited to capture information effects and has desirable features from a research-
design perspective compared to other economic constructs that could be used to evaluate securities
regulation (such as the cost of capital or Tobin’s q). International studies often emphasize the
importance of enforcement (e.g., Frost and Pownall, 1994; Bhattacharya and Daouk, 2002; Hope,
2003; La Porta et al., 2006; Coffee, 2007; Jackson and Roe, 2009; Cumming et al., 2011) and, more
recently, the implementation of regulation (e.g., Christensen et al., 2016). To date, we have little
evidence on the direct and indirect costs associated with disclosure regulation and hence, as noted in
earlier sections, we cannot say much about the net effects for firms or the economy as a whole.
One way to obtain evidence that, at least for some firms, the benefits of securities and
disclosure regulation outweigh the associated costs is to study instances when firms voluntarily
submit themselves to stricter regulation. There is a growing literature suggesting that U.S. cross-
listings are a way for firms to overcome regulatory and institutional constraints in their home
markets that among other things limit their ability to raise capital. The underlying idea is that firms
in countries with weak institutions have difficulties in raising external finance because controlling
insiders in these environments cannot sufficiently assure outside investors that they will not
expropriate them. Outside investors react to this commitment problem with price protection, which
increases firms’ cost of capital. This problem matters more to firms with growth opportunities that
require outside finance. These firms have an incentive to seek alternative ways to reassure outside
investors. Coffee (1999) and Stulz (1999) argue that a U.S. cross-listing makes it harder and more
costly for controlling owners and managers to extract private control benefits and to expropriate
outside investors. There are several potential reasons. First, U.S. securities laws give stronger
rights to outside investors compared to most other countries and these rights are arguably more
strictly enforced by the SEC and private securities litigation. By cross listing in the U.S., foreign
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firms subject themselves to these laws and their enforcement.56 Second, a U.S. exchange listing
requires foreign firms to provide certain disclosures (in Form 20-F) that are not necessarily required
in firms’ home countries. Finally, cross-listing likely increases the attention and monitoring by
financial analysts and sophisticated U.S. capital market participants such as institutional investors.
Consistent with this bonding hypothesis, studies by Reese and Weisbach (2002), Lang et al.
(2003a and 2003b), Doidge et al. (2004, 2009a and 2009b), Bailey et al. (2006), Hail and Leuz
(2009) and Ammer et al. (2012) show that foreign firms with U.S. cross-listings raise more external
finance, have higher valuations (Tobin’s q), a lower cost of capital, stronger earnings announcement
reactions, greater analyst following and larger U.S. investment than their foreign counterparts
without U.S. cross-listings.
The relevance of this evidence for our purposes is that it illustrates that at least some firms
voluntarily seek bonding opportunities and that by providing such opportunities, stringent securities
regulation and enforcement can confer substantial capital-market benefits on these firms. However,
this evidence does not imply that all firms would benefit from such regulation. The recent debate
about the decline in U.S. cross-listings after the passage of SOX illustrates that regulation can also
become too onerous and costly even for firms that seek bonding (e.g., Zingales, 2006). In fact,
changes in the number and flow of U.S. cross-listings can provide useful evidence on changes in the
costs and benefits of U.S. securities regulation, precisely because foreign firms have a choice (see
also Piotroski and Srinivasan, 2008; Doidge et al., 2009a; and our discussion in Section 4.2).
For the same reason, and analogous to the voluntary disclosure literature, cross-listing
studies face serious research design challenges. The choice creates a standard selection problem,
i.e., the concern that cross-listing studies select into samples of firms that differ fundamentally from
56 Examples are the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, Rule 10-b5, SEC enforcement actions, and U.S.-style class action
law suits.
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non-cross-listed firms in observable and, in particular, unobservable ways and that these differences,
rather than the cross-listing, drive the aforementioned results for Tobin’s q, the cost of capital, etc.
More recent studies control at least for time-invariant, unobserved heterogeneity using firm-fixed
effects and/or estimate selection models to account for time-variant unobservables (e.g., Doidge et
al., 2009a; Hail and Leuz, 2009; Ammer et al., 2012). However, selection models require a valid
instrument, and it is hard to satisfy the exclusion restriction in the cross-listing setting. Firm-fixed
effects in turn are unlikely to be sufficient as the primary concern is that firms seek cross-listings
precisely when they experience an expansion in their growth opportunities and need external
finance (for evidence, see Doidge et al., 2009b). Thus, it is easy to confuse these effects with any
bonding effects that stem from the cross-listing. Consistent with this concern, Hail and Leuz (2009)
provide evidence that a substantial fraction of the documented valuation effects around U.S. cross-
listings are attributable to contemporaneous revisions in growth expectations.
Thus, we still need more evidence from settings that allow us to estimate the causal effects
of U.S. cross-listings. In addition, the sources of the cross-listing effects are still unclear. Extant
studies do not isolate the mechanism. It is not obvious that the effects stem from better outsider
protection, additional disclosure requirements, stricter enforcement, market monitoring or the entire
bundle (e.g., Leuz, 2003). For instance, Siegel (2005) raises doubts that the effects are attributable
to the protection of outside investors by the U.S. legal system and SEC enforcement, pointing to
substantial expropriation by Mexican insiders with impunity (see also Licht, 2003). However, it is
important that the bonding hypothesis does not imply that all expropriation is deterred. It maintains
that U.S. cross-listings are a way for firms to provide additional reassurance to outside investors.
Hence, the relevant question is whether firms with U.S. cross-listings engage in less expropriation
than comparable firms without cross-listings. That said, it is plausible that the documented effects
stem from a combination of legal and market forces (e.g., Leuz, 2006).
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4.4. Other studies on real effects of disclosure regulation
In this section, we discuss (additional) real-effects studies of disclosure regulation as defined
in Footnote 9 and Section 3. We discuss these studies separately because most of them have been
conducted in different regulatory settings than those covered in Sections 4.1 to 4.3. In fact, many
examine disclosure regulation outside the capital markets (e.g., in medical or consumer settings). It
would be impossible and beyond the scope of this paper to review all studies on any kind of
disclosure regulation.57 Thus, we discuss a few examples to encourage researchers to look for ways
to study disclosure regulation outside the traditional settings in order to generate new insights. In
this regard, real-effects studies are of particular relevance because the notion that mandating
disclosure induces desirable and/or discourages undesirable behavior by the disclosing party is an
important motivation for transparency regulation in many areas, including corporate governance,
consumer protection, health care, and food safety. The underlying idea of such regulation is to
control behavior through “prices” (which respond to disclosure), rather than by directly stipulating
“quantities” (of the behavior in question). However, there is still relatively little empirical evidence
that speaks to this regulatory motivation and, more generally, to the potential real effects of
disclosure regulation.
There are studies in accounting and finance that aim to establish the link between disclosure
and corporate real effects, e.g., changes in investment behavior. But most of these studies examine
firm-level (and hence largely voluntary) variation in disclosure choices, rather than regulatory
changes or differences. We have already discussed this literature in Section 3.2.2 and noted that
voluntary disclosure studies can at best establish the existence of real effects, but their estimates
have to be interpreted cautiously when it comes to the potential effects of disclosure regulation.
57 For a related review on quality disclosure and certification, see Dranove and Jin (2010).
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Studies that examine real effects of disclosure regulation also tend to focus on firms’ investment
policies and behavior. We summarize key studies in Table 4.5.
Before we discuss a few examples, it is important to note that, for conceptual reasons,
investment effects around changes in disclosure regulation can occur for several reasons.
Disclosure regulation also affects the cost of capital and hence an increase in investment could
reflect a decline in the cost of capital because the lower hurdle rate essentially expands the set of
positive NPV projects. Thus, if the goal is to show that greater transparency following a disclosure
mandate facilitates monitoring, improves governance and ultimately induces managers to make
better investment decisions, then showing an increase in investment is not sufficient. In addition, it
might be important to control for the cost-of-capital channel in order to isolate other real effects.
Consistent with this logic, studies typically analyze the efficiency of investment, rather than
growth in investment. We distinguish two types of studies. First, there are studies exploiting cross-
sectional variation in disclosure and transparency across countries, although the variation is often
constructed from firm-level measures and hence does not necessarily reflect regulatory differences,
but could also capture voluntary disclosures and reporting choices (e.g., Biddle and Hilary, 2006;
Francis et al., 2009; Bushman et al., 2011; Chen et al., 2011; Shroff et al., 2014). These studies find
that greater transparency is associated with higher investment efficiency.58 Badertscher et al. (2013)
exploit cross-sectional variation in transparency that comes from greater public-firm presence in an
industry. They show that, in industries with greater public-firm presence, investment by private
firms is more responsive to industry investment opportunities. The results are consistent with the
notion that the disclosure requirements for public firms improve the industry information
58 As noted in Section 3, these studies typically do not allow causal interpretations and provide primarily suggestive
associations. The evidence is still important as it points to a potential relevance of this relation at the macro level.
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environment, leading to more efficient investment and hence conferring a positive externality on
private firms in the same industry.59
Second, there are studies examining real effects around regulatory changes. For instance,
several studies analyze investment effects related to the introduction of SOX. We have already
reviewed these studies in Section 4.2, noting that the documented investment effects are likely not
attributable to SOX (see also Coates and Srinivasan, 2014). Cheng et al. (2013) do not focus on
SOX per se, but exploit the introduction of disclosed internal control weaknesses to study
investment effects. They document that firms disclosing internal control weaknesses exhibit
investment inefficiencies that disappear in the years after the required disclosure, suggesting that
mandated disclosure of control weaknesses remedies the inefficiencies. Cho (2015) exploits
improvements in mandated segment reporting to analyze effects on firms’ internal capital allocation
decisions and finds positive effects in the capital allocation across segments after the mandate.
There are also a few real-effects studies in accounting that do not focus on investment. We
provide three recent examples. First, Granja (2014) exploits a change in disclosure regulation for
state-regulated banks to analyze the effects on bank behavior and more broadly the stability and
development of the banking sector. During the National banking era in the U.S. several types of
banks coexisted, which allows for difference-in-differences estimation using national banks as a
local control. Granja (2014) finds that, after the introduction of the disclosure regime, state-
regulated banks’ failure rates go down, capital ratios decrease (suggesting they need to hold less
capital to reassure depositors), rates on demand deposits decrease to about the same level as the
rates of the national banks, and proxies for financial development increase. The research design
makes use of the fact that states adopted the new regulation at different points in time allowing for
59 The paper includes firm-fixed effects to improve identification. While the latter helps with respect to time-invariant
unobservables, it does not address concerns about the reflection problem, i.e., the possibility that the results reflect industry-wide shocks, rather than public-firm presence. Nevertheless, the paper deserves credit not only for providing evidence on real effects, but also for being one of the few to explore externalities from disclosure regulation.
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the introduction of state-time fixed effects and triple differences. As a result, the study makes an
important step in the direction of showing a causal link between disclosure regulation, financial
stability, and development. The evidence further suggests that, at least in this historical setting, ex-
post concerns that more transparency could facilitate runs in a crisis do not outweigh the stability
effects from better transparency ex ante.
Second, Dyreng et al. (2015) examine how a non-profit activist group used a subsidiary
disclosure requirement to exert public pressure on U.K. firms having subsidiaries in tax haven
countries and supposedly engaging in tax avoidance. They provide evidence using a difference-in-
differences design that the campaign first pressured non-compliant firms to provide complete
subsidiary information, revealing those in tax havens, and then used the information to publicly
shame tax avoidance. Targeted firms reported higher effective tax rates following the public
scrutiny. This study is interesting not only because it provides an example for how disclosure can
be used to change corporate behavior, but also because it sheds light on a particular mechanism.
Third, Christensen et al. (2016) examine the requirement in the Dodd-Frank Act to
disseminate (already publicly available) mine safety records through their financial statements and
document that the inclusion of this information in financial reports decreases mining-related
citations and injuries as well as mine productivity. The results illustrate that the dissemination of
safety records through financial reporting can have real effects with respect to mine safety.
It is important to note that more extensive disclosure regulation could also have negative (or
non-desirable) real effects. For instance, if the private costs of the mandate outweigh the benefits to
firms, we expect firms to engage in avoidance strategies, which may amount to real effects.
Consistent with this notion, Gao et al. (2009) provide evidence that the size-based exemptions built
into SOX induce some firms to remain below the cutoff, leading them to take real actions that
inhibit firm growth, such as investment cuts. In this case, however, the real effects stem from the
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size-based cutoff, not the required disclosure per se, because without such a cutoff, firms would
likely not have incentives to cut investment. That said, the notion that firms’ avoidance strategies
can have real effects seems fairly general, but has not been explored much in the literature.
In our view, the relatively small number of studies in accounting and finance examining real
effects of disclosure regulation reflects the difficulties in finding a setting in which one can cleanly
identify such effects. One important difficulty is the limited (direct) observability of corporate
behavior. For this reason, it might be fruitful for researchers to also study disclosure mandates
outside traditional corporate settings. Settings that have been studied include restaurant hygiene,
health care, environmental disclosures, food labels, and consumer lending (e.g., Dranove et al.,
2003; Jin and Leslie, 2003; Bennear and Olmstead, 2008; Stango and Zinman, 2011; Lu, 2012;
Kolstad, 2013; Christensen et al., 2014).60 We also summarize these examples in Table 4.5 as well.
An important example for the real effects of disclosure regulation outside a capital market
setting is the study by Jin and Leslie (2003). They analyze the effects of a mandate to display
hygiene quality grade cards in restaurant windows on restaurants’ hygiene investments. The
underlying economic question is whether mandating disclosures to consumers about the quality of
firms’ products causes firms to improve the quality of their products. Jin and Leslie (2003) exploit
the staggered introduction of a Los Angeles County ordinance in 1997 after a TV report showed
unsanitary kitchens. The authors show that the display of hygiene grade cards causes restaurant
health inspection scores to increase, consumer demand to become sensitive to changes in restaurants’
hygiene quality, and the number of foodborne-illness hospitalizations to decrease. The finding for
consumer demand is akin to investor responses in capital-market settings. The real effect is the
reduction in foodborne-illness hospitalizations because it is consistent with restaurant investments
in hygiene and food quality. However, the latter is not directly observed. It is therefore important
60 See also the review of the literature on quality disclosure by Dranove and Jin (2010).
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for this interpretation that the authors provide evidence that the improvement in hospitalizations is
not fully explained by consumers switching from poor-hygiene restaurants to good-hygiene
restaurants, and hence consumer behavior. This issue would not arise if they had data on restaurant
investments (or changes in food quality at the restaurant level). More generally, this discussion
illustrates that real effects can take place through consumer or investor responses, which makes
their identification challenging, in particular if the researcher has to rely on outcomes that could
also reflect demand effects by consumers or investors (e.g., restaurant substitution).
Studies of disclosure mandates outside capital-market settings generally illustrate that
consumers are sensitive to the information provided, that this response is critical to firms’ responses,
and that firms adjust product quality. But the effects can be more complicated. For instance, Lu
(2012) shows that, when product quality is multi-dimensional, firms reallocate their effort and
investments towards measured (or disclosed) dimensions and away from unmeasured ones. The
problem is akin to the multi-tasking problem in Holmström and Milgrom (1991). Thus, the net
effect on product quality is not obvious. Similarly, Dranove et al. (2003) provide evidence that
health-care report cards may give doctors and hospitals incentives to decline treatment of high-risk
patients (see also Cutler et al., 2004). Thus, disclosure regulation can also have thorny and
unintended consequences, including real effects.61 However, what constitutes an unintended effect
can also differ across settings. In health care, screening or selecting patients based on health status
to improve reporting outcomes is likely a major concern. But an analogous effect in a corporate
setting, for instance, high-quality auditors refusing “treatment” of relatively risky clients, could be
viewed quite differently. Thus, we have to consider the context when interpreting results.
61 Another example is the “licensed to be biased” effect in Loewenstein et al. (2011). Dranove and Jin (2011, p. 959)
state that “it is difficult to state with confidence that disclosure in such important sectors as healthcare, education, or finance has unambiguously helped consumers.”
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At this point, the literature highlights that proper measurement of the relevant information is
critical for disclosure to have the intended incentive effects and hence that the reporting system
matters. For instance, to mitigate the unintended screening effects documented in Dranove et al.
(2003), it is important that the reporting system adjusts for differences in incoming patients or,
alternatively, that consumers separately obtain information about these differences. Thus, there are
many interesting reporting problems that warrant further investigation and to which accounting
researchers should be able to contribute. The existing evidence is fairly limited and more studies
are needed to better understand the many possible (positive and negative) real effects and, more
generally, what the costs and benefits are when using disclosure regulation as a device to induce
desirable and discourage undesirable behavior.
5. Evidence on the Economic Effects of Mandated Reporting Standards
In this section, we review empirical studies on the economic effects of mandated reporting
standards. We focus on mandates of complete sets of reporting standards, e.g., a requirement to
report financial statements prepared under IFRS, as opposed to individual rules, such as the
adoption of a new standard on pension accounting within U.S. GAAP.62 Unfortunately, changes in
the entire set of standards are relatively rare, which is why most studies focus on IFRS adoption.
The global switchover to mandated IFRS reporting represents a profound change in the “rules
component” of reporting regulation, possibly the largest in accounting history to date. Studying the
economic consequences of this change is clearly of fundamental interest.
In addition, many studies exploit IFRS adoption as an “exogenous” shock to reporting
regulation, which is something that is generally hard to find. Therefore, this section not only
intends to give an overview of key empirical findings with respect to mandated adoption of IFRS, 62 Early studies in the international accounting literature often focus on voluntary adoptions of entire sets of accounting
standards (e.g., IAS or U.S. GAAP). See, e.g., Harris and Muller (1999), Leuz and Verrecchia (2000), Leuz (2003) and Daske (2006). We do not systematically these studies here. See Soderstrom and Sun (2007) for a review.
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but also to discuss challenges that researchers face when using the “IFRS laboratory” for research-
design purposes as well as when studying the economic effects of changes in reporting regulation
more generally. In this research-design discussion, we come back to themes from Section 2 about
the identification challenges in regulatory studies, the limitations of many empirical proxies for
reporting and disclosure quality, including their slow-moving nature, as well as concerns about the
existence of complementarities between various institutions in the economy, which make it difficult
to empirically isolate the economic effects of reporting standards.
We begin with a short summary of the “reporting incentives view” on financial reporting
standards, which has been quite influential in the international accounting literature and, in our view,
is important for the interpretation of many studies on the effects of reporting standards. We then
provide a brief overview of key findings. This discussion complements the literature reviews on
IFRS adoption by Soderstrom and Sun (2007), Brüggemann et al. (2013), and the Institute of
Chartered Accountants of England and Wales (ICAEW, 2014). Next, we provide our interpretation
of the empirical evidence and what we can say about the economic effects of reporting standards
and, in particular, the effects of IFRS adoption. We conclude this section with a discussion that
highlights that reporting standards are part of a larger institutional system. This “system view” of
reporting standards, which characterizes the work on New Institutional Accounting, is very helpful,
if not critical, for interpreting the results of studies on mandated reporting standards.
5.1 An incentives view on reporting regulation
There is an important part of the international accounting literature that focuses on the role
of reporting incentives, rather than reporting standards (or stated rules), as a fundamental
determinant of observed disclosure and reporting practices across firms and countries (e.g., Ball et
al., 2003; Leuz, 2003; Leuz et al., 2003; Ball and Shivakumar, 2005; Burgstahler et al., 2006, Hail
et al., 2010a). The incentives view starts with the notion that reporting standards afford firms (or
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managers) substantial reporting discretion because the application of the standards involves
considerable judgment. As a practical matter, a finite set of standards cannot anticipate all future
contingencies that firms may face when applying the standards in the future. New circumstances,
events and transactions may arise, in which case standards need to be interpreted. Furthermore,
reporting standards deliberately give discretion to managers because they intend to elicit managers’
private information and hence applying the standards involves subjective assessments of the
future.63 The key point is that incentives shape how managers use the discretion allowed within the
standards. Note that this is not just a matter of enforcement. Even if enforcement were perfect,
standards would provide reporting discretion for good reasons and as long as there is discretion,
reporting outcomes (e.g., the properties of earnings) are heavily influenced by incentives and not
solely determined by standards. This view is fundamental to accounting and has many antecedents
going back at least to Watts and Zimmerman (1986).
Reporting incentives are shaped by many factors, including a country’s legal institutions, the
strength of the enforcement regime, capital-market forces, product-market competition, a firm’s
governance structure and its operating characteristics. While the extent to which we have
supporting evidence differs across these factors, many empirical studies clearly indicate the
importance of managerial reporting incentives for observed reporting and disclosure practices (e.g.,
Ball et al., 2000; Fan and Wong, 2002; Leuz et al., 2003; Haw et al., 2004; Burgstahler et al., 2006).
Of particular relevance are studies showing that even when firms are subject to the same accounting
standards, reporting practices differ considerably across firms and countries (e.g., Ball et al., 2003;
Ball and Shivakumar, 2005; Burgstahler et al., 2006; Lang et al., 2006; Daske et al., 2013).
63 A good example is a standard that requires companies to set up a warranty reserve, which in essence elicits private
information about future warranty risks.
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Thus, the reporting incentives view predicts considerable heterogeneity in firms’ reporting
practices (even when adopting the same standards) and further implies that changing the standards
is likely to have a limited effect on reporting practices even with strict enforcement. These insights
are crucial for the interpretation of the IFRS evidence, as we discuss in more detail below.
5.2 Expected economic effects of IFRS adoption and identification challenges
The case for the IFRS adoption is generally made on the basis of improvements in reporting
standards, comparability benefits for firms from different countries and/or cost savings for investors
and firms in using IFRS (see Hail et al., 2010a, for a more extensive discussion). As discussed in
Section 3, theory suggests that high-quality reporting can have significant capital-market benefits
and extant empirical evidence indicates that capital markets and investors reward higher
transparency and high-quality reporting. Similarly, more comparable reporting could make it easier
and less costly for investors and other stakeholders to compare firms, which in turn has the potential
to make reporting more useful, even if reporting quality does not change. As discussed in Hail et al.
(2010a), improvements in comparability could also have significant capital-market benefits. In
addition, better and more transparent reporting could have significant real effects on managerial
behavior (e.g., improve investment decisions). Finally, widespread IFRS adoption in many
countries around the world could bring cost savings to firms and investors because firms and
investors could use a single set of reporting standards.
However, the key question is whether IFRS adoption delivers these benefits.64 Thus, most
empirical studies focus on capital-market outcomes and to a lesser extent on real effects or direct
reporting outcomes. For all studies, the key challenge is to ascertain whether the switch to a new
64 While our discussion focuses on the benefits consistent with most empirical studies, we note that similar
identification challenges arise on the cost side. In fact, there may be additional challenges. For instance, it is plausible that firms postpone unrelated changes to their accounting systems when they know they have to switch to IFRS. Thus, an estimate of the cost effects around IFRS adoption would likely capture the pent-up demand for other accounting system changes.
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(and harmonized) set of reporting standards indeed generates the observed outcomes. In this regard,
there are four major challenges. They are not fundamentally different from those discussed in
Section 2.2, but given the large literature examining mandatory IFRS adoption, we think it is
important to highlight these challenges and several specific institutional details.
First, the widespread and near simultaneous adoption of mandatory IFRS reporting by many
countries in 2005 makes empirical analyses vulnerable to confounding effects from unrelated, but
concurrent shocks. It is possible, if not likely, that many other regulatory, technological, and
market shocks occurred around the same time as the switch to IFRS. The potential myriad of other
institutional and market changes makes it difficult to isolate the effects of IFRS adoption. In this
regard, it is useful for studies to exploit countries that have switched to IFRS more recently in order
to have more variation in the adoption dates.
Second, many jurisdictions consciously adopted IFRS as a package with other regulatory
reforms to their reporting and financial systems. These coordinated reforms were likely made
recognizing that reporting standards and other institutions are complementary and support each
other. For instance, Christensen et al. (2013) point out that some countries made major institutional
changes in the enforcement of financial reporting around the time of IFRS adoption. This
identification challenge is even more severe than the first one because it implies that the timing of
these other reforms lines up endogenously with the timing of the change in reporting standards. As
a result, many studies can at best identify the joint effects of the entire bundle of changes to
reporting regulation, rather than the effect of the change in reporting standards, i.e., IFRS adoption.
Third, the mandate to report under IFRS generally applies to almost all listed firms in the
economy. The widespread adoption within a given country makes it difficult to find counterfactuals
or unaffected control groups. In some instances, there were exemptions. For example, in Germany
firms reporting under U.S. GAAP were given a later transition date. Listed firms that do not
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provide consolidated financial statements are often exempted as well. These firms can and probably
should be used as controls for unrelated economic shocks and as counterfactuals. But as discussed
in Section 4, many concerns remain because these control firms are “sufficiently special” that it is
not clear that unrelated economic shocks affect them in the same way as IFRS-adopting firms, and
hence the parallel-trends assumption is a concern. Moreover, the temporary nature of many
exemptions makes it difficult to assess the long-term effects of IFRS reporting, which requires
comparable control firms over an extended time period.
Finally, the fact that countries adopted the same (or a single) set of reporting standards
implies that we cannot exploit cross-sectional differences in the standards that are being adopted,
for instance, to learn how certain properties of the reporting standards relate to the observed
outcomes. At best, we can use prior differences between local GAAP and IFRS (e.g., Bae et al.,
2008; Daske et al., 2008; Tan et al., 2011). However, as the properties of local GAAP are likely
highly correlated with other institutional features of the respective country, it is unlikely that this
cross-sectional approach captures only differences in the reporting standards. It likely splits
implicitly on many other institutional features.
5.3 Overview of key findings in IFRS studies
In this subsection, we provide an overview of the key findings in the literature on IFRS
reporting. We generally discuss only a few examples, but provide a more extensive overview in the
Appendix (Tables 5.1-5.4). We first discuss evidence on changes to the properties of firms’
disclosures and reported numbers as a result of IFRS adoption, then evidence on capital-market
effects, followed by evidence on non-market and real effects.
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5.3.1 Changes in reporting properties and financial disclosures
Studies examining changes in reporting and disclosure practices around changes in reporting
standards draw on a variety of settings, not just IFRS mandates. Some of the evidence stems from
voluntary IFRS or earlier IAS adoptions. Other studies exploit the fact that U.S. cross-listed, foreign
firms report under local GAAP or IFRS, but also have to provide U.S. GAAP reconciliations, which
allows for comparative studies holding the firm constant. More recently, studies examine changes
in reporting and disclosure practices around mandated IFRS adoption. We provide an overview of
these studies in Table 5.1 in the Appendix. Overall, these studies document substantial differences
in reporting properties across firms using different reporting standards. However, as we discuss
below, we need to exercise caution in attributing or interpreting these differences.
For example, Barth et al. (2008) find that firms voluntarily applying IAS exhibit less
earnings management, more timely loss recognition, and more value relevant accounting amounts
than matched firms applying non-U.S. domestic standards. They also show that these reporting
differences do not exist prior to IAS adoption and generally arise in the post period. However, as
the evidence stems from voluntary adoptions, it is difficult to attribute the reporting effects to the
change in reporting standards. Given the selection problem, the reporting effects could also stem
from the underlying factors that gave rise to the change in reporting standards in the first place.
Illustrating this point, Christensen et al. (2015) compare changes in reporting properties for
voluntary and mandatory IFRS adopters in Germany. They examine similar reporting properties as
Barth et al. (2008) and find that improvements are confined to voluntary adopters, suggesting that
selection plays an important role in the findings.
Using U.S. cross-listed firms, Gordon et al. (2009) and Barth et al. (2012) provide evidence
that IFRS and U.S. GAAP accounting amounts have similar properties, except with respect to value
relevance. The former study conducts this comparison holding the firm constant. The latter study
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uses U.S. firms as a benchmark and hence other institutional factors that differentially affect foreign
and U.S. firms (such as weaker SEC enforcement for foreign firms) can still drive or play into the
results. Barth et al. (2012) also find that comparability with U.S. GAAP numbers increases when
firms are mandated to switch from local GAAP to IFRS.
In addition, empirical studies analyze changes in reporting properties after mandatory IFRS
adoption. Most of these studies document insignificant or even adverse changes in reporting
properties following IFRS adoption (see, e.g., Capkun et al., 2012; Ahmed et al., 2013; Christensen
et al., 2015; but see also Landsman et al., 2012). In contrast, studies based on analyst forecast
dispersion and forecast errors, which can be viewed as indirectly measuring changes in reporting
quality, suggest that financial analysts receive better information after IFRS adoption (e.g., Byard et
al., 2011; Tan et al., 2011; Horton et al., 2013). An interesting feature of analyst studies is that
IFRS adoption should differentially affect foreign and domestic analysts following the same firm,
which can be used to isolate reporting effects from other concurrent shocks that similarly affect
foreign and domestic analysts.
In sum, the evidence on changes in reporting properties (or quality) after IFRS adoption is
fairly mixed. Results differ substantially across voluntary and mandatory adoptions. Moreover,
studies document considerable heterogeneity in firms’ reporting practices across firms or countries
even after IFRS adoption, which is consistent with on-going differences in reporting incentives.
Both findings underscore the difficulty in attributing the differences in observed properties to the
accounting standards. To improve attribution to the reporting standards, several studies show that
the results are stronger in countries for which prior local GAAP were more distant from IFRS (e.g.,
Byard et al., 2011; Tan et al., 2011). These cross-sectional splits are useful but, as discussed in
Section 5.2, they likely do not isolate the effect of accounting standards due to institutional clusters.
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5.3.2 Capital-market outcomes
As mentioned earlier, most studies focus on the espoused capital-market effects of a
mandatory switch to IFRS. These studies examine a vast array of capital-market outcomes. To
provide a few examples, studies find positive abnormal stock returns during key events leading up
to IFRS adoption (Armstrong et al., 2010) as well as, around IFRS adoption, an increase in market
liquidity and a decline in firms’ cost of capital (Daske et al., 2008, 2013; Florou and Kosi, 2009), an
increase in stock price informativeness (Beuselinck et al., 2009), larger foreign portfolio
investments in firms domiciled in IFRS countries (Brüggemann et al., 2011; DeFond et al., 2011;
Beneish et al., 2012;), and a reduction in home bias among U.S. investors (Khurana and Michas,
2011; Shima and Gordon, 2011). However, a number of recent studies find evidence on potentially
costly changes in debt contracting around IFRS adoption (e.g., Ball et al., 2015; Brown, 2016; Chen
et al., 2015). We summarize key studies in Table 5.2. in the Appendix.
Except for recent debt contracting studies, the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that
mandatory IFRS adoption is associated with significant capital-market benefits, especially in equity
markets. But how should we interpret this evidence? In light of the strong conceptual links
between better reporting and certain capital-market outcomes such as market liquidity, one
interpretation is that mandatory IFRS adoption has improved financial reporting, which in turn
drives the documented capital-market effects, and more generally, that mandating high-quality
reporting standards such as IFRS yields considerable capital-market benefits. However, this
interpretation is premature. As we discuss below, it is not clear that the capital-market outcomes
are indeed attributable to IFRS adoption, i.e., the mandated change in reporting standards. In our
view, we have to be cautious in how we label and describe the findings, in particular, when using
language that suggests causal effects. The capital-market effects are best described as effects that
occur around the time or after IFRS adoption, but they are not necessarily effects of IFRS adoption.
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This interpretation is more appropriate because the vast majority of capital-market studies
on IFRS relies on an indicator variable marking the post-IFRS adoption time period, rather than
specific outcomes of IFRS reporting. As discussed in Sections 2 and 5.2, regime change analyses
face a number of serious research-design and identification challenges. Moreover, there are a
number of specific findings in the aforementioned studies that make us skeptical that the results are
indeed attributable to the switch to IFRS reporting.
For example, Daske et al. (2008) analyze capital-market effects around mandatory IFRS
adoption separately for firms that switch to IFRS for the first time and for firms that have already
switched to IFRS voluntarily prior to the mandate. As the latter group of firms already reports
under IFRS when the mandate becomes effective, it should not exhibit capital-market outcomes that
stem from the change in accounting standards. But Daske et al. (2008) show that voluntary
adopters exhibit larger capital-market effects after IFRS becomes mandatory than first-time
mandatory IFRS adopters. This result, which holds for several proxies, is difficult to explain with
capital-market effects of the standards per se. For this reason, Daske et al. (2008) caution that their
results should not be attributed solely or even primarily to IFRS adoption. Christensen et al. (2013)
confirm this pattern for market liquidity effects of voluntary and mandatory adopters. But there are
also studies showing that first-time mandatory adopters exhibit larger effects than voluntary
adopters (e.g., Byard et al., 2011; Tan et al., 2011).
It is of course possible that IFRS reporting involves significant learning and therefore it may
take time for the capital-market effects to materialize. Most firms that adopted IFRS voluntarily
switched shortly before the mandate and hence, if there are learning effects, they could show up
around or after the mandate (Daske et al., 2008). Furthermore, it is conceivable that widespread
mandatory adoption by all listed firms in an economy confers positive comparability effects on
firms that already follow IFRS, i.e., the voluntary adopters. To gauge this possibility Daske et al.
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(2008) analyze whether voluntary adopters exhibit larger capital-market effects around the mandate
conditional on how widespread voluntary adoption was prior to the mandate. The idea is that any
comparability effects for voluntary adopters should be stronger in industries where fewer firms have
previously reported under IFRS and hence the mandate creates more peers. The evidence in Daske
et al. (2008) on this matter is inconclusive and more research is warranted.
More generally, we highlight that most IFRS studies focus on the effects on individual firms
by estimating firm-level regressions. This approach does not capture externalities or market-wide
benefits that arise over time as more and more firms adopt a set of reporting standards.65 However,
information spillovers, comparability (or network) effects, and other market-wide effects that could
give rise to positive externalities are crucial for the justification of mandatory reporting regulation
in the first place. We recognize that the identification of such market-wide effects and externalities
is even more difficult than the identification of direct economic consequences on individual firms.
But at the same time, we need such evidence if we want to assess the desirability of reporting
regulation and if we want to conduct cost-benefit analyses of changes in the reporting standards.
5.3.3 Going beyond capital-market effects
While most IFRS studies focus on capital-market effects, there is a growing body of work
that goes beyond capital-market effects, for instance, analyzing real effects with respect to corporate
behavior. This research can be divided into two categories: (i) studies that are primarily interested
in the IFRS mandate and its economic consequences; (ii) studies that exploit the change to IFRS as
an event that provides exogenous variation, but are primarily interested in real effects of reporting.
We tabulate key examples for both types of studies and their results in Appendix Table 5.3. A
65 The country-month-level analysis in Daske et al. (2008, Section 5) is an example for a first step in this direction.
They aggregate market liquidity at the country level and then analyze monthly liquidity changes in relation to changes in the fraction of firms reporting under IFRS. This analysis can capture market-wide effects, yet is closely tied to the rollout of IFRS (and other concurrent changes to the reporting system) in a country.
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common focus in these studies is on corporate investment using proxies such as the investment-cash
flow sensitivity and the sensitivity of investment to growth opportunities. Other outcomes are
cross-border investment (or foreign direct investment), changes in corporate governance, trade in
real goods and labor mobility. As Table 5.3 illustrates, this strand of the literature is still relatively
young and comprises far fewer studies than the strand analyzing capital-market effects.
Examples for studies in the first bin are Biddle et al. (2011), Schleicher et al. (2012), and
Chen et al. (2013). All three studies examine the efficiency of firms’ investment decisions
following mandatory IFRS adoption. They document improvements in investment efficiency after
IFRS adoption, based on different proxies and approaches. Two studies also document substantial
heterogeneity in the effects around IFRS, i.e., stronger effects for smaller firms, for insider
economies (Schleicher et al., 2012) and for countries in which local GAAP and IFRS diverge more
(e.g., Biddle et al., 2011). An entirely different example is Bloomfield et al. (2015) examining labor
market effects after the EU harmonized accounting and auditing standards. They show that
regulatory harmonization, including IFRS adoption, increases cross-border migration of accounting
professionals relative to matched other professionals.
Examples for studies in the second bin are Hail et al. (2014) and Shroff et al. (2014). The
latter paper investigates whether a richer and more transparent information environment allows
multinational corporations to better monitor and evaluate their subsidiaries’ investment decisions.
To examine this question, Shroff et al. (2014) use IFRS adoption as a significant shift in the quality
of the information environment and find that the sensitivity of investment to growth increases for
subsidiaries located in countries that mandate IFRS. An important assumption for this paper as well
as other papers using IFRS as an “exogenous shock” is that IFRS adoption leads to a major change
in corporate reporting, the level of information asymmetry or the information environment, and that
this change is exogenous with respect to the outcome of interest. The former is not obvious in light
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of the capital-market evidence on IFRS adoption reviewed in Section 5.3.2. However, as studies in
the second bin do not necessarily care about IFRS adoption per se, it is not important for them to
separate the change in standards from other concurrent changes in the reporting system, as long as
the bundle jointly provides a major exogenous shock to the information environment.
Nevertheless, real-effects studies face serious identification challenges and they often follow
techniques from capital-market studies. For instance, Biddle et al. (2011) use voluntary IFRS
adopters as a benchmark to mitigate concerns about concurrent, but unrelated economic shocks and
institutional changes. However, unlike some of the capital-market outcomes, the proxies in real-
effects studies (e.g., the investment-cash flow sensitivity) are relatively slow moving and typically
have an annual frequency, which makes disentangling unrelated economic shocks and institutional
changes (such as a change to the insider trading regulation in the EU) even more difficult. In
addition, the validity of many investment efficiency proxies has been widely debated and criticized
(Kaplan and Zingales, 1997; Kaplan and Zingales, 2000; Withed and Wu, 2006; Hadlock and Pierce,
2010; Bushman et al., 2012). In order to show real effects, studies generally need a benchmark for
optimal investment behavior. But deviations from optimal investment behavior can go in both
directions, i.e., there can be over- and under-investment, which makes identification particularly
challenging. Perhaps this is an area where structural work could make some headway.
We encourage future research to go beyond the capital-market effects of reporting mandates
and to consider other markets and audiences as well as real effects. Reporting mandates are of
particular interest if we want to learn more about alternative measurement regimes and their effects
on corporate or managerial behavior, as suggested for instance by Kanodia and Sapra (2016). In
addition, we note that we have few academic studies on the costs of IFRS adoption, which is
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obviously critical for a cost-benefit analysis.66 Aside from studies on the implementation costs, we
need studies on indirect (and less obvious) costs of mandated changes in reporting standards (e.g.,
with respect to existing contracts, managerial time, and behavior).
5.4 Heterogeneity in the findings of IFRS studies and the interpretation of the findings
A pervasive finding in studies on mandatory IFRS adoption is that the results exhibit
considerable cross-sectional heterogeneity. That is, the observed economic outcomes around IFRS
adoption vary greatly across countries, institutional regimes, and firms. As discussed in Section 5.1,
this heterogeneity should not be surprising given that IFRS (like any other set of reporting
standards) affords firms with substantial discretion. Such reporting discretion combined with a
myriad of economic incentives faced by firms and managers is expected to lead to large variation in
financial reporting practices, which in turn should result in heterogeneous economic outcomes. As
such the IFRS literature largely confirms that adopting a single set of reporting standards is not
sufficient to obtain convergence in reporting practices.
But the cross-sectional heterogeneity in economic outcomes around IFRS adoption also
matters for two more reasons. First, it plays an important role for the interpretation of the findings
and, in particular, the question of whether the documented effects are indeed attributable to the
mandated switch in reporting standards. Second, even if the effects are attributable to IFRS
adoption, the differential impact of changes in reporting standards across different institutional
regimes serves as a reminder that reporting standards do not operate in isolation and depend upon
and interact with other institutions in the economy. For the remainder of Section 5, we discuss
these two aspects. We also highlight cross-sectional (or conditional) outcomes of various empirical
studies in the Appendix Tables 5.1 to 5.3.
66 There is some evidence on the costs of IFRS adoption in commissioned reports (e.g., ICAEW, 2014). Kim et al.
(2012) and De George et al. (2014) examine changes in audit fees around IFRS adoption. Ball et al. (2014) and Brown (2014) examine changes to debt contracting around IFRS adoption.
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Beginning with Daske et al. (2008), studies generally find that the observed capital-market
outcomes surrounding the mandatory introduction of IFRS are weaker, or even non-existent, in
countries with weaker legal regimes and reporting incentives. In many instances, they also find
interaction effects between the strength of countries’ legal institutions and the differences between
prior local GAAP and IFRS. For instance, Byard et al. (2011) find that analyst forecast errors and
forecast dispersion decrease around mandatory IFRS adoption, but only in countries with strong
legal regimes that also have large differences between local GAAP and IFRS.
One potential and fairly common interpretation of this evidence is that mandatory IFRS
reporting brings significant capital-market benefits as long as countries have strong legal systems
and other institutions that ensure the new standards are properly applied and enforced.67 However,
there are alternative explanations. The clustered timing of IFRS adoption makes the analysis
vulnerable to concurrent, but unrelated economic shocks and institutional changes. If such
confounding factors are correlated with the strength of countries’ legal regimes and other
institutional variables that are used in the cross-sectional splits, then these confounding factors
could be responsible for the observed heterogeneity in the capital-market effects and the results
would essentially be spurious. Christensen et al. (2013) highlight this issue and specifically point to
the EU, which had a number of concurrent capital-market reforms (e.g., to insider trading
regulation) that are unrelated to IFRS adoption, yet overlap in timing and have the potential to affect
capital-market outcomes, such as liquidity.
It is generally difficult to rule out that other institutional changes that are unrelated to
financial reporting drive the observed economic effects around IFRS adoption. One strategy is to
exploit the differential timing of the various institutional changes and to specifically tie the
67 Viewed more broadly, the evidence is in line with the notion of institutional complementarities in that the effects of
IFRS adoption depend on other elements in countries’ institutional infrastructure. See Section 5.5.
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documented outcomes to the timing of IFRS adoption. Towards this end, Daske et al. (2008) and
Christensen et al. (2013) exploit variation in firms’ fiscal-year ends, which determine when a
particular firm has to follow the new set of reporting standards. In contrast, other reforms that are
unrelated to financial reporting typically apply to all firms from a certain calendar date and hence
the timing of their effects should not be related to firms’ fiscal-year ends. However, this strategy
requires outcome variables that can be measured at relatively high frequency and that are not
anticipatory (Christensen et al., 2013). Outcome variables that are available only with an annual
frequency make it hard to exploit the variation in firms’ fiscal-year ends. Anticipatory outcome
variables, such as those based on prices, are not suitable for this identification strategy as they are
not expected to follow a fiscal-year-end pattern.
Using this approach Christensen et al. (2013) show that unrelated institutional reforms in the
EU cannot explain the changes in market liquidity around IFRS adoption. The observed liquidity
changes are still present when controlling for country-quarter fixed effects, which should absorb the
effects of reforms like the Market Abuse Directive and in turn suggests that the liquidity changes
are related to financial-reporting changes. However, this finding does not imply that the changes in
market liquidity are necessarily related to or driven by IFRS adoption. As noted earlier, countries
have made other changes to the financial reporting system that are meant to support or complement
IFRS adoption. For instance, countries could use the introduction of IFRS as an opportunity to
improve enforcement of financial reporting. In this case, capital-market outcomes reflect the joint
effect of the bundled changes to the financial reporting system. For instance, if the switch to IFRS
and the change in enforcement are complements, then the two changes reinforce each other. It is
also possible that the effects are simply additive, i.e., each element contributes independently. The
bundling of reporting reforms is very challenging from an identification perspective. Importantly, a
strategy using fiscal-year ends alone cannot isolate the effects of IFRS adoption because the other
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changes to the reporting system also affect firms’ reporting practices and hence the timing of their
potential effects should also be related to firms’ fiscal-year ends.
Consistent with the concern about bundled changes to the financial reporting system,
Christensen et al. (2013) show that the liquidity effects around IFRS introduction are limited to five
EU countries that concurrently made substantive changes in reporting enforcement. There is little
evidence of liquidity benefits in IFRS countries without substantive enforcement changes even
when they have strong legal and regulatory systems. These findings suggest that the observed
outcomes in EU countries are not attributable solely to the change in standards. In fact, the weight
of evidence suggests that IFRS adoption had little, if any, stand-alone effects on market liquidity.
Similarly, Brown et al. (2014) examine changes in analyst forecast properties around
mandatory IFRS adoption and find no effect after the mandate once the effects of enforcement are
controlled for. Both studies raise the possibility that capital-market effects around IFRS adoption
are entirely driven by enforcement, rather than changes in the reporting standards. However, it is
important to note that in both studies the enforcement results are identified only by cross-sectional
variation. Other institutional changes that are related to financial reporting and also correlated with
the enforcement proxies could equally explain the results. Moreover, these studies cannot rule out
that there is an interaction effect between the standards and the enforcement changes, as
acknowledged in Christensen et al. (2013) and discussed in Barth and Israeli (2013). Disentangling
the two effects amounts to asking the question about the following counterfactuals: Would the
observed capital-market effects have been substantially smaller (or larger) if countries had
maintained their local GAAP, yet the other reforms to the reporting system (e.g., enforcement) still
occurred? What would the effects have been if countries had adopted a different set of reporting
standards (e.g., U.S. GAAP)? At present, the literature cannot answer these important questions.
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We conclude that, generally speaking, studies do not present causal evidence of how
mandatory IFRS adoption, i.e., the change in reporting standards, affects various reporting and
economic outcomes. The existing evidence on the effects of reporting standards is still fairly
limited and there are many research opportunities, especially if the design allows for causal
inferences. The evidence generally is stronger when we broaden the perspective and view the study
as examining the combined effects of institutional reforms (or bundles). But if we go down this
path, it is important to be explicit and specific about the institutional changes.
5.5. The links between reporting and other non-reporting institutions
While evidence on the impact of IFRS is still evolving, proponents of IFRS often argue that
uniform global standards are preferable to disparate, and in many cases competing, standards across
markets, for example, because uniform standards reduce transaction costs. However, it is not
obvious, nor has it been empirically documented, that one set of mandated global accounting
regulations, let alone the specific standards that comprise IFRS are superior to other standards and
that uniform standards are preferred to other possible scenarios (see also Dye and Sunder, 2001). In
fact, applying insights from institutional economics suggests that it is far from clear whether IFRS
are superior, or effective, in countries whose other institutions are not primarily geared towards
supporting public equity and bond markets, and it is particularly doubtful in countries that lack
complementary institutions to support the effective application and enforcement of uniform global
standards (see also Ball, 2001, 2006; Hail et al., 2010a, 2010b; Leuz, 2010, Walker, 2010, and
Wysocki, 2011). As with other non-accounting institutions, reporting standards and other elements
of the reporting system likely have arisen to facilitate specific business transactions that commonly
arise in a country (e.g., Watts and Zimmerman, 1983; Leuz and Wüstemann, 2004; Leuz, 2010).
95
Thus, there is an inherent interdependency and complementarity between reporting and non-
reporting institutions in each country.
Another implication of these institutional interdependencies is that even if countries adopt
uniform reporting standards at a given point in time, it is questionable that this harmonization is
stable over time (Hail et al., 2010a, 2010b). The new, harmonized set of standards will be subject to
the same institutional and market pressures that shaped the old set of standards. Thus, unless other
institutional factors across countries are also converging, countries that have adopted a common set
of reporting standards are likely to drift apart over time, for example, due to local adaptation and
interpretation, especially if the new, harmonized standards are not a good fit for the other
institutions. Thus, based on extant research, we are much more pessimistic about the convergence
in reporting practices, despite the global convergence in reporting standards.
Along the lines of New Institutional Economics, empirical studies have explored the
determinants, outcomes, and interplay between reporting and other non-reporting institutions,
mostly in cross-country comparisons. This literature has been labelled “New Institutional
Accounting” (Wysocki, 2011). It examines different aspects of countries’ disclosure and financial
reporting systems, such as the accounting standards (Hung, 2000), securities regulation and
disclosure rules (La Porta et al., 2006; Frost et al., 2006), reporting enforcement (Christensen et al.,
2013), and audit enforcement (Brown et al., 2014). The literature also examines the association of
(non-reporting) institutional variables and international differences in disclosure and reporting
practices. The range of the institutional variables is large and includes factors that measure aspects
of the legal system; the properties of other legal institutions (e.g., investor protection); capital
market features; political institutions; tax systems and enforcement; corruption; culture; and societal
trust to name a few examples (e.g., La Porta et al., 1998; 1999; Ball et al., 2000; Hung, 2000; Leuz
et al., 2003; Haw et al., 2004; Riahi-Belkaoui, 2005; Bushman and Piostroski, 2006; Hail and Leuz,
96
2006; Covrig et al., 2007; Bae et al., 2008; Gupta et al., 2008; Hope et al.2008; Francis and Wang,
2008; Brochet et al., 2012; Nanda and Wysocki, 2013).
The international accounting literature has amassed at least 70 country-level institutional
variables that have explanatory power for disclosure and reporting outcomes around the world
(Isidro et al., 2015). 68 These studies generally document that various institutional variables
individually affect reporting outcomes or that a given variable interacts with another institutional
variable and thereby influences reporting outcomes conditionally. However, as discussed earlier,
the stand-alone impact of IFRS adoption on reporting or its economic effects are difficult to isolate,
in part because the accounting standards are just one of many institutional factors that influence
managers’ reporting incentives (and hence firms’ reporting practices). This issue arises not only for
IFRS adoption or the accounting standards but also for other elements of countries’ reporting
systems as well as any other institutional variable. Studies often focus on each newly hypothesized
institutional variable and then examine whether this factor has a significant direct or interactive
association with certain disclosure and reporting outcomes. But it is also relevant whether the
proposed institutional variable has explanatory power in the presence of a broader set of known and
documented institutional factors.69 At this point, it is unclear which institutional factors are (i)
incrementally important in determining or mediating firms’ reporting practices and which are (ii)
fundamental primitives that underlie firms’ reporting practices. Addressing these questions is an
important task for future research in this area.
68 Isidro et al. (2015) explore the associations among 70+ country factors and their explanatory power for reporting
practices around the world. The evidence suggests that very few factors provide incremental explanatory power for reporting outcomes in the presence of even a small set of other factors. But a combined set of factors appears to have strong predictive power for reporting practices around the world. This evidence is consistent with the notion of institutional complementarities.
69 That said and as noted in section 4, empirical researchers must exercise caution in interpreting the significance or insignificance of institutional variables in the presence of others, given that the proxies we use differ with respect to their measurement error and closeness to the underlying institutional or economic construct.
97
However, there is a “curse of dimensionality,” which arises because most cross-country
studies have to rely on between 30 and 50 country observations, yet there are over 70 factors that
have been used as country-level explanatory variables in the literature. A potentially promising way
to tackle this issue is to use synthetic control groups, which have been used in small sample
comparative political studies (e.g., Abadie and Gardeazabal, 2003; Abadie et al., 2015). Another
challenge is that many institutional variables are time-invariant or evolve only very slowly. Thus,
the use of time-series observations generally does not help identification much (see also Guiso et al.,
2015). The latter poses a serious issue when studying associations between institutional factors and
economic outcomes (see also discussion in Levine and Zervos, 1998; Rajan and Zingales, 1998).
Finally, as discussed in Leuz (2010) and Wysocki (2011), the problems go beyond empirical
identification. Even with adequate data or research settings, the potential complementarities
between a country’s institutions make it very difficult to (conceptually or logically) attribute
observed international differences in reporting and economic outcomes exclusively to certain
factors. The existence of complementarities implies that (i) it might not be possible to see the effect
of one factor without changing others and that (ii) changing one element, while holding the others
constant, may make the system (or economy) worse off even when the changing element improves
along a particular quality dimension. We know relatively little about the nature and importance of
such institutional complementarities.
Given this paucity of evidence, future research could start by descriptively documenting
broader institutional patterns and associated outcomes, in essence showing what are commonly
observed bundles or combinations of institutions. For instance, researchers could use factor and
cluster analyses. While these methods are fairly exploratory in nature and will not provide causal
identification of institutions that are core drivers of economic outcomes, it is still useful to know
which types of institutional characteristics tend to be observed together. Such regularities can help
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identify institutional clusters and point towards possible complementarities. For example, analyses
in Leuz et al. (2003) and Leuz (2010) suggest that outsider economies with relatively dispersed
ownership, strong investor protection, and large stock markets exhibit lower levels of earnings
management than insider countries with relatively concentrated ownership, weak investor protection,
and less developed stock markets.70
Accounting researchers could also look for techniques that have been used for similar
problems in other disciplines. An example is Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), developed
by Ragin (1987) and used in comparative politics and sociology. It is an analytical technique,
which starts with listing all combinations of variables observed in the data and then uses Boolean
algebra to determine which descriptive inferences the data supports. This technique allows the
identification of multiple pathways and interaction effects that may not be detectable via standard
regression analysis. It can be expanded by fuzzy set theory to accommodate more nuanced
institutional differences. We encourage researchers to explore this and other techniques.
Summing up this subsection, there has been a proliferation of studies documenting
associations between numerous institutional variables and various reporting (and economic)
outcomes. However, institutional factors including those related to countries’ reporting systems are
fundamentally intertwined and hence it is very difficult to isolate their effects on reporting
outcomes. There are still many unanswered questions about the determinants, effects,
interdependencies and complementarities of reporting and non-reporting institutions. In particular,
the literature has not made much headway in identifying and analyzing complementary institutional
‘bundles’ that can be observed around the world. In this regard, the standard regression techniques
currently used in cross-country studies have likely reached their limits. However, as discussed
70 See also Isidro et al. (2015). They undertake factor and cluster analyses for a comprehensive set of institutional
variables around the world.
99
above, researchers should consider other techniques. In addition, as discussed in Wysocki (2011),
structural estimation may hold promise and could move the literature forward. Structural estimation
has been used in the macroeconomic literature, which faces similar identification challenges, and
hence has the potential to provide additional insights on the interrelations (and causal links)
between many possibly complementary institutions. In addition, Athey and Stern (1998) show that
a structural model can be used to estimate complementarities in organization design. While the
structural approach is not without its own problems and limitations, it would at least lay open the
proposed structure and assumptions about the numerous relations between various institutions and
observed outcomes (see also Gow et al., 2015). It may also help identify which factors are more
likely to be economic primitives that directly affect outcomes and which factors are associated
outcomes or second-order mediating factors. In summary, there are still many research
opportunities to better understand the economics and mechanisms underlying the observed
associations between reporting, non-reporting institutions, and economic outcomes.
6. Suggestions for Future Research
In this article, we review the empirical literature on the economic effects of disclosure and
financial reporting regulation, synthesizing U.S. and international evidence. The regulatory focus
of our review reflects the central importance of regulation and standardization for financial
accounting as well as the policy relevance of work in this area. Despite its focus, however, this
review does not advocate in favor of or against regulation, but instead intends to highlight evidence
on the tradeoffs in regulating disclosure and reporting and hence to synthesize the lessons from
existing empirical research.
After a general discussion of cost-benefit analysis, causal inferences, and the identification
challenges of regulatory research, we identify key firm-specific as well as market-wide benefits and
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costs (or effects) of firms’ disclosure and reporting activities that can be, and often are, used to
evaluate regulation and standardization of these activities. Next, we review studies on disclosure
regulation, both in the U.S. and internationally. Thereafter, we discuss studies on the economic
effects of reporting standards, with a particular emphasis on mandatory IFRS adoption, as well as
work on international accounting and the role of reporting standards in countries’ institutional
frameworks. As we have already summarized the main conclusions and higher-level insights of our
review in the opening and overview section, we conclude here with eight specific suggestions (or
themes) for future research on the disclosure and reporting regulation.
First, consistent with our observation that few empirical studies on financial reporting and
disclosure regulation provide causal inferences, we call for more research on regulatory effects
using experimental settings, in which identification is given a priority. Such work could exploit
natural experiments and, in particular, staggered implementations and regulatory thresholds. To this
end, it is critically important that researchers understand the institutional features of their setting and
can articulate why the regulatory effects are plausibly identified in the setting (internal validity).
But it is as important that researchers connect their setting with a larger economic question to
provide policy-relevant and more generalizable insights (external validity), rather than merely “cute”
identification-driven studies. Given the tradeoff between external and internal validity, field
experiments hold particular promise as they use randomization and hence provide identification of
the regulatory effects, yet are conducted in the field, ideally without subjects realizing that they
participate in an experiment (see also Floyd and List, 2016). Another approach that has not been
used much is structural estimation. This approach allows the computation of counterfactuals, which
makes it particularly suited for regulatory questions.71 For structural studies, it will be particularly
important to be clear about the assumptions and the (exogenous) variation that go into the
71 Gerakos and Syverson (2014) provide an example for this approach with respect to audit regulation.
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computation of the counterfactuals and the estimation of the parameters. Despite all the emphasis
on identification, there is also a role for descriptive empirical studies. Such work could provide
important facts, point to novel effects, or provide fundamental ideas and new insights that help
advance the literature, for instance, by spawning future theoretical and (better-identified) empirical
research. In such studies, it will be important to be clear that the evidence is more suggestive and
descriptive in nature and that the results cannot be interpreted in a causal way. For this reason, this
work would ideally be theory-driven so that at least one mechanism through which the documented
association could arise is explicitly spelled out.
Second, we call for more research explaining why disclosure and reporting regulation is so
pervasive. Much of the literature in accounting, economics, and finance points out that the need for
and the (net) benefits of regulation are not self-evident, highlighting the tradeoff between regulatory
and market failures. At the same time, the largest and, arguably, most successful capital markets
exhibit strong disclosure and securities regulation. Do these markets thrive because of regulation or
in spite of it? As pointed out in this review, we have little evidence that we could bring to bear on
this question or the question on why disclosure and reporting regulation is so pervasive around the
world. In particular, we lack evidence on externalities, social costs and benefits, market-wide or
network effects.72 Similarly, we need more evidence on the real and indirect effects of disclosure
and reporting regulation, for example, with respect to corporate behavior, competition, and
innovation. We conjecture that disclosure regulation could make it easier for young firms to
commit to transparency and hence to obtain funding, which in turn could have a positive effect on
competition and innovation (Leuz and Wysocki, 2008). We also know little about the extent to
which disclosure regulation could support (or hinder) the development of innovative transactions in
new product or service markets. Examples of transactions and markets for which transparency is
72 An interesting example is the study by Dyck et al. (2014) attempting to estimate the social costs of fraud.
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likely relevant are (i) crowd-funding of firms outside traditional capital markets, (ii) peer-to-peer
transactions and information sharing,73 (iii) alternative payment systems and currencies.
Another conjecture is that disclosure and reporting regulation is so pervasive because
contracts and information are fundamentally incomplete and market participants have bounded
rationality (see also Hart, 2009). In this situation, regulation could serve as a coordination device
for market participants by providing a “coarse” default solution that is widely understood and used
in many transactions and contracts.74 Financial reporting standards and disclosure regulation strike
us as one such coarse default solution, facilitating many transactions and financial contracting.
A specific market-wide benefit of disclosure and reporting regulation that deserves more
attention by future research is its contribution to the stability of financial markets, specifically by
mitigating asset price bubbles and subsequent market crashes. During times of technological and
financial innovation, which often precede bubbles and financial crises, mandatory disclosure and
reporting could limit asymmetric information among market participants, which can be an important
ingredient in the formation of bubbles. Furthermore, we conjecture that forcing firms to disclose
verifiable fundamentals based on past transactions and events, such as cash flows, profits, assets and
liabilities essentially “grounds” expectations, making it harder for bubbles to occur. The idea is that
the disclosure of fundamentals provides an anchor or “reality check” for market participants who
are navigating new market conditions due to technological or financial innovation. Such effects, if
they exist, would be an important market-wide (social) benefit considering the harm that asset price
bubbles and financial crises can cause in an economy. Disclosure and reporting regulation could
also be used specifically to cast the spotlight on certain transactions that are fast growing and
fueling asset prices (e.g., securitizations in the early 2000s). Such dynamic disclosure regulation
73 Examples for nascent research in this area are Michels (2012), Einav et al. (2015), and Sutherland (2015). 74 See, e.g., Morris et al. (2006) on the tradeoff between precision and shared understanding in optimal communication.
See also Thaler and Sunstein (2008) and Kamenica et al. (2011) on the importance of defaults.
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could play an important role in monitoring and potentially even mitigating systemic risk (Leuz,
2009). More broadly, it is still an open question to what extent disclosure and reporting regulation
contributes to financial stability by enhancing transparency (see also Acharya and Ryan, 2016).
Third, we suggest more research on the process by which disclosure and reporting regulation
arises. As our review highlights, the literature focuses primarily on the effects of disclosure and
reporting regulation, rather than the political process by which it comes about.75 Anecdotally, new
regulatory reforms arise often in response to corporate scandals and financial crises. After these
events, policy makers and regulators are under pressure to take corrective actions, which could lead
to fine-tuning of existing regulation, but also to overreaction and ever increasing regulation. Thus,
understanding the rule-making and standard-setting process is important for the evaluation of
regulatory outcomes. Furthermore, the implementation of new regulation (e.g., working out the
finer details post enactment) is often left to a regulatory agency. We conjecture that these details
and, more generally, how regulation is implemented play a crucial role for regulatory outcomes.
However, there is little research on the features which make regulation more or less successful. The
extent to which political and market forces shape the implementation of regulation as well as
regulatory outcomes has received very little attention in existing studies, in part because it is
difficult to isolate the effects of implementation.76 There is burgeoning work on the role of
enforcement, suggesting that it plays a critical role for regulatory outcomes. Thus, we need more
research that examines the relative roles (and balance) of rules, implementation, and enforcement.
Fourth, and related to our third suggestion, we call for more research on the dynamics or
evolution of disclosure and reporting regulation. We have little evidence on how the costs and
75 Examples of early work on the politics of accounting are Watts (1977), Watts and Zimmerman (1978, 1986), and
Francis (1987). More recent examples are Dechow et al. (1996), McLeay et al. (2000), McLeay and Merkl-Davies (2004) and Ramanna (2008). The literature on the economics of regulation also provides significant insights into issues related to special interests and regulatory capture (e.g., Stigler, 1971; Posner, 1975; Peltzman, 1976).
76 Christensen et al. (2016) identify EU directives as a rare setting in which the rules, implementation, and enforcement can be examined separately.
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benefits of this regulation evolve over time, e.g., change with different stages of a country’s
economic development. In principle, regulation should be dynamic and adjusted to changing
market and economic conditions. It is a significant concern that existing regulation is inflexible and
fails to adapt to fast-changing and dynamic financial and consumer markets. Inflexible regulation
and standards could stifle innovation and also make it harder for new technologies and ideas to
obtain financing. Most of the literature is static in that studies are primarily concerned with the
questions of whether and how to regulate, and not the dynamics of regulation. There are also
significant opportunities to study features of regulatory process such as sunset provisions and
formal post-implementation reviews. Such features need to be carefully studied as they can affect
regulatory outcomes (e.g., firms might be reluctant to make the requisite investments to implement
a new accounting standard if they are uncertain about its future). Other aspects of the regulatory
process that deserve more attention in research are regulatory path dependencies, international
harmonization of regulation as well as the notion that reforms of disclosure regulation and reporting
standards are increasingly coordinated among countries.
Fifth, we call for more research on the real effects of disclosure and reporting regulation.
We have much less evidence on how such regulation affects corporate behavior than we have
evidence on its capital-market effects, which reflects among others the behavior of investors and
financial analysts. Moreover, disclosure requirements are increasingly used in many areas outside
of accounting and financial reporting as a public policy instrument to encourage or discourage
certain behaviors and business practices (see also Graham, 2002). However, we have relatively
little evidence whether mandated disclosure achieves the desired real effects.77 We also have little
knowledge whether and when disclosure regulation would be preferable to more conventional
regulation that directly restricts or mandates certain behaviors or business practices. The premise is 77 For instance, a concern is that firms satisfy disclosure requirements to consumers with lengthy disclosures that are
difficult to process, boilerplate and legalistic in nature, which in turn consumers largely ignore.
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often that disclosure regulation is more “benign” than conventional regulation, for which it is
known that it can have significant unintended consequences. However, as discussed in Section 4.4,
there is also evidence of unintended and pernicious consequences of mandated disclosure, primarily
in health care settings. Accounting researchers could investigate to what extent these insights
generalize and, in particular, examine whether they apply to corporate settings. As societies extend
the scope of disclosure and transparency regulation beyond financial reporting, understanding the
real effects of such regulation is of first-order importance and a topic to which accounting
researchers can contribute significantly.
Sixth, we call for more research on macroeconomic outcomes of disclosure and reporting
regulation. Such research would go beyond more traditional capital-market effects and examine
real investment, consumption, and possibly social outcomes of disclosure and reporting regulation
at the aggregate level. While real-effects studies at the firm level already suggest the possibility of
aggregate effects, determining the magnitude of aggregate effects would still be important. Doing
so would be first step towards a welfare analysis for disclosure and reporting regulation.
Researchers could explore questions such as: Does disclosure regulation affect aggregate real
investment in the corporate sector and if so by how much? Does mandated disclosure of financial
information have an effect on households’ consumption decisions and how large is this effect in the
aggregate? Is there a link between disclosure regulation, transparency of the corporate sector, and
economic growth? Of course, answering these questions poses significant identification challenges.
But these challenges are not fundamentally different from the challenges of identifying the effects
of monetary policy, which we face in macroeconomics. There is already an extensive literature on
financial liberalization and economic growth (Levine, 2001). In this literature, however, the role of
transparency and disclosure regulation is still largely unexplored.
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Seventh, we call for more research that recognizes that disclosure and reporting regulation
are part of a larger institutional system in which the elements interact with each other. At present,
we have relatively little research into the nature of these interactions. We therefore propose to
explore institutional complementarities and bundles, starting with descriptive analyses and possibly
using new techniques (see Section 5.5), but we also highlight a number of challenges. For instance,
complementarities imply that the desirability of disclosure and reporting regulation should not be
studied in isolation.78 Explicitly recognizing the interactions and tradeoffs could yield novel and
important insights. To provide an example, Glaeser et al. (2001) and Djankov et al. (2003) point to
interactions between ex-ante regulation and ex-post remedies via the legal system and the courts.
As regulation cannot specify all future contingencies, parties must often rely on the courts for ex-
post remedies and damages. However, if there are inequalities in the judicial weapons available to
litigants or agency problems with courts and judges, then ex-ante regulation (e.g., disclosure rules)
can serve to limit the latitude and discretion of courts (Shleifer, 2005). To give another example
that is more specific to accounting: There are likely interactions between key properties of the
reporting standards (e.g., the amount of discretion, use of estimates, amount of detail and guidance,
etc.) and the enforceability of such standards. More generally, the interplay between disclosure and
reporting regulation and various enforcement mechanisms deserves more attention. Our review of
the IFRS literature in Section 5 highlights the central importance of these interactions. In this
regard, researchers should also draw on and connect with the large literature on auditing, which
studies a particular enforcement mechanism.
In our eighth and final suggestion, we call for more research on the effects of global
convergence of regulation as well as the effects of regulatory competition. As discussed in Section
5, we still have relatively little evidence on the effects attributable to accounting harmonization, i.e., 78 Complementarities also imply that institutional systems exhibit path dependencies, bringing us back to our fourth
suggestion for future research. In addition, path dependencies suggest a role for historical analyses.
107
the convergence or similarities of reporting rules and practices (as opposed to improvements or
extensions of reporting regulation). Despite the extensive convergence efforts in accounting and
elsewhere (e.g., bank regulation), there are still many competing regulatory regimes around the
world. Thus, firms still have choices when it comes to regulatory regimes, including fairly
unregulated trading venues (such as the U.S. OTC, London’s AIM or various grey markets for
equities). Firms’ regime choices have been extensively studied with respect to foreign cross-listings
(see Section 4.4). But there are many other regulatory choices that firms make and researchers
could study to enhance our understanding which regulatory regimes firms seek or avoid. Moreover,
as firms can often circumvent regulation that applies within a given jurisdiction, it is important to
study firms’ outside options and their potentially confounding effects.
We also emphasize that there is still competition with respect to financial reporting
regulation, despite the fact that IFRS have been widely adopted globally (and substantially
converged with U.S. GAAP). Reporting regulation goes beyond the accounting standards and
comprises also the interpretation of the standards, implementation guidance, monitoring of
compliance, and enforcement. Thus, even with the harmonization of the rules, there can still be
competition among countries or jurisdictions with respect to other elements, such as (i)
implementation guidance, (ii) additional disclosure requirements, (iii) enforcement and penalties,
and even (iv) non-regulatory elements such as the monitoring by information intermediaries (e.g.,
financial analysts, auditors, and the media). An interesting higher level question is whether such
competition of regulatory and institutional regimes is beneficial or adds transaction costs. There are
arguments in both directions (e.g., Barth et al., 1999; Dye and Sunder, 2001; Coffee, 2002), but we
have little empirical evidence on this matter. Thus, international convergence and competition of
disclosure and reporting regimes will likely remain important future research topics.
108
List of Tables Included in Online Appendix
Tables Referenced in Section 3
Table 3.1: Potential Effects and Outcomes Associated with Firms’ Disclosure and Financial Reporting Activities
Table 3.2: Studies on Capital-Market Benefits of Corporate Disclosure and Reporting
Table 3.3: Studies on Real Effects of Corporate Disclosure and Reporting
Table 3.4: Studies on Firm-Specific Costs of Corporate Disclosure and Reporting
Table 3.5: Studies on Market-Wide Effects of Corporate Disclosure and Reporting
Tables Referenced in Section 4
Table 4.1: Studies on Introduction of U.S. Securities Regulation
Table 4.2: Studies on Extensions of U.S. Regulations in the OTC Markets
Table 4.3: Studies on Major Changes in U.S. Disclosure Regulation
Table 4.4: International Evidence on Costs and Benefits of Disclosure Regulation
Table 4.5: Other Studies on Disclosure Regulation
Tables Referenced in Section 5
Table 5.1: Key Findings in IFRS Studies – Changes in Reporting Properties and Financial Disclosures
Table 5.2: Key Findings in IFRS Studies – Capital Market Outcomes
Table 5.3: Key Findings in IFRS Studies – Beyond Capital Market Effects
The online appendix is available at: http://faculty.chicagobooth.edu/christian.leuz/research/papers/LW-Appendix.pdf
109
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about ECGI
The European Corporate Governance Institute has been established to improve corpo-rate governance through fostering independent scientific research and related activities.
The ECGI produces and disseminates high quality research while remaining close to the concerns and interests of corporate, financial and public policy makers. It draws on the expertise of scholars from numerous countries and bring together a critical mass of exper-tise and interest to bear on this important subject.
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ECGI Working Paper Series in Law
Editorial Board
Editor Luca Enriques, Allen & Overy Professor of Corporate Law, Faculty of Law, University of Oxford
Consulting Editors John Coates, John F. Cogan, Jr. Professor of Law and Economics, Harvard Law School
Paul Davies, Emeritus Fellow, formerly Allen & Overy Professor of Corporate Law, Faculty of Law, Jesus College, University of Oxford
Horst Eidenmüller, Chair of Private Law, German, European and International Company Law, University of Munich and University of Oxford Amir Licht, Dean and Professor of Law, Radzyner School of Law, Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya Roberta Romano, Sterling Professor of Law and Director, Yale Law School Center for the Study of Corporate Law, Yale Law SchoolEditorial Assistants : Pascal Busch, University of Mannheim Marcel Mager, University of Mannheim Rosalie El Awdan, University of Mannheim
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