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The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
The morpho-syntax of Hawaiian valencymorphology
David J. Medeiros
Cal State University, Northridgedavid.medeiros@csun.edu
AFLA 23slides available at umich.edu/∼medeiros/
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Goals
• Describe valency increasing morphemes ho‘o, ha‘a
• Compare the distribution of these with other valencyrelated morphology
• Argue that ho‘o and ha‘a are syntactically conditionedallomorphs
• Within Distributed Morphology framework
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Data Sources
• Elbert & Pukui (EP henceforth):• Hawaiian Grammar, 1979• Hawaiian Dictionary, 1986 (primary source)
• E. Hawkins, Hawaiian Sentence Structure, 1979 (UHDissertation)
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Corpus
• 836 entries headed by ho‘o & ha‘a
• Coding for morphology, phonological alternation,interaction with reduplication, meaning, etc.
• Note that ho‘o & ha‘a have several uses not related tovalency change, which I do not focus on here
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
ho‘o and ha‘a increase valency
• ho‘o & ha‘a are typically characterized as causative prefixes
• However, these have a wider range of applicability thantypical causatives
• In particular, both ho‘o & ha‘a can be prefixes to nouns aswell as adjectives and verbs with different levels oftransitivity
• ho‘o & ha‘a are best characterized as general valencyincreasing prefixes: they increase the number of argumentsassociated with their root
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
ho‘o
• EP describe ho‘o as a causative-simulative prefix
• EP’s causative function is exemplified here
(1) a. heleto go
b. ho‘oheleto set in motion
(2) a. ‘aito eat
b. ho‘aito feed
(3) a. olaalive
b. ho‘olato save
(4) a. halehouse
b. ho‘ohaleto house
• Ho‘o has phonologically conditioned allomorphs ho‘, ho, ho, and ho‘
• The vowel lengthening of the root in (3) is a phonological processrelated to stress domains (Alderete & MacMillan 2014).
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
ha‘a
• EP describe an additional prefix ha‘a ascausative-simulative
• EP’s causative function is exemplified here
(5) a. ‘apukato cheat
b. ha‘apukato cause to cheat
(6) a. kianail, spike
b. hakiato nail, fasten
• Ha‘a has phonologically conditioned allomorphs ha and ha
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Simulative uses
• For EP, the simulative refers to examples where ho‘o orha‘a derive an intransitive from a noun, meaning ‘toact/feign like:’
(7) a. haolewhite person
b. ho‘ohaoleto act like a whiteperson
(8) a. koa‘etropicbird
b. ha‘akoa‘eto act like thetropicbird
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
More simulative uses
(9) a. wahinewoman
b. ho‘owahineto behave like a woman, to grow into womanhood
(10) a. kulideaf
b. ho‘okulito act deaf or to feign deafness
• Similar construction in English:
(11) What happened was you Anderson Silva-ed the guy. [JimRome Show, 5/23/16]
(12) I’m gonna monster over this table. (= climb over the tablelike a monster truck)
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Descriptive summary
• ho‘o & ha‘a both increase valency very generally
• Prefixation of these morphemes to nominals (both forEP’s causatives and simulatives) does not necessarilyencode causation
• EP’s ‘causative’ and ‘simulative’ describe special cases ofvalency increase
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
EP’s Analysis
• Despite similarity, EP analyze ho‘o & ha‘a as(synchronically) unrelated
• First, both morphemes may attach to the same root,deriving the same meaning:
(13) a. ko‘obrace, prop, pole
b. ho‘oko‘oto prop with a pole
c. ha‘ako‘o(same as ho‘oko‘o)
(14) a. ‘awepack, knapsack
b. ho‘aweto carry on the back
c. ha‘awe(same as ho‘awe)
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
EP’s Analysis
• Further, ho‘o may attach to ha‘a, but not the converse:
(15) a. nuilarge
b. ha‘anuito brag, exaggerate
c. ho‘oha‘anuito cause to brag
(16) a. ninito pour
b. haninito overflow
c. ho‘ohaninito cause an overflow
• Within EP’s structuralist framework, each morpheme has aunique slot: they are not allomorphs
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Morphological Competition
• Corpus analysis suggests an additional distribution pattern
• ho‘o, but not ha‘a, co-occurs with other valency relatedmorphology, such as passive and nominalization
• ha‘a competes with other valency related morphology
• This distribution, combined with the similarity of meaning,indicates that these morphemes are syntacticallyconditioned allomorphs
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Interaction with Nominalization
• ho‘o (but not ha‘a) freely co-occurs with nominalizing -na:
(17) a. kahuto pray in chant
b. kahunapriest
c. ho‘okahunato ordain a kahuna
(18) a. ‘iketo see [transitive]
b. ‘ikenaview, seeing, knowing
c. ho‘ikenato see, know[intransitive]
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Interaction with Passive
• ho‘o (but not ha‘a) freely co-occurs with passive -Cia/-a:
(19) a. ‘iketo see
b. ho‘iketo show
c. ho‘ikeato be shown
(20) a. wa‘acanoe, trench
b. ho‘owa‘aliato be dug out
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Outline
1 Preliminaries
2 Description
3 Prior Analysis
4 Morphological Interactions
5 Proposal
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Cyclic Effects in Morphology
• I adopt the DM framework for cyclic effects in morphology(Embick & Marantz 2008, Embick 2010)
• Embick’s (2010) example with nominalizing n:
(21) n root-conditioned allomorphs: marri-age, refus-al, confus-ion
(22) n elsewhere allomorph -ing: marry-ing, refus-ing, confus-ing
(23)
• 2-way distinction: n in ‘inner domain’ has unpredictableallomorph, n in ‘outer domain’ has predictable allomorph
• The specific realization of inner-n is an independent,morpho-phonological process
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Morphological Analysis
• For Hawaiian, where n & v are cyclic:• vincr is a general valency-increasing morpheme• for vincr : ha‘a is the root conditioned allomorph, ho‘o
elsewhere• for nominalizing n: ∅ is the root conditioned allomorph,
-na elsewhere• vbe and vagent are always spelled out ∅
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Sample Derivations
• intransitive → transitive
(24) a. heleto go
b. ho‘oheleto set in motion
(25) a. [ hele vbe ] = heleto go
b. [ vincr [ hele vbe ] ] = ho‘oheleto set in motion
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Sample Derivations
• noun/root → simulative
(26) a. haolewhite person
b. ho‘ohaoleto act like a whiteperson
(27) a. koa‘etropicbird
b. ha‘akoa‘eto act like thetropicbird
(28) a. [ vincr [ haole n ] ] = ho‘ohaoleto act like a white person
b. [ vincr koa‘e ] = ha‘akoa‘eto act like the tropicbird
• The optionality of n with a root derives EP’s observationthat both ho‘o and ha‘a can superficially attach to roots
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Cyclic Interactions
• Presence of passive or nominalizing morphemes forces vincrinto outer domain:
(29) a. [ ‘ike vagent ] = ‘iketo see [transitive]
b. [ [ ‘ike vagent ] n ]= ‘ikenaview, seeing, knowing
c. [ vincr [ [ ‘ike vagent ] n ] ]= ho‘ikenato see [intransitive]
(30) [ vincr [ [ ‘ike vagent ] vpass ] ] = ho‘ikeato be shown
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Co-occurence Restrictions
• The same analysis derives the ungrammaticality of*ha‘aho‘o- prefixes:
• The root-attached morpheme must be spelled out as ha‘a• Any additional affixation of vincr is realized as ho‘o
(31) [ vincr [ vincr nui ] ] = ho‘oha‘anuito cause to brag
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Conclusion
• Ha‘a competes with other valency related morphology,including passive, nominalization, and itself (vincr )
• This suggests that ha‘a is the root-conditioned allomorphof the functional morpheme vincr
• ho‘o is the realization of vincr when in an outer domain• ho‘o can prefix to ha‘a, but not the converse• ho‘o & ha‘a can both attach to string-identical roots (ha‘a
to a root directly, ho‘o to a true nominal)• ho‘o is far more frequent in EPs dictionary, because it is
less restricted in its domain of application
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Thank You
Selected References:Elbert, S. & Pukui, M. (1979). Hawaiian Grammar. University of Hawai‘i Press.Elbert, S. & Pukui, M. (1986). Hawaiian Dictionary. University of Hawai‘i Press.Embick, D. (2010). Localism versus Globalism in Morphology and Phonology. MIT Press.Embick, D. & Marantz A. (2008). Architecture and Blocking. Linguistic Inquiry 39:1, 1-53.Hale, K. & Keyser S. J. (2002). Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure. MIT Press.Harley, H. (2008). On Causative Constructions. In The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, eds. S.Miyagawa and M. Saito. p. 20-53. Oxford U. Press.Hawkins, E. (1979). Hawaiian Sentence Structure. Pacific Linguistics Monographs. Auckland.Marantz, A. (1997). No Escapte from Syntax: Don’t Try a Morphological Analysis in the Privacy of YourOwn Lexicon. In U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics, eds. A. Dimitriadis and L. Siegel.Pylkkanen, L. (2008). Introducing Arguments. MIT Press.
• I gratefully acknowledge Maya Wax Cavallaro and Drew Bennett,who assisted in data collection.
• Research funding was provided by the College of Humanities atCalifornia State University, Northridge.
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Additional Material
• Additional material appears below
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Deliberative
• According to Elbert & Pukui (1979) and Hawkins (1979),ho‘o, when prefixed to verb which is normally transitivecan have the function of emphasizing agency, withoutintroducing a new argument:
(32) a. Uaperf
pekukick
‘osubj
KaleKale
iobj
kethe
kinipopo.ball
Kale kicked the ball.
b. Uaperf
ho‘opekucause.kick
‘osubj
KaleKale
iobj
kethe
kinipopo.ball
Kale deliberately kicked the ball.
The morpho-syntax ofHawaiianvalency
morphology
David J.Medeiros
Preliminaries
Description
Prior Analysis
MorphologicalInteractions
Proposal
Deliberative
(33) a. holo - ‘to run or sail’
b. ho‘oholo - ‘to sail something or to sail deliberately’
(34) a. huna - ‘to hide’
b. ho‘ohuna - ‘to hide deliberately’
c. Uapast
ho‘ohunahide
‘oeyou
iobj
kathe
na‘auaounderstanding
maidir
koposs
lakoutheir
na‘aumind
aku.dir
You have closed their minds to understanding.1
• There is also a class in which there is reported to be no change inmeaning (see also Gould et al. (2009) for Niuean)
• It’s unclear at this point if this is a fact that should be addressed inthe morpho-syntax, or whether these cases should be understoodwithin the deliberative class
1Note presence of intrans. variant pe‘e ‘to hide’
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