an analysis of the livelihoods of the muyexe

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1 AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE COMMUNITY LOCATED ALONG THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK IN LIMPOPO PROVINCE M. MAKAMU MAY 2005 Was

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Page 1: An Analysis of the Livelihoods of the Muyexe

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AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE

COMMUNITY LOCATED ALONG THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK IN

LIMPOPO PROVINCE

M. MAKAMU

MAY 2005

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AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE

COMMUNITY LOCATED ALONG THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK IN

LIMPOPO PROVINCE

By

MAKAMU MKHACHANI

MINI-DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial fulfiment of the requirements

for the degree

MASTER OF ARTS

In DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

In the

Faculty of Humanities

at the

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

SUPERVISOR: MR H MUSHONGA

MAY 2005

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere gratitude goes to my mother for all the

encouragement and patience, during the duration of

this research and final write up of this dissertation. I

also would like to thank my colleagues and all the

participants who made this research a success.

More importantly my supervisor Mr Mushonga for

the long time spent giving me invaluable feedback.

With his guidance and nurturing this research became

an eye opener for further exploration.

Lastly my holy thanksgiving to God the Almighty

to whom everything is possible.

Dedicated to my loving mother

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ABSTRACT

The phenomenon of sustainable development, which has

dominated the development agenda, has become one of the most

contested issues, more especially in cases where development

practitioners have had to balance the interaction and

relationship between the physical environment and human

development. The implementation of conservation strategies in

areas bordering game parks and reserves has been one of the

conflict areas. This study was aimed at investigating the issues

and dynamics inherent in this particular area. The core focus of

the research was on an analysis of the livelihoods of the

Muyexe community. This investigation attempted to determine

the extent of the benefits of the interventions by SANParks on

the livelihoods of this mentioned community. The social impact

assessment of these conservation strategies were analysed in

view of how the community perceived them, and were based on

the variables of human, social, financial and natural capital.

The study was mainly of a qualitative research design

whose findings were informed by a series of in-depth focus

group discussions, participant observation, structured and

semi-structured interviews. The main findings of this study

revealed that, to a larger extent, a preservationist approach, in

trying to protect flora and fauna, invariably leads to conflict and

a general impoverishment of the community. A participatory

conservation strategy to uplift the livelihoods of the affected

community was recommended as a sustainable approach to

both meet the environmental and human developmental needs.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

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CHAPTER ONE

ORIENTATION OF THE STUDY

1.1 INTRODUCTION

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Perhaps the most extensive debate about sustainable development

since the 1990s has been the issue pertaining to the livelihoods of

indigenous communities, especially after relocations from their host

indigenous domiciles to designated settlements. These voluntary or

enforced relocations are often necessitated by the opening up of large

scale projects for economic development. The most notable of these

are massive projects in dam construction, preservations of national

parks for tourism, mining and the logging industries. The social

impacts of such shocks on communities have either led to disruption

of human and social capital (Letwin and Levi, 1986:45), or to sudden

wealth creation.

Particularly in South Africa forced removals, necessitated by the

history of apartheid, had, prior to 1994, been a norm. In the post-

1994 dispensation the South African government has, through its

Land Redistribution Programme under the auspices of The National

Land Commission, made several attempts to redress these imbalances

and enhance communities’ livelihoods. This is being done through the

introduction of conservation initiatives aimed at simultaneously

protecting flora and fauna and acting as enhancers of livelihoods.

Around the globe attempts are being made by various governments,

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and private institutions to

subvert the unforeseen impacts of such interventions on communities

affected. Social safety nets are being realized in the form of livelihood

activities and programmes. These diverse interventions have either

met with limited success or outright failure due to lack of consultation

with the intended beneficiaries, or just a neglect of the socio-economic

and political dynamics involved in such ventures.

The Kruger National Parks Board (KNPB) of South Africa has initiated

a twin-approach in addressing this challenge. Apart from its core

mandate of conservation of the Kruger Park’s flora and fauna, its

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other social responsibility has been to maintain and uplift the

livelihoods of the immediate communities who were affected by the

relocations by introducing activities to enhance the communities’

livelihoods. This study is aimed at addressing both these elements.

1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT

Communities that are located along the Kruger National Park are

largely rural and are characterized by large masses of poor,

unemployed, and illiterate people. Historically these communities

occupied and lived on the current Kruger National Park. With the

establishment of the National Park, the communities were forcefully

removed and relocated to the margins to pave way for the conservation

of flora and fauna which actually led to a loss in sustainable

livelihoods.

These marginal areas of the Kruger National Park are agro-ecological

lands generally characterized by poor farming potentials. This

withdrawal from their main sources of survival in terms of access to

natural resources was abruptly curtailed. The various methods of

harnessing resources for the purpose of earning a means of livelihood

entailed, amongst others, the hunting of wild animals, gathering

firewood, fishing, collection of mopani worms and use of readily

available indigenous building materials. All these resources were

previously acquired freely by the communities before their separation

from the game reserve. The establishment of the park inevitably led

the local communities being faced with the harsh reality of

dependence on regulated and protected resources for their survival.

The communities’ means of livelihoods were grossly altered and

changes in their livelihood patterns created new social, economic, and

cultural problems. In the post 1994 South Africa the government

through its Social Welfare Development and Tourism initiatives sought

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to use conservation as a way to improve the livelihoods of these

communities.

As noted by De Beer and Swanepoel (2000:20), landlessness usually

gives rise to overcrowding and the degradation of the natural

environment since people would then try to make a living out of the

meagre pieces of land in which they live. Compensatory livelihood

strategies always emanate from such situations, hence the need for

the researcher to investigate the aftermath of these relocations on the

livelihood patterns adopted by the Muyexe community.

1.3 AIM OF THE STUDY

This study was aimed at analysing the livelihood strategies of the

Muyexe Community, before and after the introduction of

conservation initiatives by the Kruger National Parks Board in

Limpopo Province.

1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

The main objectives of the study were namely to:

1.4.1 Identify and analyse the livelihood strategies adopted by the

Muyexe Community before and after the introduction of conservation

initiatives

1.4.2 Evaluate the conservation strategies used by the KNPB in an

attempt to enhance the livelihoods of the Muyexe Community

1.3.1 Assess the successes and failures of the above strategies on

the general socio-economic development of the Muyexe

Community.

1.4 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION Was

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The main research question of the study was directed at the

following:

What are the livelihood strategies adopted by the Muyexe

Community before and after the conservation interventions by the

Kruger National Parks Board?

1.6 Review of related Literature

Much of the vast literature on conservation and development could be

interpreted as a response to the concern that the present patterns of

conservation may seriously deplete the natural environmental

resources to such an extent that life will be seriously disturbed,

thereby further impoverishing communities located near and along

conservation areas.

According to Beatley (1994:54), conservation initiatives aimed at

uplifting the affected communities’ livelihoods have produced mixed

successes. In most instances these interventions by government have

led to further impoverishment and further environmental degradation.

This is also highlighted by Neef (1990) who contends that conservation

strategies and laws aimed at community survival are more artificial in

their nature and do not take into account the social dynamics of the

affected beneficiaries.

A number of nature conservation areas or protected areas in South

Africa are located along rural communities that are underdeveloped

and generally rely on forest resources for their livelihoods. In a given

situation, like the one above, it is logical to state that conservation of

natural resources should also focus on the upliftment of the rural

communities towards betterment of their living standards.

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Insignificant poverty reduction and continued hunting and gathering

for subsistence in communities located along the Kruger National

Park, in spite of current conservation interventions, provides enough

grounds for arguing that current conservation interventions do little to

eradicate poverty and to conserve nature.

Bothma (1996:609) supports this view in his argument that the

existence of game ranches with neighbouring poverty-stricken

communal rural areas should provide an opportunity for the rural

communities to benefit from the immediate resources. A neglect of this

facet can lead to a conflictual relationship between the game owners,

resources and the people. The main loser in such a discord is the

natural environment and the immediate communities.

1.7 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY

This research is of significant value to national institutions engaged in

the socio-economic development of South Africa communities located

in areas transcending game reserves, parks and other physical

environments which are prone to damage. The decision-making

process to balance and sustain both the physical and human

development becomes of utmost importance. This research is of

primary benefit to, among the others, the following organs and

government departments; The National Land Commission, Social

Welfare and Development Department, Department of Agriculture and

other related parastatals for example the South African National Parks

(SANParks).

An assessment and evaluation of the shortcomings and successes of

intervention strategies also provides a base for recommendations that

will improve upon similar ventures in South Africa, and more

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particularly, the livelihoods of the Muyexe Community. Such

recommendations will also have a spin-off effect in terms of analyzing

ways of how communities can co-exist with their physical

environment, by evaluating the conservation interventions aimed at

livelihoods enhancement by the South African National Parks Board

for communities located along the Kruger National Park.

1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

1.8.1 Research Design

The research design for this study was primarily qualitative as it was

aimed at an analysis of the patterns of survival of a selected

community. The justification for such a research design was based on

the premise that ‘this methodology assists in understanding

respondents and provides a sensitive way of recording human

experiences’ (Bless and Higson-Smith, 2000:38).

1.8.2 Data Collection Techniques

1.8.2.1 Secondary Data

Secondary data was collected through a literature review of Human

Development and Sustainable Development textbooks books, journals

and other related publications. An analysis of archival documents

from the National Land Commission and SANParks was significant in

elucidating some of pertinent issues.

1.8.2.2 Focus groups

Focus groups are an important tool in scientific social research where-

in community related issues are sought (Mouton, 1995). In the focus

group which was conducted, semi-structured interviews were

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employed to lead the discussions. The groups comprised of fifteen (15)

members which entailed: one (1) community headman, one (1) civic

organisation leader, three (3) community women leaders; four (4)

households represented by one member, one (1) church leader, one (1)

tribal council member, one (1) land claimant, one (1) Land Care

member; one (1) official from the South African National Parks’ Social

Ecology and Game Ranger sections, and one (1) official from the

Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) in Limpopo.

1.8.2.3 Semi-structured interviews

The technique of using semi-structured interviews has several

advantages. According to Bailey (1994:174) it is flexible, in the sense

that the interviewer can probe for more specific answers and

interviewees can ask clarity-seeking questions on the spot. The same

writer reiterates that it has a high response rate as people feel more

comfortable speaking than writing. The validity of an answer can be

assessed since non-verbal behaviour can be observed during an

interview. Moreover, the interviewer can ensure that all questions are

completed.

1.8.2.3 Structured interviews

Structured interviews are important in soliciting specific responses

from the interviewees. This form of data collection technique was used

to acquire information from the KNParks officials involved in the

Muyexe community.

1.9 Target Population and sampling

1.9.1 Target Population

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In totality 25 respondents were involved in the research, needless to

mention, there were other incidental, informal or per-chance

respondents who availed themselves, or whom the researcher deemed

pertinent to the research. The target group consisted of officials from

the South African National Parks Board, such as the driver of the

Kruger National Park management and the Muyexe community

members, as part of one of the communities that are residing along

the Kruger National Park. The composition and categories of the

interviewees are also indicated in the focus group profile indicated in

section 1.7.2.2 above.

1.9.2 Purposive sampling

In purposive sampling, the researcher selects only those people who

will best make responses to meet the purpose of the study, Bailey

(1994:96). Hysamen (1944:44) complements the above-mentioned

statement by stating that purposive samples are “the most important

kind of non-probability sampling”. The criterion for the selection of

different categories of people interviewed was based on identification

by their constituencies. The sampling of respondents from both

Muyexe Community and SANParks, DEAT included, was undertaken

through a purposive or judgmental sampling method as justified by

Hysamen (1994:30). The community civic organization was requested

to assist with identifying the community members who were relevant

for interviews, whilst SANParks helped in identifying relevant

stakeholders to best respond to the questions.

1.10 Limitations of the study

The area of demarcation for this research was in Giyani District in

Limpopo province. The location of the Muyexe Community in terms of

distance from Polokwane, which is the researcher’s domicilium, and

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the logistical arrangements for access to the respondents was quite a

challenge. This, in some instances, meant that the researcher had to

scale down some of the formal interviews and led, to a minimal extent,

on certain information not being collected. The historical past of South

Africa has also had an impact on the poverty levels of the community,

which is generally reflected in the high levels of illiteracy. This factor,

in some instances, was an impediment to data collection.

1.11 Ethical Considerations

The concept of Ethics has been a matter of widespread concern in the

scientific and research communities. The way in which research is

conducted has been so beneficial to some individuals whilst it left

permanent scars on others (Rossouw, 1997). Due to the sensitivity

and emotive nature of this research the author undertook to use

pseudonyms in interpreting the respondents’ views, concerns and

perceptions. Since the study investigated issues involving illegal

poaching and hunting, legal implication was another area of focus for

ethics. Sometimes subjects released information that had some

individual legal implications and the researcher had to abide by the

right to confidentiality.

In order to protect the integrity and confidentiality of the varied

stakeholders who were part of the research, consent was sought from

the participants and emphasis was put on voluntarily participation

and the researcher’s obligation to privacy and non-disclosure of highly

charged sensitive issues. Casley and Lury (1987:102) share this

ethical standpoint by noting that “the right to privacy demands that

direct consent for participation must be obtained from adults and, in the

case of children, from their parents or guardians. Moreover, this consent

must be informed, in the sense that the participants must be aware of

the positive or negative aspects or consequences of participation”. Was

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Neuman, (2000:96) also shares Casley and Lury (1987)’s sentiments

when he states that, “a fundamental ethical principle of social research

is: Never to coerce anyone into participating; participation must be

voluntary. It is not enough to get permission from the subjects; they

need to know what they are being asked to participate in so that they

can make an informed decision”. As the majority of the respondents

were semi-illiterate to illiterate, ethical considerations were also

important in accessing their consent, as more often this category is

wary of their circumstances and will view researchers with suspicion.

Similarly, Light and Keller (1997:43) support this oversight by

claiming that informed consent is important in cases where a

researcher wants to study subjects who are illiterate, as they perceive

themselves as having a low social status.

Through the above-mentioned ethical principles, trust and honesty,

and confidentiality were fostered on the community for quality and co-

operative responses.

1.12 Overview of the study

Chapter one of this study outlines the orientation of the study. The

problem statement is contextualized, followed by the main aim,

research objectives, motivation, the research design and methodology

and limitations are all explained. Since certain aspects of the study

require high ethical considerations, this chapter enunciates those

areas of concern. The chapter finally concludes by providing a brief

synopsis of the main themes in the overall research in chapter

sequence.

Chapter Two is aimed at the conceptualization of the main key focus

areas of the study. Central to these discussions are theories on Was

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developmental interventions especially related to livelihoods of rural

communities. Sustainable development as the broader paradigm is

reviewed in the context of participation of local people in conservation

and the impact on livelihoods.

Chapter Three focuses on the historical context pertaining to national

parks, dispossessions and development in South Africa, in order to

give meaning to the context of the study. A political background on

forced removals, land restitution and implications thereof on the

socio-economic conditions of the affected communities is also dealt

with in this chapter.

Chapter Four provides the main part of the study. In this chapter, a

consolidated background of the Muyexe Community is provided.

Furthermore the actual research findings are presented in detail.

Chapter Five summarises the findings of the research in the form of

data analysis and interpretation. Recommendations and conclusions

are then drawn out and tabled.

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CHAPTER TWO

2. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES

2.1 INTRODUCTION

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In the second half of the twentieth century, the tenuous relationships between

Human Development and the physical environment has become one of the

most debated issues and a cliché in most developmental and policy matters.

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Basic and Applied scientific research and a paraphernalia of texts have been

published on the same topic. Varied governments and global institutions have

issued policy statements, and all the world's major religions have been

making declarations, formally stating the moral responsibility that their

adherents have towards the earth and their own development (Fuggle and

Rabie 1992:05).

In order to provide an insight on these conflicting views on

conservation and the livelihoods of communities it is of utmost

importance to reflect on theoretical underpinnings of this study.

2.2 Theories of Conservation and Development

There are various theories on conservation of natural resources and

development. The Techno-centric Management, The Populist, The

Deep Ecological, and The Co-Evolutionary Theory are dominant

theories that will be looked at in this study.

2.2.1 The Techno-Centric Management Theory

This approach is similar to the classic modernisation perspective “where the

human being is seen as being separated from the environment” (De Beer and

Swanepoel 2000:65). Much of the conservation programs are historically

known to have been environmentally based and to have been excluding

communities in decision making and implementation of such programs.

Communities are sometimes not afforded opportunities to establish and define

their immediate problems by being actively involved in the programs.

Sometimes initiators of programs do not involve communities because they

believe communities know nothing and will delay the process of planning and

implementation.

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Some conservationists see communities as threats to natural

resources, and still maintain the preservationist point of view, namely,

that conservation can only be realised if and only if communities are

kept separate from the parks, since communities contaminate natural

wildness. The end-results of this approach are so visible. Instead of

benefiting from conservation, local communities often pay heavily for

conservation in terms of loss of land, access to their ancestral graves,

natural resources, being victims of dangerous wild game, and are not

fairly or equitably compensated for their loss in that regard. Because

of that, local communities are not motivated to conserve nature.

Tisdell (1993:78) supports the above argument by saying that,

individuals affected by conservation measures are likely to resist

them. For example, residents located near national parks suffer

damages from marauding animals in terms of loss of crops, thus

affecting their livelihoods and, in a sense, usurping their traditional

rights, which have a psychological and cultural effect. In these

instances communities maintain a hostile attitude to any conservation

of flora and fauna initiatives as these are viewed as a direct cause for

loss in livelihoods.

2.2.2 The Populist Theory

The populist theory is linked to the basic-needs approach and posits a

variety of vantage points. Savory (1988) explains this theory by

emphasising that it pays more attention to social, environmental, and

cultural developmental problems as against exclusive attention to

economic issues. This view is steeped in grassroots levels as the main

actor has to ensure local self-sufficiency through the promotion of

local knowledge systems for development. In short, the local

community is viewed as the main role player in any conservation

initiative since it is pivotal in determining its own priorities in the

quest for upliftment of livelihoods.

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The contextualization of this approach suggests that as long as

conservation focuses on economic benefits for the owners and

disregards the basic needs of the communities affected by

conservation, exploitation of the natural resource base will continue

unabated. It is in this regard that it becomes so difficult to conserve

nature, on the one hand, whilst on the other, people are struggling for

survival. Lack of sources for making livelihoods feasible has got a

direct bearing on the continued hunting and gathering for

subsistence.

Savory (1988:503) sums up the above argument by saying: “As a

hungry man knows no boundaries, we cannot expect to maintain

some of the world’s greatest treasures by fortified perimetres against

human populations struggling for survival”. Tisdell (1993:78) adds to

this summation by pointing out: “For although it is clear that

encroachment on to lands bordering the Sahara and their more

intensive agricultural use will lead to environmental degradation, such

encroachment is difficult to prevent when individuals have no

alternative means of support”.

The above-mentioned arguments are clear indications of the fact that

as long as communities continue to struggle for survival, the

exploitation of natural resources will continue. Poor communities will

continue with their behavioural patterns until alternative sustainable

means of survival are introduced.

2.2.3 The Deep Ecological Theory

There is tendency with many theories to treat human development

and the environment as clearly distinct entities. This is most prevalent

with mostly western ideological views which mostly deal with men,

women, and environment as separate entities. The deep-ecological

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approach regards human development and physical environment as

synergistic and deals with these entities as a unit. This approach is a

direct contrast of the Techno-Centric Management theory.

2.2.4 The Co-Evolutionary Theory

Unlike western tradition which represents one knowledge system, this

view advocates that we should also be open to learn from other

knowledge systems. It is seldom possible to determine how human

activities will affect the environment as a system because there is a

great deal of information that we do not currently have (De Beer and

Swanepoel 2000: 67). Just like the Populist Theory, the above-

mentioned approach advocates participation of grassroots people in

solving environmental issues, since local people have indigenous

knowledge to help in solving their own problems.

2.2.5 Theoretical Approach to study

The study will be informed by the Populist, Deep ecological and Eco-

evolutionary theories. The motivation and justification for this choice

is the fact that sustainable livelihoods cannot be achieved without the

participation of the beneficiaries. The indigenous knowledge of the

communities is a sine-qua-non for the success of any developmental

intervention. The postulations of these theories satisfy that demand,

hence their suitability. Furthermore, it becomes important to unpack

how conservation relates to human development vis-à-vis

enhancement of livelihoods, especially in a rural context.

Conservation and Rural Development fall within the broader realm of the

Sustainable Development discourse. Thus the concept of sustainable

development is key and will further be discussed in understanding issues

pertaining to livelihoods.

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2.4 Sustainable Development

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) report

of 1980 coined the concept of sustainable development. The concept

became prominent after the environmental crisis came to prominence

in the late 1980s and also after the publication of the report of the

World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987, also

called The Brundtland Report (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000 : 62)

The commission’s main finding was that the Environment and Human

Development are inseparable. This view reiterates the populist, eco-

evolutionary and deep-ecological theories as posited earlier on.

According to the Brundland Report, sustainable development is

defined as: “Development that meets the needs of the present without

compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own

needs” (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000: 62).

Beatley et al. (1994: 8) give this definition more flesh by adding that,

sustainable development is a process of change in which the

exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation

of technology and local development and institutional change are

made consistent with future as well as present needs.

The main concern of sustainable development is care for the natural

environment and reversing the current destructive patterns in society

that threaten all forms of life. Therefore the livelihoods of people

should be geared in such a way that they do not over-exploit their

immediate environment. Conservation initiatives are rolled out to

address such instances, and when they do not realize this objective,

people are left with no option but to resort to their traditional

livelihoods, which could be both destructive and beneficial to the

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existence of the environment. Sustainable development is primarily a

working concept which alerts people to the danger of uncontrolled

growth for immediate gains.

2.4.1 Rationale for Sustainable livelihoods Development

The objectives of sustainable development, as identified by Thirlwall

(1994: 227), among others are: increasing the economic growth,

meeting basic needs, involving more of the population in development,

conserving and improving the environment, accounting for the

environment in economic decision making and managing risk.

It is increasingly evident in several local communities that the natural

resources are in a drastic state of depletion, unfortunately local people

have been so incapable of participating actively and resolutely in the

things that affect their lives and their children’s destiny. The above-

mentioned statement, then, calls for active involvement through

public participation of local people in matters that affect their lives.

Weissnar (1997:138) also postulates the importance of creating

sustainable livelihoods through, helping the poor, because they are

left with no other option but to destroy the environment. To

ameliorate this, the same authority suggests for a cost-effective

development that neither degrades the environmental quality nor

reduces productivity in the long term. This could be achieved by

facilitating access to basic needs such as shelter, health, food self-

reliance and clean water.

2.5 Participation as a necessity for sustainable livelihoods

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It is imperative to define participation in order to get a clear indication

of how it relates to this study. It has to be noted, however, that

participation is a relative term, which is interpreted from different

angles. Bopp (1994: 27) defines participation as a process in which

the proposed beneficiaries of development are active participants in all

aspects of the processes that are intended to improve their lives, as

well as those intended to transform the contexts and conditions within

which they must live and upon which their well-being depends.

The above-mentioned definition by Bopp implies that improvement of people’s

lives will only be realised if the intended beneficiaries are actively involved in

all activities necessary for their development. Liebenberg and Stewart (1997:

85) share the same argument, insisting that the first step in assisting poor

rural people onto the path of development must be an analysis of the causes

of poverty affecting a particular people in their own particular situation. This

analysis should preferably be carried out with the active participation of the

people themselves.

Longman (1978: 749) provides a different angle of participation by viewing it

as an act of taking part, or having a share, in an activity or event. Whilst, De

Beer and Swanepoel (1998: 84) suggest that participation in development

must be able to make people reach their concrete goals, but at the same time,

their capacity for self-reliant action must be built. The capacity of people

should be enhanced in this process.

There is a growing recognition of the fact that management of natural

resources becomes a reality with the involvement of local people as it

has a direct bearing on their livelihoods. As noted by Singh (1994:63)

a growing number of scholars agree that collective management of

natural resources by local people is the most appropriate strategy for

conservation of common pool resources and a subsequent benefit on

livelihoods.

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Local people’s participation is so vital from the planning until to the

implementation stage. The most important factor to be considered in

local people’s participation is the issue of benefits. Local people will

only participate if they are convinced that their participation will be

meaningful and that they will benefit in the long run. Singh

(1994:286) supports this analogy by explaining that, if local people are

given alternative sources of income and employment, for example,

exclusive rights to non-wood forest products, and a share in the sale

proceeds from the eventual harvest of timber, they are more likely to

co-operate and participate in the production and management of

forests, than to indiscriminately plunder them for survival.

The crux of the matter in this context is that participation of local

people at all levels of conservation ultimately leads to the address of

the immediate needs of local people. It has to be noted that if people

are subjected to any conservation programs and it fails to address the

issue of basic needs, poverty may continue and invariably the natural

resources are subjected to abuse and plunder by the immediate

community. The concept of public participation calls for rural peoples’

direct involvement in development activities while at the same time

promoting livelihoods (World Development Journal 1998: 933).

2.5.1 Problems related to participation in conservation

initiatives and its impact on livelihoods

The most important point to note is that local people, irrespective of

how poor they are, usually have the appropriate information about the

hardware and the software that are suited to enhance their particular

conditions and livelihoods (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000:67). This

view implies that local people know exactly what their problems are,

the causes of such problems, and ultimately, have knowledge on how

to solve such problems using resources at their disposal. The other

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problem is that some participants obviously come with their own

agendas, which might be in conflict with the objectives of the project.

Moreover, should a project fail to realize expectations of the

participants, practical problems are likely to happen. Such problems

include, participants being de-motivated and withdrawing from the

project, manipulation of the project for self-gain, and ultimately failure

of the project to realize its goals and objectives. One major drawback

of current approaches in participation is their superficial nature in

involving the intended beneficiaries. Instead of involving the

beneficiaries in decision making for matters affecting their lives, they

are only informed of already taken decisions from elsewhere.

In practice, people’s participation takes roles of suppressing the actual

involvement of the beneficiaries in decision making, thereby making

the project to achieve the goals of initiators of the project rather than

of the intended beneficiaries. Furthermore, the active and full

participation of all citizens in the community is crucial on issues

relating to natural resource conservation and subsequent

enhancement of livelihoods.

A conclusive analysis of this concept emphasizes that any developmental

intervention aimed at enhancement of people’s livelihoods should thus entail

involvement, decision making, acknowledgement of capacity constraints,

finality in terms of reaching goals and, most importantly, the ‘process’ nature

of engagement.

The central key issue in this study is the emphasis on sustainable

livelihoods. In the following discussion this concept will be unpacked

and its location within the broader scope of the study explained.

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2.6 Livelihoods and strategies

The concept of ‘livelihoods’ is a loaded term which requires more

unravelling and this will be done by interrogating different authority

perspectives. May et al (2000:249) define livelihoods as a means of

survival of a given community. Conway and Chambers (1992:8)

further go on to compound on this definition by adding that,

livelihoods are capabilities, assets and activities required to make a

living. The aspect of capabilities purports human capital, that is, the

skills and capacity the people have to eke out a living. These are

manifested in ability to create tangible physical products like curios,

baskets and intangible products, such as, for example, the persuasive

entrepreneurial skill to acquire a service without necessarily creating

a physical product.

The commonly used and popular analysis of livelihoods is the

Livelihoods Framework adopted by the United Kingdom International

Development Organization (2003:3). In its synthesis of livelihoods, the

framework emphasises that livelihood strategies are a process, and

change according to stresses, shocks, assets availability and also as a

result of interactions with wider processes of economic, political,

population and institutional change. Livelihoods are characterised or

can be classified into human, social, physical, natural and financial

capital.

Entitlements are also a livelihood strategy, wherein the individual is

guaranteed to be afforded a certain right to make a living. In South

Africa social welfare entitlements in the form of social security, for

example, old age pension, child grant and disability grant are

examples of the diversity of livelihoods strategies which a community

can depend on to make a living. These entitlements fall under the

broader financial capital resource as expounded by May (2000).

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Financial capital as a source of a livelihood would entail cash, credit,

pension, child grant, disability grant, savings and remittances.

Natural capital is a sine qua non to most livelihoods strategies and a

lack of it promotes an unending vicious cycle of poverty for many

communities. Natural capital is defined by Mushonga (2000) as the

utility of natural resource stocks such as water, soil, the environment,

flora and fauna. This is true especially for communities whose living is

dependent upon natural capital flows and services. Most communities

living in the margins of national parks like the Muyexe community in

Limpopo province are a case in point.

Livelihoods are also explained as epitomized by Social capital. Social

capital is referred to by DFID (1999) as the networks, connections,

social security membership, for example, money schemes, burial

societies and the wider cultural, familial, extended family

relationships which sustain livelihoods. These are an integral part of

many communities livelihoods sustainability and form a social safety

net in ameliorating possible shocks and stresses in the environment.

Vulnerability of livelihoods

Livelihoods are not constant as they can be affected by external

shocks and stresses. These could be attributed to natural occurrences

like climatic changes or political and institutional aspects. The latter

mentioned are invariably the main factor in realigning and reshaping

the livelihoods of a community. The transformation of structures and

processes always has an effect on the human, social, natural, physical

and financial capital base of a community. This is either for the better

or for the worst, as will be analysed in the study. The structures who

suggest or implement such changes could be government, private

sector or even NGOs. This is driven through laws, policies, cultural

organisations and even changes in institutions.

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Therefore the assumption from the above explanations reflects that

livelihoods are holistic in nature, and are constantly changing and

that they are not only confined to the physical aspect of the people but

also entail the inclusion of the different forms of capital for

sustainability.

Livelihoods in the context of the study

From the explanations provided above it can be inferred that this

study will base its analysis of the livelihoods of the Muyexe

community on the interrogation of the state of the human, social,

financial, physical and natural capital variables after the

implementation of the conservation interventions by the Kruger

National Parks Board. The main issues on the livelihoods outcomes

will be to ascertain the sustainable use of the natural base, taking

into cognisance the introduction of the conservation initiative, extent

of food security, increase in income levels, improvement in the well

being of the households in the community and a general reduction in

vulnerability to any shocks and stresses in the environment.

Conclusion

This chapter highlighted the dynamics entailed in the understanding

of livelihoods within the broader sustainable development agenda. The

variables which constitute livelihoods were discussed and these will,

in the last chapter, be used as reference to analyse the extent and

effects of the conservation strategies on the Muyexe community. In

the following chapter the political and institutional frameworks related

to conservation and impact on communities bordering the Kruger

National Park will be discussed.

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CHAPTER THREE

3. POLICY AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS

3.1 INTRODUCTION

Poor and rural communities in major parts of the world are historically pastoral

and agrarian. In 1988, rural populations accounted to 65% of what is

classified as low-income populations by the World Bank. Rural and poor

communities are largely biomass-based subsistence economies, in the sense

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that they rely on plants and animals for their livelihood (Das Gupta and Maler

1994: 01). Hence there is need for policy and institutions to address the plight

of the poor rural communities. Rural people are usually forced to exploit

the natural environment because of lack of, or insufficient, sources for

their livelihood. About one-fifth of the world’s people lives in absolute

poverty and deprivation, and has limited means to produce and buy

food which is necessary for their daily lives. Food scarcity has a direct

bearing on the vulnerability of the natural environment since people

resort to the natural environment for their survival (De Beer and

Swanepoel 200:228 and 238).

In this chapter the historical, contemporary context of policy and

institutional frameworks relating to conservation initiatives and the

subsequent impact on the livelihoods of communities will be

discussed. This will be done in view of the historical approaches which

have actually had a great impact on the Muyexe community. Issues

pertaining to the social impact will be highlighted to inform further

important aspects of the study.

In South Africa and in many parts of the world, governments and

institutions have different approaches in terms of conservation and

management of parks. Whilst these approaches are aimed at the

general upliftment of livelihoods, invariably, they inflict misery on

immediate communities. The resultant of this could be displacement

from indigenous areas and a subsequent loss of land rights. Most

countries have developed Land Reform and Social Welfare

Development Programs that are aimed at addressing the issue of

landlessness and improvement of the living conditions of the

multitudes of communities whose land rights have been usurped.

At a global level, The United Nations World Commission on

Environment and Development (WECD) and Agenda 21 are aimed at

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integrating environmental issues and human development. They have

offered a variety of guidelines on interventions aimed at meeting the

needs of the environment and the welfare of communities in national

parks and facilitating the involvement of concerned individuals,

groups and organizations in decision making.

In contemporary South Africa, The Department of Tourism and

Environmental Affairs, through its parastatal body, the South African

National Parks, promulgates environment and social impact policies.

This also includes conservation interventions aimed at improving

livelihoods of communities affected by the previous political

dispensation of forced removals from the Kruger National Park. For

example, the Social Impact Assessment (SIA) and Environmental

Impact Assessment (EIA) policies have been developed to investigate

the social and cultural impact of development plans, programmes and

projects on communities in the national parks or wherein large

infrastructural projects impact on the people.

The SIA policy, for example, investigates four major categories of

impacts: demographic, that is, population changes, displacement and

relocation problems; socio-economic, for example, changes in

employment patterns, systems of land tenure, income levels;

institutional, for example, changed demands on local services and

community, for instance changes in social networks and levels of

social cohesion (Bulmer, 1998)

3.2 HISTORICAL POLICY APPROACHES TO CONSERVATION.

3.2.1 THE LEGACY OF APARTHEID

Historically, The Wilderness Act of 1964, the Endangered Species Act

of 1973, and the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969,

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Legislation applicable to rural removals includes the Black Land Act,

1913 (Act No. 27 of 1913), the Development Trust and Land Act, 1936

(Act No. 18 of 1936), and the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act, 1951

(Act No. 52 of 1951) are some of the direct regulations which were

aimed at solving and controlling or limiting environmental problems.

These conventional policy approaches were effective in achieving

environmental goals, but tended to impose relatively high costs on

society. Although the environmental problems could be temporarily

solved, the solutions were not permanent (Jordan, 1995:129).

3.2.1 EFFECTS OF POLICIES

Traditionally, the central government could fully own common pool

resources (resources freely enjoyed by local people, such as collection

of firewood, poles, grass, water, etc) through its designated line

department. The rationale behind this was that the national

government was in a better position to serve the interests of all people

and could raise or directly fund the management of such resources

and conservation programs.

Traditional approaches to park management did not consider the

interests and needs of local people, who were originally the indigenous

people of such parks before they were established. The approach was

that of the preservationist point of view that local communities should

totally not be part of parks in whatever form since they were

considered to be defiling the parks. Game Rangers were usually hired

to prevent people from “defiling” the parks. Wells et al. (1992:01)

assert this statement by indicating that these traditional approaches

to park management had generally been unsympathetic to the

constraints facing local people - relying on guard patrols and penalties

to exclude local people.

This approach was tantamount to “fences and fines” approach, since

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local people were deemed as trespassers and prevented from utilising

the resource base for their livelihood. As a result this approach

received more failures than successes. This was due to the fact that

nationalization weakened the traditional forest conservation system

that would allow local people to protect their natural resources against

outside exploiters. Nationalization prevented them from continuing

with the tradition, and led local people to view forests as government

property, rather than their own, to be exploited for their survival

(Singh 1994:59).

Buttler and Hallowes (2002:01) argue that the apartheid regime

imposed huge social and environmental imbalances on South African

populations. A small population benefited from conservation whilst

the majority of populations were burdened with costs, injustices and a

sustained impoverishment of livelihoods.

3.3 CONTEMPORARY POLICY FRAMEWORKS

In the post-1994 period, the South African government embarked on

the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to redress the

imbalances of the apartheid regime. After limited successes in funding

some of the mooted development goals, the government introduced the

macro-economic Growth Employment and Redistribution Programme

(GEAR). Its emphasis was the recognition that, in order to redress the

socio-economic problems afflicting the country, there was need for

economic growth and creation of opportunities for people to make an

income from their environment. Within the broader problem of

landlessness, the need was to facilitate community participation in

development vis-à-vis local initiatives to use their immediate

resources.

As the task of involving communities adjoining national parks in their

socio-economic development is a mammoth task, the recent approach

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has been one of Integrated Local Development Planning (IDPs). This

approach emphasizes a concerted pooling of resources by different

government departments. In the case of the introduction of

conservation interventions in the Muyexe community, the Department

of Land Affairs, through its Land Claims Commission; The

Department of Social Welfare and Development; Department of

Tourism and Environment Affairs and Department of Agriculture have

all collaborated to assist in the uplifting of livelihoods of the Muyexe

community.

3.6 LAND RESTITUTION

Land Restitution is another leg of the Land Reform Program that seeks

to address the uneven distribution of land rights in South Africa. An

Act of parliament was passed in 1994, The Restitution of Land Rights

Act, 1994 (Act no. 22 of 1994) as amended, to redress the past

injustices of land acquisition and distribution in South Africa.

The Act provides for restitution to people whose land rights were

forcefully taken away through the past injustices, to lodge land claims

for such lost rights. The Act seeks to redress the damage and poor

heritage caused and inherited through apartheid.

3.3 IMPLICATIONS FOR SOUTH AFRICA

In South Africa and in many parts of the world, communities

neighbouring the parks or conservation areas have demonstrated a

capability of conserving natural resources. Refuting the

preservationist point of view that conservation could only be a reality

if communities are separated from the parks, dispossessed

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communities have, to some extent, demonstrated that conservation

becomes a reality when they are fully engaged as conservators.

In South Africa, the community of Richtersveld became the first

community to own and manage a nature conservation park in 1991

(MacDonald 2002:142). The community now has access to natural

resources, which they then manage so that it becomes a means of

their livelihood.

In 1998 the Makuleke Community Land Claim became the first land

claim to be settled, and by the Land Claims Court, in the then

Northern Province. The claimants were forcefully removed from the

Pafuri area of the Kruger National Park in 1969 to pave way for wild

animals. The claimants have made a significant move by opting for

entering into a joint venture with the then National Parks Board. The

above-mentioned claimants are now willingly and diligently conserving

the natural environment in the Pafuri area whilst at the same time

enjoying the full benefits of conservation.

The Community has formed a Trust, which deals with the

management of the acquired land and funds thereof. A lodge has been

built by this community with the intention of generating funds and

developing of the entire village. Now that the Pafuri area of the Kruger

National Park is known to be belonging to the Makuleke Community,

illegal hunting is said to have decreased significantly.

CONCLUSION

It is only when the link between conservation and the needs of local

people is fully understood that conservation of natural resources

within and along protected areas can be realised. The co-operation

of local people in conserving natural resources is of fundamental

importance since enforcement of rules could lead to more conflicting

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situations.

Jordan (1995:244) shares this view by stating that the laws or

strength of the national or international authorities on conservation

cannot be successfully protected without the co-operation of the local

people, or at least without provision for the needs of the local people.

Addressing the immediate needs of local people will be the best

approach towards effective conservation. In Thailand for instance, the

national government does not approve of local people participating in

decision making, but recognizes the fact that it should provide for the

needs of local people in order to make the teak reforestation effort

successful (Jordan 1995:244).

CHAPTER FOUR

4. THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK AND MUYEXE

COMMUNITY AND RESEARCH

FINDINGS

4.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter the background and context to the study is

highlighted. This is done by giving a brief synopsis of the Kruger

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National Park and the historical context of the Muyexe community.

The conservation intervention used by Kruger National Parks Board is

then described by detailing its operations and the stakeholders

involved. In the same vein, some of the key responses from the

respondents are explained from the interviews conducted.

4.2 BACKGROUND

Many communities that are located along the Kruger National Park

are largely characterized by illiteracy and poverty. Many of those

communities were inhabitants of the land currently known as the

Kruger National Game Reserve. These communities are also

characterized by high levels of unemployment. The previous floods

that affected South Africa and Mozambique during February 2000 had

disastrous effects on many of these communities, especially those

located along the park.

3.4 THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK - A HISTORICAL

PERSPECTIVE.

The Kruger National Park of South Africa was first established by the

then President Paul Kruger in 1898 as the Sabie Game Reserve, before

suffering a heavy blow from the Anglo-Boer War. It was then re-

established in 1902 by Lord Milner who instructed Sir James

Stevenson Hamilton to clean the park of the indigenous black people.

This was done over a period of over 45 years. It was in 1969 when the

last group indigenous black people of the Makuleke community, were

dispossessed of their rights of land.

The park is the second oldest park in the world, after Yellowstone

National Park (founded in 1872) in the United States. The park is the

first National Park to be established in Africa, Jackson (1971:74).

Kruger National Park is the 14th biggest National Park in the world

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and it is considered a world leader in biodiversity conservation and

ecotourism. The park is approximately 19 485 square kilometers in

size, which is larger than the State of Israel or the principality of

Wales in the United Kingdom.

During the 19th of June 1913 an Act of parliament was passed with

the aim of dispossessing black people of their rights in land. Such

rights included the right to settle, collect firewood, catch fish, hunt,

graze, plough, access to ancestral graves, collection of water from

water sources, and gathering the fruits of the forest. Up to 1951 the

park was managed without formal scientific research, Middleton and

Hawkins (1998:202). Restriction to access to basic sources of

livelihood has been one of the problems experienced by local people

when the Kruger National Park was established. Furse (1997:179)

notes that in many cases, local people, or indigenous people, were

arbitrarily barred from certain areas, with little recognition of ethics,

legitimacy or consequences of such actions, but on the presumption

that protection of land from local or indigenous people was necessary

for conservation.

The Kruger National Park of South Africa, just like many traditional

parks, totally excluded the people who inhabited the park when it was

established. The management of the park could not consider the

needs and interests of the dispossessed people, and was enforcement

oriented. The community members who were once the inhabitants of

the park were either removed forcefully or could be allowed to remain

in designated areas but excluded from the park through legal means

(Wells et al. 1992:08.)

The inhabitants of the park were not only denied their rights in land,

but were also physically removed from the land and were excluded

from managerial control or decision making pertaining to the use of

the park (MacDonald 2002:131). During the dispossession of

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communities of their land rights and the establishment of the Kruger

National Park, people lost access to graves, ritual sites, emotional

attachment to the place, and breakdown of family ties. Such loss of

rights can be regarded as direct costs since there is no amount of

money that can compensate that.

The Kruger National Park has since developed into a very big park

with its merging with Gonarenzhou National Park in Zimbabwe and

Coutada 16 in Mozambique. The park is today known as Greater

Limpopo Transfrontier Park, and wildlife will be able to roam freely

within the three merged parks once capacity to manage the region is

in position, since it will allow Kruger National Park to drop its Eastern

fence by about 200 kilometres.

4.2 BACKGROUND OF THE MUYEXE COMMUNITY

According to oral history gathered from the Muyexe community, the

history of Muyexe community dates back to the 1890s during the

reign of Chief Nahleki when they moved from Mozambique towards the

west to an area then known as Transvaal. During that time, they came

to settle around the Lebombo Mountains. The community trekked

further to the west in search for greener pastures and resided in an

area today known as Shingwedzi Camp of the Kruger National Park.

The Muyexe community resided at Tshange Mountains and Shangoni

Camp in the park before they were forcefully removed during the

establishment of the Kruger National Park. That was the beginning of

their poverty when they were separated from sources of their

livelihood. In the park, they used to communally and freely enjoy

access to firewood, thatching grass, water sources, and fruits from the

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forest, timber, fish, birds, wild animals, large ploughing fields,

ancestral graves and other resources the park presented.

4.2.1 Historical effects of the forced relocations

During the establishment of the park, the communities were not duly

informed of their forced removal. This impromptu seizure of their land

led to an abrupt erosion of their livelihoods. Some of their

domesticated animals were left behind whilst some of them just

strayed, and got eaten by lions. Their belongings were damaged in the

process and huts destroyed. On arrival at an area called Mahlamba-

Ndlopfu (The Dawn of the New Era), all their cattle were killed by

officials of the park. The cattle would be killed whilst grazing in the

open veld. During their removal, the community lost access to

settlement, grazing fields, ploughing in large fields, fish, hunting wild

animals and birds, water sources, firewood, thatching grass, “vucema”

plants for brewing traditional beer and access to medicinal plants and

herbs.

Decades ago, locality of the Kruger National Park had dense forests

and vegetation, which harboured different species of animals, insects,

microbes, birds, and fauna and flora species in general. Currently,

natural environments along the Kruger National Park, bordered by the

Muyexe community are almost barren with sparse vegetation and

hardly any forests, and with many of known locusts and insects

disappearing.

Generally, the resource base that was supposed to be a means of

survival for communities is diminishing at greater speed. Future

availability of animal and plant species in the above-mentioned areas

is threatened, if communities’ dependence on these natural resources

for survival is left unabated. This dependence on natural resources

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has negative implications on the quality of life for all living creatures,

particularly for communities trapped in this unfortunate situation.

4.2.2 Location

The Muyexe community lies about 30 kilometres East of Giyani Town,

in the Limpopo province. After dispossession in the 1900 to mid

1920s, the community was relocated out of the park and is presently

located just outside the Kruger National Park, with only a park fence

making a line of demarcation between their homesteads and the park.

Since most of the communities are left with few of the above-

mentioned resources around them, they now forage through the Park

illegally to acquire such resources. This is the very same situation that

manifests itself within Muyexe Community, in that the natural

resources are hunted and gathered in a desperate quest for daily

survival. This is a case of efforts to bring about protection of natural

resources, pushing a community into abject poverty with no

sustainable means of survival.

4.2.3 Population

During the gathering of oral history in February 2005, the community

comprised approximately 5385 adults of which only 218 were

employed. Of the 218 working adults, only 80 had permanent

employment.

4.2.4 Livelihood Patterns

The community largely depends on social grants which are never

enough for the large and unemployed families. This community still

relies on subsistence hunting and gathering today. The community

lacks most basic needs facilities. Dependency on crop farming is also

another form of livelihood in the stony and dry Muyexe village. During

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the year 2000 floods, Muyexe village was also hard hit to such an

extent that many families lost their huts and goods, deepening the

effects of poverty. The community has to walk for about 13 kilometres

to the nearest clinic. The community has got a primary school and a

high school within reach of the pupils. The primary school is right in

the middle of the village and the high school just on the outskirts of

the village.

The community is supplied with electricity. There is however a serious

shortage of water. The community has to go the nearest village to

fetch water or buy from people who sell water in 25 litre containers.

The Park has formed Hlanganani Forum which consists of about 29

communities which are neighbouring the Park. The communities are

located between Mhinga and Mbawula Ranch Villages, of which most

of them were residents of the Park before they were forcefully removed

when the Park was initiated. Muyexe community falls within this

category of communities that were removed from the park.

The Muyexe community lodged a restitution of land rights claim with

the Land Claims Commission on 3 November 1998, claiming land

rights lost within the Kruger National Park. The land claim is

currently under investigation by the Office of the Regional Land

Claims Commission-Limpopo to establish compliance with The

Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 (Act No. 22 of 1994) as amended,

and as amplified by the Rules Regarding the Procedure of the Land

Claims Commission.

4.3 THE CONSERVATION STRATEGIES USED BY STAKEHOLDERS

IN THE PARK

4.3.1 Stakeholders in the Muyexe area

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The main stakeholders operating in the park entail the South African

National Parks; The Hlanganani Forum [which is the central forum

where all the village, governmental and NGOs are represented and

meet to map out plans for the community]; Department of Labour;

Department of Public Works; Department of Land Affairs; Department

of Economic and Tourism and NGOs in the area.

4.3.2 Strategies employed

Through the Hlanganani Forum which is the collective partnership,

the activities to enhance the livelihoods of the Muyexe community and

conserve the park, entail the following:-

(i) Identifying economic opportunities in the park and

linking them with the communities. These

opportunities are not linked to a specific community,

but focus on all villages that are in the vicinity of the

park.

(ii) A market has been created for people who do Art and

Craft. The market is right in the park and everyone

who has some Art or Crafted items comes to the park

to market and sell.

(iii) There are also skills development projects in which community

members are trained in Field Ranging. The park also trains

community members in the building industry and in contract owning.

Twenty seven people have already been trained and some have been

issued with their own contracts. The Department of Public Works and

Department of labour are jointly training these communities.

(iv) The Social Ecology of the Kruger National Park has a

Memorandum of Understanding with Non-Governmental

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Organisations and CPPP (Community, Private, and Public Partnership)

which is aimed at creating economic opportunities through which

resources and skills such as car washing, soap making, gardening,

linen sewing, laundry services, et cetera, can be tapped from the

communities residing along the park. The authorities of the park have

however established that community projects are not viable, and have

never worked, therefore the park intends turning the above-mentioned

services into businesses for viability.

(v) Other communities have come forward offering a piece of land for

incorporation with the park for economic development. The

communities are Mahlathi, Ndindani, and Magona, and Marieta Buffer

Zone. These initiatives even though well supported by the park, are

rife with intra-tribal conflicts. The initiatives are aimed at creating

game lodges, game hunting with the hindsight of conserving natural

resources. Due to conflict the Department of Land Affairs have

withdrawn land ownership deeds.

(vi)Through its conservation programmes like Ranger patrols the

park’s workforce now comprises of people who reside along the park

and contribute about 80 percent of the overall park workforce. When

there are some employment opportunities, the park involves

communities residing along the park. The Hlanganani Forum is used

for recruitment purposes but there are some community conflicts

which resulted in some communities pulling out of the forum. The

park has however initiated a process of providing a workshop to

those communities for alerting them about the importance and role of

the forum, and some communities are coming back to the forum.

(vii) Department of Environment and Tourism has commenced an

initiative to open the Shangoni gate which is at Altein village in the

Mtititi settlement by 2007. The initiative is aimed at linking the

outside world with communities and the park. Opening of the gate will

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generate income for the benefit of the communities, of which Muyexe,

as one of the closest neighbouring communities to Shangoni gate, will

benefit. A tarred road is being constructed from Mbaula Ranch to

Altein (Shangoni gate), and another one from Mhinga settlement to

Shangoni gate, and the last one from Matsakali village to Shangoni

gate. All these are endeavors to build the economy of the communities

for their own benefit in order to address their basic needs and

enhance livelihoods.

(viii) Through this process, individual chiefs are able to develop the

land within their jurisdiction. There are also bursaries that are offered

by the park to applying communities who want to create a green zone

belt and use it as sources of income for eco-tourism purposes.

5. FINDINGS FROM MUYEXE COMMUNTY

.

5.1 RESEARCH FINDINGS

From the research conducted different perspectives were presented by

the main role players in Muyexe. These stretched from positive to

negative inputs. As earlier on indicated these responses were achieved

through a variety of data collection techniques, depending on the

audience.

5.1.1 VIEWS FROM THE COMMUNITY’S PERSPECTIVE WITH

REGARDS CONSERVATION

(a) Interviews from many of the households of the Muyexe community

highlighted a current serious water shortage since their place is dry as

compared to their areas in the park with flowing rivers and deep wells.

The establishment of the park reduced their grazing and ploughing

areas to such an extent that the community finds it difficult to find

firewood.

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(b) Livestock strays due long distances in search for grass, as grazing

land is limited and overgrazed. The lions from the park usually stray

away from the park and maul their cattle. The community alleges that

they are not compensated for loss of their livestock and the lions are

taken back to the park. This becomes a sad story since the inverse is

not true, when cattle are found in the park, instead of being taken

away from the area; they are killed by the officials of the park. This

takes their main asset as they use the cattle as draught animals and

also as an income in case of vulnerability. Due to restrictions to enter

the park, poverty is worsening because they can longer get more fish,

mopani worms, timber for building, thatching grass, which were in

abundance in the park. When some of the community members are

found illegally fishing inside the park, they are sent to far away

prisons and fined about R1000.00 per person.

© The community indicated that they can no longer have access to the

rare medicinal plants that used to cure diseases. The community also

complains of heavy payments for getting into the park to see “their”

animals. There are some crocodiles that relocated from the park

towards the village. The crocodiles are endangering the lives of the

community of Muyexe. The crocodiles have already taken lives of two

people, of which one was never found to date.

(d) The Muyexe community indicated that they are not getting any

form of help from the South African National Park. The community

indicated that should there be any employment opportunities, the

park officials hire people who are far away from the park. The

community further indicated that park officials rely mostly on people

from Mozambique for their labour since the Mozambican people are

easy to exploit, especially since they are very poor and have no school

going children.

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(e) Members of the Muyexe community however agree that there are

some people from the community who are under the employ of the

park, but argue that the number is very insignificant and comprises of

people who were hired from time immemorial.

(f) The community was asked if they knew anything about the

Hlanganani Forum. Members of Muyexe community indicated that the

forum was aimed at dealing with compensation issues for cattle

mauled by lions. The community indicated that they were part of the

forum but pulled out because the forum was not achieving its goals

and objectives. They saw the Hlanganani Forum as useless since a

person could not be compensated if the lion that killed cattle was not

killed itself. There was however one classical case in which one cattle

owner had his three cattle mauled by a lion, and was given the lion

skin to sell and get his money back. It was a disturbing situation to

the Muyexe community and for the cattle owner to discover that the

skin was badly damaged and was not marketable at all.

(g) As indicated in the previous arguments, the community feels that

the employment generated by SANParks together with the Hlanganani

forum does not yield any positive results, hence their withdrawal from

the Hlanganani Forum and the illegal entry into the park to make a

living.

(h) Social grants are the main source of livelihood according to the

community. The active formal working population by February 2005

was 218 out of 5 385 adults. Out of these 218, only 80 are gainfully

(permanently) employed and the rest on short term contracts.

Suggestions from the community with regards to conservation

initiatives

(i) The Muyexe community members believe that SANParks has a

bigger role to play towards their development. They believe that

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projects that are initiated by the park, like that of dealing with alien

plants (gwanda), can generate some employment should they also be

included in such projects. Bursaries can also be provided by the park

to children who passed matric, but who are currently seated at home,

so that they study nature conservation courses.

(ii) The community indicated that they can also form partnerships

with the park in eco-tourism since they have a land adjacent to the

park that they can offer for partnership. The Muyexe community also

indicated that if the park can give them their land back, through

restitution, they can build their own economy.

(ii) The community made several proposals which they think can

alleviate the problems that they are currently facing. With regards the

overpopulation of elephants in the park, whereby some are being

relocated to Mozambique, their proposal is that the elephants can be

slaughtered and tinned and, subsequently, the tinned meat can be

distributed to communities staying along the park.

(iii) Meaningful compensation for cattle killed by marauding lions was

also suggested as one of the resolutions. The community also

indicated that hiring of locals instead of foreigners from Mozambique

can do more good than harm. The community also proposed the

establishment of a butchery for wild animals, to which people, if they

desire wild meat, will go and buy instead of killing illegally.

(iv) The community would like to see the park subsidizing them or

reducing the prices when getting into the park, even during weekends

or busy holidays, and school going children may be allowed free

access to the park. During the season for mopani worms and

thatching grass, the community proposes that the park should allow

them to come and harvest the products, but with control measures in

place.

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(v) Members of Muyexe community also proposed for special permits

to fish inside with specified control measures employed by the park.

This special proposal comes in the light of that fish from the park is

said to be more delicious than fish from dams or rivers outside the

park which are muddy.

(vi) The community indicated that the park can also empower them

economically by buying farm produce from them instead of going

elsewhere. If there are any other services that the park would like to

contract, it is proposed that the park should give priority to

communities located along the park. Should a particular service not

be found within the suggested communities, then the park can go

elsewhere to outsource such services.

(vii) The members of Muyexe community also proposed that the park

should have correct channels of communicating with members of

communities that are staying along the park. The community

proposed that the park should have a sequential or alternating and

consultative manner of hiring staff in the park, and move away from

selective hiring.

(viii) Members of the community feel that they have a meaningful role

to play in their own development. As indicated in the previous

paragraphs, the community indicated that they have land to offer for

eco-tourism, and are prepared to enter into joint ventures with the

park for further development. Should the community get its land in

the Kruger National Park back through land restitution, they will be

prepared to enter into further joint ventures with South African

National Parks. Safaris and lodges can be created to generate money

for further conservation and community development.

5.1.2 VIEWS FROM NON- COMMUNITY STAKEHOLDERS Was

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The following findings were from members of SANParks including the

Kruger National Park, from both their Social Ecology section and Law

Enforcement (Game Ranger section); Department of Economic Affairs

and Tourism; Department of Labour and Department of Public Works.

(i) The Social Ecology section and Department of Economic Affairs and

Tourism (DEAT) stated that they are not experiencing any problems

from communities that are located along the park, but indicated that

problems might be experienced by the law enforcement section (Game

Rangers). The Game Ranger section indeed indicated that they are

experiencing poaching from community members located along the

park. The major problem comes when some community members get

into the park unlawfully to hunt small game and fish. Some people,

especially women, get into the park to collect firewood. There are

villagers who have dogs up to twenty a person and use the dogs for

hunting small game.

(ii) Fishermen who use nets in the Luvuvhu River are also a major

problem. When they are chased they just swim across the river and

once they are out of the park they cannot be arrested. Along the

Mphongola River, women with nets are a serious problem since they

catch even the smallest fish. The fish species is threatened within

these rivers.

(iii) Both the Social Ecology section of the Kruger National Park and

DEAT concur that the problem is not the communities, but their

approach to conservation. The above-mentioned two institutions

indicated that the Damage Causing Animals are a problem and a

burden to the communities that are currently residing along the park,

which triggers the community to use any methods at their disposal for

survival.

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(iv) The prevalence of stray animals, like buffalos, cause the foot and

mouth disease that contaminate domesticated animals resulting in

household herds dwindling. Moreover, there are lions that usually

attack cattle. DEAT indicated that the problem began when the lions

would get out of the park and kill cattle and the previous government

would not compensate the owners for the loss suffered. Escaping

animals from the park pose a serious threat to the communities

outside the park. There are, however, some forums initiated to deal

with compensation. There are some discrepancies on the issue of

compensation. There is the Mahlathi case in which some community

cattle were found inside the park and killed. After there were some

disagreements with the compensation, members of the community

armed with spears and other sharp objects, invaded the wilderness of

the park to hunt wild animals.

(v) The Social Ecology section indicated that the laws of the country

advocate for multi-stakeholder responsibility. The above-mentioned

section of the park deals with issues pertaining to the park, once the

animal is out of the park, it is no longer the responsibility of the park,

but of DEAT.

(vi) The Social Ecology section indicated that they are currently busy

with a pilot project for elephant proof fence. Adults are motivated to

get into the park and see the beauty of nature, a Wild Card which is

very cheap was introduced so that community adults would find it

cheaper to access the park, there is poor responses from adults

though. The Social Ecology section of the park believes that the

community can have a meaningful role to play in resolving

problematic issues faced. The communities can act as co-managers

(on-lookers of the fence). The park is also training communities to be

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fence menders in order to alleviate the effects and empower them

economically.

(vii) Communities are involved in the re-planting of endangered plants.

This approach to Community Based Natural Resource Management is

envisioned to enhance the livelihoods of the community. For example,

there is a project initiated with the traditional healers around Makuya

area in which healers are taught to plant their own plants and herbs.

5.3 PROJECTS INITIATED TO DEVELOP MUYEXE COMMUNITY.

(i) SANParks indicated that there are positive results produced by the

projects. There are already women contractors who are direct products

of the park’s projects. There is one project initiated for Mtititi

community women for beaded work. The project produces name tags

and those name tags generated about R60 000.00. The Kruger

National Park was rated the best black empowerment effort company

as a result of the projects mentioned above and others.

(ii) The Game Ranger section also indicated that there is another

project called Taking Kruger to Kasies, which was sponsored by Shell

South Africa. Shell South Africa donated two buses with TVs and slide

projectors inside. Children who visit the parks through their schools

learn through these facilities whilst viewing animals and nature in

general. People who are caught poaching are also advised of the

importance of nature and through that, the youth is withdrawing from

poaching, the major problem is with the adults who are too used to

venison. An example of such an endeavour is The Makuleke

community which was allowed to get into the park and visit their

ancestral graves and perform some other rituals long before they

lodged a claim. Such relationships still exist today, visible through

joint management of the Pafuri area of the park with the South

African National Parks.

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The park is also promoting the culture of learning in which

BOOKSMART has donated books which will be distributed to

circuit offices of communities residing along the park. DEAT

indicated that there is a potential problem emanating from

communities who destroy unique and endangered species

within their areas of jurisdiction. Community members need

land for grazing and farming. Through the process of farming

and grazing, such unique and endangered species may sink

to oblivion. DEAT is however in the process of identifying

areas with such species in order to workshop and seek some

ways of protecting the species.

6. Conclusion A synopsis of the views expressed by both the community and the

external stakeholders pertaining to conservation interventions was

used depict a polarized situation. The benefits of the conservation

initiatives do not seem in general to be meeting the needs of the

community. The perception mostly prevalent is that flora and fauna of

the Kruger National Park has taken precedence over the betterment of

livelihoods of the Muyexe community. In the following chapter these

general research findings will be analysed from the livelihood

attributes as discussed in the conceptualization. These will

categorically fall into the human capital, social, financial, physical and

natural capital.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND

CONCLUSIONS

5.1 INTRODUCTION

As earlier stated it is only logical to ascertain the cost-benefit of the

conservation initiatives on the livelihoods of the Muyexe community

by discussing them under appropriate variables. This will assist in the

evaluation of the extent of the effects of the interventions on the

community.

5.1.1 Human capital

Human capital, as previously explained and asserted by Mushonga

(1999), epitomizes the skills, knowledge and the ability of labour that

enable an individual to pursue different livelihood strategies in order

to sustain his/her development. The conservation strategies, as

mooted by SANParks, are limited in terms of the number of

community members who have been skilled. As new skills cannot be

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adverse effect on the level of livelihoods the community has been

depending on, leading to impoverishment. The illegal activities of

poaching carried out by the community are a reaction to, and a

defiance of, the initiatives being mooted by SANParks. Various

projects have been initiated to generate incomes for the said

communities. It is however the feeling of some households in Muyexe

that benefits of nature conservation are channeled to specified

individuals and that they themselves are arbitrarily alienated for

unknown reasons. The Muyexe community feels that the park is not

helping them with anything since they are caught and fined when

getting into the park. They also feel that they are not benefiting from

the employment opportunities from the park and that they are not

compensated for loss suffered from damage causing animals.

5.1.2 Social capital

Social capital, popularly defined as the networks and connections

which people use to make a living, are a strong livelihood strategy for

mostly rural communities. These close knit families, which are, largely

extended families, are a source of household and collective community

survival for generations. The erection of fences to protect wildlife has

cut off some of these ties, thus resulting in the eroding of this

important livelihood base. Gradually, because of liberal views,

communal cohesion and ethos is being dissipated, which results in

individualistic behaviour and a general moral decadence. Due to this

aspect, some community members are getting involved in behaviours

which could have been taboo in their culture, for example,

prostitution as a means of livelihood.

5.1.3 Financial capital

Financial income is the cornerstone of contemporary maintenance of

livelihoods. Many households of the Muyexe community are

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dependent on the government social security schemes, that is, old age

pensions, child grant and disability grant. The conservation strategies

employed by SANParks have not yielded any profound effect to enable

the people not to entirely depend on these handouts. Instead, some of

the households are now depended on remittances from family

members who have trekked to Polokwane for formal employment, after

the realization that their mainstay and dependence on resources in

the Kruger National Park has now been hindered or limited.

5.1.4 Natural capital

The Muyexe community’s mainstay has, for generations, been its

dependence on the flora and fauna of the Kruger National Park. The

tampering with this fundamental resource has a snowball effect of

radically changing the sustainability of the entire community. The

natural capital flows from the park are critical for the future survival

of the Muyexe community, yet the conservation strategies introduced

whilst, on one hand, noble, have a human impact that is devastating,

as is evidenced by the responses from the community members

interviewed.

Muyexe is located in an agro-ecological area which does not support a

viable farming activity hence the community has depended on the

park for its survival. The day to day living activities in terms of energy,

food security and resources for building, and the supplementing of

income by making crafts has been curtailed due to the erection and

regulation of movement into the park by SANParks under the guise of

conservation. This fundamental curtailing of natural capital has

affected the whole community in a negative way. Muyexe community

members get into the Kruger National Park illegally because of hunger

since they feel the park is their source of livelihood, and that the land,

in which they are now, is non-productive in economical terms.

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This preservationist approach to conservation which has been instituted by

SANParks is essentially likened to a militaristic defense strategy and has

resulted in the heightening of conflicts with the community. This is mostly the

pattern that continues to exist in most localities neighbouring national parks.

This polarized situation is explained by the views of patrol guards of Kruger

National Park who see local communities as criminals who want to destroy

the habitat. On the other hand, communities see patrol guards as enemies

denying them their rights to access the natural resources, which is their

ancestral and God-ordained source of livelihood.

As long as these traditional approaches exist, the conflicts will continue as

well as the “us and them” situation, solely because the two parties do not see

themselves as a unit for conserving nature, but as separate entities with

differing interests. As a result of the denial of their right to the park the

Muyexe community has lodged a restitution claim for restoration into

the Kruger National Park.

5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the above-mentioned summary findings the following

recommendations are suggested:

Alternative means of survival should be provided to Muyexe and

other related communities in order to alleviate poverty and

promote sustainable conservation. This could be achieved

through the establishment of co-operative butcheries and

possible establishment of a wild game meat canning and

distribution factory. The communities located along the park,

should be given guided tours on educating them about

sustainable means of fishing, hunting, gathering firewood,

thatching grass, and harvesting of mopani worms inside the

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park. This will conscientize them about embracing the

importance of natural capital for future generations.

SANParks should in consultation with the community formulate

strategies and policies pertaining to fair compensation strategy

for people affected by Damage Causing Animals. Safety nets

should be provided for such affected households.

A concerted effort should be sought to ascertain community

withdrawal from the Hlanganani forum created to resolve

problems by SANParks. This could be achieved through

participatory community workshops in order to clarify and

identify any problem areas and issues.

The Marieta Buffer Zone project should be restarted and

workshops be conducted for the buy in of traditional chiefs on

community benefits as opposed to benefits to chiefs only.

SANParks should also give back land to communities who were

displaced from the park, and enter into partnership in

conserving nature in which benefits and management of the

park should be extended to such communities, just like the

Makuleke model in Limpopo, South Africa.

The community of Muyexe attests to the fact that nature should

be conserved but should be carried out in joint ventures.

Workshops for conservation awareness are being conducted by

the park for effective conservation. By so doing this will result in

empowerment and ownership by the community of all projects

which are envisaged by SANParks.

5.3 CONCLUSION

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It is concluded that whilst a remarkable progress has been made by

SANParks to improve the lives of the communities that are staying

along the park, there is still a need and scope to make improvements.

Policies and initiatives of SANParks on conservation and development

will only realize their benefits if there is buy in from the community it

seeks to serve. The tendency to have an overly bias towards flora and

fauna, at the expense of the human factor, invariably results in

conflict between the community and conservationists, hence the need

for a balanced approach. Above all, the livelihoods of a household

cannot be viewed in isolation of the immediate natural resources.

Therefore a strategy to improve the livelihoods should be holistic in

approach, taking into cognisance the historical, cultural and context

of that community. The implementation, monitoring and quality

control of conservation strategies aimed at enhancing the livelihoods

of people should aim to achieve unbiased equal employment

opportunities and a fair compensation policy for damage caused by

wild animals.

There is over-expectation on the side of the communities that reside

along the park, including the Muyexe community, on benefits from the

park. Some issues remain to be addressed in order to see real benefits

of conservation making an impact on the lives of communities residing

along the park, and to promote and ensure sustainable conservation

and development.

As noted by Jordan (1955:244) conservation only becomes a reality

when needs of people are taken care of. With the current levels of

poverty and unemployment in Muyexe and other related communities,

exploitation of natural resources will continue unless alternative

means of survival are provided.

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The Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994(Act No.22 of 1994) can foster

and nurture the process of reconciliation between SANParks and

community members of Muyexe and other related communities. If

revenue that is generated by the park can benefit communities located

along parks, poaching can decrease.

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