an analysis of the livelihoods of the muyexe
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AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE community in mexicoTRANSCRIPT
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AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE
COMMUNITY LOCATED ALONG THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK IN
LIMPOPO PROVINCE
M. MAKAMU
MAY 2005
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AN ANALYSIS OF THE LIVELIHOODS OF THE MUYEXE
COMMUNITY LOCATED ALONG THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK IN
LIMPOPO PROVINCE
By
MAKAMU MKHACHANI
MINI-DISSERTATION
Submitted in partial fulfiment of the requirements
for the degree
MASTER OF ARTS
In DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
In the
Faculty of Humanities
at the
UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG
SUPERVISOR: MR H MUSHONGA
MAY 2005
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My sincere gratitude goes to my mother for all the
encouragement and patience, during the duration of
this research and final write up of this dissertation. I
also would like to thank my colleagues and all the
participants who made this research a success.
More importantly my supervisor Mr Mushonga for
the long time spent giving me invaluable feedback.
With his guidance and nurturing this research became
an eye opener for further exploration.
Lastly my holy thanksgiving to God the Almighty
to whom everything is possible.
Dedicated to my loving mother
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ABSTRACT
The phenomenon of sustainable development, which has
dominated the development agenda, has become one of the most
contested issues, more especially in cases where development
practitioners have had to balance the interaction and
relationship between the physical environment and human
development. The implementation of conservation strategies in
areas bordering game parks and reserves has been one of the
conflict areas. This study was aimed at investigating the issues
and dynamics inherent in this particular area. The core focus of
the research was on an analysis of the livelihoods of the
Muyexe community. This investigation attempted to determine
the extent of the benefits of the interventions by SANParks on
the livelihoods of this mentioned community. The social impact
assessment of these conservation strategies were analysed in
view of how the community perceived them, and were based on
the variables of human, social, financial and natural capital.
The study was mainly of a qualitative research design
whose findings were informed by a series of in-depth focus
group discussions, participant observation, structured and
semi-structured interviews. The main findings of this study
revealed that, to a larger extent, a preservationist approach, in
trying to protect flora and fauna, invariably leads to conflict and
a general impoverishment of the community. A participatory
conservation strategy to uplift the livelihoods of the affected
community was recommended as a sustainable approach to
both meet the environmental and human developmental needs.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
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CHAPTER ONE
ORIENTATION OF THE STUDY
1.1 INTRODUCTION
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Perhaps the most extensive debate about sustainable development
since the 1990s has been the issue pertaining to the livelihoods of
indigenous communities, especially after relocations from their host
indigenous domiciles to designated settlements. These voluntary or
enforced relocations are often necessitated by the opening up of large
scale projects for economic development. The most notable of these
are massive projects in dam construction, preservations of national
parks for tourism, mining and the logging industries. The social
impacts of such shocks on communities have either led to disruption
of human and social capital (Letwin and Levi, 1986:45), or to sudden
wealth creation.
Particularly in South Africa forced removals, necessitated by the
history of apartheid, had, prior to 1994, been a norm. In the post-
1994 dispensation the South African government has, through its
Land Redistribution Programme under the auspices of The National
Land Commission, made several attempts to redress these imbalances
and enhance communities’ livelihoods. This is being done through the
introduction of conservation initiatives aimed at simultaneously
protecting flora and fauna and acting as enhancers of livelihoods.
Around the globe attempts are being made by various governments,
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and private institutions to
subvert the unforeseen impacts of such interventions on communities
affected. Social safety nets are being realized in the form of livelihood
activities and programmes. These diverse interventions have either
met with limited success or outright failure due to lack of consultation
with the intended beneficiaries, or just a neglect of the socio-economic
and political dynamics involved in such ventures.
The Kruger National Parks Board (KNPB) of South Africa has initiated
a twin-approach in addressing this challenge. Apart from its core
mandate of conservation of the Kruger Park’s flora and fauna, its
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other social responsibility has been to maintain and uplift the
livelihoods of the immediate communities who were affected by the
relocations by introducing activities to enhance the communities’
livelihoods. This study is aimed at addressing both these elements.
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
Communities that are located along the Kruger National Park are
largely rural and are characterized by large masses of poor,
unemployed, and illiterate people. Historically these communities
occupied and lived on the current Kruger National Park. With the
establishment of the National Park, the communities were forcefully
removed and relocated to the margins to pave way for the conservation
of flora and fauna which actually led to a loss in sustainable
livelihoods.
These marginal areas of the Kruger National Park are agro-ecological
lands generally characterized by poor farming potentials. This
withdrawal from their main sources of survival in terms of access to
natural resources was abruptly curtailed. The various methods of
harnessing resources for the purpose of earning a means of livelihood
entailed, amongst others, the hunting of wild animals, gathering
firewood, fishing, collection of mopani worms and use of readily
available indigenous building materials. All these resources were
previously acquired freely by the communities before their separation
from the game reserve. The establishment of the park inevitably led
the local communities being faced with the harsh reality of
dependence on regulated and protected resources for their survival.
The communities’ means of livelihoods were grossly altered and
changes in their livelihood patterns created new social, economic, and
cultural problems. In the post 1994 South Africa the government
through its Social Welfare Development and Tourism initiatives sought
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to use conservation as a way to improve the livelihoods of these
communities.
As noted by De Beer and Swanepoel (2000:20), landlessness usually
gives rise to overcrowding and the degradation of the natural
environment since people would then try to make a living out of the
meagre pieces of land in which they live. Compensatory livelihood
strategies always emanate from such situations, hence the need for
the researcher to investigate the aftermath of these relocations on the
livelihood patterns adopted by the Muyexe community.
1.3 AIM OF THE STUDY
This study was aimed at analysing the livelihood strategies of the
Muyexe Community, before and after the introduction of
conservation initiatives by the Kruger National Parks Board in
Limpopo Province.
1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The main objectives of the study were namely to:
1.4.1 Identify and analyse the livelihood strategies adopted by the
Muyexe Community before and after the introduction of conservation
initiatives
1.4.2 Evaluate the conservation strategies used by the KNPB in an
attempt to enhance the livelihoods of the Muyexe Community
1.3.1 Assess the successes and failures of the above strategies on
the general socio-economic development of the Muyexe
Community.
1.4 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTION Was
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The main research question of the study was directed at the
following:
What are the livelihood strategies adopted by the Muyexe
Community before and after the conservation interventions by the
Kruger National Parks Board?
1.6 Review of related Literature
Much of the vast literature on conservation and development could be
interpreted as a response to the concern that the present patterns of
conservation may seriously deplete the natural environmental
resources to such an extent that life will be seriously disturbed,
thereby further impoverishing communities located near and along
conservation areas.
According to Beatley (1994:54), conservation initiatives aimed at
uplifting the affected communities’ livelihoods have produced mixed
successes. In most instances these interventions by government have
led to further impoverishment and further environmental degradation.
This is also highlighted by Neef (1990) who contends that conservation
strategies and laws aimed at community survival are more artificial in
their nature and do not take into account the social dynamics of the
affected beneficiaries.
A number of nature conservation areas or protected areas in South
Africa are located along rural communities that are underdeveloped
and generally rely on forest resources for their livelihoods. In a given
situation, like the one above, it is logical to state that conservation of
natural resources should also focus on the upliftment of the rural
communities towards betterment of their living standards.
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Insignificant poverty reduction and continued hunting and gathering
for subsistence in communities located along the Kruger National
Park, in spite of current conservation interventions, provides enough
grounds for arguing that current conservation interventions do little to
eradicate poverty and to conserve nature.
Bothma (1996:609) supports this view in his argument that the
existence of game ranches with neighbouring poverty-stricken
communal rural areas should provide an opportunity for the rural
communities to benefit from the immediate resources. A neglect of this
facet can lead to a conflictual relationship between the game owners,
resources and the people. The main loser in such a discord is the
natural environment and the immediate communities.
1.7 JUSTIFICATION OF THE STUDY
This research is of significant value to national institutions engaged in
the socio-economic development of South Africa communities located
in areas transcending game reserves, parks and other physical
environments which are prone to damage. The decision-making
process to balance and sustain both the physical and human
development becomes of utmost importance. This research is of
primary benefit to, among the others, the following organs and
government departments; The National Land Commission, Social
Welfare and Development Department, Department of Agriculture and
other related parastatals for example the South African National Parks
(SANParks).
An assessment and evaluation of the shortcomings and successes of
intervention strategies also provides a base for recommendations that
will improve upon similar ventures in South Africa, and more
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particularly, the livelihoods of the Muyexe Community. Such
recommendations will also have a spin-off effect in terms of analyzing
ways of how communities can co-exist with their physical
environment, by evaluating the conservation interventions aimed at
livelihoods enhancement by the South African National Parks Board
for communities located along the Kruger National Park.
1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
1.8.1 Research Design
The research design for this study was primarily qualitative as it was
aimed at an analysis of the patterns of survival of a selected
community. The justification for such a research design was based on
the premise that ‘this methodology assists in understanding
respondents and provides a sensitive way of recording human
experiences’ (Bless and Higson-Smith, 2000:38).
1.8.2 Data Collection Techniques
1.8.2.1 Secondary Data
Secondary data was collected through a literature review of Human
Development and Sustainable Development textbooks books, journals
and other related publications. An analysis of archival documents
from the National Land Commission and SANParks was significant in
elucidating some of pertinent issues.
1.8.2.2 Focus groups
Focus groups are an important tool in scientific social research where-
in community related issues are sought (Mouton, 1995). In the focus
group which was conducted, semi-structured interviews were
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employed to lead the discussions. The groups comprised of fifteen (15)
members which entailed: one (1) community headman, one (1) civic
organisation leader, three (3) community women leaders; four (4)
households represented by one member, one (1) church leader, one (1)
tribal council member, one (1) land claimant, one (1) Land Care
member; one (1) official from the South African National Parks’ Social
Ecology and Game Ranger sections, and one (1) official from the
Department of Economic Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) in Limpopo.
1.8.2.3 Semi-structured interviews
The technique of using semi-structured interviews has several
advantages. According to Bailey (1994:174) it is flexible, in the sense
that the interviewer can probe for more specific answers and
interviewees can ask clarity-seeking questions on the spot. The same
writer reiterates that it has a high response rate as people feel more
comfortable speaking than writing. The validity of an answer can be
assessed since non-verbal behaviour can be observed during an
interview. Moreover, the interviewer can ensure that all questions are
completed.
1.8.2.3 Structured interviews
Structured interviews are important in soliciting specific responses
from the interviewees. This form of data collection technique was used
to acquire information from the KNParks officials involved in the
Muyexe community.
1.9 Target Population and sampling
1.9.1 Target Population
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In totality 25 respondents were involved in the research, needless to
mention, there were other incidental, informal or per-chance
respondents who availed themselves, or whom the researcher deemed
pertinent to the research. The target group consisted of officials from
the South African National Parks Board, such as the driver of the
Kruger National Park management and the Muyexe community
members, as part of one of the communities that are residing along
the Kruger National Park. The composition and categories of the
interviewees are also indicated in the focus group profile indicated in
section 1.7.2.2 above.
1.9.2 Purposive sampling
In purposive sampling, the researcher selects only those people who
will best make responses to meet the purpose of the study, Bailey
(1994:96). Hysamen (1944:44) complements the above-mentioned
statement by stating that purposive samples are “the most important
kind of non-probability sampling”. The criterion for the selection of
different categories of people interviewed was based on identification
by their constituencies. The sampling of respondents from both
Muyexe Community and SANParks, DEAT included, was undertaken
through a purposive or judgmental sampling method as justified by
Hysamen (1994:30). The community civic organization was requested
to assist with identifying the community members who were relevant
for interviews, whilst SANParks helped in identifying relevant
stakeholders to best respond to the questions.
1.10 Limitations of the study
The area of demarcation for this research was in Giyani District in
Limpopo province. The location of the Muyexe Community in terms of
distance from Polokwane, which is the researcher’s domicilium, and
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the logistical arrangements for access to the respondents was quite a
challenge. This, in some instances, meant that the researcher had to
scale down some of the formal interviews and led, to a minimal extent,
on certain information not being collected. The historical past of South
Africa has also had an impact on the poverty levels of the community,
which is generally reflected in the high levels of illiteracy. This factor,
in some instances, was an impediment to data collection.
1.11 Ethical Considerations
The concept of Ethics has been a matter of widespread concern in the
scientific and research communities. The way in which research is
conducted has been so beneficial to some individuals whilst it left
permanent scars on others (Rossouw, 1997). Due to the sensitivity
and emotive nature of this research the author undertook to use
pseudonyms in interpreting the respondents’ views, concerns and
perceptions. Since the study investigated issues involving illegal
poaching and hunting, legal implication was another area of focus for
ethics. Sometimes subjects released information that had some
individual legal implications and the researcher had to abide by the
right to confidentiality.
In order to protect the integrity and confidentiality of the varied
stakeholders who were part of the research, consent was sought from
the participants and emphasis was put on voluntarily participation
and the researcher’s obligation to privacy and non-disclosure of highly
charged sensitive issues. Casley and Lury (1987:102) share this
ethical standpoint by noting that “the right to privacy demands that
direct consent for participation must be obtained from adults and, in the
case of children, from their parents or guardians. Moreover, this consent
must be informed, in the sense that the participants must be aware of
the positive or negative aspects or consequences of participation”. Was
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Neuman, (2000:96) also shares Casley and Lury (1987)’s sentiments
when he states that, “a fundamental ethical principle of social research
is: Never to coerce anyone into participating; participation must be
voluntary. It is not enough to get permission from the subjects; they
need to know what they are being asked to participate in so that they
can make an informed decision”. As the majority of the respondents
were semi-illiterate to illiterate, ethical considerations were also
important in accessing their consent, as more often this category is
wary of their circumstances and will view researchers with suspicion.
Similarly, Light and Keller (1997:43) support this oversight by
claiming that informed consent is important in cases where a
researcher wants to study subjects who are illiterate, as they perceive
themselves as having a low social status.
Through the above-mentioned ethical principles, trust and honesty,
and confidentiality were fostered on the community for quality and co-
operative responses.
1.12 Overview of the study
Chapter one of this study outlines the orientation of the study. The
problem statement is contextualized, followed by the main aim,
research objectives, motivation, the research design and methodology
and limitations are all explained. Since certain aspects of the study
require high ethical considerations, this chapter enunciates those
areas of concern. The chapter finally concludes by providing a brief
synopsis of the main themes in the overall research in chapter
sequence.
Chapter Two is aimed at the conceptualization of the main key focus
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developmental interventions especially related to livelihoods of rural
communities. Sustainable development as the broader paradigm is
reviewed in the context of participation of local people in conservation
and the impact on livelihoods.
Chapter Three focuses on the historical context pertaining to national
parks, dispossessions and development in South Africa, in order to
give meaning to the context of the study. A political background on
forced removals, land restitution and implications thereof on the
socio-economic conditions of the affected communities is also dealt
with in this chapter.
Chapter Four provides the main part of the study. In this chapter, a
consolidated background of the Muyexe Community is provided.
Furthermore the actual research findings are presented in detail.
Chapter Five summarises the findings of the research in the form of
data analysis and interpretation. Recommendations and conclusions
are then drawn out and tabled.
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CHAPTER TWO
2. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
2.1 INTRODUCTION
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In the second half of the twentieth century, the tenuous relationships between
Human Development and the physical environment has become one of the
most debated issues and a cliché in most developmental and policy matters.
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Basic and Applied scientific research and a paraphernalia of texts have been
published on the same topic. Varied governments and global institutions have
issued policy statements, and all the world's major religions have been
making declarations, formally stating the moral responsibility that their
adherents have towards the earth and their own development (Fuggle and
Rabie 1992:05).
In order to provide an insight on these conflicting views on
conservation and the livelihoods of communities it is of utmost
importance to reflect on theoretical underpinnings of this study.
2.2 Theories of Conservation and Development
There are various theories on conservation of natural resources and
development. The Techno-centric Management, The Populist, The
Deep Ecological, and The Co-Evolutionary Theory are dominant
theories that will be looked at in this study.
2.2.1 The Techno-Centric Management Theory
This approach is similar to the classic modernisation perspective “where the
human being is seen as being separated from the environment” (De Beer and
Swanepoel 2000:65). Much of the conservation programs are historically
known to have been environmentally based and to have been excluding
communities in decision making and implementation of such programs.
Communities are sometimes not afforded opportunities to establish and define
their immediate problems by being actively involved in the programs.
Sometimes initiators of programs do not involve communities because they
believe communities know nothing and will delay the process of planning and
implementation.
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Some conservationists see communities as threats to natural
resources, and still maintain the preservationist point of view, namely,
that conservation can only be realised if and only if communities are
kept separate from the parks, since communities contaminate natural
wildness. The end-results of this approach are so visible. Instead of
benefiting from conservation, local communities often pay heavily for
conservation in terms of loss of land, access to their ancestral graves,
natural resources, being victims of dangerous wild game, and are not
fairly or equitably compensated for their loss in that regard. Because
of that, local communities are not motivated to conserve nature.
Tisdell (1993:78) supports the above argument by saying that,
individuals affected by conservation measures are likely to resist
them. For example, residents located near national parks suffer
damages from marauding animals in terms of loss of crops, thus
affecting their livelihoods and, in a sense, usurping their traditional
rights, which have a psychological and cultural effect. In these
instances communities maintain a hostile attitude to any conservation
of flora and fauna initiatives as these are viewed as a direct cause for
loss in livelihoods.
2.2.2 The Populist Theory
The populist theory is linked to the basic-needs approach and posits a
variety of vantage points. Savory (1988) explains this theory by
emphasising that it pays more attention to social, environmental, and
cultural developmental problems as against exclusive attention to
economic issues. This view is steeped in grassroots levels as the main
actor has to ensure local self-sufficiency through the promotion of
local knowledge systems for development. In short, the local
community is viewed as the main role player in any conservation
initiative since it is pivotal in determining its own priorities in the
quest for upliftment of livelihoods.
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The contextualization of this approach suggests that as long as
conservation focuses on economic benefits for the owners and
disregards the basic needs of the communities affected by
conservation, exploitation of the natural resource base will continue
unabated. It is in this regard that it becomes so difficult to conserve
nature, on the one hand, whilst on the other, people are struggling for
survival. Lack of sources for making livelihoods feasible has got a
direct bearing on the continued hunting and gathering for
subsistence.
Savory (1988:503) sums up the above argument by saying: “As a
hungry man knows no boundaries, we cannot expect to maintain
some of the world’s greatest treasures by fortified perimetres against
human populations struggling for survival”. Tisdell (1993:78) adds to
this summation by pointing out: “For although it is clear that
encroachment on to lands bordering the Sahara and their more
intensive agricultural use will lead to environmental degradation, such
encroachment is difficult to prevent when individuals have no
alternative means of support”.
The above-mentioned arguments are clear indications of the fact that
as long as communities continue to struggle for survival, the
exploitation of natural resources will continue. Poor communities will
continue with their behavioural patterns until alternative sustainable
means of survival are introduced.
2.2.3 The Deep Ecological Theory
There is tendency with many theories to treat human development
and the environment as clearly distinct entities. This is most prevalent
with mostly western ideological views which mostly deal with men,
women, and environment as separate entities. The deep-ecological
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approach regards human development and physical environment as
synergistic and deals with these entities as a unit. This approach is a
direct contrast of the Techno-Centric Management theory.
2.2.4 The Co-Evolutionary Theory
Unlike western tradition which represents one knowledge system, this
view advocates that we should also be open to learn from other
knowledge systems. It is seldom possible to determine how human
activities will affect the environment as a system because there is a
great deal of information that we do not currently have (De Beer and
Swanepoel 2000: 67). Just like the Populist Theory, the above-
mentioned approach advocates participation of grassroots people in
solving environmental issues, since local people have indigenous
knowledge to help in solving their own problems.
2.2.5 Theoretical Approach to study
The study will be informed by the Populist, Deep ecological and Eco-
evolutionary theories. The motivation and justification for this choice
is the fact that sustainable livelihoods cannot be achieved without the
participation of the beneficiaries. The indigenous knowledge of the
communities is a sine-qua-non for the success of any developmental
intervention. The postulations of these theories satisfy that demand,
hence their suitability. Furthermore, it becomes important to unpack
how conservation relates to human development vis-à-vis
enhancement of livelihoods, especially in a rural context.
Conservation and Rural Development fall within the broader realm of the
Sustainable Development discourse. Thus the concept of sustainable
development is key and will further be discussed in understanding issues
pertaining to livelihoods.
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2.4 Sustainable Development
The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) report
of 1980 coined the concept of sustainable development. The concept
became prominent after the environmental crisis came to prominence
in the late 1980s and also after the publication of the report of the
World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987, also
called The Brundtland Report (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000 : 62)
The commission’s main finding was that the Environment and Human
Development are inseparable. This view reiterates the populist, eco-
evolutionary and deep-ecological theories as posited earlier on.
According to the Brundland Report, sustainable development is
defined as: “Development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own
needs” (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000: 62).
Beatley et al. (1994: 8) give this definition more flesh by adding that,
sustainable development is a process of change in which the
exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation
of technology and local development and institutional change are
made consistent with future as well as present needs.
The main concern of sustainable development is care for the natural
environment and reversing the current destructive patterns in society
that threaten all forms of life. Therefore the livelihoods of people
should be geared in such a way that they do not over-exploit their
immediate environment. Conservation initiatives are rolled out to
address such instances, and when they do not realize this objective,
people are left with no option but to resort to their traditional
livelihoods, which could be both destructive and beneficial to the
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existence of the environment. Sustainable development is primarily a
working concept which alerts people to the danger of uncontrolled
growth for immediate gains.
2.4.1 Rationale for Sustainable livelihoods Development
The objectives of sustainable development, as identified by Thirlwall
(1994: 227), among others are: increasing the economic growth,
meeting basic needs, involving more of the population in development,
conserving and improving the environment, accounting for the
environment in economic decision making and managing risk.
It is increasingly evident in several local communities that the natural
resources are in a drastic state of depletion, unfortunately local people
have been so incapable of participating actively and resolutely in the
things that affect their lives and their children’s destiny. The above-
mentioned statement, then, calls for active involvement through
public participation of local people in matters that affect their lives.
Weissnar (1997:138) also postulates the importance of creating
sustainable livelihoods through, helping the poor, because they are
left with no other option but to destroy the environment. To
ameliorate this, the same authority suggests for a cost-effective
development that neither degrades the environmental quality nor
reduces productivity in the long term. This could be achieved by
facilitating access to basic needs such as shelter, health, food self-
reliance and clean water.
2.5 Participation as a necessity for sustainable livelihoods
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It is imperative to define participation in order to get a clear indication
of how it relates to this study. It has to be noted, however, that
participation is a relative term, which is interpreted from different
angles. Bopp (1994: 27) defines participation as a process in which
the proposed beneficiaries of development are active participants in all
aspects of the processes that are intended to improve their lives, as
well as those intended to transform the contexts and conditions within
which they must live and upon which their well-being depends.
The above-mentioned definition by Bopp implies that improvement of people’s
lives will only be realised if the intended beneficiaries are actively involved in
all activities necessary for their development. Liebenberg and Stewart (1997:
85) share the same argument, insisting that the first step in assisting poor
rural people onto the path of development must be an analysis of the causes
of poverty affecting a particular people in their own particular situation. This
analysis should preferably be carried out with the active participation of the
people themselves.
Longman (1978: 749) provides a different angle of participation by viewing it
as an act of taking part, or having a share, in an activity or event. Whilst, De
Beer and Swanepoel (1998: 84) suggest that participation in development
must be able to make people reach their concrete goals, but at the same time,
their capacity for self-reliant action must be built. The capacity of people
should be enhanced in this process.
There is a growing recognition of the fact that management of natural
resources becomes a reality with the involvement of local people as it
has a direct bearing on their livelihoods. As noted by Singh (1994:63)
a growing number of scholars agree that collective management of
natural resources by local people is the most appropriate strategy for
conservation of common pool resources and a subsequent benefit on
livelihoods.
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Local people’s participation is so vital from the planning until to the
implementation stage. The most important factor to be considered in
local people’s participation is the issue of benefits. Local people will
only participate if they are convinced that their participation will be
meaningful and that they will benefit in the long run. Singh
(1994:286) supports this analogy by explaining that, if local people are
given alternative sources of income and employment, for example,
exclusive rights to non-wood forest products, and a share in the sale
proceeds from the eventual harvest of timber, they are more likely to
co-operate and participate in the production and management of
forests, than to indiscriminately plunder them for survival.
The crux of the matter in this context is that participation of local
people at all levels of conservation ultimately leads to the address of
the immediate needs of local people. It has to be noted that if people
are subjected to any conservation programs and it fails to address the
issue of basic needs, poverty may continue and invariably the natural
resources are subjected to abuse and plunder by the immediate
community. The concept of public participation calls for rural peoples’
direct involvement in development activities while at the same time
promoting livelihoods (World Development Journal 1998: 933).
2.5.1 Problems related to participation in conservation
initiatives and its impact on livelihoods
The most important point to note is that local people, irrespective of
how poor they are, usually have the appropriate information about the
hardware and the software that are suited to enhance their particular
conditions and livelihoods (De Beer and Swanepoel 2000:67). This
view implies that local people know exactly what their problems are,
the causes of such problems, and ultimately, have knowledge on how
to solve such problems using resources at their disposal. The other
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problem is that some participants obviously come with their own
agendas, which might be in conflict with the objectives of the project.
Moreover, should a project fail to realize expectations of the
participants, practical problems are likely to happen. Such problems
include, participants being de-motivated and withdrawing from the
project, manipulation of the project for self-gain, and ultimately failure
of the project to realize its goals and objectives. One major drawback
of current approaches in participation is their superficial nature in
involving the intended beneficiaries. Instead of involving the
beneficiaries in decision making for matters affecting their lives, they
are only informed of already taken decisions from elsewhere.
In practice, people’s participation takes roles of suppressing the actual
involvement of the beneficiaries in decision making, thereby making
the project to achieve the goals of initiators of the project rather than
of the intended beneficiaries. Furthermore, the active and full
participation of all citizens in the community is crucial on issues
relating to natural resource conservation and subsequent
enhancement of livelihoods.
A conclusive analysis of this concept emphasizes that any developmental
intervention aimed at enhancement of people’s livelihoods should thus entail
involvement, decision making, acknowledgement of capacity constraints,
finality in terms of reaching goals and, most importantly, the ‘process’ nature
of engagement.
The central key issue in this study is the emphasis on sustainable
livelihoods. In the following discussion this concept will be unpacked
and its location within the broader scope of the study explained.
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2.6 Livelihoods and strategies
The concept of ‘livelihoods’ is a loaded term which requires more
unravelling and this will be done by interrogating different authority
perspectives. May et al (2000:249) define livelihoods as a means of
survival of a given community. Conway and Chambers (1992:8)
further go on to compound on this definition by adding that,
livelihoods are capabilities, assets and activities required to make a
living. The aspect of capabilities purports human capital, that is, the
skills and capacity the people have to eke out a living. These are
manifested in ability to create tangible physical products like curios,
baskets and intangible products, such as, for example, the persuasive
entrepreneurial skill to acquire a service without necessarily creating
a physical product.
The commonly used and popular analysis of livelihoods is the
Livelihoods Framework adopted by the United Kingdom International
Development Organization (2003:3). In its synthesis of livelihoods, the
framework emphasises that livelihood strategies are a process, and
change according to stresses, shocks, assets availability and also as a
result of interactions with wider processes of economic, political,
population and institutional change. Livelihoods are characterised or
can be classified into human, social, physical, natural and financial
capital.
Entitlements are also a livelihood strategy, wherein the individual is
guaranteed to be afforded a certain right to make a living. In South
Africa social welfare entitlements in the form of social security, for
example, old age pension, child grant and disability grant are
examples of the diversity of livelihoods strategies which a community
can depend on to make a living. These entitlements fall under the
broader financial capital resource as expounded by May (2000).
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Financial capital as a source of a livelihood would entail cash, credit,
pension, child grant, disability grant, savings and remittances.
Natural capital is a sine qua non to most livelihoods strategies and a
lack of it promotes an unending vicious cycle of poverty for many
communities. Natural capital is defined by Mushonga (2000) as the
utility of natural resource stocks such as water, soil, the environment,
flora and fauna. This is true especially for communities whose living is
dependent upon natural capital flows and services. Most communities
living in the margins of national parks like the Muyexe community in
Limpopo province are a case in point.
Livelihoods are also explained as epitomized by Social capital. Social
capital is referred to by DFID (1999) as the networks, connections,
social security membership, for example, money schemes, burial
societies and the wider cultural, familial, extended family
relationships which sustain livelihoods. These are an integral part of
many communities livelihoods sustainability and form a social safety
net in ameliorating possible shocks and stresses in the environment.
Vulnerability of livelihoods
Livelihoods are not constant as they can be affected by external
shocks and stresses. These could be attributed to natural occurrences
like climatic changes or political and institutional aspects. The latter
mentioned are invariably the main factor in realigning and reshaping
the livelihoods of a community. The transformation of structures and
processes always has an effect on the human, social, natural, physical
and financial capital base of a community. This is either for the better
or for the worst, as will be analysed in the study. The structures who
suggest or implement such changes could be government, private
sector or even NGOs. This is driven through laws, policies, cultural
organisations and even changes in institutions.
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Therefore the assumption from the above explanations reflects that
livelihoods are holistic in nature, and are constantly changing and
that they are not only confined to the physical aspect of the people but
also entail the inclusion of the different forms of capital for
sustainability.
Livelihoods in the context of the study
From the explanations provided above it can be inferred that this
study will base its analysis of the livelihoods of the Muyexe
community on the interrogation of the state of the human, social,
financial, physical and natural capital variables after the
implementation of the conservation interventions by the Kruger
National Parks Board. The main issues on the livelihoods outcomes
will be to ascertain the sustainable use of the natural base, taking
into cognisance the introduction of the conservation initiative, extent
of food security, increase in income levels, improvement in the well
being of the households in the community and a general reduction in
vulnerability to any shocks and stresses in the environment.
Conclusion
This chapter highlighted the dynamics entailed in the understanding
of livelihoods within the broader sustainable development agenda. The
variables which constitute livelihoods were discussed and these will,
in the last chapter, be used as reference to analyse the extent and
effects of the conservation strategies on the Muyexe community. In
the following chapter the political and institutional frameworks related
to conservation and impact on communities bordering the Kruger
National Park will be discussed.
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CHAPTER THREE
3. POLICY AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORKS
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Poor and rural communities in major parts of the world are historically pastoral
and agrarian. In 1988, rural populations accounted to 65% of what is
classified as low-income populations by the World Bank. Rural and poor
communities are largely biomass-based subsistence economies, in the sense
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that they rely on plants and animals for their livelihood (Das Gupta and Maler
1994: 01). Hence there is need for policy and institutions to address the plight
of the poor rural communities. Rural people are usually forced to exploit
the natural environment because of lack of, or insufficient, sources for
their livelihood. About one-fifth of the world’s people lives in absolute
poverty and deprivation, and has limited means to produce and buy
food which is necessary for their daily lives. Food scarcity has a direct
bearing on the vulnerability of the natural environment since people
resort to the natural environment for their survival (De Beer and
Swanepoel 200:228 and 238).
In this chapter the historical, contemporary context of policy and
institutional frameworks relating to conservation initiatives and the
subsequent impact on the livelihoods of communities will be
discussed. This will be done in view of the historical approaches which
have actually had a great impact on the Muyexe community. Issues
pertaining to the social impact will be highlighted to inform further
important aspects of the study.
In South Africa and in many parts of the world, governments and
institutions have different approaches in terms of conservation and
management of parks. Whilst these approaches are aimed at the
general upliftment of livelihoods, invariably, they inflict misery on
immediate communities. The resultant of this could be displacement
from indigenous areas and a subsequent loss of land rights. Most
countries have developed Land Reform and Social Welfare
Development Programs that are aimed at addressing the issue of
landlessness and improvement of the living conditions of the
multitudes of communities whose land rights have been usurped.
At a global level, The United Nations World Commission on
Environment and Development (WECD) and Agenda 21 are aimed at
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integrating environmental issues and human development. They have
offered a variety of guidelines on interventions aimed at meeting the
needs of the environment and the welfare of communities in national
parks and facilitating the involvement of concerned individuals,
groups and organizations in decision making.
In contemporary South Africa, The Department of Tourism and
Environmental Affairs, through its parastatal body, the South African
National Parks, promulgates environment and social impact policies.
This also includes conservation interventions aimed at improving
livelihoods of communities affected by the previous political
dispensation of forced removals from the Kruger National Park. For
example, the Social Impact Assessment (SIA) and Environmental
Impact Assessment (EIA) policies have been developed to investigate
the social and cultural impact of development plans, programmes and
projects on communities in the national parks or wherein large
infrastructural projects impact on the people.
The SIA policy, for example, investigates four major categories of
impacts: demographic, that is, population changes, displacement and
relocation problems; socio-economic, for example, changes in
employment patterns, systems of land tenure, income levels;
institutional, for example, changed demands on local services and
community, for instance changes in social networks and levels of
social cohesion (Bulmer, 1998)
3.2 HISTORICAL POLICY APPROACHES TO CONSERVATION.
3.2.1 THE LEGACY OF APARTHEID
Historically, The Wilderness Act of 1964, the Endangered Species Act
of 1973, and the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969,
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Legislation applicable to rural removals includes the Black Land Act,
1913 (Act No. 27 of 1913), the Development Trust and Land Act, 1936
(Act No. 18 of 1936), and the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act, 1951
(Act No. 52 of 1951) are some of the direct regulations which were
aimed at solving and controlling or limiting environmental problems.
These conventional policy approaches were effective in achieving
environmental goals, but tended to impose relatively high costs on
society. Although the environmental problems could be temporarily
solved, the solutions were not permanent (Jordan, 1995:129).
3.2.1 EFFECTS OF POLICIES
Traditionally, the central government could fully own common pool
resources (resources freely enjoyed by local people, such as collection
of firewood, poles, grass, water, etc) through its designated line
department. The rationale behind this was that the national
government was in a better position to serve the interests of all people
and could raise or directly fund the management of such resources
and conservation programs.
Traditional approaches to park management did not consider the
interests and needs of local people, who were originally the indigenous
people of such parks before they were established. The approach was
that of the preservationist point of view that local communities should
totally not be part of parks in whatever form since they were
considered to be defiling the parks. Game Rangers were usually hired
to prevent people from “defiling” the parks. Wells et al. (1992:01)
assert this statement by indicating that these traditional approaches
to park management had generally been unsympathetic to the
constraints facing local people - relying on guard patrols and penalties
to exclude local people.
This approach was tantamount to “fences and fines” approach, since
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local people were deemed as trespassers and prevented from utilising
the resource base for their livelihood. As a result this approach
received more failures than successes. This was due to the fact that
nationalization weakened the traditional forest conservation system
that would allow local people to protect their natural resources against
outside exploiters. Nationalization prevented them from continuing
with the tradition, and led local people to view forests as government
property, rather than their own, to be exploited for their survival
(Singh 1994:59).
Buttler and Hallowes (2002:01) argue that the apartheid regime
imposed huge social and environmental imbalances on South African
populations. A small population benefited from conservation whilst
the majority of populations were burdened with costs, injustices and a
sustained impoverishment of livelihoods.
3.3 CONTEMPORARY POLICY FRAMEWORKS
In the post-1994 period, the South African government embarked on
the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to redress the
imbalances of the apartheid regime. After limited successes in funding
some of the mooted development goals, the government introduced the
macro-economic Growth Employment and Redistribution Programme
(GEAR). Its emphasis was the recognition that, in order to redress the
socio-economic problems afflicting the country, there was need for
economic growth and creation of opportunities for people to make an
income from their environment. Within the broader problem of
landlessness, the need was to facilitate community participation in
development vis-à-vis local initiatives to use their immediate
resources.
As the task of involving communities adjoining national parks in their
socio-economic development is a mammoth task, the recent approach
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has been one of Integrated Local Development Planning (IDPs). This
approach emphasizes a concerted pooling of resources by different
government departments. In the case of the introduction of
conservation interventions in the Muyexe community, the Department
of Land Affairs, through its Land Claims Commission; The
Department of Social Welfare and Development; Department of
Tourism and Environment Affairs and Department of Agriculture have
all collaborated to assist in the uplifting of livelihoods of the Muyexe
community.
3.6 LAND RESTITUTION
Land Restitution is another leg of the Land Reform Program that seeks
to address the uneven distribution of land rights in South Africa. An
Act of parliament was passed in 1994, The Restitution of Land Rights
Act, 1994 (Act no. 22 of 1994) as amended, to redress the past
injustices of land acquisition and distribution in South Africa.
The Act provides for restitution to people whose land rights were
forcefully taken away through the past injustices, to lodge land claims
for such lost rights. The Act seeks to redress the damage and poor
heritage caused and inherited through apartheid.
3.3 IMPLICATIONS FOR SOUTH AFRICA
In South Africa and in many parts of the world, communities
neighbouring the parks or conservation areas have demonstrated a
capability of conserving natural resources. Refuting the
preservationist point of view that conservation could only be a reality
if communities are separated from the parks, dispossessed
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communities have, to some extent, demonstrated that conservation
becomes a reality when they are fully engaged as conservators.
In South Africa, the community of Richtersveld became the first
community to own and manage a nature conservation park in 1991
(MacDonald 2002:142). The community now has access to natural
resources, which they then manage so that it becomes a means of
their livelihood.
In 1998 the Makuleke Community Land Claim became the first land
claim to be settled, and by the Land Claims Court, in the then
Northern Province. The claimants were forcefully removed from the
Pafuri area of the Kruger National Park in 1969 to pave way for wild
animals. The claimants have made a significant move by opting for
entering into a joint venture with the then National Parks Board. The
above-mentioned claimants are now willingly and diligently conserving
the natural environment in the Pafuri area whilst at the same time
enjoying the full benefits of conservation.
The Community has formed a Trust, which deals with the
management of the acquired land and funds thereof. A lodge has been
built by this community with the intention of generating funds and
developing of the entire village. Now that the Pafuri area of the Kruger
National Park is known to be belonging to the Makuleke Community,
illegal hunting is said to have decreased significantly.
CONCLUSION
It is only when the link between conservation and the needs of local
people is fully understood that conservation of natural resources
within and along protected areas can be realised. The co-operation
of local people in conserving natural resources is of fundamental
importance since enforcement of rules could lead to more conflicting
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situations.
Jordan (1995:244) shares this view by stating that the laws or
strength of the national or international authorities on conservation
cannot be successfully protected without the co-operation of the local
people, or at least without provision for the needs of the local people.
Addressing the immediate needs of local people will be the best
approach towards effective conservation. In Thailand for instance, the
national government does not approve of local people participating in
decision making, but recognizes the fact that it should provide for the
needs of local people in order to make the teak reforestation effort
successful (Jordan 1995:244).
CHAPTER FOUR
4. THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK AND MUYEXE
COMMUNITY AND RESEARCH
FINDINGS
4.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter the background and context to the study is
highlighted. This is done by giving a brief synopsis of the Kruger
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National Park and the historical context of the Muyexe community.
The conservation intervention used by Kruger National Parks Board is
then described by detailing its operations and the stakeholders
involved. In the same vein, some of the key responses from the
respondents are explained from the interviews conducted.
4.2 BACKGROUND
Many communities that are located along the Kruger National Park
are largely characterized by illiteracy and poverty. Many of those
communities were inhabitants of the land currently known as the
Kruger National Game Reserve. These communities are also
characterized by high levels of unemployment. The previous floods
that affected South Africa and Mozambique during February 2000 had
disastrous effects on many of these communities, especially those
located along the park.
3.4 THE KRUGER NATIONAL PARK - A HISTORICAL
PERSPECTIVE.
The Kruger National Park of South Africa was first established by the
then President Paul Kruger in 1898 as the Sabie Game Reserve, before
suffering a heavy blow from the Anglo-Boer War. It was then re-
established in 1902 by Lord Milner who instructed Sir James
Stevenson Hamilton to clean the park of the indigenous black people.
This was done over a period of over 45 years. It was in 1969 when the
last group indigenous black people of the Makuleke community, were
dispossessed of their rights of land.
The park is the second oldest park in the world, after Yellowstone
National Park (founded in 1872) in the United States. The park is the
first National Park to be established in Africa, Jackson (1971:74).
Kruger National Park is the 14th biggest National Park in the world
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and it is considered a world leader in biodiversity conservation and
ecotourism. The park is approximately 19 485 square kilometers in
size, which is larger than the State of Israel or the principality of
Wales in the United Kingdom.
During the 19th of June 1913 an Act of parliament was passed with
the aim of dispossessing black people of their rights in land. Such
rights included the right to settle, collect firewood, catch fish, hunt,
graze, plough, access to ancestral graves, collection of water from
water sources, and gathering the fruits of the forest. Up to 1951 the
park was managed without formal scientific research, Middleton and
Hawkins (1998:202). Restriction to access to basic sources of
livelihood has been one of the problems experienced by local people
when the Kruger National Park was established. Furse (1997:179)
notes that in many cases, local people, or indigenous people, were
arbitrarily barred from certain areas, with little recognition of ethics,
legitimacy or consequences of such actions, but on the presumption
that protection of land from local or indigenous people was necessary
for conservation.
The Kruger National Park of South Africa, just like many traditional
parks, totally excluded the people who inhabited the park when it was
established. The management of the park could not consider the
needs and interests of the dispossessed people, and was enforcement
oriented. The community members who were once the inhabitants of
the park were either removed forcefully or could be allowed to remain
in designated areas but excluded from the park through legal means
(Wells et al. 1992:08.)
The inhabitants of the park were not only denied their rights in land,
but were also physically removed from the land and were excluded
from managerial control or decision making pertaining to the use of
the park (MacDonald 2002:131). During the dispossession of
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communities of their land rights and the establishment of the Kruger
National Park, people lost access to graves, ritual sites, emotional
attachment to the place, and breakdown of family ties. Such loss of
rights can be regarded as direct costs since there is no amount of
money that can compensate that.
The Kruger National Park has since developed into a very big park
with its merging with Gonarenzhou National Park in Zimbabwe and
Coutada 16 in Mozambique. The park is today known as Greater
Limpopo Transfrontier Park, and wildlife will be able to roam freely
within the three merged parks once capacity to manage the region is
in position, since it will allow Kruger National Park to drop its Eastern
fence by about 200 kilometres.
4.2 BACKGROUND OF THE MUYEXE COMMUNITY
According to oral history gathered from the Muyexe community, the
history of Muyexe community dates back to the 1890s during the
reign of Chief Nahleki when they moved from Mozambique towards the
west to an area then known as Transvaal. During that time, they came
to settle around the Lebombo Mountains. The community trekked
further to the west in search for greener pastures and resided in an
area today known as Shingwedzi Camp of the Kruger National Park.
The Muyexe community resided at Tshange Mountains and Shangoni
Camp in the park before they were forcefully removed during the
establishment of the Kruger National Park. That was the beginning of
their poverty when they were separated from sources of their
livelihood. In the park, they used to communally and freely enjoy
access to firewood, thatching grass, water sources, and fruits from the
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forest, timber, fish, birds, wild animals, large ploughing fields,
ancestral graves and other resources the park presented.
4.2.1 Historical effects of the forced relocations
During the establishment of the park, the communities were not duly
informed of their forced removal. This impromptu seizure of their land
led to an abrupt erosion of their livelihoods. Some of their
domesticated animals were left behind whilst some of them just
strayed, and got eaten by lions. Their belongings were damaged in the
process and huts destroyed. On arrival at an area called Mahlamba-
Ndlopfu (The Dawn of the New Era), all their cattle were killed by
officials of the park. The cattle would be killed whilst grazing in the
open veld. During their removal, the community lost access to
settlement, grazing fields, ploughing in large fields, fish, hunting wild
animals and birds, water sources, firewood, thatching grass, “vucema”
plants for brewing traditional beer and access to medicinal plants and
herbs.
Decades ago, locality of the Kruger National Park had dense forests
and vegetation, which harboured different species of animals, insects,
microbes, birds, and fauna and flora species in general. Currently,
natural environments along the Kruger National Park, bordered by the
Muyexe community are almost barren with sparse vegetation and
hardly any forests, and with many of known locusts and insects
disappearing.
Generally, the resource base that was supposed to be a means of
survival for communities is diminishing at greater speed. Future
availability of animal and plant species in the above-mentioned areas
is threatened, if communities’ dependence on these natural resources
for survival is left unabated. This dependence on natural resources
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has negative implications on the quality of life for all living creatures,
particularly for communities trapped in this unfortunate situation.
4.2.2 Location
The Muyexe community lies about 30 kilometres East of Giyani Town,
in the Limpopo province. After dispossession in the 1900 to mid
1920s, the community was relocated out of the park and is presently
located just outside the Kruger National Park, with only a park fence
making a line of demarcation between their homesteads and the park.
Since most of the communities are left with few of the above-
mentioned resources around them, they now forage through the Park
illegally to acquire such resources. This is the very same situation that
manifests itself within Muyexe Community, in that the natural
resources are hunted and gathered in a desperate quest for daily
survival. This is a case of efforts to bring about protection of natural
resources, pushing a community into abject poverty with no
sustainable means of survival.
4.2.3 Population
During the gathering of oral history in February 2005, the community
comprised approximately 5385 adults of which only 218 were
employed. Of the 218 working adults, only 80 had permanent
employment.
4.2.4 Livelihood Patterns
The community largely depends on social grants which are never
enough for the large and unemployed families. This community still
relies on subsistence hunting and gathering today. The community
lacks most basic needs facilities. Dependency on crop farming is also
another form of livelihood in the stony and dry Muyexe village. During
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the year 2000 floods, Muyexe village was also hard hit to such an
extent that many families lost their huts and goods, deepening the
effects of poverty. The community has to walk for about 13 kilometres
to the nearest clinic. The community has got a primary school and a
high school within reach of the pupils. The primary school is right in
the middle of the village and the high school just on the outskirts of
the village.
The community is supplied with electricity. There is however a serious
shortage of water. The community has to go the nearest village to
fetch water or buy from people who sell water in 25 litre containers.
The Park has formed Hlanganani Forum which consists of about 29
communities which are neighbouring the Park. The communities are
located between Mhinga and Mbawula Ranch Villages, of which most
of them were residents of the Park before they were forcefully removed
when the Park was initiated. Muyexe community falls within this
category of communities that were removed from the park.
The Muyexe community lodged a restitution of land rights claim with
the Land Claims Commission on 3 November 1998, claiming land
rights lost within the Kruger National Park. The land claim is
currently under investigation by the Office of the Regional Land
Claims Commission-Limpopo to establish compliance with The
Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994 (Act No. 22 of 1994) as amended,
and as amplified by the Rules Regarding the Procedure of the Land
Claims Commission.
4.3 THE CONSERVATION STRATEGIES USED BY STAKEHOLDERS
IN THE PARK
4.3.1 Stakeholders in the Muyexe area
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The main stakeholders operating in the park entail the South African
National Parks; The Hlanganani Forum [which is the central forum
where all the village, governmental and NGOs are represented and
meet to map out plans for the community]; Department of Labour;
Department of Public Works; Department of Land Affairs; Department
of Economic and Tourism and NGOs in the area.
4.3.2 Strategies employed
Through the Hlanganani Forum which is the collective partnership,
the activities to enhance the livelihoods of the Muyexe community and
conserve the park, entail the following:-
(i) Identifying economic opportunities in the park and
linking them with the communities. These
opportunities are not linked to a specific community,
but focus on all villages that are in the vicinity of the
park.
(ii) A market has been created for people who do Art and
Craft. The market is right in the park and everyone
who has some Art or Crafted items comes to the park
to market and sell.
(iii) There are also skills development projects in which community
members are trained in Field Ranging. The park also trains
community members in the building industry and in contract owning.
Twenty seven people have already been trained and some have been
issued with their own contracts. The Department of Public Works and
Department of labour are jointly training these communities.
(iv) The Social Ecology of the Kruger National Park has a
Memorandum of Understanding with Non-Governmental
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Organisations and CPPP (Community, Private, and Public Partnership)
which is aimed at creating economic opportunities through which
resources and skills such as car washing, soap making, gardening,
linen sewing, laundry services, et cetera, can be tapped from the
communities residing along the park. The authorities of the park have
however established that community projects are not viable, and have
never worked, therefore the park intends turning the above-mentioned
services into businesses for viability.
(v) Other communities have come forward offering a piece of land for
incorporation with the park for economic development. The
communities are Mahlathi, Ndindani, and Magona, and Marieta Buffer
Zone. These initiatives even though well supported by the park, are
rife with intra-tribal conflicts. The initiatives are aimed at creating
game lodges, game hunting with the hindsight of conserving natural
resources. Due to conflict the Department of Land Affairs have
withdrawn land ownership deeds.
(vi)Through its conservation programmes like Ranger patrols the
park’s workforce now comprises of people who reside along the park
and contribute about 80 percent of the overall park workforce. When
there are some employment opportunities, the park involves
communities residing along the park. The Hlanganani Forum is used
for recruitment purposes but there are some community conflicts
which resulted in some communities pulling out of the forum. The
park has however initiated a process of providing a workshop to
those communities for alerting them about the importance and role of
the forum, and some communities are coming back to the forum.
(vii) Department of Environment and Tourism has commenced an
initiative to open the Shangoni gate which is at Altein village in the
Mtititi settlement by 2007. The initiative is aimed at linking the
outside world with communities and the park. Opening of the gate will
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generate income for the benefit of the communities, of which Muyexe,
as one of the closest neighbouring communities to Shangoni gate, will
benefit. A tarred road is being constructed from Mbaula Ranch to
Altein (Shangoni gate), and another one from Mhinga settlement to
Shangoni gate, and the last one from Matsakali village to Shangoni
gate. All these are endeavors to build the economy of the communities
for their own benefit in order to address their basic needs and
enhance livelihoods.
(viii) Through this process, individual chiefs are able to develop the
land within their jurisdiction. There are also bursaries that are offered
by the park to applying communities who want to create a green zone
belt and use it as sources of income for eco-tourism purposes.
5. FINDINGS FROM MUYEXE COMMUNTY
.
5.1 RESEARCH FINDINGS
From the research conducted different perspectives were presented by
the main role players in Muyexe. These stretched from positive to
negative inputs. As earlier on indicated these responses were achieved
through a variety of data collection techniques, depending on the
audience.
5.1.1 VIEWS FROM THE COMMUNITY’S PERSPECTIVE WITH
REGARDS CONSERVATION
(a) Interviews from many of the households of the Muyexe community
highlighted a current serious water shortage since their place is dry as
compared to their areas in the park with flowing rivers and deep wells.
The establishment of the park reduced their grazing and ploughing
areas to such an extent that the community finds it difficult to find
firewood.
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(b) Livestock strays due long distances in search for grass, as grazing
land is limited and overgrazed. The lions from the park usually stray
away from the park and maul their cattle. The community alleges that
they are not compensated for loss of their livestock and the lions are
taken back to the park. This becomes a sad story since the inverse is
not true, when cattle are found in the park, instead of being taken
away from the area; they are killed by the officials of the park. This
takes their main asset as they use the cattle as draught animals and
also as an income in case of vulnerability. Due to restrictions to enter
the park, poverty is worsening because they can longer get more fish,
mopani worms, timber for building, thatching grass, which were in
abundance in the park. When some of the community members are
found illegally fishing inside the park, they are sent to far away
prisons and fined about R1000.00 per person.
© The community indicated that they can no longer have access to the
rare medicinal plants that used to cure diseases. The community also
complains of heavy payments for getting into the park to see “their”
animals. There are some crocodiles that relocated from the park
towards the village. The crocodiles are endangering the lives of the
community of Muyexe. The crocodiles have already taken lives of two
people, of which one was never found to date.
(d) The Muyexe community indicated that they are not getting any
form of help from the South African National Park. The community
indicated that should there be any employment opportunities, the
park officials hire people who are far away from the park. The
community further indicated that park officials rely mostly on people
from Mozambique for their labour since the Mozambican people are
easy to exploit, especially since they are very poor and have no school
going children.
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(e) Members of the Muyexe community however agree that there are
some people from the community who are under the employ of the
park, but argue that the number is very insignificant and comprises of
people who were hired from time immemorial.
(f) The community was asked if they knew anything about the
Hlanganani Forum. Members of Muyexe community indicated that the
forum was aimed at dealing with compensation issues for cattle
mauled by lions. The community indicated that they were part of the
forum but pulled out because the forum was not achieving its goals
and objectives. They saw the Hlanganani Forum as useless since a
person could not be compensated if the lion that killed cattle was not
killed itself. There was however one classical case in which one cattle
owner had his three cattle mauled by a lion, and was given the lion
skin to sell and get his money back. It was a disturbing situation to
the Muyexe community and for the cattle owner to discover that the
skin was badly damaged and was not marketable at all.
(g) As indicated in the previous arguments, the community feels that
the employment generated by SANParks together with the Hlanganani
forum does not yield any positive results, hence their withdrawal from
the Hlanganani Forum and the illegal entry into the park to make a
living.
(h) Social grants are the main source of livelihood according to the
community. The active formal working population by February 2005
was 218 out of 5 385 adults. Out of these 218, only 80 are gainfully
(permanently) employed and the rest on short term contracts.
Suggestions from the community with regards to conservation
initiatives
(i) The Muyexe community members believe that SANParks has a
bigger role to play towards their development. They believe that
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projects that are initiated by the park, like that of dealing with alien
plants (gwanda), can generate some employment should they also be
included in such projects. Bursaries can also be provided by the park
to children who passed matric, but who are currently seated at home,
so that they study nature conservation courses.
(ii) The community indicated that they can also form partnerships
with the park in eco-tourism since they have a land adjacent to the
park that they can offer for partnership. The Muyexe community also
indicated that if the park can give them their land back, through
restitution, they can build their own economy.
(ii) The community made several proposals which they think can
alleviate the problems that they are currently facing. With regards the
overpopulation of elephants in the park, whereby some are being
relocated to Mozambique, their proposal is that the elephants can be
slaughtered and tinned and, subsequently, the tinned meat can be
distributed to communities staying along the park.
(iii) Meaningful compensation for cattle killed by marauding lions was
also suggested as one of the resolutions. The community also
indicated that hiring of locals instead of foreigners from Mozambique
can do more good than harm. The community also proposed the
establishment of a butchery for wild animals, to which people, if they
desire wild meat, will go and buy instead of killing illegally.
(iv) The community would like to see the park subsidizing them or
reducing the prices when getting into the park, even during weekends
or busy holidays, and school going children may be allowed free
access to the park. During the season for mopani worms and
thatching grass, the community proposes that the park should allow
them to come and harvest the products, but with control measures in
place.
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(v) Members of Muyexe community also proposed for special permits
to fish inside with specified control measures employed by the park.
This special proposal comes in the light of that fish from the park is
said to be more delicious than fish from dams or rivers outside the
park which are muddy.
(vi) The community indicated that the park can also empower them
economically by buying farm produce from them instead of going
elsewhere. If there are any other services that the park would like to
contract, it is proposed that the park should give priority to
communities located along the park. Should a particular service not
be found within the suggested communities, then the park can go
elsewhere to outsource such services.
(vii) The members of Muyexe community also proposed that the park
should have correct channels of communicating with members of
communities that are staying along the park. The community
proposed that the park should have a sequential or alternating and
consultative manner of hiring staff in the park, and move away from
selective hiring.
(viii) Members of the community feel that they have a meaningful role
to play in their own development. As indicated in the previous
paragraphs, the community indicated that they have land to offer for
eco-tourism, and are prepared to enter into joint ventures with the
park for further development. Should the community get its land in
the Kruger National Park back through land restitution, they will be
prepared to enter into further joint ventures with South African
National Parks. Safaris and lodges can be created to generate money
for further conservation and community development.
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The following findings were from members of SANParks including the
Kruger National Park, from both their Social Ecology section and Law
Enforcement (Game Ranger section); Department of Economic Affairs
and Tourism; Department of Labour and Department of Public Works.
(i) The Social Ecology section and Department of Economic Affairs and
Tourism (DEAT) stated that they are not experiencing any problems
from communities that are located along the park, but indicated that
problems might be experienced by the law enforcement section (Game
Rangers). The Game Ranger section indeed indicated that they are
experiencing poaching from community members located along the
park. The major problem comes when some community members get
into the park unlawfully to hunt small game and fish. Some people,
especially women, get into the park to collect firewood. There are
villagers who have dogs up to twenty a person and use the dogs for
hunting small game.
(ii) Fishermen who use nets in the Luvuvhu River are also a major
problem. When they are chased they just swim across the river and
once they are out of the park they cannot be arrested. Along the
Mphongola River, women with nets are a serious problem since they
catch even the smallest fish. The fish species is threatened within
these rivers.
(iii) Both the Social Ecology section of the Kruger National Park and
DEAT concur that the problem is not the communities, but their
approach to conservation. The above-mentioned two institutions
indicated that the Damage Causing Animals are a problem and a
burden to the communities that are currently residing along the park,
which triggers the community to use any methods at their disposal for
survival.
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(iv) The prevalence of stray animals, like buffalos, cause the foot and
mouth disease that contaminate domesticated animals resulting in
household herds dwindling. Moreover, there are lions that usually
attack cattle. DEAT indicated that the problem began when the lions
would get out of the park and kill cattle and the previous government
would not compensate the owners for the loss suffered. Escaping
animals from the park pose a serious threat to the communities
outside the park. There are, however, some forums initiated to deal
with compensation. There are some discrepancies on the issue of
compensation. There is the Mahlathi case in which some community
cattle were found inside the park and killed. After there were some
disagreements with the compensation, members of the community
armed with spears and other sharp objects, invaded the wilderness of
the park to hunt wild animals.
(v) The Social Ecology section indicated that the laws of the country
advocate for multi-stakeholder responsibility. The above-mentioned
section of the park deals with issues pertaining to the park, once the
animal is out of the park, it is no longer the responsibility of the park,
but of DEAT.
(vi) The Social Ecology section indicated that they are currently busy
with a pilot project for elephant proof fence. Adults are motivated to
get into the park and see the beauty of nature, a Wild Card which is
very cheap was introduced so that community adults would find it
cheaper to access the park, there is poor responses from adults
though. The Social Ecology section of the park believes that the
community can have a meaningful role to play in resolving
problematic issues faced. The communities can act as co-managers
(on-lookers of the fence). The park is also training communities to be
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fence menders in order to alleviate the effects and empower them
economically.
(vii) Communities are involved in the re-planting of endangered plants.
This approach to Community Based Natural Resource Management is
envisioned to enhance the livelihoods of the community. For example,
there is a project initiated with the traditional healers around Makuya
area in which healers are taught to plant their own plants and herbs.
5.3 PROJECTS INITIATED TO DEVELOP MUYEXE COMMUNITY.
(i) SANParks indicated that there are positive results produced by the
projects. There are already women contractors who are direct products
of the park’s projects. There is one project initiated for Mtititi
community women for beaded work. The project produces name tags
and those name tags generated about R60 000.00. The Kruger
National Park was rated the best black empowerment effort company
as a result of the projects mentioned above and others.
(ii) The Game Ranger section also indicated that there is another
project called Taking Kruger to Kasies, which was sponsored by Shell
South Africa. Shell South Africa donated two buses with TVs and slide
projectors inside. Children who visit the parks through their schools
learn through these facilities whilst viewing animals and nature in
general. People who are caught poaching are also advised of the
importance of nature and through that, the youth is withdrawing from
poaching, the major problem is with the adults who are too used to
venison. An example of such an endeavour is The Makuleke
community which was allowed to get into the park and visit their
ancestral graves and perform some other rituals long before they
lodged a claim. Such relationships still exist today, visible through
joint management of the Pafuri area of the park with the South
African National Parks.
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The park is also promoting the culture of learning in which
BOOKSMART has donated books which will be distributed to
circuit offices of communities residing along the park. DEAT
indicated that there is a potential problem emanating from
communities who destroy unique and endangered species
within their areas of jurisdiction. Community members need
land for grazing and farming. Through the process of farming
and grazing, such unique and endangered species may sink
to oblivion. DEAT is however in the process of identifying
areas with such species in order to workshop and seek some
ways of protecting the species.
6. Conclusion A synopsis of the views expressed by both the community and the
external stakeholders pertaining to conservation interventions was
used depict a polarized situation. The benefits of the conservation
initiatives do not seem in general to be meeting the needs of the
community. The perception mostly prevalent is that flora and fauna of
the Kruger National Park has taken precedence over the betterment of
livelihoods of the Muyexe community. In the following chapter these
general research findings will be analysed from the livelihood
attributes as discussed in the conceptualization. These will
categorically fall into the human capital, social, financial, physical and
natural capital.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND
CONCLUSIONS
5.1 INTRODUCTION
As earlier stated it is only logical to ascertain the cost-benefit of the
conservation initiatives on the livelihoods of the Muyexe community
by discussing them under appropriate variables. This will assist in the
evaluation of the extent of the effects of the interventions on the
community.
5.1.1 Human capital
Human capital, as previously explained and asserted by Mushonga
(1999), epitomizes the skills, knowledge and the ability of labour that
enable an individual to pursue different livelihood strategies in order
to sustain his/her development. The conservation strategies, as
mooted by SANParks, are limited in terms of the number of
community members who have been skilled. As new skills cannot be
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adverse effect on the level of livelihoods the community has been
depending on, leading to impoverishment. The illegal activities of
poaching carried out by the community are a reaction to, and a
defiance of, the initiatives being mooted by SANParks. Various
projects have been initiated to generate incomes for the said
communities. It is however the feeling of some households in Muyexe
that benefits of nature conservation are channeled to specified
individuals and that they themselves are arbitrarily alienated for
unknown reasons. The Muyexe community feels that the park is not
helping them with anything since they are caught and fined when
getting into the park. They also feel that they are not benefiting from
the employment opportunities from the park and that they are not
compensated for loss suffered from damage causing animals.
5.1.2 Social capital
Social capital, popularly defined as the networks and connections
which people use to make a living, are a strong livelihood strategy for
mostly rural communities. These close knit families, which are, largely
extended families, are a source of household and collective community
survival for generations. The erection of fences to protect wildlife has
cut off some of these ties, thus resulting in the eroding of this
important livelihood base. Gradually, because of liberal views,
communal cohesion and ethos is being dissipated, which results in
individualistic behaviour and a general moral decadence. Due to this
aspect, some community members are getting involved in behaviours
which could have been taboo in their culture, for example,
prostitution as a means of livelihood.
5.1.3 Financial capital
Financial income is the cornerstone of contemporary maintenance of
livelihoods. Many households of the Muyexe community are
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dependent on the government social security schemes, that is, old age
pensions, child grant and disability grant. The conservation strategies
employed by SANParks have not yielded any profound effect to enable
the people not to entirely depend on these handouts. Instead, some of
the households are now depended on remittances from family
members who have trekked to Polokwane for formal employment, after
the realization that their mainstay and dependence on resources in
the Kruger National Park has now been hindered or limited.
5.1.4 Natural capital
The Muyexe community’s mainstay has, for generations, been its
dependence on the flora and fauna of the Kruger National Park. The
tampering with this fundamental resource has a snowball effect of
radically changing the sustainability of the entire community. The
natural capital flows from the park are critical for the future survival
of the Muyexe community, yet the conservation strategies introduced
whilst, on one hand, noble, have a human impact that is devastating,
as is evidenced by the responses from the community members
interviewed.
Muyexe is located in an agro-ecological area which does not support a
viable farming activity hence the community has depended on the
park for its survival. The day to day living activities in terms of energy,
food security and resources for building, and the supplementing of
income by making crafts has been curtailed due to the erection and
regulation of movement into the park by SANParks under the guise of
conservation. This fundamental curtailing of natural capital has
affected the whole community in a negative way. Muyexe community
members get into the Kruger National Park illegally because of hunger
since they feel the park is their source of livelihood, and that the land,
in which they are now, is non-productive in economical terms.
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This preservationist approach to conservation which has been instituted by
SANParks is essentially likened to a militaristic defense strategy and has
resulted in the heightening of conflicts with the community. This is mostly the
pattern that continues to exist in most localities neighbouring national parks.
This polarized situation is explained by the views of patrol guards of Kruger
National Park who see local communities as criminals who want to destroy
the habitat. On the other hand, communities see patrol guards as enemies
denying them their rights to access the natural resources, which is their
ancestral and God-ordained source of livelihood.
As long as these traditional approaches exist, the conflicts will continue as
well as the “us and them” situation, solely because the two parties do not see
themselves as a unit for conserving nature, but as separate entities with
differing interests. As a result of the denial of their right to the park the
Muyexe community has lodged a restitution claim for restoration into
the Kruger National Park.
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the above-mentioned summary findings the following
recommendations are suggested:
Alternative means of survival should be provided to Muyexe and
other related communities in order to alleviate poverty and
promote sustainable conservation. This could be achieved
through the establishment of co-operative butcheries and
possible establishment of a wild game meat canning and
distribution factory. The communities located along the park,
should be given guided tours on educating them about
sustainable means of fishing, hunting, gathering firewood,
thatching grass, and harvesting of mopani worms inside the
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park. This will conscientize them about embracing the
importance of natural capital for future generations.
SANParks should in consultation with the community formulate
strategies and policies pertaining to fair compensation strategy
for people affected by Damage Causing Animals. Safety nets
should be provided for such affected households.
A concerted effort should be sought to ascertain community
withdrawal from the Hlanganani forum created to resolve
problems by SANParks. This could be achieved through
participatory community workshops in order to clarify and
identify any problem areas and issues.
The Marieta Buffer Zone project should be restarted and
workshops be conducted for the buy in of traditional chiefs on
community benefits as opposed to benefits to chiefs only.
SANParks should also give back land to communities who were
displaced from the park, and enter into partnership in
conserving nature in which benefits and management of the
park should be extended to such communities, just like the
Makuleke model in Limpopo, South Africa.
The community of Muyexe attests to the fact that nature should
be conserved but should be carried out in joint ventures.
Workshops for conservation awareness are being conducted by
the park for effective conservation. By so doing this will result in
empowerment and ownership by the community of all projects
which are envisaged by SANParks.
5.3 CONCLUSION
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It is concluded that whilst a remarkable progress has been made by
SANParks to improve the lives of the communities that are staying
along the park, there is still a need and scope to make improvements.
Policies and initiatives of SANParks on conservation and development
will only realize their benefits if there is buy in from the community it
seeks to serve. The tendency to have an overly bias towards flora and
fauna, at the expense of the human factor, invariably results in
conflict between the community and conservationists, hence the need
for a balanced approach. Above all, the livelihoods of a household
cannot be viewed in isolation of the immediate natural resources.
Therefore a strategy to improve the livelihoods should be holistic in
approach, taking into cognisance the historical, cultural and context
of that community. The implementation, monitoring and quality
control of conservation strategies aimed at enhancing the livelihoods
of people should aim to achieve unbiased equal employment
opportunities and a fair compensation policy for damage caused by
wild animals.
There is over-expectation on the side of the communities that reside
along the park, including the Muyexe community, on benefits from the
park. Some issues remain to be addressed in order to see real benefits
of conservation making an impact on the lives of communities residing
along the park, and to promote and ensure sustainable conservation
and development.
As noted by Jordan (1955:244) conservation only becomes a reality
when needs of people are taken care of. With the current levels of
poverty and unemployment in Muyexe and other related communities,
exploitation of natural resources will continue unless alternative
means of survival are provided.
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The Restitution of Land Rights Act, 1994(Act No.22 of 1994) can foster
and nurture the process of reconciliation between SANParks and
community members of Muyexe and other related communities. If
revenue that is generated by the park can benefit communities located
along parks, poaching can decrease.
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