AN ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF VIOLENCE ON TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY SECTOR IN PLATEAU STATE:A STUDY OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, JOS AND THE JOS WILD LIFE PARK

GAIYA ABISHAI AUTANDA/PGS/FASS/M/255/08

MARCH, 2015

TITLE PAGE

AN ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF VIOLENCE ON TOURISM AND HOSPITALITY SECTOR IN PLATEAU STATE: A CASE STUDY OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, JOS AND THE JOS WILD LIFE PARK.

GAIYA ABISHAI AUTANDA/PGS/FASS/M/255/08

THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE DEGREE (MSc) IN DEFENCE AND STRATEGIC STUDIES IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DEFENCE STUDIES,NIGERIAN DEFENCE ACADEMY, KADUNANIGERIA

MARCH, 2015

DECLARATION

I Abishai Auta Gaiya hereby declare that the work done in this Research was done by me under the Supervision of Associate Professor Usman Alhaji Tar.I also declare that all the citations in this Research has been duly acknowledged and referenced and that it is not an adaptation of any work.

NAME SIGNATURE DATE

GAIYA ABISHAI AUTA ------------------- --------

APPROVAL PAGEThis Research thesis has been read and approved as having satisfied the requirements for the award of a Master of Science (MSc) degree in Defence and Strategic Studies, Department of Political Science and Defence Studies, Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna Nigeria.

----------------------------- ----------------------------Prof Usman A. Tar DateSUPERVISOR

--------------------------- --------------------------Prof Usman A. Tar DateHEAD OF DEPARTMENT

--------------------------- ----------------------Dean, SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE Date STUDIES

------------------------------ ----------------------EXTERNAL EXAMINER DateDEDICATION

In loving memory of my beloved wife, Abiodun Patience Gaiya who exited this stage gloriously on 4th October, 2014 and our brother, Zachariah John, who was Martyred on January 8, 2011 in Jos, the day of our wedding.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTTo God be the glory! Amen. My thanks to the numerous personalities who in one way or the other contributed to the success of my studies. In this regard, I must express my indebtedness to my supervisor, Professor Usman Alhaji Tar for his skills, support, criticism, keen interest and vast knowledge of the topic. Despite his tight schedules, he made out time to read and correct this work several times over. May you reach the height you desire in life!My profound gratitude also goes to Professor Ken Conca, School of International Service, American University, Washington DC. He is the author of environmental Peacemaking theory. Thank you for taking personal interest in my research. Your well informed contributions in the field of environmental peacemaking and International Relations has helped in no mean measure to shape my ideas in very many of the issues discussed here. I am also grateful to Professor Christos Kyrou, Research Director, Center for International Relations Fairfax, VA. I first met you online and you graciously linked me with Prof. Conca.I sincerely appreciate the immense academic contributions from my lecturers; Professors Paul P. Izah, David O. Alabi, Isaac O. Mbachu, Ethan B. Mijah and Dr. Moses E.U. Tedheke.I am not unmindful of the contributions of Dr N.C Lord-Mallam.I am also not mindless of the contributions of my fellow course mates, the famous and ever interesting Set Four, Lt. Col Olusegun T. Oladuntoye, Yahaya Abdulkarim, Hafiz Shehu, Ladan I Ahmed, Marafa Aliyu, Hafsat Isa, Vincent Okafor, Imoudu Abudu Sule, Rahji Nrennbaah, Ashamu, Fatokun SA, Abdulaziz M. Kida, Onazi S. Obande, Yusuf A.Manu, Yusuf Sule, Haroun Saidu, Adeyemo, JO and Navy Capt. Dare W.Suleiman. You are forever treasured. I love you all!I find it imperative to express my profound thanks to Ezekiel Musa Shabi who took me into his house while in Kaduna without any reservation.Many thanks to my friend in this academic race, Charles Fawole, who first brought to my notice the advertorial of the Postgraduate programme of the Nigerian Defence Academy, thus arousing my interest.Engrossingly, my profoundest admiration and gratitude goes to the former Curator of the National Museum, Jos, Dr (Mrs) Carolyn Ezeokeke for your kind permission to pursue this programme. Only the good Lord can reward you. Same goes to the present Curator, Mrs Annah M. Dunkrah.Regrettably, I have restricted the acknowledgements to those who have direct bearing with this research.Please bear with me if your name did not appear.You are all important to me.

ABSTRACTKeywords:Violence, Tourism, State, Terrorism, Hospitality, Conflict

The assessment of violence in Plateau State, North-Central Nigeria on the one hand and its impact on the Tourism and hospitality industry in Plateau State on the other presupposes a nexus of the protracted impact that violence has had on the development of the State naturally endowed with enormous potentials for tourism. It is a common place to agree that violence is a precursor to a myriad of problems associated with tourism development. This research on the assessment of the impact of violence on tourism and hospitality industry in Plateau is an academic attempt to unearth the various scholarly paradigms that have offered various theoretical explanations for the deficit in the tourism industry as a result of the protracted violence in Plateau State, Nigeria. The official motto of Plateau State which is the Home of Peace and Tourism appears to be disconnected as the absence of peace is a negation of the tourism potentials on the Plateau. The re-occurrence of ethno-religious violence on the Plateau has become a major barrier to the development of tourism on the Plateau. This underscores the thrust of the study with a view to understanding the various conflicts on the Plateau and how these conflicts have affected the once prosperous industry. The research is also a deliberate attempt to investigate the impact of violence on the tourism and hospital industry in Jos, Plateau State; it seeks to establish the synergistic cohesion of the potentials of tourism in a peaceful environment and the opportunities.

TABLE OF CONTENTSTitle Page . iiDeclaration .. iiiApproval Page ..ivDedication . vAcknowledgement viAbstract .viiCHAPTER ONEGeneral Introduction .11.1 Introduction 11.2 Background of the study.41.3 Statement of the Research Problem51.4 Aims and Objectives of the Study.121.5 Significance of the Study... 131.6 Scope .and Limitation....141.7 Research Questions ...161.8 Hypothesis .161.9 Definition of Term.. ...171.10 Ethical Consideration .381.11 Breakdown of Chapters..38CHAPTER TWOLITERATURE REVIEW ....402.1 Review of Relevant Literatures ....402.2 Research Gaps in the Literature 612.3 Theoretical Framework. 62

CHAPTER THREE3.0 Research Methodology 3.1 Introduction 693.2 Method of Research ...703.3 Qualitative Research Method .733.4 Method of Data Analysis ....743.4.1 Analysis of the Experts Interview.....753.4.2 Analysis of the Residents Interview .793.5 Observation .793.6 Reliability and Validity ..80CHAPTER FOURHistorical Overview ..854.1 Plateau State Background Information .854.1.1 Historical Development ..854.1.2 Administrative Areas ..874.1.3 Administrative Structure 874.1.4 Geology and Relief .884.1.5 Ethnic Composition 914.1.6 Population Structure &Distribution ..924.1.7 Agriculture ..964.2 Tourism and Hospitality in Plateau State ...1014.3 Brief History of National Museum, Jos106

CHAPTER FIVEThe Evolution of Violence in Plateau State5.1 Introduction 1205.2 The 1994 Crisis .1215.3 Gyro Road Crisis of 1998 1265.4 The 7th September, 2001 Crisis 1285.5 The Eto-Baba PDP Ward Congress Crisis of 2002 ....1365.6 The Southern Plateau Conflict 2002 -2004 .1385.6.1 Introduction 1385.6.2 The Yelwa-Shendam Conflict 2002 -2004 1395.6.3 The Wase Conflict ...1455.6.4 Government Interventions & Strategies (2004).....1505.7 The November 2008 Jos Crisis .1555.7.1 Government Intervention in 2009 ..1625.8 The January 2010 Crisis ...1645.8.1 Government Interventions & Strategists in 2010 ..1675.9 The Dogo Nahawa Massacre of 7th March, 2010..1685.9.1 Government Strategy for Peace ..1695.10 The December 24th Christmas Eve Bombing .170CHAPTER SIXAn Assessment of the Impact of Violence on Tourism and Hospitality Sector on the Plateau ...173CHAPTER SEVENSummary, Conclusion and Recommendations7.1 Summary ..1907.2 Conclusion 1967.3 Recommendation ..197Bibliography ......202APPENDICES ...210

CHAPTER ONEGENERAL INTRODUCTION1.1Introduction The assessment of violence in Plateau on the one hand and its impact on the Tourism and hospitality industry in Plateau on the other presupposes a nexus of the protracted impact that violence has had on the development of the State naturally endowed with enormous potentials for tourism. Violence is a setback to the development of tourism in the state.The Tourism Development Master Plan developed in 2000 by the Nigerian Federal Government identified Jos as one of the scenic nature sites in Nigeria making it one of the best tourist destinations in Nigeria. This underscores the potentials that this industry holds for socio economic development for Plateau State. Ogunberu (2011) notes that tourism is the largest and fastest growing industry in the world, it accounts to about 7% of world capital investment with revenue predicted to rise up to 1.55 billion dollars by the year 2015. Africa has a meaningful share in the growing international tourism trade in terms of both tourist arrival and receipt. Ogunberu (2011) further notes that the importance of Nigerian tourism industry lies in its tourism resources in generating foreign exchange. The Central Bank of Nigeria revealed that the geometric increase in Nigerian tourism industry in which a total number of 828,906 tourists was registered in 2007 and about 900 billion tourist arrive worldwide has made tourism industry one of the most vibrant industries of the world, especially from the economic point of view (CBN in Ogunberu, 2011). Nigeria has a land mass of about 365,000 square miles and she is a country of magnificent site, a wide range of fauna, excellent place for vacation, exploration and sightseeing. In terms of the environment, she has world class tropical rain forests, savannah, grassland, mangrove swamps and the Sahel savannah very close to the Sahara desert.This research attempts to unearth the various scholarly paradigms that have offered various theoretical explanations for the deficit in the tourism industry as a result of the protracted violence on the Plateau. The official motto of Plateau State which is the Home of Peace and Tourism appears to be paradoxically disconnected as the absence of peace is a negation of the tourism potentials on the Plateau. The re-occurrence of ethno-religious violence on the plateau has become a major barrier to the development of tourism on the Plateau. This underscores the thrust of the study with a view to understanding the various conflicts on the Plateau and how these conflicts have affected the once prosperous industry. The research is a contemporary analysis of peace and tourism as the two variables that can only exist as reinforcing platforms of development and not the contrary. Unarguably, Tourism remains a major source of socio economic enhancement, serving as an instrument of development (Best, 2007).The research is also a deliberate attempt to investigate the impact of violence on the tourism and hospital industry in Plateau; it seeks to establish the synergetic cohesion of the potentials of tourism in a peaceful environment and the opportunities that abound in exploring the potentials for a State so naturally endowed with so much prospective. The study will use scientific instruments in the generation of data, basically from primary and secondary sources on the subject matter to provide informed analysis on the linkages of tourism and peace on the plateau. This study will also attempt to dig into how Museum collections make connections; this implies that the different relics in the Museum are sources of unity across communities. Today, the Museum is not only managing whole communities in the effort to preserve the Nigerian heritage, but is also promoting strong relationship across cultures.

1.2 Background of the StudyPlateau State is one of the thirty Six states that make up the Nigerian federation. It has seventeen local governments distributed among the three districts of North, Central and South. The first area under consideration in this study is the plateau North Central District made up of Jos North where the Jos Museum is located. In the 2001 to 2004 conflicts, which have plagued Plateau State from 2001, the Central Senatorial Zone has been relatively less turbulent, albeit not completely without its own latent and often manifest conflicts. The unique physical features of Plateau State are its high relief, especially in the north, and its geological history. The high relief, or more appropriately, the Jos Plateau, provides a hydrological centre for many rivers in northern Nigeria and confers on the northern part of the state a cool climate suitable for livestock rearing and growing of exotic crops. The process of formation of its high relief makes Plateau State one of the mineral rich states in the country.The Jos Plateau, an erosional relic covering an area of about 7,780 sq.km, is a product of distinct phases of volcanic activities when younger granite rocks extensively intruded into the older basement complex rocks. Each phase of volcanic activities was followed by a long period of weathering and erosion when tin bearing rocks were deposited in the valleys and buried by floods of basalt from subsequent volcanic eruptions.The landscape of Plateau State rises steeply from 200 metres around the plains of River Benue in the south to an average height of 1,200 metres on the Jos Plateau. There are great peaks like the Shere Hills (1829m), extinct volcanoes and crater lakes on the Jos Plateau which is also the source of great rivers like the Kaduna, Gongola, Hadejia and Yobe. (http://www.onlinenigeria.com/links/Plateauadv.asp?blurb=464)The ethnic groups that populate the state believe they migrated from somewhere else centuries back, and settled where they are at the moment. Some of them, especially those from the Chadic group, were most likely ejected from their earlier northern locations by the turbulence that characterized the rise and fall of states in Hausa land and the ancient Kanem Borno empire region to the north (Best, 2007:16).1.3 Statement of the Research ProblemSince 2001, violence has erupted in virtually all parts of Plateau State, in Nigerias Middle Belt region. The ostensible dispute is over the rights of the indigene Berom/Anaguta/Afizere (BAA) group and the rival claims of the Hausa-Fulani settlers to land, power and resources. Indigene-settler conflicts are not new to Nigeria, but the country is currently experiencing widespread intercommunal strife, which particularly affects the Middle Belt (African Report, 2012). According to Best (2007) the Jos crisis is the result of failure to amend the constitution to privilege broad-based citizenship over exclusive indigene status and ensure that residency rather than indigeneity determines citizens rights. Constitutional change is an important step to defuse indigene-settler rivalries that continue to undermine security. It must be accompanied by immediate steps to identify and prosecute perpetrators of violence, in Jos and other parts of the country. Elites at local, state and federal level must also consistently implement policies aimed at reducing the dangerous link between ethnic belonging and access to resources, power and security if inter-communal violence is to end. The indigene principle, or indigeneity (that is, local origin), means that some groups control power and resources in states or local government areas (LGAs) while others who have migrated for different reasons are excluded. This gives rise both to grievances and fierce political competition, which too often lead to violence (Ostein, 2009). Ostein further states that indigeneity was given constitutional force at independence in 1960 to protect the ethnic minorities from being submerged by the larger Hausa-Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba groups and preserve their cultural and political identity and traditional institutions of governance. Religion is a pertinent, albeit secondary factor, which reinforces underlying tension and, over the years, has assumed greater importance, especially since the return of democracy in May 1999. Fierce and unregulated political competition characterized by ethnic mobilisation and violence, coupled with poor governance, economic deregulation and rampant corruption, have severely exacerbated ethnic, religious and regional fault lines. The notion of national citizenship appears to have been abrogated by both ethnicity and ancestry (Ostein, 2009)The African Report (2012) states that the persistent settler-indigene conflict in Plateau state reflects the longstanding sense of grievance the Berom, Anaguta, Afezere, (BAA) including a small Muslim community among them, continue to nurse against their perceived treatment as second-class citizens by the Hausa-Fulani. The predominantly Christian Middle Belt, famous for its history of bitter struggle against attempts by the Muslim-dominated Far North to subjugate it, understands the citizenship malaise better than any other region. Reclaiming their rights, as the indigenous peoples of Plateau state, is the dominant narrative that runs through the BAAs attempted politics of reverse discrimination against their perceived ancient oppressors. Conversely, the Hausa-Fulani claim that they, not the BAA, are the authentic indigenes of Jos and have been aggrieved about their lack of access to power and resources despite being the majority in the biggest of the LGAs, Jos North. Notably, the perceived settlers are almost entirely Hausa-Fulani Muslim and the indigenous people predominantly Christian, struggle over land ownership, economic resources and political control tends to be expressed not just in ethnic but also religious terms (PIDAN, 2010). The dispute is compounded by the fact that, of the settler groups, only the Hausa-Fulani lay proprietary claim to Jos. Best (2007) notes that as violence recurs, spatial polarisation and segregation accentuate social and political divisions; people become more conscious of their sub-national solidarity and allegiances and are more forthcoming about expressing them.Since the end of 2010, security has further deteriorated in Jos because of terror attacks and suicide bombings against churches and security targets by suspected militants of Boko Haram, the Islamist group responsible for an unprecedented wave of terrorist attacks in the north (African Report, 2014). Thousands have been killed, hundreds of thousands have been displaced internally and billions of dollars of property have been destroyed.Thus far, according to the African Report (2012), responses from local and national authorities have proven mostly ineffective. They have come in three ways. First, several judicial commissions of inquiry have been appointed to get to the root of the crises and recommend lasting solutions. But authorities have been slow in publishing reports and acting on their recommendations. Tough public speeches have not been translated into tangible political action against instigators and perpetrators: none of the suspects named by the various commissions have been prosecuted, and impunity continues to feed violence. The second response is police and military action, which has had little success largely because security forces not only fail to share intelligence among them, they are also suspected of taking sides in the conflict and soldiers are accused of trading guns for money. Finally, Operation Rainbow (OR), a joint initiative since June 2010 between the federal government and the Plateau state government with support from the UN Development Programme (UNDP), is considered a holistic response to the crisis. Still in its infancy, or appears useful but will only be effective if it can, at the minimum, win the confidence of both sides. It should be publicised at the grassroots so that the population can own it.Best (2007:26) provides the synthesis of the perspectives on the conflicts on the Plateau as thus; There is a major difference in the philosophies of the history and it relates to the founding of places, and therefore its ownership, between the indigenous ethnic groups and the Hausa Fulani base their history and ownership on the founding of Jos, also beginning from the time the town was founded without paying attention to pre colonial history. The indigenes on the other hand base their history on having been the forts to arrive and settle in the area, and of the entire territory belonging to them

It is arguably potent to point out that, the conflicts on the plateau have political dimensions, ethnic dimensions and religious perspectives. These positions all border on the fact that Jos ownership as a cosmopolitan city where the metropolis is, supposed to accommodate all; has become a subject of contention and competition, leading to untold dimension of conflict and violence. The casualties of the violence cannot be quantified in terms of measurable context or the value of lives and properties. The use of violence to extent political and geographical space cannot be disassociated among the many causes of violence, as Best (2011) notes, the 2008 post electoral violence was a clear statement of the increasingly growing intolerance from the realization that political space must be acquired by any means necessary. While the indigenes control the electoral instrument for power manipulation on the one hand, the aggression leading to violence was the response from the settler communities who ideally felt were in the majority. Such contradictions abound in the society. A closer look at the impact of the conflicts in Jos reveals the near absence of tourist influx into the state as a result of insecurity and volatile nature of the State. This constitutes a major nucleus of the problem associated with violence. The Tourist sites on the Plateau were abandoned by visitors, in fact, it is note worthy to point out that some of these sites became completely inaccessible to the opposing groups in the conflict as these sites became death traps to anyone who dared to go there. The polarization of tourist sites attained such magnitude that there were Christian and Muslim safe sites. A survey by Plateau State Tourism Corporation shows another closely related problem to this was massive downward record of income and patronage for the hospitality industry on the Plateau as many visitors preferred to go to such locations where they could guarantee their security and lives. The Plateau State Tourism Report of 2011 shows that there was huge loss of confidence in the hospitality industry on the Plateau as a result of insecurity and had recorded the lowest volume of investors who identified insecurity and recurrent violence on the Plateau as major source of worry. The holistic view of the problem associated with violence on the Plateau will show that apart from the long standing tension for the economic and political control of resources among the major divides, the attendant effects that such depilating violence has had on the hospitality and tourism industry remains a cardinal factor to the gradual and inevitable collapse of this once thriving industry. Some of the questions this thesis hope to address are:What was the state of tourism in Plateau state before the eruption of the crisis?In what ways has the violence on the Plateau affected the tourism and hospitality sector?Has the violence affected the confidence of tourists coming into the State?What are the possible ways to bring back confidence and boost tourism?1.4Aims and Objectives of the Study The aim of the study is to systematically assess the impact of protracted violence that has occurred in Jos for the past decade with a view to measuring the empirical effects associated with these violence and conflicts on the tourism and hospitality industry in Plateau State. The objectives of this study are;(i) To determine the state of tourism in Plateau State before the crises (ii) Assess the current state of insecurity in Plateau state and how it has affected the tourism sector (iii) Determine how insecurity has affected the tourism and hospitality sector in the state and Museum in particular(iv) Assess how the crisis has affected the confidence of tourists coming in to the National Museum and the Wild Life Park, all in Jos. (v) To determine/identify the challenges facing the tourism and hospitality sector in the state.(vi) To attempt to proffer solutions to the identified challenges.The study will also attempt to focus on the causes and implications for the re occurrences of the conflicts on the growing tourism sector on the Plateau. The research also hopes to technically evaluate the current security situation on the Plateau in order to ascertain the extent to which the confidence building process is effective or not. The study hopes to expose the weaknesses associated with the plummeted potentials of the tourism sector on the Plateau with special emphasis on the Jos Museum and the Jos Wild Life Park. The study will further contribute to the scholarly research effort currently on going to establish a more scientific base knowledge and systematic understanding of the impact of violence on the tourism industry. Finally, the research will facilitate a comprehensive approach to understanding the challenges faced by the tourism and hospitality sector and also proffer possible solutions to addressing the dwindling fortunes of the industry. 1.5 Significance of the StudyThe Study is typically a scientific enterprise which is aimed at discovering a new comprehensive data in the tourism and hospitality industry. The study will attempt in details to unearth strategic issues associated with growing violence and it implications for the tourism industry. The study will contribute to the knowledge of conflict structure on the plateau and its dimensions on all sectors of life. A clear and purposeful interrogation of the variables will establish the concise projections on the subject matter and correct perception that have greeted the issues of conflict prior to this research.A crucial significance is the inevitable contribution to the discourses on violence and tourism in the light of policy and programme projections for Jos. 1.6 Scope and LimitationThe scope of the study covers a period from 2001 to 2012 which is the period where most of the violence was recorded in Jos. The period under study reflects the extent of growing violence with direct implications for the tourism and hospitality industry in Jos. These are the 2001 sectarian violence in Jos; the 2002 Eto Baba PDP Ward Congress conflict; the 2008 Local Government elections; and the Dogon Na Hauwa Massacre of 2010 (Best, 2011:80). The research will also cover the five different Museums in Jos which are: The ethnographic Museum, The Tin Mining Museum, The Museum of Traditional Nigerian Architecture (MOTNA), The Transport Museum and The Natural History Museum, making it the largest in West Africa with a view to projecting the potentials of the Museum. The research will cover these five museums because they are all housed together in the same environment known as the National Museum, Jos. The research will also cover the Jos Wild Park as part of the scope.The subject matter under study here are the nature and dimension of conflict/violence on the one hand and its impact on the tourism and hospitality industry on the Plateau on the other. The study chooses to focus its attention primarily on the data that will be generated from the Jos Museum and the Jos Wild Life Park under the identified period of investigation, which is 2001 to 2012. Some of the forecasted limitations to the study are as follows: i) The lack of proper documentation of tourists coming to the State is a fundamental limitation to this study. We hope to overcome this limitation by directly administering questionnaire to such areas that data are not kept. ii) It is forecasted that some of the target respondents might not be accessible in view of the current mistrust among communities on the Plateau; furthermore, some communities are completely inaccessible to other faiths and ethnic groups. iii) Some of the respondents might not be willing to volunteer information for data generation. Also some of the respondents might not be sincere as they might attempt to influence the outcome of the research. iv) Finally, it is considered that time might be a major constraint to complete a thorough researched study. 1.7 Research Questionsa) What was the state of tourism in Plateau state before the eruption of the crisis?b) In what ways has the violence on the Plateau affected the tourism and hospitality sector?c) Has the violence affected the confidence of tourists coming into the State?d) What are the possible ways to bring back confidence and boost tourism? 1.8Hypotheses 1The viability of the tourism and hospitality industry is to a large extent dependent on the capacity of any society to build and develop the structures that reinforce peaceful co-existence. 2 Tourism and hospitality is a potent instrument in building reconciliation and confidence in any society affected by conflicts. 3. The Jos Museum and the Jos Wild Life Park have been negatively affected by the re-occurrence of conflicts on the Plateau. 1.9 Definition of TermsThis research will define the following concepts in the course of our discussion;a) ViolenceThe question of violence has generated a large literature. This thesis is not centrally concerned with definitions or with the growing philosophy of violence (e.g., Schinkel 2010; iek 2008) as cited by (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf) but rather with developing sociological analyses of the multiple modalities of violence. However, it should be noted that there are trends and counter-trends, paradoxes and dilemmas that defy simple reductions. It might be true that violent acts are performances of power and domination offered up to various audiences as symbolic accomplishments (Ferrell et al. 2008: 11 in http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ), but it is difficult to arrive at more specific definitions. Elizabeth Stankos often-cited definition is that violence is any form of behaviour by an individual that intentionally threatens to or does cause physical, sexual or psychological harm to others or themselves (Stanko 2001: 316 in http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). This might be a reasonable working definition but violence need not be individual and is very often collective; the issue of intention is problematic (as we will see below); psychological harm is different from and more difficult to establish than physical and sexual harm; the notion of self-harm might often be appropriate but is sometimes contested; not all harm arises from acts that would conventionally be regarded as violent they might arise from neglect or negligence, for example and it is at least worth questioning whether a threat is itself violence. Threats certainly trade on fear of violence by the threatened person, but there are probably far more threats made than actual violence (as physical harm). So we can ask under what circumstances threats and other forms of aggression are manifest as actual violence in this sense. I am raising these issues not because I have a perfect definition that escapes these difficulties but in order to highlight the problems entailed in specifying violence in an unambiguous way. We need to unpick these kinds of general claims and examine detailed dynamics of violence and aggression. Bufacchi (2005) as cited by (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) points out that there are two ways of thinking about violence on the one hand there is a narrow, minimalist conception and on the other, a broader, comprehensive conception. Minimalists regard violence narrowly in terms of physical force and bodily response and harm (Glasser 1998) in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). However, narrow definitions are criticized as taking no account of the wider contexts of social relationships in which violence occurs, non-physical harms (especially psychological), and the possibility of violent outcomes that were not consciously intended. Further, violence does not always require physical force poisoning or squeezing a trigger, for example, do not while actions might be violent without being violence. Bufacchi (2005) as cited by (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) gives the example of his slamming a door when alone (which might be violent but does not do violence to anyone) as opposed to slamming the door on your hand, which is an act of violence. Again, wrestling and boxing are violent but (at least as long as both participants enter the ring voluntarily and abide by the rules) might not be regarded as violence. However, this example illustrates how definitions of violence are subject to a social and political context that is both contested and subject to change. In the UK, for example, the British Medical Association (BMA) has for many years campaigned for stricter legal regulation of boxing and argued that it is an unacceptably violent sport because of the long-term damage often sustained (Brayne et al. 1998 in http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). While no court has decided on the legality of injury sustained in licensed boxing, there have been judgments on unlawful though consensually entered into street fights, to the effect that a fight between two persons would be unlawful, whether in public or private, if it involved the infliction of at least actual bodily harm, or if actual bodily harm or worse was intended (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). Voluntary participation in an activity does not offer protection from prosecution for illegal acts of violence as in the case of the sixteen gay men in the UK who in December 1990 received prison sentences of up to four and a half years for engaging in consensual sadomasochistic activity (Green 2001 in http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). Another example of the way violence is subject to socially and legally disputed definitions is the debate over physical punishment of children, where in 2004 in the UK the ability to use the defence of reasonable chastisement was reduced.Proponents of the comprehensive conception of violence avoid some of these difficulties by broadening the definition to include anything avoidable that impedes human realization, violates the rights or integrity of the person and is often judged in terms of outcomes rather than intentions. Jackman (2002) in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) proposes a generic definition actions that inflict, threaten or cause injury. Actions may be corporal, written or verbal psychological, material or social. Felson (2009) in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) describes violence as physical aggression, i.e., when people use physical methods to harm others. However, he continues that The harm they produce is not necessarily physical.... It could be a social harm or a deprivation of resources. The latter condition invokes Galtungs (1969) concept of structural violence, that is, physical and psychological harm that results from exploitive and unjust social, political and economic systems. This is not (necessarily) carried out by individuals but is hidden to a greater or lesser extent in structures that prevent people from realizing their potential (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). An example of this might be the injustices of the worldwide system for the trade in goods, which is correlated with infant mortality, infectious disease, and shortened life spans. Unemployment, job insecurity, cuts in public spending, destruction of institutions capable of defending social welfare, dispossession and violation of rights these are social harms that could be encompassed within violence. iek (2008) in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) claims that when individual thresholds of sensibility to violence rise, objective violence in the forms of dispossession and poverty also increase. Thus whenever people are denied access to resources, physical and psychological violence exists. This definition removes the necessity for any intent to harm for an outcome to be considered violent. Arguing for a broad definition of harm in criminology, Tombs (2007) in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) points to the exposure of workers to hazardous working conditions that result in death or injury which is not conventionally considered to be violent, either because the hazard level is within the law or because the motives of the corporation cannot be verified within legal notions of premeditated intent. The effects of these safety crimes, he says, far outweigh crimes of conventional violence and there is no moral basis for treating one-on-one harm as criminal and indirect harm as merely regulatory. This broadens the concept to that of harms, rather than limit it to individual offending. Conditions of hunger, sickness and destitution are then violence and it is often from such structurally induced conditions that further violence emanates (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ). Thus describing all violence as instrumental on the grounds that some kind of gain is involved overlooks how goal-directed violence provides gratification for perpetrators, not least the pleasure of exerting unchallenged power. Rational choice models of instrumental violence argue that actors will make decisions about the likely costs and benefits of using violence, which might sometimes be so. However, in many instances of homicide, for example, there is likely to have been no such calculation of cost and gain, especially where killing involves ritual and symbolic aspects. In what Katz (1988) as cited in (http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/39356_978_1_84787_036_0.pdf ) calls Righteous Slaughter, people murder to defend what they believe is good, at least at the moment they act. These murders emerge quickly, most lack premeditation, are fiercely impassioned, are conducted with an indifference to legal consequences and are therefore unaffected by the risk of certain and severe punishment. Ritual aspects of such killing might involve degradation and defilement of the body which has no instrumental purpose. The ritual and non-instrumental dimensions of violence are also apparent in genocide and other forms of collective violence. Therefore, the analytical distinction between instrumental and expressive might prove useful and assist in making distinctions between patterns of violence and its resolution, even if the two are likely to be present in many instances of violence.b) TourismTourism has grown significantly since the creation of the commercial airline industry and the advent of the jet airplane in the 1950s. By 1992, it had become the largest industry and largest employer in the world. Together with this growth there have emerged a number of extremely critical issues facing the industry in terms of the impacts it has already had on destination areas and their residents, and the future prospects for people and places into the twenty-first century (Theobald 1994:1).One of the major issues in gauging tourisms total economic impacts is the diversity and fragmentation of the industry itself. Theobald (1994:1) suggests that this problem is compounded by the lack of comparable statistics, either at the national, regional or local levels. This is due to a lack of uniformity in both defining industry terminology and reporting similar, therefore comparable data. The origin and derivation of travel and tourism definitions are provided and the major developments that occurred between 1936 and 1993 whose objectives were to reduce or eliminate the incomparability of gathering and utilizing tourism statistics are chronicled.Davidson (1994:1) questions the common practice, especially as suggested in the literature of referring to tourism as an industry. He contends that such a designation may not be correct, and that tourism is not an industry at all. He states that much of the current misunderstanding, resistance and even hostility plaguing proponents of tourism may be due to its mistakenly being called an industry. Three arguments for tourisms designation as an industry are: it needs to gain the respect it now lacks among other competing economic sectors; it needs sound, accurate and meaningful data in order to assess it economic contribution; and it needs to provide a sense of self-identity to its practitioners. As in Theobald (1994:1), Davidson (1994:1) similarly decries the difficulty in defining terms, tourist and tourism among others. He suggests that rather than a production activity or product, tourism should be viewed as a social phenomenon, an experience or a process. Therefore, defining tourism as an industry is incorrect and demeaning to what it really is. Throughout the literature, one of the major positive benefits ascribed to tourism is its potential for promoting international understanding and world peace. While there is general agreement of the contribution of tourism this end, little empirical evidence is available to substantiate this claim. If the tourism industry and its proponents are to maintain their credibility, attempts to measure its impact and verify, the relationship between tourism and world peace are necessary. Var, Ap and Van Doren (1994:2) examine the relationship between tourism and world peace from two perspectives, political and socio-cultural. The results of a cross-national study of the relationship between tourism and world peace have revealed that tourism is viewed as positively contributing to both economic development and peace, but that the strength of that relationship is tenuous. These findings suggest that the role of tourism as a contributor to world peace is uncertain and may not be perceived by respondents as being as critical as most tourism proponents believe. Plog (1994:2) suggests that, in addition, there are a number of other major issues facing the tourism industry. He questions why tourism has escaped criticism for its destruction of culture and environment.According to Plog (1994:2), Culture is destroyed by forcing certain native people to give up part of their own identity and adopt uniform rules of behaviour around tourists. The environment is destroyed by overdevelopment and subsequent overuse of tourism resources. Specific examples of environmental degradation are cited, including air and water pollution as well as loss of animal and fish habitat, thereby interrupting the food chain. Common action by all parties, as noted by Plog, involved in tourism is needed in order to halt destruction of tourism resources. Government, industry, academics and other interested individuals must join together in order to change current practices. As a starting point, the author proposes a set of guidelines that might be followed in order to protect the integrity of both tourist destinations and their residents culture. For many people, much time and effort is expended in looking back to a previous time in their lives, perhaps to try to recapture a past that for them was happier or more rewarding than what the future might hold. The past has always been more orderly, more memorable, and most of all, safer. In his analysis, Dann (1994:2) states that tourism is the nostalgia industry of the future. He suggests that tourism has employed nostalgia for its own financial advantage. A strong connection between nostalgia and tourism is explored, especially tourist resources such as hotels and museums. In addition, it is pointed out that tourists often have a strange fascination for tragic, macabre or other equally unappealing historical sites. Nostalgia is grounded in dissatisfaction with social arrangement, both currently and with the likelihood of their continuing into the future. Natives in third world countries living for generations in one village would not be able to comprehend the concept of nostalgia. On the other hand, todays dislocated western tourist often travels in order to experience nostalgia. Tourism collateral literature and publicity which are based upon nostalgic images of the past promote glamour and happiness, provide something to be envied, and return love of self to the reader. Nostalgia is big business, and when it is associated with the worlds leading industry, tourism, it offers unlimited financial possibilities. The Meaning and Scope of Tourism Travel has existed since the beginning of time when primitive man set out, often traversing great distances, in search of game which provided the food and clothing necessary for his survival. Throughout the course of history, people have travelled for purpose of trade, religious conviction, economic gain, war, migration and other equally compelling motivations. In the Roman era, wealthy aristocrats and high government officials also travelled for pleasure. Seaside resorts located at Pompeii and Herculaneum afforded citizens the opportunity to escape to their vacation villas in order to avoid the summer heat of Rome. Travel, except during the Dark Ages, has continued to grow, and throughout recorded history, has played a vital role in the development of civilizations (Theobald 1994:3).Tourism as we know it today is distinctly a twentieth-century phenomenon. Historians suggest that the advent of mass tourism began in England during the industrial revolution with the rise of the middle class and relatively inexpensive transportation. The creation of the commercial airline industry following the Second World War and the subsequent development of the jet aircraft in the 1950s signaled the rapid growth and expansion of international travel. This growth led to the development of a major new industry, tourism. In turn, international tourism became the concern of a number of world governments since it not only provided new employment opportunities, but it also produced a means of earning foreign exchange (Theobald 1994:3).Tourism today has grown significantly in both economic and social importance. The fastest growing economic sector of most industrialized countries over the past several years has been in the area of services. One of the largest segments of the service industry, although largely unrecognized as an entity in some of these countries, is travel and tourism. According to the World Travel and Tourism Council (1992), Travel and tourism is the largest industry in the world on virtually any economic measure including: gross output, value added, capital investment, employment, and tax contributions. In 1992, the industrys gross output was estimated to be $3.5 trillion, over 12 percent of all consumers spending. That figure has more than double since then. The travel and tourism industry is the worlds largest employer, with almost 130 million jobs, or almost 7 percent of all employees. The industry is the worlds leading industrial contributor, producing over 6 percent of the world gross national product, and accounting for capital investment in excess $422 billion in new facilities and equipment. In addition, it contributes almost $400 billion in direct, indirect and personal taxes each year (Theobald 1994:3). However, the major problems of the travel and tourism industry that have hidden or obscured its economic impact are other diversity and fragmentation of the industry itself. The travel industry includes: hotels, motels and other types of accommodation; restaurants and other food services; transportation services and facilities; amusements, attractions and other leisure facilities; gift shops and large number of other enterprises. Since many of these businesses also serve local residents, the impact of spending by visitors can easily be overlooked or underestimated. In addition, Meis (1992) points out that the tourism industry involves concepts that have remained amorphous to both analysts and decision-makers. Moreover, in all nations, this problem has made it difficult for the industry to develop any type of reliable or credible tourism information base in order to estimate the contribution it makes to regional, national and global economies. However, the nature of this very diversity makes travel and tourism ideal vehicles for economic development in a wide variety of countries, regions or communities (Theobald 1994:3). Once the exclusive province of the wealthy, travel and tourism have become an institutionalized way of life for most of the worlds middle-class population. In fact, Mchlntosh and Goeldner (1990) in (Theobald 1994:3) suggest that tourism has become the largest commodity in international trade for many world nations, and for a significant number of other countries it ranks second or third. For example, tourism is the major source of income in Bermuda, Greece, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and most Caribbean countries. In addition, Hawkins and Ritchie (1991), quoting from data published by the American Express Company, suggest that the travel and tourism industry is the number one ranked employer in Australia, the Bahamas, Brazil, Canada, France, (the former) West Germany, Hong Kong, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Singapore, the United Kingdom and United States. Because of problems of definition which directly affect statistical measurement, it is not possible with any degree of certainty to provide precise, valid or reliable data about the extent of world-wide tourism participation or its economic impact. In many cases, similar difficulties arise when attempts are made to measure domestic tourism.The Problem of Definition It is extremely difficult to define precisely the words tourist and tourism since these terms have different meanings to different people, and no universal definition has yet been adopted. For example, Websters New University Dictionary (Soulchanov and Ellis, 1984) defines tourism as traveling for pleasure; the business of providing tours and services for tourists, and a tourist as one who travels for pleasure. These terms are inadequate synonyms for travel, and their use as such adds further confusion when the field of travel, is variously referred to as the travel industry, the tourism industry, the hospitality industry and most recently, the visitor industry.Why is so much attention given to these definitions? According to Gee, Makens and Choy (1989) and as noted by (Theobald 1994:5), the concern is both from an academic and a practical perspective. First, travel research requires a standard definition in order to establish parameters for research content, and second, without standard definitions, there can be no agreement on the measurement to tourism as an economic activity or its impact on the local, state, national or world economy, therefore, comparable data are necessary requisites, and identical criteria must be utilized in order to obtain such data. For example, in North America, the US Census Bureau and US Travel Data Centers annual travel statistics consider only those trips taken that are 100miles or more (one-way) away from home. However, Waters (1987) argued that this criterion is unreasonably high, and proposed instead in his annual compendium on travel that similar to the US national tourism resources review commissions guidelines; distances of fifty miles or more are a more realistic criterion. On the other hand, the Canadian government specifies that a tourist is one who travels at least twenty-five miles outside his community. Therefore, each of these four annual data sets is quite different, and which (if any) contains the most accurate measurement of tourism activity?The United Nations was so concerned about the impossible task of compiling comparative data on international tourism that they convened a conference on Trade and Development which issued guidelines for tourism statistics (UNCTAD Secretariat, 1971). The ensuing report suggested that the functions of a comprehensive system of national tourism statistics could serve: a. To measure from the demand side the volume and pattern of foreign (and domestic) tourism in the country (as well as outgoing tourism) b. To provide information about the supply of accommodation and other facilities used by tourists c. To permit an assessment to be made of the impact of tourism on the balance of payments and on the economy in general ...Therefore, accurate statistical measurement of travel and tourism is important in order to assess its direct, indirect and induced economic impacts; to assist in the planning and development of new tourist facilities and resources; to determine current visitor patterns and help formulate marketing promotional strategies, and to identify changes in tourist flows, pattern and preferences (Theobald 1994:5). The Derivation of Definitions Etymologically, the word tour is derived from the Latin tornare and the Greek tornos, meaning a lathe or circle; the movement around a central point or axis. This meaning changed in modern English to represent ones turn. The suffix ism is defined as an action or process; typical behaviour or quality; while the suffix-ist denotes one that performs a given action. When the word tour and the suffixes-ism and ist are combined, they suggest the action of movement around a circle. One can argue that a circle represent a starting point, which ultimately returns back to its beginning. Therefore, like a circle, a tour represents a journey that it is a round-trip, i.e., the act of leaving and then returning to the original starting point, and therefore, one who takes such a journey can be called a tourist (Theobald 1994:6). There is some disagreement as to when the word tourist first appeared in print. Smith (1989) suggests that Samuel Pegge reported the use of tourist as a new word for traveler c.1800; Englands Sporting Magazine introduced the word tourism in 1911. Feifer (1985) proposes that the word tourist was coined by Stendhal in the early nineteenth century (1838). Mieczkwoski (1990) states that the first definition of tourists appears in the Dictionnare universel du XIX sicle in 1876, defining tourists as persons who travel out of curiosity and idleness. Kaul (1985) argues that even though the word tourist is of comparatively recent origin, nevertheless invaders were commonly referred to as tourists in the hope that one day they would leave. In addition, Kaul points out that: In the 17th and early 18th centuries, the English, the Germans and others, traveling on a grand tour of the continent, came to be known as tourists in 1824, scott, in San Romans stated thus, it provoked the pencil of every passing tourist.Leiper (1979) relates that the word tourism appears to have first been used in England to describe young male British aristocrats who were being educated for careers in politics, government and diplomatic service. In order to round-out their studies, they embarked upon a customary three year grand tour of the European continent, returning home only after their cultural education was indeed completed. According to Inskeep (1991 in Theobald 1994:7), the first guide book for this type of travel was Thomas Nugents the grand tour, published in 1778. Far from the traveler of 1778, todays tourist tends to connote a singularly negative image, one who is a bargain hunter, who travels en masse, and according to Eliot (1974 in Theobald 1994:7), is one who is sought out for his cash, but despised for his ignorance of culture. In addition, tourism has been variously defined (or refined) by governments and academics to relate to such fields as economics, sociology, cultural anthropology and geography. Economists are concerned with tourisms contributions to the economy and the economic development of a destination area, and focus on supply/demand, foreign exchange and balance of payments, employment and other monetary factors. Sociologists and cultural anthropologists study the travel behaviour of individuals and groups of people, and focus on the customs, habits, traditions and life styles of both hosts and quests. Geographers are concerned with the spatial aspects of tourism, and study travel flows and locations, development dispersion, land use and changes in the physical environment in (Theobald 1994:7). It is generally recognized that there are two different types of tourism definitions, each with its own rationale and intended usage. Burkart and Medlik (1981 in Theobald 1994:7) suggest that there are conceptual definitions which attempt to provide a theoretical framework which identify the essential characteristics of tourism, and what distinguishes it from similar, sometimes related, but different activity. Examples of such a conceptual definition would include that proposed by Jafari (1977 in Theobald 1994:7), who states that tourism is a study of man away from his usual habitat, of the industry which responds to his needs, and of the impacts that both he and the industry have on the host socio-cultural, economic, and physical environments. In addition, Mathieson and wall (1982) conclude that tourism is the temporary movement of people to destinations outside their normal places of work and residence, the activities undertaken during their stay in those destinations, and the facilities created to cater to their needs.There are also technical definitions which provide tourism information for statistical or legislative purposes. The various technical definitions of tourism provide meaning or clarification that can be applied in both international and domestic settings. This later approach, technical definitions, can be seen in the actions taken to help standardize comparative international tourism data collection (Theobald 1994:7). Finally, Leiper (1979 in Theobald 1994:7) postulated that there are three approaches in defining tourism: economic, technical and holistic. Economic definitions view tourism as both a business and an industry. Technical definitions identify the tourist in order to provide a common basis by which to collect data. Holistic definitions attempt to include the entire essence of the subject. c) StateThe Oxford concise Dictionary of Politics defined State as;A distinct set of political institutions whose specific concern is with the organisation of domination, in the name of the common interest within a delimited territory. The state is arguably the most central concept in the study of politics and its definition is therefore the object of intense scholarly contestation (2003:512).

d) TerrorismAccording to Neumann and Smith;The trouble with terrorism is that most people think they know what it is but few can adequately define it. The confusion surrounding the issue stems from a number of sources. The distinctive methods that many of us associate with terrorism involves the willful taking of human life and the infliction of severe mental distress, sometimes entailing, whether randomized or calculated, attacks on the innocent. Naturally, for many this introduces ethical dimension and raises all the questions relating to concepts like just war and non-combatant immunity. Furthermore, because terrorism is not considered to be value neutral, the word itself becomes an object for contention among conflicting parties in a conflict. Political conflict are struggles for power and influence, and part of that struggle is about who labels whom. Since power tends to be largely concentrated in the hands of states, it is normally they who are able to attach the meaning to certain forms of political behavior, which is why state terror is often ignored in studies of terrorism. The result of this conceptual mess is that in trying to tie terrorism down for academic analysis, the word has been all but defined out of existence. Certainly the writers of this article know of no meaningful conclusion reached using these approaches.We do not believe that the definitional problem, which has haunted (as well as hindered) research on the subject for many decades, can be resolved through our contribution. Nevertheless, we would contend that strictly for the purposes of this analysis, it is possible to describe terrorism as the deliberate creation of a sense of fear, usually by the use or threat of use of symbolic acts of physical violence, to influence the political behavior of a given target group. This definition draws on the work by T.P Thornton, whose main study although 40 years old still forms one of the most informative and insightful analyses of terrorism. It highlights three facets of the phenomenon: The violent quality of most terrorist acts, which distinguishes a program of terror from other forms of non-violent propagation, such as mass demonstration, leafleting, etc.Indeed, although people will sometimes experience fear and anxiety without the threat of physical harm being present, it appears to be the case that the most common vehicle for the inducement of terror is forms of physical violence. The nature of the violence itself. Thornton calls it extra-normal, meaning that for a certain level of organized political violence to be called terrorism, it must go beyond the norms of violent political agitation accepted by a particular society. The symbolic character of the violent act. An act of terror will imply a broader meaning than the immediate effects of the act itself; that is to say, the damage, deaths and injuries caused by the act are of limited relevance to the political message which the terrorist hopes to communicate. For this reason, the terrorist act can only be understood by appreciating its symbolic content or message.A significant problem regarding this definition of terrorism concerns the subjective nature of the emotional phenomenon of terror itself. Almost all of us have different ideas of what constitutes fear. Our thresholds of terror are likely to differ. As we will see, a terrorist can quite easily create an atmosphere of defiance rather than fear and anxiety. Neither are our thresholds of terror absolute and unchanging. A feeling of terror may dissipate the longer a terrorist campaign goes on giving rise to an atmosphere of indifference. Likewise, the sensation of terror may be influenced by the perception of the justness of the cause accorded to the actions of the terrorists by the affected populace. In that sense, we may end up back in the old dilemma of having to describe terrorism by context and notions of morality. There is, it seems, no easy way out of the terrorist enigma (2008:344-345).

e) HospitalityThere have been different definitions of Hospitality. Broadly speaking, Hospitality is the act of kindness in welcoming and looking after the basic needs of guests or strangers, mainly in relation to food, drink and accommodation. A contemporary explanation of Hospitality refers to the relationship process between a guest and a host. When we talk about the Hospitality Industry, we are referring to the companies or organisations which provide food and/or drink and/or accommodation to people who are away from home. However, this definition of the Hospitality Industry only satisfies most situations (Chan and Mackenzie, 2009:1).The hospitality field, by definition, is a service industry. Its task is to create shareholder wealth by servicing and satisfying guests. Industry segments include, among others: hotels, restaurants, private clubs, managed food service, event planning, tourism related businesses, and travel providers. More often than not, the product purchased is either intangible or the perceived quality of the product purchased is impacted by the service method in which it was received (Popova, 2012).

f) ConflictConflict is a characteristic of human existence. It is part of the dynamic of life that drives us into the future. But it needs to be managed constructively. When associated with violence, destruction and killing, it is no longer a healthy part of living. Violent conflict solves few problems, creates many, and breeds more unhealthy conflict to come.Conflict has characteristics of its own, and it is possible to analyse its structure and behaviour. When conflict is understood, it's easier to find ways to predict it, prevent it, transform it, and resolve it. Conflict is the expression of disagreement over something important to both (or all) sides of a dispute. The first important thing to grasp is that it is entirely dependent on the people involved. It depends on their having a particular point of view, which may or may not have independent facts and evidence to support it, and on how they behave when they encounter an opposing point of view. Violence is only one kind of conflict-behaviour, of course. The structure and process of conflicts are much the same, whether a conflict is between individuals or between groups and nations. The first thing to look for is the immediate cause, the event that triggered it off. Then it's necessary to look for the underlying causes - the state of affairs which makes that explosion likely. It is the underlying causes that are particularly important to understand (http://www.ppu.org.uk/learn/conflict/st_conflict.html ).1.10 Ethical Considerations: The study will undertake to make use of highest ethical standards of social science research. The quality control of the study will keep all respondents undisclosed, neutrality of submissions. The accuracy of all observations will be clearly observed and the projection of personal sentiments and biases will be maximally reduced. The study will acknowledge all references and will make use of an approved format of referencing. The extent to which the research will be accepting as a standard of academic referral it shall accept all such corrections as observed. 1.11 Breakdown of Chapters The research comprises of seven chapters broken down thus; Chapter one addresses the introduction to the study. It also gives a background to the study. Chapter two reviews relevant literatures and brings out the perceived gaps in the literature. The theoretical framework was also addressed. Chapter three deals with the research methodology of the study. Chapter four looks at the historical overview of Plateau State from its creation to its current development. It also looks at the relief features of the state as well its ethnic composition. This chapter also looks the brief history of National Museum, Jos. Chapter five takes a look at evolution of violence in the state as well as various measures taken to addressing such conflicts. Chapter six brings out the results of the findings of the research Chapter seven summarises the research and proffers possible solutions.

CHAPTER TWOLITERATURE REVIEW2.1Review of Relevant LiteraturesIn doing a literature review of the Jos conflict, we are confronted with changing phases of the conflict and how that affects the patterns of analyses done by scholars. Most of the earlier works from 1994, but particularly after the 2001 crisis makes concerted attempts to analyse the conflict by pointing out the history, perceptions of the conflict, the issues, the means of resolution and their weaknesses. This makes sense in view of the fact that prior to the 2001 crisis that rocked the city of Jos, very little was known about the conflict nationally and internationally. Before then, the city had been known more for its diversity and tranquillity than for conflict. Academic work after 2001 such as the Human Rights Watch (2001) report was to explain the evolution and characteristics of Jos city, what exactly the conflict was all about, the claims of the parties to the conflict, including its parties and the earlier efforts to transform the conflict. As such, most of the scholars were also interested in a conflict management regime that could ensure lasting peace, sustainable peace or return Jos to its pre-conflict phase. (Best and Hoomlong 2011: 58).Very crucial to the analysis of the Jos conflict, and this seems to run through most of the analyses by different scholars, is the historical dimension. Goshit (2006) traces the history of Jos conflict to the establishment of colonial rule on the Plateau from 1902, leading to the influx of many Nigerian and non-Nigerian communities alike, and subsequently changing the pattern of inter-group relations on the Jos Plateau and in areas that today constitute Plateau State and Jos, the State capital. One of the significant groups that migrated to the Jos Plateau, and which has retained its religion and culture with little alteration is the Hausa community. Goshit (2006) suggests further that the involvement of the settler groups in serious competition for resources resulted in the violent confrontations that have been witnessed in the state especially since September, 2001. Goshit (2006:485) points out that the 1950s marked the beginning of serious competition between the different ethnic group in Jos especially the Berom and the Hausa / Fulani, and sentiments over the ownership of Jos and the control of land began to emerge during the period.PIDAN (2010:74) bring to the fore, the decision taken in 1934 by the colonial Provincial Administration, to discard Emirate rule among the native polities and the devising of Pagan Administration as an alternative due to the realization that the earlier recognized title of Heads of Mohammedan settlements did not have any direct relevance to the traditional and historical realities of native populations of Jos. The new thinking of the colonial regime was resisted by Hausa Fulani. However, to actualize this dream, the Berom formed the Berom Progresive Union in 1945 to fight for the ownership of Jos and demand compensation for lands seized and used for mining. In 1947, the first Gbong Gwom Jos, Da Rwang Pam was appointed to crown the struggle of Berom and to affirm its ownership of Jos. PIDAN (2010) also highlight the colonial administration decision in 1951 and 1955 to revert the status of Sarkin Hausawa Jos held by the Hausas to Wakili (representative). This appointment, viewed by the hausa migrant population to have reversed its traditional administrative gain and grasp of the city, is critical to the historical evolution of the traditional dimension of the conflict (Goshit, Ibid: 486).Danfulani and Fwatshak (2002) looked at the September 2001 violent conflict in the city of Jos, tracing it back to the introduction of Islamic sharia penal code in most far northern states of Nigeria, causing new migrations into Jos city in fear of the negative consequences. The scholars trace the genesis of the crisis to tin mining activities beginning in 1899, through the 1920s and to the early period of independence after 1960. Tin mining brought in a large number of Hausa/Muslim northern immigrants who retained their demographic and Islamic characteristics. On the other hand, Christian missionary activities led to the conversion of the indigenes and other southern immigrants. The urbanization and cosmopolitan character of Jos implied the presence of different faiths and ethnicities, and this eventually found expression in political competition most visibly between the Hausa/Fulani immigrants, mostly Muslims and the indigenes mostly Christians.Best (2007) did an analysis of the Jos conflict by looking at the parties to the conflict, the historical interpretations of Jos by the respective parties to the conflict and looking at the conflict perspectives held by the major parties (Afizere, Anaguta, Berom, Hausa, Fulani) and how these perspectives tend to compete and conflict. According to Best (2007), each perspective of the conflict is deeply rooted in the historical interpretation of Jos, its evolution and understandings of traditional institutions and traditional political control by the parties to the conflict. In addition, the causes of the conflict are discussed, so also the positions, interests, needs and fears of the parties. The work then looks at the escalation of the conflict and the descent to violence from1999 to the September 2001 crisis and its consequences. Best (2006) concluded by looking at the measures taken by the governmental and nongovernmental sources to respond to the conflict were examined, albeit none succeeding in ending the orgy of violence in Jos. This work (Best) was done in the early part of the conflict and failed to capture some of the more recent issues and the deepening of violence and sharp polarization of Jos that has occurred since then. Furthermore, it has not done adequate work on the post conflict environment and community based approaches to peace building in Jos such as the construction of Peace parks across the state.A number of the other historical perspectives in the literature linger between analyses and propaganda. Some originate from the main parties to the conflict, with each trying to outdo the other in asserting the historical fact as understood. (Best and Hoomlong, 2011:63) noted that literature coming from mainstream Hausa scholars on the one hand and indigenous works on the other hand compete and conflict. The Hausa perspective is captured, for instance by the works of the late Alhaji Inuwa Ali Turakin Jos (Ali 2002), Col. D.A Umar Rtd. (2002) and Mohammed Bilal Adam (2010) as noted by Best and Hoomlong (2011: 63). The work of Adam (2010), like some other Hausa sources for instance, suggests that the Hausa/Fulani founded Jos and nurtured it to a modern city. The works from Hausa scholars according to Best (2011:63), attach great significance to the assumed role of Hausa traditional rulers appointed in Jos from its inception to about 1947. Ali (2002), Umar (2002) all claim that Hausa chiefs ruled Jos from its inception to 1947. The following quote from Umar (2002:49) is perhaps apt about such claims that have become typical in the literature:Historically, Jos belongs to the Hausa/Fulani and they are the real indigenes. What is happening today in terms of rejection is just distortion of history which will bring more difficulties and complex questions than solutions.The position is corroborated by the late Alhaji Inuwa Ali, who maintains that Jos was founded by the Hausa and is as such owned by them.Historically, Jos is a Hausa settlement and this had been confirmed by Mr. Ames, a Colonial Administrator who gave the population of Jos town in 1950 as 10,107 out of which10, 000 people were of Hausa/Fulani origin, before the arrival of the British, the present location of Jos was a virgin land and the situation as could be seen today shows no concentration of Beroms or any of the tribes in the neighbourhood as being seen in the heartlands of Jos town (Ali, 2002)Not all Hausa scholars share this opinion however. Babangida for instance, look at crisis in Plateau from the angle of poverty. According to him:The most fundamental underlying forces which propel ethnic nationalism in Nigeria are those of pervasive poverty, mass unemployment, under development of productive forces and non-absorbance of the economy. The absence of developed productive forces constrains the transformation of the structures of the economy and society. Mass poverty and unemployment create alienation and insecurity, which in turn encourage Nigerians to experience and prefer accommodation within the social insurance system of ethnic nationalities. In this regard, people are easily excited about injustice- of other groups against their own groups. Poverty also creates frustration and divisiveness. (Babangida, 2002:34)Suffice it to say, however, that this view of history promoted by the Hausa/Fulani is the key to perpetrating the conflict based on supposed injustice and deprivation against them. However, it remains a truism that as much as the Hausa will claim to have founded Jos, the area is neither a part of historic hausa land nor does it come under the territory conquered during the Dan Fodio jihad of early 19th century and beyond. Sir Ahmadu Bello, former Premier of the Northern Region and direct descedant of Dan Fodio stated this clearly (Bello 1962). Moreover claims of this nature by the Hausa have accounted for violent conflicts in many middle belt locations like Zangon Kataf, Kafanchan Tafawa Balewa,Wukari, Numan, Tingno, Potiskum, Jos e.t.c ( Best and Hoomlong, 2011: 64).In another attempt to draw attention to the cost and consequences of the Jos conflict and the need for peace, Adam (2010) tries to trace the history of Jos and the crisis in a not so well researched and inelegantly written work dotted with the strong opinions of the author. He points to the case of injustice, poor governance and failure to incorporate the Hausa as causes of the conflict. The work also points to the creation of Jos North L.G.A. and the contestations surrounding the appointments and elections to political office in the LGA. It further identifies rules playable by the Islamic and Christian Clergy as well as the security operatives in bringing about peace and the resolution of the conflict.Egwu (2009) traces the history of the Jos conflict to the faulty categorization of Jos as a Hausa town and the resultant consequence of it giving the Hausa residents a possessive attitude towards Jos city. The coming of new sets of colonial administrators after the Second World War, and the discovery of the grave error they had made led to the policy twist that recognized the ethnic minorities as the owners of Jos. The policy led to the appointment of a Berom as the chief of Jos, all done in a bid to reverse the error the colonial administration had made.The matter of ownership of Jos is critical to the conflict for the fact that it relates to the indigene ship settler dichotomy. The foregoing has been exhaustively countered to by the publications of the Plateau Indigenous Development Association Network (PIDAN) which this review will examine. Further research work has been done by Best (2007), the Plateau Indigenous Development Association Network (PIDAN) (2010) on the history of the conflict. Ostein (2009:8) describes historically how the indigenous tribes of Plateau had always successfully defended Plateau against Jihadist penetration from neighbouring Bauchi; the advent of colonialism from 1900 to 1960 was the avenue under the pax Botanica that Hausas and other northern Muslims finally found it possible to occupy parts of Plateau. The PIDAN work stands out as the most authoritative historical piece of work that clarifies the issues of the establishment and ownership of Jos as it relates to the claims made especially by the Hausa/Fulani community as the principal basis for conflict. Its main strength derives from the archival sources of history and the legal interpretations given to the documents; as well as the colonial policies and instruments that inform the claims of the Hausa community.A research carried out by The World Bank/UNDP/DFID-JEWEL PROJECT (2003:2) also describes Jos as a colonial creation set up by the tin miners who came to the plateau after the imposition of direct rule and sustained by the missions who established their headquarters in the state. The Report stated that Jos is well known as an island of southern and largely Christian- oriented populations in the otherwise Muslim north. The Report also gives a timeline to when the Fulbe probably entered the Plateau by the early 1900, due to the fact that prior to colonialism, the indigenous populations principal interactions with their neighbours further North was basically through slave raiding.PIDAN responds to the claims made by the Hausa/Fulani that they established and founded Jos, nurtured it, had established traditional chiefs numbering 14, and so deserve the exclusive claim to ownership. The work attests to the importance of history and claims to address the falsification and re-writing the history of Jos to suit the needs of the Hausa/Fulani. The PIDAN publication raised and addressed a number of rejoinders/counter-arguments, summarized below:1. That the Plateau politics, including Jos, were never conquered by the Fulani jihadists at any point in history and so were independent up to British colonial rule (PIDAN, 2012: 1-5). Thus ownership as a result of the might of conquest trough jihad does apply to jos.1. It established the joint ownerships of Jos by the Afizere, Anaguta and the Berom ethnic groups (pp. 6-7). PIDAN further referred to reports of respected commissions of enquiry, state and federal alike the traditional institutions of the plateau do not bear any semblance to Hausa/Fulani traditions (p.28) The justice Aribiton Fiberisima, Justice Opene, Justice Nikki Tobi and Justice Bola Ajibola commissions of Inquiry all attest to the ownership of Jos by Afizere, Anaguta and berom communities ( pp. 26-29). The works of Sir Ahmadu Bello (Bello 1962) had also alluded to the fact that Plateau did not come under the domain of the Hausa/Fulani jihad.1. It traced the evolution of the city of Jos within specific colonial policies and ordinances, with the requirements that natives be encouraged to remain within their native settlements in line with the policy, while land used by the colonial authority was not compensated or paid for (pp. 9-16). Thus, the concentration of Hausa and other non-indigenous elements in central Jos was that of the colonial policy. The reason given was that the indigenous district heads were not sufficiently experienced to cope with the large number of extraneous towns and villages which had sprung up due to the mining activities. Ames (cited in PIDAN 2010) clarifies how four of the settlements were called Hausa village areas: because the word Hausa is a suitable generic term for all who are not indigenous pagans. Each of the village areas were brought under the control of a headman appointed by Government and it includes a multitude of extraneous villages with its boundaries being coincident with the external boundaries of three or four adjacent pagan districts. The purpose of such as clarified by Ames (ibid) was to facilitate co-operation between the headsman of the Hausa village areas and the district heads and to also ensure the Hausa village areas will be subdivided without difficulty when the pagan district heads are able to take over the administration of everyone and everything in their districts.1. PIDAN uses documentary evidence to demonstrate that the king list supplied and claimed by the Jasawa was made up of fictitious names and unidentified persons, with dates not tallying based on historical records. The others were merely Hausa community leaders (Sarki Hausawa) mostly sent from Bauchi, and not chiefs of Jos. As such it contends the Hausa cannot use them as bases to return to some image of lost past.1. PIDAN avers that the institution of Gbong Gwom Jos, created and first occupied by Da Rwang Pam in 1947, was based on a comprehensive review of the traditional political atmosphere by the British colonialists who had earlier decided to get rid of emirate-type leadership in non-muslim areas. It did not substitute the Hausa institution as claimed by the Hausa since theirs was narrowly for the Hausa community of Jos and not the people of Jos generally, let alone the indigenes.1. PIDAN further claims that the demands for Hausa chief in Jos are not new. They date back by subsequent administrations to date. Yet, the Hausa have remained undeterred in their demands for a Hausa chief in the city, creating anxiety and conflict.1. PIDAN addresses recent causes of the conflict identified to include the formation of the Jasawa Development Association (JDA), the non transparent manner with which the Jos North LGA was created by the Babangida Regime, the indigene-settler syndrome, the manipulation of religion, media propaganda and the mischievous call for the restructuring and liquidation of Plateau State.In the context of the above, the PIDAN publication has also offers explanations for the recurring violence in the city of Jos, as deliberately created. Reference has been made to uncertain inflammatory fliers in circulation. One of them reads:Other works have continued to look in to nature of the Jos conflict. Omotola (2006) indicate that these conflicts are ethnic and religious in nature. But in some cases, violence has been a consequence of the native/settler dichotomization, and by extension the citizenship question there are usually the elite dimensions as a political undercurrent in the conflict. Indeed Omotola reaches the conclusion that the Jos conflict was only masqueraded in ethnic and religious colour, but the conflict is rooted in the indigene/settler divided. Alubo (2006) even thought looking at the conflict in the central region of Nigeria generally, focuses on the Jos and Plateau conflict, and projects the citizentship dimensions of the conflict. In looking at citizenship conflict he touches on indigeneship and structural as well as legal problems related to being a citizen (cited in Best & Hoomlong 2011: 67).

Elsewhere, Best (2001) locates the Jos conflict within the general context of the Hausa / Fulani migrants population growth historical quest for political control all over the north. He noted that Population growth among Hausa /Fulani migrants and settlers invariably resulted in claims related to traditional and chieftaincy institutions as well as partisan party politics. This often brings them into confrontation with indigenous communities that they met on arrival. This problem is based on deep suspicion and distrust between the Hausa / Fulani and indigenous populations who see the former as angling to uproot the latter politically. On this premise, he traces a pattern of violent identity based conflict in Northern Nigeria: in Zangon Kataf between the Atyap and Hausa / Fulani, Kafanchan between the indigenes and the Hausa /Fulani, Jos between the indigenes and the Hausa. Ilorin between the Afonjas and the Gambaris (ancestrally Fulani), Tafawa Balewa between the Hausa / Fulani and Sayawa.Yoroms (2000) has similarly drawn attention to problems of this nature leading to conflict between the Hausa / Fulani and the minority ethnic nationalities of Yungar, Higgi, Kilba, Chamba of Ganye and Batta, all of Adamawa State. Others are the Juke Kona of Jalingo and the Wurkum and Jenjo in Karim Lamido of Taraba State. These cases go back to the issues of the Middle Belt which invoke cultural, ethnic religious and political dimensions of understanding the conflicts in the region. Plateau State and Jos in particular, are vivid reflection of this problematic.Egwu (2009) argues that the November 2008 conflict which he noted claimed over 500 lives is anchored on issues of the ownership of Jos, citizenship and indigeneship and settlership questions and when settlers become natives. He situates the conflict within the problem of the Nigerian national questions as well as identity politics in Nigeria and the dangerous poisoning of inter-group relations, further given expression by the Federal and Plateau State governments. These conditions, Egwu (2009) argues, promote the politics of difference in Jos (ibib: 2). The article traces the root of the Jos crisis to the colonial era and raised the issues of problems created by the exploitations of tin ore, the loss of land by the native Berom, the supposed appointment of Hausa Chiefs by the colonial regime and the projections of the Hausa / Islamic identity in the city Egwu further captures the absence of issues-based politics and the absence of ideology among political parties, a vacuum easily filled by ethnic and religious consciousness. The rise of the Middle Belt identity as opposed to the northern identity also deepened this divide. Egwus article critiqued the entranced positions of all the contending parties and suggested a national interest and national question-based solution hinged on mutual tolerance and moderation.In his contribution, Adetula (2005) investigated the problems of ethnicity and the dynamics of city polities using Jos as a case study. The work questions the dynamics by which city associations in Jos, defined ethnically and religiously mobilize to occupy political spaces the ends they seek and the methods they employ to achieve such ends. The study focuses on the Berom Educational and Cultural Organization and the crystallization of Berom Progressive Union into the middle Belt movement, the Jasawa Development Association of Hausa / Fulani Muslim peoples. The Yoruba and Igbo association ar