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TRANSCRIPT
AN EXAMINATION OF THE APPLICABILITY OF
COMPLEX SYSTEMS THEORY TO POLICY MAKING
BY
Karen S. Wilhelm, Lt Col, USAF
For
National War College
Course 5603: The National Security Process
14 December 1998
Every quantltatlve measurement we have shows we’re wmmng the war ’
When the Mxon Admmlstratlon took over m 1969 all the data on North Vietnam and on the Umted States was fed mto a Pentagon computer - population, gross natlonal product, manufactunng capabilrty, number of tanks, ships, and amxaft, size of the armed forces, and the hke The computer was then asked, “When will we wmv” It took only a moment to gwe the answer “You won m 1964@
In a lmear world, the underdog never wms 3
Lmeanty is the unitary view, the root metaphor, of Western thmkmg It is ubiqmtous
in our vlsuahzation of the way the world works “Humans have a terrific need for stab&y and
one of the ways we serve this need is through the search for paradigms We consider reahty
tamed if we find a classification, a description for rt ‘& We have created stabihty and
understandmg through the metaphor of the world as a giant, clockwork machme governed by
linear relationships National leaders and diplomats often react to problems, crises, and
negotiations wrth a linear mmdset Thrs linear view usually mamfests itself m the unstated
assumptions underlymg courses of action chosen by pohcy makers - courses of action which
often assume there 1s a direct link between means and ends, that carefully calculated and
precisely applied actions wrll lead to equally precise pohucal outcomes, or that what worked
before will work agam Even though policy makers recognize the inherent complexities of
ther craft, they often fall back upon a linear mmdset - because they have not been given an
alternative Thrs paper will examme the possibihty of creating such an alternative mmdset -
an analytical framework based on an understandmg of nonlmeanty and complex systems
Recogmzmg the “generic” complexrty of a problem (1 e solution will be difficult
because there are many factors to consider) is not the same as understandmg the difference
between linearity and nonlmearrty, nor is it the same as understandmg complex systems
2
theory To categorrze a system or a relatronshrp as linear IS to imply two condrtrons The first
IS that changes m system mput result m pronortronal changes m system output The second IS
that of addmvrty - simply put, the whole equals the sum of Its parts These two condmons
mean that understandmg linear systems IS relatively easy. Knowledge of inputs leads to
knowledge of outputs Problems are solved by breakmg them mto mdrvrdual parts and
analyzmg the parts In order to understand and, more rmportantly, control a linear system, we
keep breakmg It down unnl we find parts that are basic enough to understand and control - at
which pomt we can understand and the control the reassembled mtermehate parts, and then
the whole ’
Regardless of the appeal of the linear metaphor, the “real world” exhrbtts srgmficant
r&m/ear&es - instances where thmgs do not operate m a clockwork manner, systems that are
open to outside influences, that are unstable, inefficient, unpredrctzble, and not controllable,
systems m whrch rt IS impossible to understand the rules of operation or behavror, m which
small changes m input may result m large changes m output, m which no amount of
knowledge of rmtral or current states wrll allow calculatron of subsequent or final states
The emergence of new, nonhnear fields of study - chaos, nonlinear dynamrcs,
complexrty, complex adaptive systems, cellular automata, artificial life, etc , has made explicit
the pervasiveness of the linear metaphor and the fundamental inadequacy of such a linear view
of the world That fundamental madequacy means the root metaphor must change The new
root trietaphor must rest on a foundation of nor&near@ The nonlmear field of study most
applic+ible in the context of thrs paper is complex systems theory
At the core of complex systems theory are complex adaptive systems Systems, m
general, often drsplay nonlinear charactenstrcs, therefore, the results of actrons often cannot be
predicted and outcomes are sometimes less or more than the sum of inputs Small mputs may
have great effect, but, similar to the economic law of dunmishmg returns, more may not result
m even greater effects Conversely, input may have little effect until some “crmcal mass” is
reached Also, an input may have no effect unless some other input or condition is present
Fmally, “m a system, the chams of consequences extend over time and many areas the effects
of action are always multiple ‘we can never do merelv one thmg’ r’6 In complex adaotive
systems, the agents formmg the system have the capacity to cope collectively with new
challenges ’
The nature of systems, then, leads to four key premises of complex systems theory I
The first is self-organization and emergent properhes The agents of complex adaptive
systems will form and re-form patterns of connections and behavior which are self-organized,
1 e not lrnposed from outside the system As this happens, new properties or attributes
emerge * The second premise is the existence of adaptation and co-evolution Complex
adaptive systems mamtam essential elements of structure by mamtaimng a balance between
exte II+ demands and internal needs At the same time, they change m response to their
environment, Just as the environment changes m response to the system The thnd key
premise rests on the power of small events “Small, seemingly minor events can give rise to
large outcomes, systems are sensinve at any moment m time to the conditions prevailmg at
that moment and can thus inmate processes of change that are substantial and dramatic “’ The
final premise is that of sensitivity to imtial condmons - which means “even the slightest
changes m mitral conditions can lead to very different outcomes “lo This does not mean those
different outcomes are always bad I’
4
The characteristics of complexity and complex adaptive systems are prevalent
throughout the full range of human activities - mcludmg the relauonshrps between nauon-
states ’ Any application of nonlmeanty to the pohcy making process must, therefore, be based
on the following basic lessons of complex systems theory First., there appear to be many more
nonlinear than linear systems (whether naturally occurrmg or human-created), and nonhnearrty
leads 40 complexity Second, the relationships or connections between parts of systems are
Just as rmportant as the parts themselves There is, m fact, no meanmg without the
connections The connections determme the context, and context defines the system Third,
there Is no “solution ” Complexity 1s about process and evolution, not problems and end-
states Fourth, adaptabihty is the essence of a complex system It has the ability to sense and
learn from rts environment Reactions to problems are rime-sensitive because the system
continually evolves - a grven reaction will not recur even if the problem is the same And
fifth, low-level mteractions result m high-level emergent behaviors l2
In the human world where complex adaptrve systems interact wrth each other, the
nature of complex systems msures that there are thmgs whrch are unknown and unknowable
The &fference between linear and nonlinear thmkers 1s how they cope with those unknowns
The hnear policy maker attempts to reduce the complex@ by slmphfylng and assuming, and
by looking at parts of the whole The linear cham of reasonmg is based on what is known
The nonlinear policy maker, on the other hand, understands that the complexity 1s mherent m
the system and cannot be reduced The nonlmearist who appreciates the unknowables may
arrive at the exact same decision as the linear thmker, but wrll be far better equipped to cope
with the inevitable unforeseen consequences of the decision
5
In order to examme the utility of a nonlinear mmdset and complex systems framework,
the lessons of complex systems theory ~11 be used m a comparative case study We w111
bnefly examme the decrslon makmg m the Cuban rmsslle C~LSIS, and the decision by the US to
apply $raduated pressure” durmg the Vietnam War Thts Qscusslon w111 be quite limited -
conducted solely for the purpose of tllustratmg the concepts mvolved These two cases are
mterestmg because many of the same decision makers were involved m both, and they made
exphclt compansons between the two
We had seen the gradual application of force applied m the Cuban msslle Cnsls and had seen a very successful result We believed that, if this same gradual and restramed application of force were applied m South Vietnam, that one could expect the same result l3
The seemmg trmmph of US obJectives (“eyeball to eyeball and the other p;uv blmked”)
durmg the Cuban Msslle (31s~ led to the mythology of a carefully managed outcome The
outcome of the rmsslle cnsls, representmg as it Qd a step back from the nuclear brmk, seemed
to herald the return of &plomacy to the forefront of international relations The prrmacy of
rationality, cnsls management, and the regulated application of force were the lessons taken -
especially by pohcy makers m the Umted States The combmatlon of &plomacy plus the
cred&e threat of force led to specific pohtical ends by means of hmlted coercion - or so the
myth goes Thus myth of ever-mcreasmg pressure on the Sowets conveyed m a vocabulary of
sqpak, messages, pauses, and squeezes was transferred whole cloth to Vietnam, where it
fasled miserably l4
The mythology of the mlsslle cnsls was not only an tifact of the heady relief at rts
outcome and the subsequent adulation accorded the Fclpants, it was also an arhfact of the
lmear mmdset of those part~clpants The chef lmearrst among them was Secretary of Defense
Robert McNamara McNamara and his “whiz Kids” from Ford Motor Company had come to
Washmgton and turned the Defense Department on its head wrth the apphcatron of
quantrtatrve analysrs and decrsron makmg throughout the Pentagon Thrs quantrtatrve
approach extended to the pohcy arena and the use of mrlitary force When confronted wrth the
crrsrs rn Cuba, McNamara rejected the an strrkes and mvasron recommended by the mthtary
chiefs and supported the President’s delicate gamble of convertmg a blockade (an act of war)
mto a “quarantme” (somethmg less than war) He vrewed the quarantme as a commumcatron
from Kennedy to Khrushchev, not a m&ary operatron The message commumcated by the
gradual apphcatron of pressure was that of US resolve and the need for changed behavior on
the & of the adversary Is
An analysrs of the mrssrle cnsrs using a framework of complexrty theory reveals a
completely Qfferent prcture The mythology of calm, ratronal evaluatron of varrous
alternatrves IS belled by the record of long, mconclusrve meetmgs conducted by increasingly
fatrgu&i men under great stress The US dectsron makers were indeed sendnrg srgnals and
messages, but had no way of knowmg how they were truly interpreted by the Soviets l6
Observing Sovret actrons and reactrons had to serve as a poor substrtute for defimtrve
knowledge
There were a number of other areas where US decrsron makers were smnlarly
handrcapped by lack of mformatron or understandmg Throughout the crrsrs there was the
ddlic~ty of assessing Sovret motrves. Kennedy and hrs advrsors assumed aggressive
mtentrons on then part and &d not consider the possrbrhty that the Sovrets might view then-
actions as defensive m nature, or as a response to an aggressive posture on the part of the US I
(e g puttmg mtermedrate range nuclear mrssrles m Turkey) US leaders also assumed that
leaders m the Kremlm had complete control over every actron of then subordmates durmg the
7
time of the crisis In reality, they did not For example, the offer of withdrawal of the missiles
m exchange for a promise of no mvasion conveyed by Washmgton KGB head Aleksandr
Fomm through an ABC reporter was at his own mitrative, although it paralleled Kremlm
thmkmg More seriously, the order that led to the shootmg down of a U-2 over Cuba was
given by the local air defense commander without authorrzatron from his superiors on the
island or m the Soviet Umon US leaders were also basing their decisions on incorrect
mtelhgence estimates Analysts estimated there were S-10,000 Soviet troops on the island
when in fact, there were approximately 42-44,OOO They were also unaware of the existence of
Soviet nuclear warheads for tactical missiles when there were mne of them deployed to Cuba
and when local commanders had authorization to use them on their own mmauve m the event
of a US mvasron of the island ”
The US leadership also suffered from a lack of total knowledge of and control over US
actions durmg the crisis On 22 October, the Commander m Chref of Strategrc An Command,
General Thomas Powers, forwarded the order to Increase the defense posture of his forces m
the clear - thus “signalmg” the Soviets on his own imtiative There was also a test launch of a
US ICBM from a location near that of nuclear-armed ICBMs whrch were on high alert as a
result of the crisis The launch took place wrthout the knowledge of national leaders Fmally,
previously mittated covert actions agamst Cuba contmued despite orders from both McNamara
and Robert Kennedy that they be &scontmued after the crrsis broke ‘~3
A nonlinear analysis of the missile crisis would have hq$hghted these factors and
perhaps led to far different conclusions regardmg the lessons to be learned Instead, the linear
mode of thmkmg prevailed McNamara acknowledged his rehance on the Cuban crisis as a
model for his thmkmg regardmg mrhtary action m Vietnam He viewed graduated pressure as
8
a sensible course of action between the extremes of confront&on cnth the Soviets and the
Chmese leading to potentral nuclear war and the fsulure of contamment exemplified by
withdrawal lg
In a memo to the President m March 1964, the linear nature of McNamara’s thmkmg IS
rea&ly apparent In descnbmg the US obJectWe as estabhshmg an independent, non-
Con&mst South Vietnam, he uses perhaps the most linear metaphor of the Southeast Asia
conflict - the famous “dommo theory ” He wrote that failure to keep South Vretnam free of
Commumsm would result m the probable fall of Laos and Cambodia, the ascendance of
Coyumst mfluence m Burma, the likely fall of Indonesia and Malaysia, grave pressure on
Thailand, the Phrhppmes becommg “shaky,” and threats to India, Australia, New Zealand,
Taiwan, Korea, and Japan 2o McNamara also noted that early m his tenure as Secretary of
Defense, the falling dommoes became more plausible with the strengthemng of the lmks
between the USSR and Cuba, and with the consistent provocative behavior of the Soviets with
respect to Berlin In his mmd, these actrons mduzated contmued aggressive mtent on their I
part 2’
The progressive application of ever-mcreasmg mrhtary force against North Vretnam
recommended by McNamara and a number of other advisors gave President Johnson the
rllusron of control over the situation In reality, it devolved mto a surreal exercise existing m a
nebulous realm between academic management theory and game strategy 22 Even the men “on
the ground” m Vietnam were stymied by the failure of the enemy to understand that they were
being beaten
The ability of the Viet-Cong contmuously to rebuild their umts and to make good their losses 1s one of the mysteries of this guenlla war we still find no plausible explanation of the contmued strength of the Vret- Cong if our data on losses are even approximately correct Not only
9
do the Vlet-Cong umts have the recuperative powers of the phoemx, but they have an amazmg ability to mamtam morale have we found evidence of bad morale 23
Only m rare cases
Yet, graduated pressure as conceived by the victors of Cuba was never intended to
defeat the enemy Rather, their intent was to engender confidence and cohesion m the South,
to apply a modest effort that would demonstrate their resolve and the lmphclt costs and nsks to
the North, and to “level the playmg field” so that an acceptable negotiated settlement could be I
reached 24
, Much later m life, McNamara unwttmgly identified the mherent weakness of the linear
mmdset when he confessed that
We failed to recogmze that m mteznational affiurs, , there may be problems for which there are no lmme&ate solutions For one whose life has been dedicated to the belief and practice of problem solving, this IS particularly hard to admit imperfect, untidy world 25
But, at tnnes, we may have to live urlth an /
Our understanding of that imperfect, untidy world 1s a bit clearer when we apply a
complex systems analysis to these two cases In Cuba, the two pnmary “systems” mvolved,
the US and USSR, were clearly both complex and adaptive, and thus nonlinear That
nonhqear@ IS evident when one examines the unknowns and “unknowables ” The US could
not know the exact motlvatlons of the Sovlets and thus was ha&capped m devlsmg a
response to their actions Soviet leaders, m turn, could not have known what the US reaction
would be as they set out to mstall mlsslles m Cuba Neither side could know what action or
coutqzr-action might trigger a nuhtary confrontation between the superpowers or what might
result m nuclear exchange The danger of nuclear war and the unknowns surrounding it, m
fact, were key contrrbutors to the ultlrnate Qplomatic solution of the conf?ontatlon
10
There are other lessons from complex systems theory wEuch shed light on the Cuba
case A focus on the connectrons wrthm and between systems might have &Wed the post-
cnsls emphasis on the supposed connection between graduated pressure and reversal of the
Soviet decision It might have h@hghted, mstead, the connection between the removal of the
nusslles and the US guarantee of no mvaslon of Cuba and removal of Jupiter mlsslles from
Turkey and Italy 26
Complex systems theory also lllghlrghts the errors made by US pohcy makers m using
the Cuban model m forming pohcy for VK%EUII The actions of complex adaptive systems are
never wholly transferable from one system to another nor from one time to another because of
the qualities of self-orgamzatlon and emergence, the processes of adaptation and co-evolution,
and the sens&v@ to initial condztlons of subsequent achons US pohcy makers obviously
knew the North Vietnamese were not the “same” as the Soviets, yet they assumed graduated
pressure would brmg about the same result m Vietnam as it had m Cuba
Ambassador Maxwell Taylor’s report (quoted above) clearly shows the qualities of
self-orgamzatlon and emergence etiblted by the Vret Cong Yet, m applying graduated
pressure to the North Vietnamese, US pohcy makers had no understanding of if or how that
pressure would mfluence the behavior of the Wet Cong m the South An understanding of the
nonhnemty etibrted m the mablhty of US leaders to totally control their own forces durmg
the Cuban cnsls might have led to better understandmg of the mablhty of the North to totally
contrdl Wet Cong actions Finally, an understandmg of complex systems might have led
decision makers to question the fundamental linear metaphor at the foundation of US
mvolvement m Southeast Asia - the fallmg dommoes
* * * * *
11
What lessons can we draw from this imtial attempt to apply complex systems theory to
an analysis of diplomacy and policy malung First, it is extremely difficult to transfer what
are essentially scientrfic and mathematical concepts to the study of the social sciences
Second, despite the ticulty of doing so, rt is a worthwhile endeavor because it can shed light
on factors often overlooked with a linear frame of reference Therefore, adding nonlmearny
and complex systems theory to the education of policy makers and then advisors would prove
equally worthwhile.
It 1s also important to recognize that understandmg nonhnearny and complexity does
non mean an end to systematic thmkmg or logical analysis It does mean recogmzmg that the
logic is probably not analogous to a straight line The linear metaphor stands m opposition to
the “rules of nature ” The natural world is a nonlinear world m which complex adaptive
systems are the primary actors Changmg our basis of understanding and analysis 1s not a
trrvral nor a short-term process, the linear metaphor has been 250 years m the makmg We
must, however, take the first steps now, by recogtnzmg the pervasively linear foundation of
our thmkmg, the weakness of the lmear metaphor when confronted wrth the reahues of how
the world works, and the alternative foundation being exposed for us through progress m the
nonlmear sciences
12
’ Robert McNamara, press conference, Fall 1962 (T), quoted m Lloyd C Gardner, Pay Any Przce Lynabn Johnson and the Warsfor Vzetnam (Chrcago Ivan R Dee, 1995) p 62
’ Harry G Summers, Jr , On Strategy A Crztzcal AnaIyszs of the J’iezrzarn War (Novato CA Presrdro Press, 1984), P IS
3 Paraphrased from Alan D Beyerchen, “Clausewrtz, Nonhnearrty, and the Importance of Imagery,” m Complexzty, Global Polztzcs, andN&onanal Securr& ed Davrd S Alberts and Thomas J Czerwmskr (Washmgton DC Natronal Defense Umversrty, 1997), p 167
4 Steven R Mann, “The Reactron to Chaos,” m Compkxzty, Global Po~ztzcs, and Natronal Searzty, ed Davrd S AIberts and Thomas J Czerwmskr (Washmgton DC Natronal Defense Umversrty, 1997), p 138
5 Alan Beyerchen, “Clausewrtz, Nonhnearrty, and the Unpredmtabrhty of War,” IntematzonaZ Securzty, Vol 17, No 3 (Winter 1992/93), p 62, John F Schrmtt, “Chaos, Complexity, & War What the New No&near Dynam cal Sciences May Tell Us About Armed Confhct,” (draft) (Quantmo VA Concepts and Doctrme Drvtsro x Marme Corps Combat Development Command, 4 September 1995), pp 13-14
6 Robert Jervrs, “From Complex Systems The Role of Interactrons,” m Copzng Wzth the Bounds SpecuIatzons on Nonlzne,urzg zn h4ilztazy Amzrs, ed Thomas J Czerwmskr (Washmgton DC National Defense Umversrty, 1998) pp 260,264,261
’ James N Rosenau, “my Damn Thmgs Srmultaneously Complexrty Theory and World Affairs,” m Compkxzty, Global Polztzcs, and Natzonal Securzty, ed Davrd S Alberts and Thomas J Czerwmskr (Washmgton DC Nqronal Defense Umversrty, 1997), p 83
* Perhaps the smgle best example of self&gamzatron and emergence IS the burldmg of the human bram and the emergence of intelligence There 1s no property of any single element of the bram whrch accounts for human mtelhgence, yet when all the mdrvrdual components are connected, intelltgence exrsts Addmonaliy, as an mdmrdual grows and matures, the bram stores mformatron and experrence m new and ever-changmg patterns (1 e self-orgamzatron) such that the nature of the intelligence exhibited changes over time
’ Rosenau, p 86
lo Ibrd, p 57
” Ibrd, pp 83, 84-5,S6
l2 Andrew Ilachmskr, “Land Warfare and Complexrty, Part II An Assessment of the Apphcabrlrty of Nonlmear Dynamjc and Complex Systems Theory to the Study of Land Warfare, (U)” (Alexandna VA Center for Naval Analysts, July 1996), pp 139-40
l3 Cyrus Vance, quoted m H R McMaster, Derelzctzon offi2y (New York Harper Collins Publtshers, 1997), p 62 1
l4 James A Nathan, “The Heyday of the New Strategy The Cuban Mrssrle C&IS and the Confirmatron of Coerctve Drplomacy,” m 131e Cuban Misszle Cnszs Revzszted, ed James A Nathan (New York St Martm’s Press, 1992), pp l-2,25-6
l5 McMaster, pp 30,62
I
13 l
l6 Nathan, pp 20-1,25-6
” Lawrence Chang, “The View from Washmgton and the View from Nowhere Cuban Msnle Cnsls tistonography and the Eplstemoiogy of De&on Makmg,” m Ike Cuban Mmde Cmzs Revrszted, ed James A Xathan (New York St Martm’sPress, 1992), pp 137-9, 143-6, 149
” Ibid, pp 146-9
lg McMaster, pp 73,75
2o “SecDef Memo for the President,” 16 March 1964 m 7?ze Pentagon Papers, Vol III, by Senator tike Gravel, chaxm$ (Boston Beacon Press, 1971), pp 499-500
21 Robert S McNamara, It1 Retrospect i%e Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York Random House, 1995), p 32
” Anthbny Short, The Orzgms of the Vietnam War (New York Longman, Inc , 1989), p 307
23 Maxwell Taylor, “The Current Sltumon m South Vietnam, November 1964,” NSF files, Johnson Library, quoted m Short, p 305
24 Pentagon Papers, p 269
25 McNamara, p 323
26 Nathan, pp 20-2
14
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