“AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE ‘ROADIE’

SUBCULTURE OF CONSUMPTION”

A dissertation submitted to the University of Manchester for the

degree of Master of Science in the Faculty of Humanities

YEAR OF SUBMISSION

2012

Emily Goldhill

MANCHESTER BUSINESS SCHOOL

ABSTRACT

This paper presents an exploratory study into the subculture of consumption built up

around the physical activity of road-cycling. The research aimed to discover how

members of the subculture construct meanings through being out on the road on their

bikes, as well as how connections are formed with other consumers who share their

passion. Until now there has been no literature that is specifically focused on whether

a subculture of consumption exists around those who cycle road-bikes. The researcher

used a postmodern conceptual framework in order to uncover and evaluate the

motivations behind the ‘Roadie’ community.

Subcultures of consumption are dynamic, evolving and distinctive, and therefore a

highly qualitative approach was adopted to ensure that complex and intricate

phenomena, such as stories, feelings and emotions, could be uncovered. This would

be impossible to achieve through quantitative research methods. Methodological

triangulation was employed with both netnography and qualitative interviews being

conducted in order to gain an understanding of individuals’ narratives.

The findings showed that the literature regarding subcultures of consumption has

considerable relevance in explaining how consumers behave and form connections

based on a mutual enjoyment of an activity, product or brand. In particular, the

findings showed that the postmodern literature on self-transformation is important in

explaining the motivations of members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture and the narrative of

transformation is significant from a marketing perspective. The netnographic process

and qualitative interviews revealed the subcultural members considerable desire to

achieve a sense of escape. These findings prompted a discussion, which introduced

new literature discussing the use of rhythm as a means of facilitating escape and the

concept that physical challenges provide a mechanism for release from daily routines.

Key Words – Postmodern, Consumer, Marketing, Subculture, Road-Cycling,

Escapism, Self-Transformation, Rituals

CONTENTS

Declaration i

Copyright Statement ii

Consent for Extended Word Limit iii

The Author iv

Acknowledgments v

List of Figures vi

List of Tables vi

Abbreviations vi

1.0. Introduction 1 - 2

2.0. Literature Review 3 – 20

2.1. Modernism and Postmodernism 3

2.1.1. Hyperreality 5

2.1.2. Fragmentation 5

2.1.3. Reversal of Production and Consumption 6

2.1.4. Decentring of the Subject 7

2.1.5. Juxtaposition of Opposites 7

2.1.6. The Consumer and Marketing in Postmodernity 8

2.2. Subculture of Consumption 9

2.2.1. Subculture of Consumption, Consumer Tribes 11

And Neo-tribes

2.3. Hierarchies of Commitment and Authenticity 12

2.4. Aspirants and Barriers to Entry 14

2.5. Subcultural Rituals and Traditions 16

2.6. Escapism – Personal Freedom 17

2.7. Transformation of the Self 18

2.8. Marketing and Subcultures of Consumption 19

3.0. Research Direction 21

3.1. Research Gap 21

3.2. Research Question 21

3.3. Research Objectives 21

4.0. Methodology 22 - 39

4.1. Interpretive Research Approach 22

4.2. Qualitative Research Approach 22

4.3. Ethnography 23

4.3.1. Ethnographic Considerations 24

4.4. Methodological Triangulation 25

4.5. Stage 1 Data Collection: Netnography 25

4.5.1. Site Identification and Selection 26

4.5.2. Archival Data 27

4.5.3. Netnography Sample Size 28

4.5.4. Netnographic Data Presentation 29

4.5.5. Netnographic Considerations 29

4.5.6. Ethical Considerations in Netnography 30

4.6. Stage 2 Data Collection: Qualitative Interviews: 31

4.6.1. Selection of Interviewees 32

4.6.2. Interview Characteristics 33

4.6.3. Ethical Considerations in Qualitative Interviewing 34

4.7. Trustworthiness 36

4.8. Data Analysis 37

5.0. Research Findings 40 - 50

5.1. Sense of Community 40

5.2. Self-Transformation 41

5.3. Rituals and Traditions 43

5.4. Escapism 44

5.5. Barriers to Entry 45

5.6. Hierarchies 46

5.7. Social Class 47

5.8. Gender 48

5.9. Acceptance/Acknowledgement of Marketing 49

5.10. Existence of a Subculture of Consumption 50

6.0. Discussion 51 - 66

6.1. Becoming a ‘Cyclist’ 51

6.2. Appearance is Everything 53

6.3. The Self-Challenge 56

6.4. Form of Addiction 59

6.5. Movement as a Release 61

6.6. Escape into Consumerism 64

7.0. Marketing Implications 67 - 69

8.0. Research Limitations 70 - 71

9.0. Direction for Future Research 72 - 73

10.0. Conclusion 74

11.0. Bibliography 75 - 84

12.0. Appendices 85 - 110

12.1. Appendix 1 – A Summary of What Euro-Cycling means 85

and the Euro Rules

12.2. Appendix 2– Photo of infamous cyclist Mario Cipollini 86

12.3. Appendix 3 – ‘On Rule Number 9: Love the Work’ online 87

Thread excerpt

12.4. Appendix 4 – ‘How to Wear a Cycling Cap’ online thread 90

excerpt

12.5. Appendix 5 – ‘Post Tour Blues’ online thread excerpt 93

12.6. Appendix 6– Interviewee Profiles 96

12.7. Appendix 7- Excerpt from Alex’s Interview 97

12.8. Appendix 8 – Excerpt from Ryan’s Interview 98

12.9. Appendix 9 – Excerpt from Charlie’s Interview 100

12.10. Appendix 10 – Excerpt from Patrick’s Interview 102

12.11. Appendix 11 – Excerpt from Michael’s Interview 104

12.12. Appendix 12 – Copy of the Participant Consent Form 107

Total Word Count: 22, 252 (excluding bibliography and appendices)

i

DECLARATION

No portion of the work referred to in this dissertation has been submitted in support of

an application for another degree of qualification of this or any other university or

other institute of learning.

ii

COPYRIGHT STATEMENT

Copyright in text of this dissertation rests with the author. Copies (by any process)

either in full, or in extracts, may be made only in accordance with instructions given

by the author. Details may be obtained from you Programme Administrator. This

page must form part of any such copies made. Further copies (by any process) of

copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the

permission (in writing) of the author.

The ownership of any intellectual property rights which may be described in this

dissertation is vested in the University of Manchester, subject to any prior agreement

to the contrary, and may not be made available for use by third parties without written

permission of the University, which will prescribe the terms and conditions of any

such agreement.

Further information on the conditions under which disclosures and exploitation may

take place is available from the Academic Dean of Manchester Business School.

iii

CONSENT FOR EXTENDED WORD LIMIT

Below is a screen shot of an email that acknowledges and consents for the

extension of the word limit to over 20, 000 words.

iv

THE AUTHOR

The author’s research experience is documented below in chronological

order:

• BA Honors – Politics, awarded from the University of Manchester

Undergraduate Dissertation titled,

How Might Media Effects Operate?; are Readers Aware of Pres Bias

During British Election Campaigns?

• MSc Marketing – the University of Manchester and Manchester

Business School

Masters Dissertation titled,

An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There are several people who must be acknowledged in respect of this dissertation.

1. Primarily my supervisor, Dr. Terry Newholm, must be thanked. He has

provided me with a great amount of support, shared his knowledgeable

insights into the field of consumer behaviour and shown endless amounts of

enthusiasm.

2. Secondly, a special thank you goes to David Liddicoat who first introduced

me to the world of road-cycling and provided the inspiration for the research.

Without David’s continued interest and advice it would have been very

difficult to achieve this dissertation.

3. Finally, a huge thank you goes out to my colleagues, in particular those in my

dissertation group. Over the course of the past twelve months they have been a

great support – being there when things have been hard and providing me with

laughs that have helped make the whole process very enjoyable.

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 – Model of Community Member Roles 14

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 – Characteristics of Modern and Postmodern Periods 3-4

ABBREVIATIONS

ROADIES – someone who specifically uses a road-bike in order to participate in the

activity of cycling

NB – Spelling mistakes may be found in some of the postings from members of

the subculture of consumption. The researcher has left these incorrect on

purpose, the reasons as to why can be found in Section 4.5. This is not a mistake

on the part of the researcher.

1

1.0. INTRODUCTION:

The sport of cycling offers a wide array of options to consumers. One can opt into the

cycling world of ‘the mountain biker’, ‘the urban cyclist’, or the ‘contraption caption’

(Weiss, 2010). However, this proposed dissertation is interested in the inclusive

subculture of consumption surrounding ‘the roadie’ cyclists (Weiss, 2010).

Road-racer cycling has a long history steeped in tradition, and is the most popular

competitive discipline of cycling (Weiss, 2010). Consumers globally are being made

increasingly aware of road-racing’s presence in the sporting world. For example, each

year there is live coverage of all the European road-cycling tours and this year the

success of British cyclist Bradley Wiggins in the Tour de France, has further

publicised the sport in the UK. Further still, the sport has gained increased media

attention during the build up to the 2012 London Olympics, with the British road-

racer Mark Cavendish appearing in numerous interviews and endorsements.

Therefore, it could be argued that road-racer cycling is managing to increasingly

capture the imaginations of many British consumers.

Furthermore “after decades of decline, cycling is booming” (The Economist Online,

2012). This reflects the current economic situation which has led to increased

transport prices and decreased incomes, as well as the London mayor, Boris

Johnson’s attempt to have cycling in London quintupled from 2001 levels by 2026

(The Economist Online, 2012). As a result of this social and economic climate that is

pushing more consumers towards cycling, there appears to be a need to develop an

understanding of how those who partake in the activity of road-cycling consume and

therefore, what the implications for marketers are.

The increased coverage of the sporting activity and the current economic situation

have fuelled the growth of the cycle accessories and clothing market and it is now

estimated that this market is work £853 million a year (Dawson, 2012). This has led

to the emergence of several new British brands, most notably ‘Rapha’ who although

only established in 2004 have successfully managed to post sales growth of 80%

(Dawson, 2012). This growth has come out of ‘Rapha’s’ ability to charge high prices

for clothing. According to their website their softshell jacket retails for £240 (Rapha,

2

2012). As more British brands, such as ‘Shutt Velo Rapide’, ‘Dromarti’ and

‘Vulpine’ look to join the expanding road-cycling market and charge expensive

prices it is essential for marketers to understand how those who consume the products

think and interact.

Road-racer cyclists are particularly pertinent for a dissertation on subcultures of

consumption because their behaviours resemble “a distinctive subgroup of society

that self-selects on the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class,

brand or consumption activity” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 43).

Furthermore, this dissertation is unique, as there appears to be no academic literature

concentrating on the consumption habits of members of a road-racer cycling

community. Primarily, the dissertation aims to provide a valuable insight into an

increasingly popular consumer activity, what this means for marketers, and make a

substantial contribution to the existing postmodern literature exploring the nature of

subcultures of consumption.

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2.0. LITERATURE REVIEW:

2.1. Modernism and Postmodernism:

Modernism was the dominant cultural theory from the nineteenth to the mid twentieth

century. It is based on the use of rational and logical processes to access knowledge.

Cova (1996) sees modernity as the belief that cultural relationships are secondary and

instrumental to the individual, who existed first. Individuals sought to differentiate

themselves from others and strive for personal freedom (Cova, 1996). Personal

freedom is achieved when one becomes liberated from repressive social bonds, such

as class structure (Cova, 1996). Cooper, McLoughlin and Keating (2005) believe how

individuals consume products helps them to differentiate and create a self-identity,

therefore individuals consume as an end in itself.

Towards the later half of the twentieth century theorists starting arguing that a new

cultural perspective had emerged, that of postmodernism (Ross, 1988; Firat, 1991;

van Raaij, 1993; Brown, 1997). Postmodernism is the recognition of the “complex

conjuncture of cultural conditions [that have arisen from the] post-war restructuring

of capitalism in the West and in the multinational global economy” (Ross, 1988, p. x

cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 227). In order to conceptualise the differences

between the two theories, the table below provides a summary of the main points of

parity:

Modernism

Circa 1450 – 1960

Postmodernism

Circa 1960 – present

Production Industrial Revolution

Factory

Mass Produced

Centralised

Information Revolution

Office

Segmented Production

Decentralised

Society Capitalist

Owning class of bourgeoisie

Global

Para-class of Cognitariat

Time Linear Fast Changing

Fragmented

4

Orientation Nationalist

Rationalisation of business

Exclusive

Global/Local

Multinational

Pluralist, eclectic

Inclusive

Culture Bourgeois

Mass-Culture

Reigning Style

Taste Culture

Many Genres

(Table 1: Characteristics of the Modern and Postmodern Periods (adapted from

Jencks, 1987 as cited in van Raaij, 1993, p. 543)

It is clear that key differences exist between the two theories and the resulting

implications for the behaviour of society are. Therefore, the transition from

modernism to postmodernism is relevant to the dissertation research, because, as Firat

and Schultz II (1993) suggest, postmodernism affects the way consumers behave and

this has forced some aspects of traditional marketing to be modified. Firat and

Schultz II, explicitly state that “some of the most central tenets and/or principles of

marketing – e.g.: the marketing concept [needs to] be re-thought and modified

extensively” (1993, p. 228).

The renowned postmodern academic, Firat (1991) argues that there are five

distinguishing features of postmodernism:

i. Hyperreality;

ii. Fragmentation;

iii. Reversal of production and consumption;

iv. Decentring of the subject; and

v. Juxtaposition of opposites

In order to understand how postmodernism affects consumer behaviour and therefore,

marketing, each of these traits will now be considered individually.

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2.1.1. Hyperreality:

Firat and Venkatesh (1993) view hyperreality as the most articulated concept within

postmodernity and it is concerned with the lack of distinction between what is real

and what is fictitious (van Raaij, 1993). Baudrillard defines the concept of

hyperreality as “the transformation of a simulation or hype into something that is

taken by the audience as real” (1975, p. 6) and therefore, marketers and advertisers

act as the instigators of hyperreality.

In order to explain hyperreality clearly, van Raaij (1993) used the example of

toothpaste, which is a product that is primarily concerned with the everyday reality of

brushing one’s teeth. However, due to the array of toothpaste products on the market

and the attractive advertising that accompanies the product, consumers may decide to

brush their teeth in order to appear more attractive, sexier, happier and to have whiter

teeth. As van Raaij says, “these new meanings signify a new reality” (1993, p. 555),

which when bought into by consumers becomes a hyperreality.

Postmodernists are concerned with this hyperreality, which extends beyond the

economic and social realities that concerned modernists. This approach is especially

pertinent today as there is so much advertising noise for the consumers to work

through (Tellis, 2004), as similar brands continuously try to add hyperreality to their

products, making them more appealing to consumers (van Raaij, 1993).

2.1.2. Fragmentation:

Fragmentation is traditionally defined as “the disintegration, collapse, or breakdown

of norms of thought, behaviour, or social relationship” (The Oxford English

Dictionary, 1989). Fragmentation did not exist during modernity as consumers were

expected to follow a single, set culture (van Raaij, 1993). However, according to

Cova (1996) postmodernism has allowed for the individualisation of the consumer

and there is no longer a commitment to a single way of life. This has led Simmons

(2008) to argue that postmodern consumers possess multiple self-images that are

supported through the consumers differing consumption practices and life style

choices. Therefore, postmodernism “calls for tolerance towards different ways of

6

being, life styles and realities” (Firat and Schultz II, 1997, p. 190).

Fragmentation affects marketers because as Goulding, Shankar and Elliott (2002)

argue, fragmentation in postmodernity leads to an increasingly segmented market that

requires a greater number of products to serve the various segments different needs.

Unlike modernism, which saw society being divided by social class, theorists argue

that postmodern fragmentation has led to the establishment of different segments of

consumers based on their multiple self-images rather than their socio-economic

backgrounds (Firat, 1991; Cova, 1996, Goulding et al., 2002). Therefore, in order to

connect with theses multiple self-images and segments, Firat and Venkatesh believe

that marketers must be able to encourage “image switching” (1993, p. 232).

Therefore, adverts will create central characters that are able to portray numerous

personalities, such as the loving mother, the expert chef, the successful

businesswoman and the empathetic friend (Firat and Venkatesh, 1993). Each of these

personalities represents a different image and style, but the same woman represents

them all (Firat and Venkatesh, 1993).

2.1.3. Reversal of Production and Consumption:

During the period of modernism, there was a belief that both value and usefulness

were created through production and therefore, production was seen as the primary

activity of society (Firat, 1991). However, postmodern academics refute this claim

and instead argue that value is created during consumption (Baudrillard, 1975; Firat,

1991; van Raaij, 1993). Toffler (1980, p. 11) went so far as to predict “the rise of the

prosumer, a combination of producer and consumer”.

The transition from value creation through production, to value creation through

consumption has important implications for marketers. Most importantly, Firat and

Schultz II (1997) argue postmodernity has led to marketers paying increasing

attention and importance to consumption practices in order to ensure that consumer

satisfaction is created. Furthermore, there has been a rise in the concept of co-creation

reflecting Toffler’s (1980) prediction concerning the rise of the prosumer.

7

2.1.4. Decentring of the Subject:

Firat (1991) sees modernism as placing individual needs and wants as the focus of

attention, and therefore, the human being as the subject. The products of modernity,

such as science and technology, were designed to provide the subject knowledge

(Firat and Venkatesh, 1993). However, with the emergence of postmodernism came a

“death of the subject” (Jameson, 1983 p. 113). Postmodern theorists, such as Firat

and Venkatesh (1993) feel there is confusion over whom or what is in control – the

subject or the object. This confusion has led to the decentring of the consumer from

being the central importance in modern culture to a more objectified state (Firat and

Schultz II, 1997). Once decentred, Brown (1997) believes consumers are able to

construct the multiple self-images that lead to fragmentation, through utilising

consumption as a means of generating powerful images liberating them from

monotony and conformity. Marketers, who develop campaigns that convince

consumers that their product can help them feel unique, encourage this process of

individualisation.

2.1.5. Juxtaposition of Opposites:

It has been suggested by numerous postmodern theorists that postmodern culture has

a paradoxical nature (Foster, 1983; Hutcheon, 1988; Wilson, 1989). This paradoxical

nature permits the combination of anything with anything else, no matter how

contradictory they are. Therefore according to Firat (1991), consumers are able to

exhibit opposing emotions, such as love and hate, as well as opposing cognitions,

such as belief and doubt concurrently. Firat (1991) further argues that the existence of

paradoxical juxtapositions means that consumers are able to both accept and suspect

anything at the same time, and this reflects how postmodernity “refuses to privilege

any one perspective, and recognises only difference, never inequality, only

fragments, never conflict” (Wilson, 1989, p. 209).

The presence of juxtaposition of opposites has led to the creation of what Miller

(1989) calls ‘double think’ (cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 237). ‘Double

think’ arises when a consumer has “the knowledge, on the one hand, that something

is hidden behind a façade, while, on the other hand, continuing to act as if this

8

knowledge does not exist” (Miller, 1989 cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 237).

This concept could be viewed as applicable to ‘roadies’ and their attitude towards

what has been termed ‘Euro-Cycling’. This is because the stated attitude implies that

consumers are willing to play along with something, even if they know that the truth

of the situation is very different. ‘Roadies’ in the UK will buy into the concept of

‘Euro-Cycling,’ which argues that cyclists need to conduct themselves with a

particular style or essence (please see appendix 1 for a sample of some of the satirical

suggestions as to how to maintain the style of Euro-Cycling). However, the reality is

that riding in such as way does not necessarily make you a better cyclist. This reality

was demonstrated by the American cyclist Lance Armstrong’s repeated success in the

Tour de France race, even though he was criticised for riding without European-style

or flair which is associated with other cyclists, such as the Italian Mario Cipollini

(please see appendix 2 for an image showing Mario Cipollini conveying the essence

of ‘Euro-Cycling’.)

2.1.6. The Consumer and Marketing in Postmodernity:

Numerous consumer research studies have been conducted in order to explore the

impact of postmodernity on consumers. Some studies have explored areas, such as

consumption experiences (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982; Holbrook, 1987) and

meanings of possessions (Belk, 1988; Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988). According to

Firat (1991) the various studies investigating the role of the consumer in postmodern

society indicate that:

1. Consumers will use products and/or brands as a means of expressing their

relationships and personalities to others

2. Consumers ascribe feelings to products and/or brands, such as love, and

this can lead to value creation for them

3. Consumers need products and/or brands in order to have valued

experiences

4. The self-images consumers make is dependent on the “symbolic meanings

culturally attached to products consumed” (p. 73)

5. Consumers consumption of products and/or brands represent

complimentary relationships and meanings that reproduce postmodernism

9

in society

These five indications outlined by Firat (1991) imply that “in postmodern culture the

products are increasingly becoming the essence of society and consumers

increasingly live their lives as the means of reproducing the simulated images for the

products” (p. 74). As a consequence, various academics have argued that postmodern

consumers want to experience marketing that is centred on creativity, connectivity

and interactivity (Cova, 1996; Cova and Pace, 2006; Cova, Pace and Park, 2007).

The desire by postmodern consumers for such creative marketing provides an

explanation for why the Internet has been presented as the champion of postmodern

marketing, as according to Simmons it facilitates “non-linear communication, a free

flow and exchange of information, and the opportunity for two-way flows between

companies and customers on a one-to one or many-to-many basis” (2008, p. 304).

Marketing managers are able utilise the Internet to establish and promote shared

meanings in order to captivate the postmodern consumer’s attention (Simmons,

2008). Furthermore, some academics have argued that the Internet is able to provide

postmodern consumers with a platform where they are able to express their

differentiated self-images through their consumption (Hagel and Armstrong, 1997;

Banks and Daus, 2002; Gruen, Osmonbekov and Czaplewski, 2005).

2.2. Subcultures of Consumption:

During the first half of the twentieth century the Chicago School of critical analysis

developed the concept of subcultures as a sociological category (Goulding et al.,

2002; Canniford, 2011). Initially, scholars argued that subcultures emerged when

dominant institutions, such as family and schooling, were subverted and alternative

forms of value and status were established around alternative social ties (Goulding et

al., 2002; Canniford, 2011). Therefore, early subculture studies were concerned with

social class, in particular, the struggles of the working class as the driving force

behind the creation of such subcultures (Goulding et al., 2002) as seen in Fyvel’s

(1963) exploration of the ‘Teddy Boys’ and Frith’s (1980) examination of punk

rockers.

10

However, Bennett (1999) argues, these studies fail to account for how sub-cultural

experiences are developed in a postmodern world. There is no consideration of “the

pluralistic and shifting sensibilities of style that have increasingly characterised post-

second world war subcultures” (Goulding et al., 2002, p. 262). Instead, subcultures

now provide a place for the self-expression of both male and female members and

those from all social backgrounds. Goulding et al., (2002) see subcultures as

contributing significantly to some consumers’ construction and expression of their

identities through the “processes of acculturation, evolution of motives as well as

irreversible rituals and markers of commitment” (Canniford, 2011, p. 593). These

processes allow sub-cultural members to create lasting social structures, strong ties to

other members, and special sets of values, which are communicated through

ritualised modes of expression (Canniford, 2011; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

It is these understandings of subcultures, which will guide the research approach to

exploring ‘roadies’ and their consumption patterns.

Sub-cultural choices include consumer purchases involving leisure, clothing, food,

accessories, and so forth, all of which reflect the identity of subculture community

members (Goulding et al., 2002). For Thorton (1996) such purchases are examples of

‘sub-cultural capital’. This describes the cultural knowledge and products acquired by

subculture members, elevating their status and helping distinguish themselves from

other subcultures (Thorton, 1996). For example, punks choose to dress in a

recognisable style and their ideology is present in their everyday life, whereas rave is

a culture of fun and escapism that exists merely at weekends (Goulding et al., 2002).

Rave is a subculture “based on temporary experiences, evident in the example of

cyberspace groupings, whereby individuals are free to construct experiences without

withdrawing from mainstream society or committing to the community” (Goulding et

al., 2002, p. 263). Rave allows individuals to come together to consume music and

dance, however the rave subculture is not essential for members’ everyday social

interaction (Goulding et al., 2002).

The ‘roadie’ subculture shares many characteristics identified by Schouten and

McAlexander as being fundamental to the Harley-Davidson subculture of

consumption, in that it is “a distinctive subgroup of society that self-selects on the

basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand or consumption

11

activity” (1995, p. 43). In their paper, the researchers claim “other characteristics of a

subculture of consumption include an identifiable, hierarchical social structure; a

unique ethos, or set of shared beliefs and values; unique jargons, rituals, and modes

of symbolic expression” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p.43). Like so many

other subcultures of consumption, Harley-Davidson enthusiasts (Schouten and

McAlexander, 1995), Goths and Punks (Fox, 1987; Hebdige, 1979), French in-line

roller skaters (Cova and Cova, 2001), and Saab drivers (O’Guinn and Belk, 2001),

the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption shapes these characteristics in its own unique

way.

Furthermore, the subculture formed by ‘roadies’ is similar to the Rave subculture in

that through online communities, members are able to “construct experiences without

withdrawing from mainstream society or committing to the community” (Goulding et

al., 2002, p. 263). Members of the ‘roadie’ subculture can come together to cycle and

consume relevant sub-cultural products, although their daily interpersonal

relationships are independent from the subculture interaction.

2.2.1. Subcultures of Consumption, Consumer Tribes and Neo-tribes

:

Although the term subcultures of consumption will be used throughout the

dissertation in relation to the road racer cyclist culture, it is important to acknowledge

that alternative terminology could also be applied to describe the ‘roadies’

consumption practices. According to Cova, Kozinets, and Shankar (2007) both

consumer tribes and neo-tribes are also concerned with groups of consumers and/or

communities that have established relationships built around particular consumption

habits of products and/or brands. Both categories of consumer tribes and neo-tribes

are formed through solidarity in a postmodern society, as consumers with similar

self-images connect and join together in unison (Maffesoli, 1996; Bennett, 1999;

Goulding et al., 2002).

Although subcultures of consumption, consumer tribes and neo-tribes share certain

characteristics, such as shared rituals and modes of expression, Cova et al., (2007)

argue that there are also fundamental differences. Primarily, Brownlie, Hewer and

Treanor (2007) describe tribes as “temporary, unstable and shifting” (cited in Cova et

12

al., 2007, p. 114) but subcultures as providing a “stable way of life” (cited in Cova et

al., 2007, p. 113). Furthermore, unlike tribes, Schouten and McAlexander (1995)

claim that a subculture of consumption has a clear consumer member hierarchical

structure. As the issue of community hierarchy is particularly pertinent to this

research, it therefore makes sense for the language of subcultures to be adopted,

rather than the language of tribes.

2.3. Hierarchies of Commitment and Authenticity:

It has been suggested that within subcultures of consumption hierarchies of

commitment and authenticity can be found. Schouten and McAlexander’s research

into the Harley Davidson subculture, discovered members received different statuses

depending on their “seniority, participation and leadership in group activities, riding

expertise and experience, Harley-specific knowledge, and so forth” (1995, p. 49). The

researchers felt that the hierarchical structure was based on an individual’s

commitment to the group’s consumption values (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

Furthermore, Schouten and McAlexander (1995) discovered visible signifiers of

hierarchy within the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, such as pins

proclaiming various honours. They further established that the bikers riding

formation also reflected individual statuses, with the most revered subcultural

member riding at the front (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

Sherlock and Weller (2005) support Schouten and McAlexander (1995) by

suggesting that when a subculture is founded on an activity such as biking, members

have to embark on a learning process that develops as consumers partake more

frequently in the subcultural activity (in this case road-racer cycling.) Sherlock and

Weller (2005) further suggest that as individuals continue to consume subcultural

products and activities, relationships are established with other members and a

socialisation into the subculture’s symbolic meanings occurs. However, in order for

this to happen consumers must learn to adopt the “subcultural enthusiasm,

experiences and localised values, the biker subculture’s ethos [and] its hierarchy”

(Sherlock and Weller, 2005, p. 3).

Kozinets (1999) extends the reach of hierarchies of commitment and authenticity by

13

arguing that they can be found within virtual communities of consumption. Kozinets

(1999) believes that there are four distinct member types within online subcultures of

consumption – tourists, minglers, devotees, and insiders.

i. Tourists are members who have only a passing interest in the consumption

activity and lack any real social connection to the community (Kozinets,

1999)

ii. Minglers tend to have strong social bonds with the community but only

have a superficial interest in the central consumption activity (Kozinets,

1999)

iii. Devotees are members with a strong enthusiasm for the central

consumption activity, but lack social ties (Kozinets, 1999)

iv. Insiders are those who have both strong social connections with the

community, as well as a strong interest in the consumption activity

(Kozinets, 1999)

Cova and Cova (2001) research on French in-line roller skaters transfers Kozinets

(1999) belief that a hierarchy exists within subcultures of consumption away from the

virtual world. Cova and Cova (2001) believe that members can adopt any of the four

roles of an adherent, a participant, a practitioner or a sympathiser. The different roles

vary in their level of commitment to the consumption activity and how strong their

social bonds with the community are (Cova and Cova, 2001). The four roles

fundamentally represent an individual’s commitment to the subculture of

consumptions ideology.

14

(Figure 1: Model of four roles community members can adopt – Cova and Cova,

2001)

In her study of Punk culture, Fox (1987) describes a simple concentric structure,

which reflects elements of the two models of hierarchy proposed by Kozinets (1999)

and Cova and Cova (2001). Fox (1987) argues that within the Punk subculture there

were ‘hard core’ members whose commitment to Punk style and ideology was full-

time and enduring. ‘Soft core’ members also existed whose behaviour was dictated

by the ‘hard core’ members and their commitment to Punk style and ideology was

less complete (Fox, 1987). Peripheral to the ‘hard’ and ‘soft core’ were a set of

consumers referred to as the ‘Punk pretenders’. This group of consumers were

captivated by the idea of Punk and occasionally participated in the subculture (Fox,

1987). Other studies, such as Klein’s (1986) exploration into the bodybuilding

subculture and Kinsey’s (1982) investigation of the poly-drug-focused subculture

have identified similar hierarchical structures. Therefore, there appears to be a solid

argument for the existence of hierarchies of commitment and authenticity within

subcultures of consumption.

2.4. Aspirants and Barriers to Entry:

The subculture of consumption surrounding road racer cycling is similar to the

15

Harley Davidson subculture investigated by Schouten and McAlexander (1995). Both

subcultures have barriers to entry and aspirants. Schouten and McAlexander (1995)

argue that barriers to entry and aspirants exist in order to protect the “structural

integrity” (p. 49) of subcultures of consumption.

Just as in the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, the most common barrier

to entry preventing aspirants from entering the world of road racer cycling is the

expense (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). If a consumer wishes to move up the

‘roadie’ ranks to become a ‘hard core’ member then they must be able to afford the

equipment that is needed to facilitate this. For example, the widely recognised and

respected British road-racing brand ‘Condor’ sells road bikes in excess of £1200

(Condor, 2011), and if a consumer were to also purchase the Rapha brand classic

team jersey another £125 would be spent (Condor, 2011). Therefore, it is clear that

when consumers start to engage in the competitive side of road racing, their

expenditure surrounding the activity increases further through the purchase of race

enhancing products, such as a particular protein shake, handle bar tape and pair of

sunglasses.

Furthermore, the issue of time provides another barrier to entry that prevents many

consumers from being able to join the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption. To

become an expert rider, individuals must be willing to invest not only a great deal of

money into the activity, but also time. In order to invest the necessary time,

consumers may have to sacrifice time in other areas of their life, such as spending an

evening with their family. Schouten and McAlexander (1995) argue that this sacrifice

of time could lead to social pressures occurring, as seen within the Harley Davidson

subculture, as family members started to disapprove of the activity as it meant their

father or mother had less time to spend with them.

Aspirants to entry are of particular importance for a subculture of consumption as

they provide outward expressions of desire to become a member. This expressed

desire acts as justification for the time and money invested in the activity by existing

subcultural members (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).

2.5. Subcultural Rituals and Traditions:

16

Subcultures of consumption provide sanctuaries for consumers where they can

experience a temporary self-transformation (Schouten and McAlexadner, 1995)

through participating in subcultural rituals and traditions. Casaló, Flavián and

Guinalíu (2008) describe rituals and traditions as mechanisms that facilitate the

community meaning to be reproduced and transmitted, helping like-minded

consumers to build relationships with each other.

The relationships between consumers in a subculture of consumption are built

because rituals and traditions provide the basis for a special language that “joins

together members of the cultural community and is little understood by non-

members” (Celsi, Rose and Leigh, 1993, p. 13). Malinowski (1923) called this special

language between subculture members as ‘phatic communion’ (as cited in Celsi et

al., 1993, p. 13). Outsiders to the subculture of consumption are unable to understand

the special verbal and nonverbal cues that allow insiders to communicate cohesively

and with fluidity (Celsi et al., 1993).

Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) believe that storytelling is a central element of the

subculture of consumptions ‘phatic communion’. When stories are based on common

consumer experiences of the subculture of consumption’s central focus, such as

Harley Davidson riding (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995) or being a ‘Raver’

(Goulding et al., 2002), a meaningful link between the different community members

is established. Telling such stories is an important part of a subculture of

consumptions rituals and traditions as for Muniz and O’Guinn it helps “reinforces

consciousness of kind between… members and contributes to imagined community”

(2001, p. 423).

Celsi et al., (1993) exploration of skydivers provides an example of when rituals and

traditions can be seen in a subculture of consumption. Skydivers become acquainted

with rituals, such as ‘the ascent’ or ‘under canopy’, and by executing such rituals the

skydivers are able to exchange a shared expectation of satisfaction (Celsi et al.,

1993). Consumers share meanings attached to the action of skydiving, and when they

partake in the activity’s rituals, consumers are able to connect. This reflects Belk,

Wallendorf and Sherry, Jr (1989) who argued that a sense of community

17

(communitas) “emerges from shared ritual experience that transcends the mundane of

everyday life” (1989, p. 7).

In their article ‘Brand Community’, Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) explicitly discuss the

idea that shared rituals and traditions exist. Central to their discussion is the idea that

rituals and traditions exists in order to maintain the ideology of a community (Muniz

and O’Guinn, 2001). By participating in a subculture of consumptions rituals,

members are pulled towards one another through the scripted interactions (Muniz and

O’Guinn, 2001). This in turn, helps clarify where individuals lie on the hierarchical

scale of commitment (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001). This is because as Celsi et al.,

(1993) argue, only by enacting the rituals and traditions of the subculture of

consumption can a member progress up the hierarchical ladder. Ultimately, as Celsi

et al., (1993) explain, a repeated performance of rituals and traditions allows a

process of acculturation into the subculture of consumption to occur.

2.6. Escapism - Personal Freedom:

Traditionally escapism has been defined as “the avoidance of reality by absorption of

the mind in entertainment or in an imaginative situation, activity” (The Oxford

English Dictionary, 1989). Shouten and McAlexander (1995) claim that through

participating in a subculture of consumption individuals may be able to experience a

sense of escapism due to the temporary self-transformation they undertake.

Labrecque, Krishen and Grzeskowiak discuss how consumers live in a “cycle of

aspiration and habituation, underlying the vicious circle of work and spend mindset”

(2011, p. 460) that has become dominant in postmodern society today. Therefore,

consumers cultivate a motivation for escapism from the “nightmare of repetition”

(Cohen and Taylor, 1992, p. 66) that surrounds them. Kozinets (2002) extended this

understanding of escapism after research into the Burning Man Festival was

conducted. Kozinets (2002) argues that postmodern consumers need to escape the

monotony of their daily routines by finding a temporary refuge.

Labrecque et al., (2011) further argue that unlike psychological literature on

escapism, which discusses issues such as addiction and substance abuse, consumption

18

literature implies that escaping from reality can be healthy for a consumers mind. For

example, Wann, Allen and Rochelle (2004) identified a positive correlation between

escapism and sports spectatorship.

According to Anathaswamy (2007) the postmodern consumers ability to escape the

reality of their everyday lives has been enhanced by the growth of the Internet, as

they are able to express their different self-images on a virtual platform. Using these

online platforms, as well as partaking in a subculture of consumption activity allows

consumers to create escapism. Rojeck (1993) argues that ultimately escapism is

important as it provides consumers with a chance to feel freedom and pleasure.

2.7. Transformation of the Self:

Schouten and McAlexander (1995) discuss the possibility that consumers’ movement

through the hierarchical ladder of subcultures of consumption can lead to a

transformation of the self. This logic is reflected in the thinking of Elliott and

Wattanasuwan (1998) who felt that consumption could be considered as a source to

construct self-identity and position one’s self in society. Elliott and Wattanasuwan

(1998) further argue, “the concept of possible selves as components of the self-

concept suggests that the self can be multifaceted” (p. 18) and that by engaging in

subcultures of consumption, individuals are able to transform themselves into these

self-concepts.

Self-transformation of an individual occurs as “becoming a member of a subculture

of consumption generally means entering at the bottom of a status hierarchy and

undergoing a process of socialisation” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 56).

This process of socialisation takes consumers on a journey as their involvement and

commitment to the subculture become more deep-rooted and the level of importance

the subculture has to the consumer’s life increases. For Schouten and McAlexander

(1995) self-transformation ultimately sees an individual move away from self-

preservation towards complete internalisation of the subculture of consumptions

values and structures.

As consumers advance up the hierarchical scale within a subculture of consumption

19

they slowly embark on a process of self-transformation. As progression up the status

hierarchy takes place, so does a process described by Scammon (1987, p. 127) as

‘side bets’. Side bets can be both material and social. For example, for ‘roadies’, a

material side bet may include a particular brand of protein shake or expensive cycling

accessories. On the other hand, social bets represent the social relationships that

develop around the activity of road-racer cycling. Schouten and McAlexander (1995)

feel that side bets help the postmodern consumer internalise the ethos of a subculture

of consumption, and therefore, help the transformation of the self take place.

2.8. Marketing and Subcultures of Consumption:

Exploring subcultures of consumption and their members is important for marketers

as, according to Cova and Cova it provides opportunities to “engage in symbiotic

relationships with groups of consumers” (2002, p. 612). By closely observing

subcultures of consumption marketers will be able to generate a firm understanding

of what meaning is embedded in the central consumption product and/or brand, and

how this meaning can be altered and used in consumers everyday experiences (Cova

and Cova, 2002). Having greater insight into the practices of a subculture of

consumption, and the values behind them, marketers are better able to create products

and campaigns that will resonate with community members.

Furthermore, Cova and Cova (2002) believe that the knowledge gained through

understanding the workings of a subculture of consumption can enable a smoother

process of acculturation for new members, better communication within the

subculture, and heighten the experiences of subculture members. This view echoes

those of Schouten and McAlexander (1995) in their exploration of why it is important

to understand the subculture of consumption surrounding Harley Davidson.

Casaló et al., (2008) argue that marketers need to be even more aware of subcultures

of consumption as they now exist online. Casaló et al., (2008) went on to propose

three reasons as to why marketers have a great interest in virtual communities formed

around particular brands and/or products:

i. The online subcultures of consumption are able to influence the

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behaviours of others by providing information and influence over how

brands and/or products are perceived (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001;

Kozinets, 2002; Casaló et al., 2008)

ii. Through watching the online operations of subcultures of consumption,

marketers are able to deepen their grasp of members needs and desires

(Kozinets, 2002; Casaló et al., 2008)

iii. Marketers may be able to distinguish between the different levels of

consumer loyalty to the brand and/or product that the online subculture is

developed around. This is because marketers can track individuals

participation in the online subculture and how regular purchases are made,

and so forth (Casaló et al., 2008)

It is clear that there are strong arguments for the benefits of marketers investigating

the behaviour of subcultures of consumption and the behaviour of their members.

Fundamentally, such research provides marketing managers with a concise

understanding of what it is members are looking for in terms of the values and

associations they attach to particular brands and/or products.

21

3.0. RESEARCH DIRECTION:

3.1. Research Gap:

From the secondary research conducted there currently appears to be no existing

literature that specifically focuses on the habits of a subculture of consumption

established around the activity of road-racer cycling. Therefore, the dissertation aims

to make a significant and substantial contribution to the literature on subcultures of

consumption, in particular building on the research conducted by Schouten and

McAlexander (1995) into the subculture of Harley Davidson riders.

3.2. Research Question:

“An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption”

3.3. Research Objectives:

1. Conduct a study of road-racer cyclists and their consumption habits, using

postmodern literature as a conceptual framework and empirical research to

establish whether or not a subculture of consumption exists.

2. To investigate whether a clear hierarchical scale exists within the possible

‘roadie’ subculture of consumption.

3. To gain an understanding of what rituals and traditions may exist and

whether they enable consumer sense escapism.

4. To explore what the implications for marketing managers may be if a

‘roadie’ subculture of consumption exists.

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4.0. METHODOLOGY:

4.1. Interpretive Research Approach:

In order to successfully conduct a thorough exploration of the ‘roadie’ subculture of

consumption, a strictly interpretive approach was adopted. Larsen and Wright (1997)

argue that interpretive research has continued to help advance academics

understanding of consumer behaviour and therefore, it can provide a valid research

method. Fundamentally, as Solomon, Bamossy, Askegaard and Hogg (2010) argue

interpretive research is based on the notion that there is no one truth to be discovered,

but rather consumers construct their own meanings in society and these constructions

are what the researcher wishes to gain a deeper insight into.

Furthermore, as the dissertation is concerned with the behaviour of particular

consumers in a postmodern society, it makes sense for an interpretive research

approach to be adopted because postmodern consumers “tend to become players in

meaning construction” (Firat and Dholakia, 2006, p. 140) and therefore, an

interpretive approach allows researchers to best understand how these constructions

take place.

To successfully ensure that an interpretive approach was adopted, qualitative

research, which uses a method of observation, was selected. This is because as

Malhotra and Birks (2007) and Schouten and McAlexander (1995) claim using a

qualitative approach provides the best mechanism for dealing with the fluidity of

social constructions created by consumers.

4.2. Qualitative Research Approach:

Qualitative research is defined as “pragmatic, interpretive, and grounded in the lived

experiences of people” (Marshall and Rossman, 2011). Marshall and Rossman (2011)

believe that a qualitative approach allows researchers to collect richer answers to

questions from the subjects of investigation, giving them valuable information, which

may have been missed if another research method had been adopted. This is because,

as Marshall and Rossman (2011) further argue, qualitative research enables an insight

23

into consumer’s thoughts, attitudes, fears, values, and so forth to be generated.

Using a qualitative approach to research in this dissertation has its benefits. One such

benefit is described by Miles and Huberman (1994) who claim that taking a

qualitative direction enables the researcher to gain rich and holistic data. Miles and

Huberman’s (1994) claim implies that using a qualitative research approach leads to a

deeper insight into how the activity of road-racer cycling helps construct meaning in

a consumer’s life, and how in turn, the consumer helps shape the way society views

the activity, if at all. Fundamentally, as the dissertation is concerned with conducting

an exploratory study of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption, it is important that a

wide-ranging and complete picture of the context in which the ‘roadie’ lives and

interacts within is created. Therefore, qualitative research methods are most suitable

for the dissertation research into the ‘roadie’ subculture, as they help decipher the

“values, emotional drives and motivations residing at the sub-conscious level”

(Malhotra and Birks, 2007, p. 155) of consumers’ minds.

4.3. Ethnography:

According to Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) ethnography is a useful qualitative

research tool for this dissertation as it is concerned with the origins and social

relationships of human beings, and is therefore a very human centered approach to

data collection. Kelly and Gibbons (2008) describe ethnography as a research method

based on observational methodology that aims to help academics gain a greater

insight into human cultures. Furthermore, Geertz (1973, p. 3) argues that ethnography

follows the principle of “thick description”, which is based on the idea that there is

far more to any social situation than initially meets the eye. Therefore, Geertz (1973)

believes that ethnographic researchers aim to establish a thorough understanding of a

particular culture and achieve a ‘thick description’, all of which could not be

achieved from a quantitative viewpoint. In order for this to be successfully achieved,

Fetterman states that ethnographers must have an “ability to keep an open mind about

the groups or cultures they are studying” (2010, p. 1).

Schouten and McAlexander (1995) used ethnographic research in order to explore the

subculture of consumption surrounding Harley Davidson motorcycles. Schouten and

24

McAlexander (1995) felt that ethnography was the best approach because it has an

evolving nature, which allows a researcher to easily interact and experience the

various elements of the subcultures of consumption. Throughout the course of their

three-year exploration of the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, Schouten

and McAlexander (1995) through the use of ethnography were able to make headway

into the subculture, until they were successfully accepted at the core of the subculture

of consumption. Only through the use of ethnographic research were Schouten and

McAlexander able to gain “insights and perspectives that would have [otherwise]

been difficult” (1995, p. 44).

4.3.1. Ethnographic Considerations:

Although there are clear arguments that ethnography is an appropriate approach for

particular research, it is important to understand that some academics have proposed

arguments against its use (Lauer and Asher, 1988; Katz, 2006; Kelly and Gibbons,

2008). Fundamentally Kelly and Gibbons (2008) believe that when ethnography is

employed improperly plenty of ‘interesting’ research may be gathered, but no

actionable results are uncovered. In particular, advocates of quantitative approaches

to research have raised criticisms about ethnography. For example, Brewer (2000)

argues that collecting research data in a fluid, open and unstructured way can prevent

an accurate interpretation of the data being drawn, as differences in the findings can

be attributed to the varying ways the data was collected.

Although clear objections against the use of ethnography exist, for the purpose of this

dissertation, ethnography has been employed in order to assist the researcher’s

exploration and help build a thorough understanding of how members from the

‘roadie’ subculture of consumption behave. Ethnography was determined to be the

most appropriate method for developing insight into the subculture of consumption,

because as Schouten and McAlexander (1995) argue, it allows for flexible and

interactive research to occur.

4.4. Methodological Triangulation:

The researcher decided to adopt a process of methodological triangulation in order to

25

ensure that sufficient data was collected in order to fulfill the previously stated

research objectives. According to Denzin (2006) methodological triangulation is a

process that involves the use of more than one method of data collection, such as

interviews, questionnaires, focus groups, and observations. With regards to this

research both the methods of netnography and interviews have been used.

4.5: Stage 1 Data Collection: Netnography:

Xun and Reynolds (2010) define netnography as a form of ethnographic research that

seeks to explore the behaviour of groups and cultures in an online environment. This

understanding of netnography has led to it sometimes being called either digital or

virtual ethnography (Watson, Morgan and Hemmington, 2008; Murthy, 2008 as cited

in Xun and Reynolds, 2010, p. 18). At its core, netnography just like ethnography is

concerned with “the study of distinctive meanings, practices and artefacts of

particular social groups” (Kozinets, 2002, p. 62).

Netnography has become a more widely used qualitative research method according

to Xun and Reynolds (2010). This is because as Kozinets (1999) argues, our

postmodern society has increasingly witnessed a growth in digital advancements,

enabling consumers to access a new platform whereby their multiple self-images can

be expressed. Kozinets (1999) further argues that as more and more consumers turn

to the Internet as a means of vocalising their postmodern identities, the development

of subcultures of consumption has taken place.

Following this understanding of netnography, the dissertation researcher adopted the

research approach as a mechanism to aid their understanding of the discourse and

interactions between members of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption in an online

environment (Kozinets, 2002). Ultimately, netnography was adopted in order to help

the researcher achieve the following objectives:

1. Familiarise herself with the language, rituals and traditions which

surround road-racer cycling

2. Establish recurring and dominant themes within the subculture of

consumption that can contribute before and during the interview stages of

26

research

3. Measure and merge data collected from interviews with supportive data

collected from the online environment of the subculture of consumption,

so a more complete picture is presented

In order for these three objectives to be achieved, five simple steps proposed by the

academic champion of netnography, Kozinets (2010, p. 61) were followed. These

steps were:

1. Definition of research question, social sites or topics to investigate

2. Community identification and selection

3. Community participant - observation (engagement, immersion) and data

collection (ensure ethical procedures)

4. Data analysis and iterative interpretation of findings

5. Write, present and report research findings and/or theoretical and/or

policy implications

4.5.1. Site Identification and Selection:

The researcher decided to analyse four threads taken from two online forums

dedicated to the activity of road-racer cycling (two threads from each site.) In order to

successfully identify and select the two appropriate online sites, where members from

the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption participated in discussions and debates,

Kozinets’ (2010, p. 89) six research criterions were used as a guideline:

i. Relevant – they relate to your research focus and question(s)

ii. Active – they have recent and regular communications

iii. Interactive – they have a flow of communications between participants

iv. Substantial – they have a critical mass of communications and an

energetic feel

v. Heterogeneous – they have a number of different participants

vi. Data-rich – offering more detailed or descriptively rich data

By following the six above criterions the research selected the three following sites

27

and threads to be investigated:

http://cyclingtipsblog.com/

• How to Wear a Cycling Cap – April 27th, 2012

• A Ride Through Flanders - April 3rd, 2012

http://inrng.com/

• Cycling Fans Versus The Mass Market Audience - May 3rd 2012

• Post-Tour blues – July 25th 2011

http://www.velominati.com

• On Rule Number 9: Love the Work – October 31st 2011

• La Bicyclette – May 28th 2012

4.5.2. Archival Data:

In order to ensure that no bias occurs while conducting the netnographic research, the

dissertation researcher ensured that ‘passive analysis’ (Eysenbach and Till, 200, p.

1103) was adopted. This meant that the researcher did not partake in any of the

discussions or conversations taking place in the forums and blogs being observed.

Kozinets (2010) claims that when passive analysis is adopted, ‘archival data’ can be

collected, which enables a deeper understanding of the subculture of consumption to

be developed.

Archival data provides researchers with vast amounts of information as it is collected

in response to some of the following concerns a researcher may face, according to

Kozinets (2010, p. 90):

i. What are the most popular topics?

ii. What can you tell about the characteristics (demographics, interests,

opinions, values) of the commentators?

iii. What other groups are members connected to?

28

As so much information can be generated through archival data, Kozinets (2010)

argues that researchers must be prepared to make tough decisions about what data

should be selected for analysis and how it should be interpreted. However, as archival

data comes from a form of ethnography, it is likely that categories for interpretation

will evolve and change naturally throughout the analysis process (Kozinets, 2010).

In order to collect archival data postings from various road-racer forums and blogs

were taken as they were found. This meant that spelling mistakes, poor punctuation

and grammatical errors have been included. Markham (2004, as cited in Kozinets,

2010, p. 106) argues the researcher cannot correct such mistakes as this would result

in the people who posted the comments being refigured. This would be detrimental to

the research as online subculture of consumption members would not be presented in

the research findings as how they were actually found (Markham, 2004, as cited in

Kozinets, 2010, p. 106).

4.5.3. Netnography Sample Size:

According to Malhotra and Birks (2007) unlike quantitative research, which requires

large sample sizes to ensure that the research results are valid and reliable,

ethnographic researchers instead believe that validity and reliability are achieved

through the depth of the research results. This reflects the belief that “the strength of

netnography is its particularistic ties to specific online consumer groups and the

revelatory depth of their online communications” (Kozinets, 2010, p. 116). Kozinets

(2010) also argues that this depth comes from researchers focusing on collecting data

from a few specific threads within the online subculture of consumption.

Furthremore, Kozinets (2010) believes that if the data collected is both descriptive

and rich enough to draw clear understandings about the subculture of consumption

then the sample size does not need to be vast.

Ultimately, Kozinets (2010) argues that if the researcher is using a software

programme, such as NVivo to help in the coding of data, the data collection should

extend to up to 5,000 pages of double-spaced text. However, as this was a small, non-

professional study that was bound by time constraints, the researcher decided that up

500 pages of double-spaced text would be sufficient.

29

4.5.4. Netnographic Data Presentation:

There are two dominant methods for how netnographic data should be presented. The

first method is to simply save the thread page as a computer readable file (Kozinets,

2010). The second is to save the thread as a visual image as it appears online (also

known as a screen print) (Kozinets, 2010). The researcher opted for the second means

of presentation for the purpose of easy upload to the qualitative data analysis software

NVivo. Excerpts from three of the six threads can be found in appendices (please see

appendix 3–5). Please note that the data in the uploaded version of this document

have been saved as a computer readable file for ease of reading purposes.

4.5.5. Netnographic Considerations:

It is important to acknowledge that the research method of netnography has faced

some objections. Xun and Reynolds (2010, p. 19) successfully summarise these

potential weaknesses of netnography into four key criticisms:

1. Respondent Authenticity and Instability of the User Base - At times it may

be difficult for the researcher to determine the identity of a online

participants, especially due to the use of pseudonyms and avatars

2. Underdeveloped Analytical Toolkit - Netnography has an underdeveloped

system of analytical tools, meaning that researchers often rely on whatever

software is currently available on the market even though it may not

always fit with their research objectives

3. Potentially Poor Quality of Textual Discourse - In argument against

Kozinets (1999) belief that web discourse provides rich data, Xun and

Reynolds (2010) claim that in order to provide netnographic data,

consumers must have a certain degree of literacy and “pay more attention

when composing messages, or interpreting and paraphrasing the remarks

of others” (p. 20). Furthermore, online forums lack moderators making it

difficult for a researcher to manage the flow and order of discussion

4. Ethical Sensitivity: According to King (1996) the boundary between the

public and private spheres becomes blurred on the Internet

30

Furthermore, Kozinets (2010) makes the point that participating in an online

environment allows consumers the potential to present themselves untruthfully.

Therefore, Kozinets (2010) argues that some of the data collected through

netnography may lack validity. However, Schau and Gilly (2003) in their research

met people they had initially made contact with online. Once meeting them Schau

and Gilly (2003) believe that online representations of individuals are generally

accurate and that people communicating via online forums are not extravagant liars

or trying to deceive others about who they truly are.

Even with these various objections, netnography has been used in this dissertation

because as Kozinets (2002) argues, unlike traditional ethnography, netnography

provides a less time consuming research method, as well as enabling cohort

observation to occur that allows the natural behaviour of ‘roadies’ to be observed

easily.

4.5.6. Ethical Considerations in Netnography:

As previously stated, Xun and Reynolds (2010) highlight the netnographic weakness

based on ethical sensitivity as the boundaries between what is considered private and

public become blurred in the online environment. Therefore, when considering

whether information found on online forums can be used as data, the researcher must

first establish whether the posts are private or public communications as, according to

Eysenbach and Till (2001) this will decide whether or not informed consent needs to

be gained.

There have been arguments raised which state that if an online forum can be publicly

accessed without individuals having to become members or sign in, then informed

consent from posters is not needed (Eysenbach and Till, 2001; Xun and Reynolds,

2010). However, Eysenbach and Till (2001) also argue that if any research, which is

collected online could negatively affect a subculture of consumption in anyway, then

the researcher should look to revise their data collection and analysis methods.

Furthermore, Eysenbach and Till (2001) believe that netnographic researchers should

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avoid directly quoting conversations from online forums or blogs. This is because as

Eysenbach and Till (2001) argue exact quoting could be considered a breach of

participant confidentiality and it may also lead to identification of the participant. For

example, if a direct quote from a forum or blog is searched through the popular site

‘Google’, individuals are directed to the original source of the quote and the email

address of the quote poster. The researcher however does directly quote from online

conversations because they are confident that the data is publicly available.

4.6. Stage 2 Data Collection: Qualitative Interviews:

In order for a successful exploration of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption to

occur five one-to-one qualitative interviews were conducted in order to supplement

the netnographic research. The interviews conducted aimed to provide open-ended

and in-depth data for analysis. Therefore, the interviews were “flexible, interactive

and continuous, rather than prepared in advance and locked in stone” (Rubin and

Rubin, 20055, p. 3). Furthermore, in order for the in-depth interviews to be

successfully conducted, the interviewer followed Babbie’s (2010) suggestion that

interviews follow a general plan of inquiry rather than having set questions that need

to be answered in a particular order and using a set language. This implies that

qualitative interviews should imitate a conversation, with the conversation being

directed by the interviewer as areas of interest discussed are pursued, but with the

respondent doing the majority of the talking (Babbie, 2010). This interview process

reflects what Morey and Luthans (1984) call an emic research approach. Ultimately,

as Shankar et al., (2001) argue open-ended interviews will help develop a richer

understanding of different aspects of consumption.

4.6.1. Selection of Interviewees:

The non-probability sampling technique called ‘snowball sampling’ (Babbie, 2010, p.

193) was used when it came to the selection of five road-racer consumers to be

interviewed. Babbie (2010) defines snowball sampling as the process whereby a

researcher collects data from a select few individuals who successfully meet the

research criteria (in this case consumers who partake in the activity of road-racer

cycling) and then those participants refer the researcher to other consumers of interest

32

that they happen to know. As the sample gradually widens, the amount of useful data

gathered increases. An academic example of when snowball sampling has been used

successfully for sourcing interviewees for qualitative interviews is Browne’s (2005)

investigation into a group of homosexual women in a small UK town. Browne (2005)

through the use of the snowball sampling technique was able to establish a network

of participants, who she connected with to generate solid qualitative data.

Some academics have however, voiced concerns over the reliability of snowball

sampling. For example, Berg (1988) argues that if a researcher uses a snowball

sample there is a strong chance that the selected participants have established

relationships with one another. The researcher found this to be the case in this

dissertation as some of the participants referred back to other individuals they knew

had also been interviewed. However, as this dissertation seeks to explore the nature

of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption and the dynamics of members’

relationships, this disadvantage actually becomes an advantage for the researcher.

Similar to the sample size necessary for netnographic research, Patton (1990) argues

that qualitative interviews need only be conducted with a small number of

participants in order for a sufficient amount of data to be generated. Creswell (1998)

supports this argument and states that for qualitative interviews based on a

phenomenology up to anywhere up to ten interviews will is sufficient. Furthermore,

Polkinghorn (1989) claims that anywhere from five to twenty-five interviews will

provide adequate data for a researcher. Therefore, for the purpose of this dissertation

five participants were recruited to take part in qualitative interviews. A short profile

of each of the selected participants can be found in the appendices (please see

appendix 6).

4.6.2. Interview Characteristics:

As qualitative interviews have been described as flexible methods for data collection

(Babbie, 2010) some authors, such as Kvale (2007) put “demands on advance

preparation and interviewer competence” (p. 34). Therefore, the researcher spent time

considering and preplanning when, where and how the interviews should be

conducted.

33

The interviews were arranged at the convenience of the participants in order to ensure

that face-to-face interviews could be conducted. Private locations were selected in

order to ensure that no outside influences could distract the interviewees from the

answers they were providing, and the participants were asked to select the location. It

was hoped that by allowing the participants to select the location of the interview

they would select somewhere they would feel comfortable, and therefore increase

their willingness to share openly about their experiences surrounding road-racer

cycling. However, Interview Four ended up being conducted in a public space at the

request of the participant.

The oral interviews ranged in length from forty-five to sixty minutes. The interviewer

asked questions relating to their consumption experiences surrounding the activity of

road-racer cycling. This was to ensure that the potential hierarchical structure of the

‘roadie’ subculture of consumption could be explored, as well as the issues of rituals

and traditions, and escapism. Therefore, the interviews conducted were aimed at

being phenomenological but with the conversation being carefully guided by the

interviewer.

Furthermore, the interviewer used the data findings from the netnographic research in

order to ensure that the open-end interviews managed to touch on the areas of

interest. This is because from the netnographic analysis of the six selected threads,

the interviewer had developed an understanding of the language surrounding the

activity of road-racer cycling and had begun to establish recurring and dominant

themes. This information not only helped the interviewer guide the interviewee

conversation, but also helped the researcher develop a picture of whether

interviewees’ responses were completely open and honest. This is because as Schau

and Gilly (2003) established, online representations of individuals are generally

accurate. Therefore, if the interviewees’ conversation was found to be similar to that

found online then there was a good chance that the participants were being truthful in

their responses.

It is important to note that by using the netnographic research as a tool to guide the

interview process it is difficult to justify how the interviews can be purely

34

phenomenological as the researcher conducted them with a sense of direction taken

from the online findings. However, without the use of the netnography, the researcher

would have struggled to grasp some of the terminology and references made in the

interviews, and therefore the researchers understanding of the collected data would be

incomplete.

Once the interviews were complete, the researcher immediately took notes

concerning any key thoughts that had come to mind. Following this, the interviews

were transcribed faithfully to what was said onto the NVivo platform. Excerpts from

each of the five interviews can be found in appendices (please see appendix 7 – 11).

4.6.3. Ethical Considerations in Qualitative Interviewing:

Before qualitative data collection began, an ethics form was completed and approved

by an academic from the Manchester Business School. This was to ensure that the

dissertation research area was acceptable and that the qualitative interviews

conducted would abide by the MRS Code of Conduct:

“Protecting informants from unwelcome intrusion or harm, to respect their

rights of privacy, not to reveal their identity without permission, and to ensure

that they will be in no way adversely affected or embarrassed as a direct

result of participation in a research project” (Market Research Society, 2010)

In order for the MRS Code of Conduct to be met a consent form was presented to

each interviewee, signed and returned to the researcher before the interviews were

conducted (please see appendix 12 for a copy of the form). The consent form

provided necessary data on the what the dissertation research was concerned with and

how the interviews would be conducted in order to participants to be able to make an

informed decision over whether they should take part in the interview or not. The

participants were also, made aware of how the data generated from the interviews

would be used.

As well as having a consent form signed, the researcher at the beginning of each

interview reiterated to participants the fact that they would remain anonymous, the

35

information provided would only be used for the purposes of the dissertation and that

they were free to opt-out of the interview at any point. By doing this the researcher

ensured that the interviewees and the data they provided were regulated in lines with

the FARSTARS Data Protection standards:

• Fair - fairly and lawfully processed

• Adequate - adequate, relevant and note excessive

• Rights - processed in lines with your rights

• Specific - processed for limited purposes

• Transfer - not transferred to countries without adequate protection

• Accuracy

• Retention - not kept for longer than is necessary

• Security

Furthermore, when transcribing the interviews the researcher gave each participant a

pseudonym in order to ensure that their identities remained as anonymous as possible.

By using pseudonyms rather than referring to the interviewees as ‘participant one’,

‘participant two’ and so on, the interviewees maintain a more human level, rather

than appearing to be clinical. This reflects the qualitative, open-ended and relaxed

nature of the interviews conducted.

4.7. Trustworthiness:

The researcher followed Guba’s (1981) proposed four criteria to ensure that an

element of trustworthiness existed in the research. The four criteria are:

i. Credibility

ii. Transferability

iii. Dependability

iv. Conformability

Following the arguments of Shenton (2004) the researcher ensured that credibility

was maintained by:

36

• Adopting well established research methods – qualitative interviews and

netnography

• Developing an early familiarity with the culture of participants through

general conversations with road-racer cyclists and netnographic research

• Using methodological triangulation in order to compensate for the

researcher and participant limitations

• Ensuring that participants were given the opportunity to refuse to

participate in the research in order to guarantee that those who partook in

the interviews were genuinely willing to do so

• Pursuing peer scrutiny of the research in order to allow for a fresh

perspective to be cast over the research process

The researcher followed Marchionini and Teague’s (1987) suggestions in order to

ensure that transferability was maintained. This meant providing information on the

following issues from the outset of the research:

• The number of participants involved in the fieldwork

• The data collected methods that were employed

• The number and length of the data collection sessions

With regards to dependability, Shenton (2004) argues it should be addressed by

ensuring that the research processes pursued should be reported thoroughly, in case

any future research arises even if it does not necessarily obtain the same findings.

Therefore in lines with Shenton’s (2004) recommendations, the researcher made sure

that the final research report had sections devoted to:

• Describing the research design process and how it was implemented

• How the data was collected

• Reflective evaluation of the research, which considers the process of

analysis followed

Finally, confirmability, which “is the qualitative investigator’s comparable concern to

37

objectivity” (Shenton, 2004, p. 72), was maintained by once again adopting

methodological triangulation in order to reduce the effect of researcher bias.

4.8. Data Analysis:

Once the raw data were collected it needed to be processed, refined, extracted and

then incorporated into a theoretical framework. This is to ensure that a thorough

understanding into the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption could be established. In

order for this to be done successfully the principles of thematic analysis were

adopted. Crabtree and Miller (1999) argue that thematic analysis provides researchers

with a mechanism whereby a categorisation scheme can be developed, helping the

researcher more easily identify important themes running through the data. It enables

large volumes of text to be coded so that “segments about an identified topic (codes)

can be assembled in one place to complete the interpretive process” (Crabtree and

Miller, 1999, p. 166).

As the data collected was open-ended using thematic analysis was appropriate. This

is because, as Van Manen (1990) states, through careful reading and rereading of the

data themes can be identified, as regularly recurring patterns becoming increasingly

identifiable. Therefore, Fereday and Muir-Cochrane (2006) believe thematic analysis

is based on the concept of pattern recognition within the collected data. Ultimately,

identifying themes within open-ended data allows “the structures of experience” (Van

Manen, 1990, p. 79) to be better understood. This reflects Coffey and Atkinson’s

(1996) argument that coding the data is more than just giving categories to the data.

Instead Coffey and Atkinson believed “it is also about conceptualizing the data,

raising questions, providing provisional answers about the relationship among and

within the data, and discovering the data” (1996, p. 31.) With this in mind, it is clear

that thematic analysis provides a solid method for interpreting the raw data. Most

crucially, thematic analysis enabled the researcher to successfully identify regularly

occurring themes within the data, and therefore is significant to the research.

Weitzman and Miles (1995 as cited in Kozinets, 2010, p. 128) suggested that

computer software in qualitative research projects is acceptable when it is used to do

some of the following tasks:

38

• Sorting texts

• Search and retrieving texts and making them available for inspection

• Performing content analysis by counting frequencies, sequences, or

locations of words and phrases

• Building theory by developing systematic, conceptually coherent

explanations of findings

Therefore, NVivo, the primary software that researchers use to analysis qualitative

text data was used in the initial stages of data analysis. Using the NVivo software

provided an aide to the researcher in organising the collected data and facilitating

their analysis, interpretation and outputs. NVivo allows for thematic analysis to take

place as it systematically indexes the research data into particular themes.

Furthermore, using NVivo as an aide to data analysis meant that the researcher was

able to search and retrieve crucial text quickly. It is important to note that although

NVivo is a useful tool for data analysis as it enables the researcher to efficiently

process large amounts of textual data, it is unable to make any kind of judgment

about the data (King, 2004). As King (2004) argues, NVivo simply facilitates data

organisation and in-depth examination.

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5.0. RESEARCH FINDINGS:

Several interesting themes were raised throughout the course of the data collection,

and some themes were more prevalent than others. The following chapter provides an

overview of all the main themes encountered while analysing the collected data. In

order to ensure that each of the themes was considered effectively the researcher

decided to discuss them in relation to the literature previously explored in Section 2.0

from the outset of the data analysis process. Furthermore, this section also provides

justification for why some of the themes that emerged from the data have been

discussed in greater detail in Section 6.0.

After the data from both the interviews and the online research had been collated on

the NVivo platform, the researcher identified nine main areas of interest. In this

section each of the nine themes are described and their implications for the existence

of a ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption are discussed.

5.1. Sense of Community:

From the data analysis there appeared to be a very strong sense of community

established by individuals engaging in road-cycling. This community seemed to have

emerged out of a shared sense of enthusiasm and enjoyment for the consumption

activity of road-cycling. This reflected Schouten and McAlexander’s claim that a

subculture of consumption is “a distinctive subgroup of society that self-selects on

the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand or consumption

activity” (1995, p. 43).

The netnographic data collected reflected the notion that a strong community exists

for those who partake in the consumption activity of road-racer cycling. For example,

an online conversation took place after someone posted about an injury they had

sustained while out on the road cycling:

Vin’cenza // Mar 25 2012 @Mentions | @Replies Reply | Quote | #302 Agony with despair — all me. Snapped left clavicle from chasing Hells Bells for The Devil thru a turnabout on the race course today — a hard hit. Off the

40

course, on my back, the attending official(s) heard a very audible SNAP — 2 minute delayed SNAP !! Right there at the turnabout for next half hour (wearing matching Black sling) — held ice bag for 1 hour watching next race (drove to finish) — drove myself 2 hrs back home (right-handed) — endured next hour waiting on my wife, which included a half hour hail storm (weird) — debated getting X-rays for an obviously broken clavicle 5 minutes — 1 hour Urgent Care and then finally done (still wearing race kit w/ same matching Black sling). The race bike — The Sword — was not really damaged at all. Both tires flatted — 10 and 15 sec delayed flats (weird).

Oli // Mar 25 2012 @Mentions | @Replies Reply | Quote | #303 Jeepers, that’s no good! Heal fast, bud. Jonny // Mar 25 2012 @Mentions | @Replies Reply | Quote | #304 @Vin’cenza Sorry to hear about that. How long until you’re healed up? I don’t think it’s weird the tires went flat. If cycling is a sybiosis of rider and machine then perhaps it senses your pain and predicament, and feels a little deflated... G’phant // Mar 25 2012 @Mentions | @Replies Reply | Quote | #305 @Vin’cenza Commiserations, Mate. Heal well.

This online conversation taken from the ‘On Rule No. 9 – Love the Work’ thread,

demonstrated how members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption are able to

empathise with their fellow cyclist, Vin’cenza, and feel his pain not only in a physical

sense, but also in an emotional sense because of Vin’cenza inability to cycle and be

out on the road while recovering from his injury. Therefore, this conversation

provides a clear example that demonstrates how members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture

construct social ties with others on the basis of their shared commitment to the

activity of road-cycling, which clearly meets Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995)

understanding of a subculture of consumption.

5.2. Self-Transformation:

When analysing the collected data the researcher found that there was a strong sense

of self-transformation reflecting that described by Schouten and McAlexander (1995)

in their investigation into the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption. In

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particular, there appeared to be evidence of what Scammon (1987) described as ‘side

bets’. The interviewee, Charlie when asked if his consumption habits had changed

since taking up road-cycling provided a prime example of material side bet when he

admitted:

“I definitely get into the kind of energy products because you realise that the

nutrition you have in you’re recovery slot makes a huge difference to how

much you enjoy the ride…”

The fact that Charlie had extended his consumption to include energy products is a

clear representation of a material side bet. This is because before taking up road-

cycling, Charlie would not have consumed such products, but now he feels like he

needs such products in order to get the most out of his road-cycling experiences.

The data collected also revealed indicators of individuals adopting social side bets,

which represented the social relationships that had built around the activity of road-

cycling. While discussing some of his most memorable rides, Patrick explicitly

described some of his friends as ‘cycling friends’, demonstrating that over time he

has developed strong social ties that stem from a shared enthusiasm for road-cycling:

“I mean I go down to Nice quite a lot because I work in Cannes sometime and

I now, I have made friends there, cycling friends and I stay down there quite a

lot…”

The establishment of ‘cycling friends’ is sign of self-transformation as it represents

Patrick’s journey into the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption. By establishing social

side bets, Patrick has demonstrated Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) belief that

side bets help the postmodern consumer internalise the ethos of a subculture of

consumption, and therefore, help the transformation of the self to take place.

The researcher also found other indicators that suggested individuals went through a

process of self-transformation while partaking in road-racer cycling. A particularly

interesting finding was that it appeared as though a ‘Roadie’s’ self-transformation

occurred over time and was a justified process. This contradicts the postmodern

42

understanding adopted by Belk (2003) that there is no reality to account for self-

transformations. Instead, according to Belk (2003) an individual’s self-transformation

happens because of the magic of consuming a particular product. This understanding

of consumption is more clearly demonstrated in Section 2.1.1. where the postmodern

concept of hyperreality is clearly explained. In order to explore this possible

contradiction the researcher discusses the differences in detail in Section 6.1.

5.3. Rituals and Traditions:

In line with Celsi et al, the researcher identified what could be regarded as a

specialised language that “joins together members of a cultural community” (1993, p.

13). This language reflects Malinowski’s (1923) definition of ‘phatic communion’ as

only those participating in the subculture can really understand the specialised

language used. For example, during his interview Charlie had to define and explain

what the road-cycling term ‘panache’ meant to the researcher:

“Panache is, is a racing thing, it is about you know, not just sprinting over

the line. It is when actually you destroy the field, a real way of sort of

terrifying your opponent.”

The fact that the researcher needed to have words explained to them was a clear

indicator that there is a specialised language existing within the ‘Roadie’ subculture

of consumption. This concept reflected Cova and Cova’s (2001) findings from their

study of French Inline Skaters. Cova and Cova found that “there are… many special

words that belong to the vocabulary of the skating tribe” (2001, p. 74). This therefore

supports the understanding that when consumers come together in a postmodern

society due to their shared consumption of a particular, product, brand or activity,

there is likely to be a language that only those consumers can understand (Celsi et al,

2001; Shouten and McAlexander, 1995; Cova and Cova, 2001).

Furthermore, the researcher also identified that the activity of road-cycling was

surrounded by an array of rituals, which appeared to be based on how an individual

looked while cycling. The rituals appeared to have been encapsulated by the ‘Euro-

Rules’, which were previously discussed in Section 2.1.5. When asked whether he

43

had any set rituals, Alex responded directly “I try and coordinate my kit as best I

can”. This reflected the idea that the rituals embedded in the ‘Roadie’ subculture of

consumption are concerned with looking cool and effortless.

When the data was coded in NVivo it was obvious that the concept of rituals and

traditions due to the existence of a specialised language and an emphasis on looking

good had appeared in much of the data collected. Therefore, the researcher decided to

explore this concept further in Section 6.2, in particular focusing on the idea that the

rituals focused on helping an individual look a certain way are viewed by a ‘Roadie’

not as part of a set of rituals, but instead as something that just happens.

5.4. Escapism:

An overriding theme that emerged from the initial data analysis was that there was a

strong sense that the activity of road-cycling offered consumers a means of escaping

their everyday lives. The interviewee Alex while considering whether cycling

represented a simpler way of life reflected

“maybe that is one of the reasons why I enjoy it as it washes everything else

away. When you are one your bike nothing else really matters while you are

on there and doing that activity.”

This concept was echoed throughout the netnography as individuals argued that their

road-bike:

“offers me companionship when I need it, solitude when I want to be alone”

(Frank, posted in La Bicyclette, 28th May 2012)

And while discussing the feeling you get once a ride has finished someone

commented:

“It’s like the robotic order of your days are short-wired. The “real” world

comes back into focus. And it’s again to daily disruptions.” (Starr, posted in

Post Tour Blues, 25th July 2011)

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Therefore, as individuals described road cycling as being separate from the reality of

their everyday life and as providing a source of time alone, there were clear

indications that Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) claim that through participating

in a subculture of consumption individuals may be able to experience a sense of

escapism has relevance.

Furthermore, the data collected not only revealed that individuals within the ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption often experience what could be described as a sense of

escapism, the data also implied that there were three different ways in which

consumers achieve this sense of escapism – through physically challenging

themselves, through the kinetics and movement of the road-bike and finally, through

consuming road-cycling as though it were a drug. Each of these paths to escapism

will be considered closely in the Discussion Sections 6.3 – 6.5.

5.5. Barriers to Entry:

In lines with Schouten and McAlexander (1995) study into the Harley Davidson

subculture of consumption, the researcher found that the ‘Roadie’ subculture of

consumption contained certain barriers to entry. Four main barriers were identified –

time, money, specialised language and physical ability. Out of these three barriers

time appeared to be the strongest obstacle. This was because in order to get out on the

road, individuals often have to sacrifice time from other areas of their lives, such as

spending an afternoon with their children. For example, while considering his

transition from simply cycling to racing, Ryan bought up how his girlfriend had

concerns about the amount of time that would be involved:

“[She] had a lot of doubt about it and saw it as a, it was a source of conflict –

implicit – it was only ever on occasion verbalized” and this was “because of

the time, and because of the, in terms of priorities and how you prioritise your

life, and also, it is a selfish thing, there is no escaping it, that it is selfish.”

Ryan’s observation is similar to Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) finding that

family members had reservations about the central consumption activity as it meant

45

their spouse, father, mother and so on, had less time to spend with them.

Importantly all five interviewees mentioned how they were pressed to find time to get

out on the open road with Charlie, the architect arguing that “I have trouble fitting it

[road-cycling] into my life”. This is connected to the concept of escapism and how

they are all pressed to find the time to escape from the reality of their daily lives.

5.6. Hierarchies:

During the data analysis indications that a hierarchy existed within the ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption appeared but to varying degrees. However, what was clear

to the researcher was that there was a clear distinction between those who participate

in the sport and those who do not. For example, during his interview, Alex made a

joke, which related to cycling:

“the one story that sticks in my mind and that I have shared with lots of other

people is when he was riding up a hill in Shropshire, which is notorious for it

20% incline and apparently he, one day, he was riding up with some other

rider and he was particularly strong, and strong in cycling is another cycling

term as well, and he looked, or he said to the guy next to him it feels a bit

steep today and the guy next to him said “it’s because you are on the big ring

Steve” and he was like in a big gear.”

The researcher however did not understand this joke. This therefore, clearly

demonstrated the distinction between an insider and an outsiders understanding of the

activity as someone who is a member of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption is

likely to have understood the story told.

Furthermore, it became clear to the researcher that Kozinets’ (1999) understanding of

member types were also apparent. Ryan, who technically took his cycling the most

seriously as he was the only interviewee who actively competed in road-racing

events, strongly reflected Kozinets (1999) description of a devotee – someone who is

a member and has a strong enthusiasm for the central consumption activity, but has a

lack of social ties. This is clear when considering Ryan’s comment regarding the

46

people he cycled with:

“these people are people who aren’t my friends, they are acquaintances and I

have gotten to know them through cycling and that is what I do, and I don’t

really, I don’t feel like I need to sit with them, drinking the coffee with them.”

However, Michael the family man, highlighted the importance of the social side of

road-cycling when he explained:

“Well, there is world of work, which is one bunch of people, and there is

home, friends, family, the non-cyclists and then there is the cyclists. They are

kind of the three bits of the pie that make up my life, for me, that fill up the

brief definitely.”

Michael’s understanding of where cycling and his cycling friends fit into his life

reflected Kozinets (1999) description of an insider. Michael clearly saw himself as

having strong social connections with the road-cycling community, as well as having

a strong interest in the consumption activity itself. For Michael, the two go hand in

hand with one another, unlike for Ryan who was able to separate the physical activity

from the social relationships that can develop out of participating in road-cycling.

5.7. Social Class:

Several of the interviewees alluded to the fact that road-cycling is a very middle class

phenomena. Patrick, the writer, pointed this out when he explained how road-cycling

has been described as “the new golf that is the cliché of cycling as the new golf”.

This was supported by Ryan, the civil servant, who explained how he cycled with a

lot of “upper middle class professionals” and most poignantly stated, “it’s not a

bunch of thickos trying to be working class, you know it is a middle class movement”.

These comments alluded to the early and more modernist understanding of

subcultures of consumption as being concerned with social class (Goulding et al.,

2002) and therefore, suggested that this exploration could be an extension of early

work into subcultures of consumption, such as Fyvel’s (1963) examination of the

‘Teddy Boy’ movement, which was created due to the struggles of the working class.

47

The idea that the subculture of consumption built on the activity of road-cycling is a

middle class movement is a contentious issue as it implies that our society does not

exist in a postmodern world. Ryan argued that:

“there’s people with a lot of money who want to buy themselves into a culture

and into a lifestyle, into a something that defines them that isn’t their job and

cycling is considered a source of … er.... has all the right characteristics

attached to it and an easy way to get into it is to buy the best bike you can...”

This statement implies that the social class of its members may not define the

‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption, but instead it is a subculture that simply appeals

to the middle class as it fits with aspects of their lives, and they have the money to be

able to afford to buy the necessary equipment needed.

5.8. Gender:

Gender was a clear area of interest for the researcher. The world surrounding the

activity of road-cycling appeared to be very heavily male dominated. This is obvious

when one considers that all five interviewees were male and that the researcher found

most of the online participants were male as well. Patrick, the cycling journalist,

openly admitted that the sport is “probably very male dominated” and Ryan, the

racer, explained that the team he rides with has “one female cyclist... but she doesn’t

really ride for us anymore.”

The fact that the world of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption may be male

dominated was further highlighted whilst analysing the netnography, where the

researcher found that postings on the thread ‘La Bicyclette’ moved away from the

discussion topic as several males posted pictures of overweight women. This led to

cruel taunts from other male posters and what could be deemed several chauvinistic

comments, such as “new rule proposal, you can only post pictures of fat people if

they’re as fit as Jessica Ennis.” (Chris, posted on Velominati, 30th May, 2012).

These posts appeared to be very crude and insulting towards the female gender.

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It is clear that the world of road-cycling is a very male dominated one and this may

be reflected in the idea of escapism. Individuals may seek to escape into a male

dominated world, where they are able to play up to concept of bravado and show off

their physical strength through continually challenging themselves. This concept of

the physical challenge provided by partaking in road-cycling is explored further in

Section 6.3.

5.9. Acceptance/Acknowledgement of Marketing:

Road-cycling as a sport has long been associated with marketing. For example, the

very knowledgeable Patrick explained to the researcher:

“European racing has always been a commercial thing. Tour de France was

set up as a … er… a sponsorship, a kind of publicity stunt for a newspaper...

Desgrange who was the Tour de France founder worked at ‘La Velo’ and was

you know, very anti-Dreyfus. So he was a nasty old fascist basically and he

set up a rival paper. ‘La Velo’ had pink paper I think … er… and the one that

he sent up, I think it was called ‘L’Auto’ – you can read this, it is quite easy to

verify … er… but he set up a new paper and took all the kind of anti-semitic

people and sponsors to the new paper and then they, they, you know, they

needed a publicity stunt so they came up with this idea of doing the Tour de

France and you know, and they had no idea that it would be even more than a

year, and it went down really well... Yeh, but it was always a commercial

thing, so it has always been about sponsorship and it has always been about

photos and you know, selling, about selling newspapers.”

The fact that the one of the main and probably the most famous races associated with

road-cycling, the Tour de France, has its roots in marketing provides justification for

how according to Patrick, “people are very accepting of the fact that cyclists are

walking billboards and that there is always a brand affiliation”. However, although

members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture may be accepting of the close relationship

between marketing and road-racing it does not mean that they always want to see it.

As one person posted online:

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“Just how fucking class does a national jersey look with no advertising on

it??? I know realistically it’s never going to happen nowadays but god it’d be

great to have some rider just say nope…” (Mikael Liddy, posted in ‘On Rule

No. 9 / Love the Work, 7th November, 2011).

Therefore, although there appeared to be recognition that marketing has a role to play

within the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption it did not amount to a clear acceptance

from members of the subculture.

5.10. Existence of a Subculture of Consumption:

The primary research objective of this study was to establish whether or not a

subculture of consumption exists. From the above observations it was clear that an

argument in support for a ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption exists. This is because

a subculture of consumption, which exists in a postmodern society, must contain

“processes of acculturation, evolution of motives as well as irreversible rituals and

markers of commitment” (Canniford, 2011, p. 593) that allows for members to create

lasting social structures, strong bonds with other members, and a special set of

values, which are communicated through ritualized modes of expressions (Canniford,

2011; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). The fact that the researcher identified,

from the data collected in the interviews and from those participating in online

discussions, a sense of a “hierarchical social structure… a set of shared beliefs and

values, unique jargons, rituals, and modes of symbolic expression” (Schouten and

McAlexander, 1995, p. 43) provided support for the argument that a ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption exists.

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6.0. DISCUSSION:

6.1. Becoming a ‘Cyclist’:

An interesting finding that emerged from the analysis of the qualitative interviews

was that a clear transition from being someone who cycled, to being a cyclist was

identified. For example, when Patrick reflected on whether he had ever realised

something about himself while riding he explained:

“I suppose the Alps ride from Geneva was where, I probably felt like I went

from someone who cycles a lot to being a cyclist. Because in a lot of ways that

was the first time I had cycled in, in the Alps, the proper Alps and you know, I

guess the first time I, you know, directly experienced those roads and that

history and that stuff…”

This evolution from being “someone who cycles a lot to being a cyclist”, reflects

Elliott and Wattanasuwan’s (1998) logic that consumption (in this case, the

consumption of road-cycling) could be considered a key source that helps one to

construct their self-identity and provides a means of positioning one’s self in society.

This sentiment was echoed by Michael who described his personal experience of self-

transformation that occurred after taking up road-cycling:

“For instance when I went along to the South Werstern club the first time, I

had never heard of ‘Ribbles Cycles’ and it was ‘Ribble’ this, ‘Ribble’ that,

‘Ribble’ the other and I was like what and it turns out that they are one of the

leading, nation wide, mail order in spect in types of businesses. And they have

everything on there – they have the wades for all the components and you

know, you can build your own bike online and all that stuff, so yeh, it does

serve as a way, you know sharing information and bringing everyone into the

inner circle where you find things and you find out about different bike shops

in your area and things like that.”

Michael’s experience reflected Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) claim that in

order for a process of self-transformation to occur, consumers may have to enter at

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the bottom of the commitment and status hierarchy, where they are likely to have

little knowledge, and then undergo a process of socialisation. Schouten and

McAlexander (1995) viewed this process of socialisation as a representation of the

increased commitment to the consumption activity and also the increased importance

the subculture has to the consumer’s life. Therefore, when Michael first started road-

cycling, he appeared to be at the bottom of the status hierarchy as he did not have the

necessary knowledge, such as being aware of what ‘Ribble’ was. However, as he

engaged more actively in cycling his level of knowledge increased enabling a process

of socialisation to occur, and in turn Michael underwent a process of transformation

into a cyclist.

This concept, that consumers within the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption

gradually undergo a self-transformation that takes them from being someone who

cycles to ‘a cyclist’, contradicts Belk’s (2003) argument that self-transformation can

take place instantaneously. In particular, Belk (2003) argued that some consumers

believe that their athletic ability is automatically improved when they wear the right

pair of shoes. For example, one of Belk’s participants stated, “Converse is a brand

that comes to mind. Getting a new pair was always exciting because you feel like

your athletic abilities were going to increases; jump higher, run faster, etc” (2003, p.

30). The consumer did not need to practice his sport whilst wearing the shoes in order

to feel like a pro-athlete, instead the transformation from amateur to superstar athlete

involved minimal effort – all that was required was tying the laces of the shoes up.

It is clear that for the dissertation participants it was not just a matter of sitting on the

bike, grasping the handlebars and slowly making the wheels turn that made them feel

as though they had become a true cyclist. Instead it appeared to involve a great deal

of a physical effort over an extended period of time. Alex highlighted this when he

stated:

“I mean, I would describe myself as an expert cyclist, I have been on a bike

for long enough…”

The idea that the transformation for road-cyclists is based more on a narrative of

effort - of the individual building their fitness, becoming physically strong, grasping

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the specialised language and actively being on the road - suggested that their self-

transformation is based more within the realms of modernism, rather than

postmodernism. This is because the voyage that moves someone from just cycling to

being a cyclist can be explained in reality, whereas Belk’s (2003) understanding on

an instantaneous transformation is based far more on the postmodern magic of

consuming the product. For Belk “shoes are ideally imbued with magic” (2003, p. 32)

that allows consumers to undergo a direct and automatic self-transformative

experience. However, for members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption it

seemed that their self-transformation did not occur by capturing the magic of

consuming road-cycling. Instead the process of transformation was dependent on an

active exertion. Therefore, this process of transformation made it difficult for the

researcher to conclude that the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption is based entirely

on a postmodern understanding of society.

6.2. Appearance is Everything:

The data collected suggested that the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption contained

rituals, which were followed by the subcultural members. These rituals appeared to

be heavily focused on the aesthetics of road-cycling, in particular how one looked

when riding. The way one looks when cycling was ritualised as it appeared as though

getting the look right allowed other individuals, both inside the subculture and

outside it, to recognize one’s commitment to the activity of road-cycling. For

example, in the online thread ‘How to Wear a Cycling Cap’ someone posted:

“The humble cycling cap. It’s part of what makes us cyclists… the cycling cap

is a strong part of the cyclist’s quirky fashion statement and the way it is worn

can make or break you” (Anon, posted in How to Wear a Cycling Cap, 27th

April, 2012)

Patrick echoed this sentiment during his interview when he explained what his rituals

are and how such rituals, which are based on looking a certain way when cycling, are

important:

“It’s like if you are going out you make sure that your shorts are in the same

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place so that your tan line is good… I wear a cap and all that. Yeh, I think it

is an important definition – you see someone who has tan lines, you know it is

a sign that they share some kind of interest with you.”

By presenting oneself in a standardised way when road-cycling, others are able to

identify with you. This strongly reflects Segalen’s (1998) understanding of rituals.

Segalen (1998) argued that rituals are an “expression of shared beliefs and social

belonging” (as cited in Cova and Cova, 2001, p. 73) and that in order for this

expression of beliefs to be vocalised efficiently they need to be supported in various

ways. Cova and Cova (2001) provide the examples of magical or ritual words, sacred

images and ritual clothing, for how such expressions of shared beliefs can be

supported. Therefore, following this understanding of rituals it is clear that ‘Roadies’

use ritual clothing, such as their lycra shorts, cycling caps or three pocket jerseys as a

means of expressing their shared consumption of road-cycling.

In particular, one common appearance based ritual that appeared consistently

throughout both the netnography and interviews was the discussion over whether

road-cyclists should shave their legs or not. Both Ryan and Alex admitting during

their interviews that they shave their legs even though they have different levels of

commitment to the subculture (please see Section 5.6. on Hierarchies). Also, online

individuals were seen asking for advice over whether or not it was necessary to shave

their legs. For example, someone asked:

“Do I have to shave my legs if I consider riding in Belgium with a team kit +

team bike looking like poseur?” (Bracks_ashat posted in ‘A Ride Through

Flanders’, 3rd April 2012)

This statement reflected how much of the fashion-centred rituals the subcultural

members adhere to are about making an individual look like a ‘pro’ cyclist. Alex

eloquently explained this attitude when he said:

“If you copy people who are doing the sport or the activity to the highest level

then you know, you tend to progress and you tend to become better at what

you are doing.”

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This notion that the rituals help individuals emulate the great riders, such as

Cancellara or Tafi (both of whom were mentioned when discussing appearance) tied

closely to the idea that the subculture of consumption has a hierarchical scale of

commitment that individuals are able to move up and down. By dressing the way

those at the top of the scale do one is more likely to progress up the different ranks of

commitment. Adhering to the fashion rules that appear to exist around road-cycling

can be viewed as part of the learning process a consumer goes through when first

entering the subculture of consumption. For example, Michael when discussing how

his approach to cycling clothing and equipment had changed told the story of his first

time cycling with his local club:

“It can be a little bit intimidating. I know when I turned up with my £299 bike

I didn’t have much in the way of cycling gear at all. Some shorts and some

base layers you know, from rowing and yeh, I didn’t have a jersey at all, with

the three pockets on the back or anything. And I just turned up because I knew

that the local club, somehow I found out that they had a group that was

something like one day amonth where they were welcoming new riders, and

yeh I turned up with like a little tiny rucksack, and erm… my £299 bike which

I was very proud of and half cycling/half rowing kit and er… yeh, I felt a bit

out of place…”

Michael’s story emphasised how the becoming a member of a subculture of

consumption is very much a learning process. Individuals appear to embark on

changing narratives that see them understand the rituals that surround the subculture

better, the more they submerge themselves within it. This supports the idea that the

ritualised clothing worn by members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption

provided a means of expressing one’s commitment to those who were also members

of the subculture.

From this understanding of the clothing worn by a ‘Roadie’ and its significance, the

researcher once more questioned the argument laid down by Belk (2003) that when

individuals put on an item of clothing, such as a pair of shoes, they are

instantaneously transformed. The researcher instead saw the process as being more

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complex and something that takes time. As pointed out by mimicking the appearance

of the professional road-cyclists, individuals are not automatically transformed into a

professional cyclist themselves. Instead, the adoption of such clothing is a mechanism

that aids their progression into the heart of the subculture of consumption. Therefore,

the researcher believes that the argument proposed by Belk (2003) should be altered

so that the narrative of individual’s consumption does not produce an instantaneous

magic, but instead leads to a steady progression and altering of how they view

themselves. This thinking links closely to the argument put forth in Section 6.1.

where the concept of self-transformation is considered in detail.

Ultimately, the researcher identified a clear understanding from those within the

‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption about the importance of appearance when

cycling, in particular the clothes that should be worn and how they should be worn.

Getting the look right is important because it appeared to allow others, whether it be

those on the outside of the subculture or those within it, to recognise individuals as a

‘Roadie’; it helped consumers to progress up hierarchical scale of commitment and

ultimately, it appeared to provide a mechanism for gradually advancing individuals

cycling abilities, as there was a strong sense that to look like a ‘pro’ meant to ride like

a ‘pro’.

6.3. The Self-Challenge:

A dominant theme that emerged from the collected data was that consumers used the

physical challenge of cycling as a means of escaping. There was an overriding sense

that the physical challenge provided by road-cycling meant, “the muscles are sore

from thousands of meters of climbing but the mind is refreshed” (Cyclops, posted in

‘La Bicyclette’, 29th May 2012). This reflects Kozinets (2002) understanding that

consumers need to escape the monotony of their daily routines by finding a

temporary refuge. In the case of the ‘Roadie’, the refuge could be the physical

challenge presented by a road-bike, as it allows one to forgot “how mundane the

everyday grind really is” (Dave Row, posted in ‘Post-Tour Blues’, 25th July, 2011).

The physical challenge that is provided by road-cycling offers a perfect means of

escape for some consumers because it appears as though tangible challenges can be

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set that offer a clear target to aim for and once these targets have been met, more can

be created. As Patrick explained while discussing how the physical side of the sport

can escalate:

“You know, it is like once you have ridden two hundred kilometers in a day or

you have ridden this mountain, or that mountain and you have ticked some

things off, what do you do next? And you know, that’s where people get

themselves into doing weird, weird things like twenty-four hour time trials, or

London-Edinburgh-London and things like that.”

Therefore, it appeared to the researcher that by being able to constantly construct a

narrative of self-challenge there is always a reason for a ‘Roadie’ to get on the road-

bike and go out for a ride. This understanding of escapism being achieved through the

physical challenge provided by the road-bike was made clear when Michael

distinguished between the challenge he faced in his working day and the challenge he

faced when on a bike:

“For people who work in white collared jobs like I do it is completely

different sort of challenge. It is a very simple and direct challenge, whereas

you know, my day-to-day work in here is, you’ve just got so many interlocking

circles of complexity and influences and other firms that you work with and

people in the office who have good days and bad days, to actually steer

something through to what you might consider to be one hundred percent

successful is almost impossible, you just cant do it. You are always

manoeuvring, compromising, bodging, adjusting, three steps forward, two

steps back, where as if you decide you are going to ride the ‘Marmotte’ and

you get to the end, and you don’t really give a shit what time, and you get to

the end, you’ve done it, you know and you, and in that situation where I

described, you know for the last hour I’m getting slower and slower and

slower and feeling really lousy and getting hot and weak, still its just very

simple, if I can just keep going for another kilometre, and another kilometre

and another kilometre, I can still achieve what I set out to do – it is very

straight forward.”

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For Michael the escape comes from simply having to focus on the one task of

completing the physical challenge he has set himself. He is free from the complexity

of his daily routine and instead is able to follow a linear narrative that has an absolute

end – the challenge being completed.

Furthermore, there was a sense that the tests of physicality conducted when cycling

generate a narrative of escapism that is able to overflow into an individual’s everyday

existence. For example, Charlie described a cycling trip he had done to the French

Alps and the physical pain he felt while out there:

“I mean I definitely felt pretty grim by the time I got back to the end of the

ride – sort of 90miles with someone who was a lot better than me and he was

out to destroy me and urm… we got half way round I was already exhausted

and then we had to, we were near the top and you know when I couldn’t, I felt

terrible the next day but when I got back to London I felt like I was flying

because you just pushed yourself”

After completing the set self-challenge individuals appear to be filled with a sense of

accomplishment and satisfaction. This sensation follows them back into their

everyday lives and could be seen to provide them with a prolonged sense of

escapism. This is because all the individual has to do is remember the physical

challenge they completed and the feeling it gave them.

It is important to note that although there are various literatures on escapism (Cohen

and Taylor, 1992; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Kozinets, 2002; Anathaswamy,

2007; Labrecque et al, 2011) none of them cover the idea that physical challenges

provide a narrative for individuals to follow that leads them to a sense of escape.

Therefore, this appears to be a relatively undiscovered concept.

6.4. A Form of Addiction:

Another dominant theme associated with the concept of escapism that emerged is that

for some consumers road-cycling appears to be an addiction and at times verges on

being unhealthy, just as an addiction to an illegal substance can be unhealthy. Some

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consumers explicitly defined their relationship with road-cycling as an addiction:

“I can barely afford my bike addiction as it is, sir.” (Jeff in PetroMetro,

posted in ‘On Rule No 9: Love the Work’, 26th March 2012)

Some consumers expanded on this sense of addiction describing how they believe

finding time to get out on the road with their bike is a necessity. Charlie described it

as being “crucial” and Patrick stated, “I get sort of itchy” when circumstances do not

allow for a ride to take place. When individuals are unable to meet the necessity of

riding they appear to suffer from both physical and metal withdrawal symptoms,

similar to those who are trying to overcome an addiction to drugs. Charlie described

how:

“my legs really hurt if I don’t ride for a few, you know, I’ll have a week off of

stopping riding and you… erm… these kind of pains in your legs and you

definitely get kind of like, a bit twitchy and I don’t know whether it is, that’s

what I mean about it, whether or not it is good for”

This sensation was echoed by other participants both in the interviews and online. For

example online there were comments along the lines of:

“Not riding has been driving me bonkers” (mcsqueak, posted in ‘La

Bicyclette’, 1st June 2012)

And Michael, when asked what he would be like if he didn’t cycle explained:

“I’d be truly horrible. I generally have a reputation for being fairly grumpy. I

would be off the scale… I got knocked off my bike earlier this year in May and

I had a broken wrist and shoulder and I only had two weeks of doing

absolutely nothing and then I bought a stationary spin bike and, but I found it

quite frustrating.”

The need for Michael was so overriding that he had to go out and buy a substitute for

him being out on the road – a stationary spin bike. This demonstrates the similarities

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between how drugs are consumed and how road-cycling is consumed. There is a

strong sense of individuals needing their ‘fix’. This goes against Labrecque et al.,

(2011) who argued that escaping from reality can be healthy for a consumer’s mind.

Although it is clear that cycling appears to offer solace from some consumers’

everyday realities, the need for them to have this time appears to be unhealthy. For

example, when asked whether they had ever sacrificed something else in order for

them to be able to head out on the road all five respondents answered yes to varying

degrees. Alex carefully explained:

“I have probably made a nice excuse or presented it in the right way and then

gone off and done it.”

Charlie echoed this sentiment saying:

“I have definitely told white lies about going to peoples, going out to people’s

birthdays and drinks or something. I have pretended I have another thing.”

Therefore, it could be argued that for some road-cycling offers a form of escape far

more in lines with psychological literature on escapism which discusses issues such

as addiction and substance abuse, as seen in Jurich and Polson’s (1984) study into the

reasons for drug use, rather than Labrecque et al., (2011) consumption literature.

Furthermore, the association between the escape provided by cycling and the escape

provided by drugs is interesting because the researcher noted similarities between the

sense of escape ‘Roadies’ experience and the sense of escape ‘Ravers’ experience.

Goulding et al., (2002) found while investigating ‘rave’ culture that one of their

informants found it difficult to cope with the stresses of work. In order overcome this

stress, the informant “would go to a rave, dance solidly for four hours, completely

abandon himself to the music and leave feeling exhilarated. The dance club is a

hyperreal environment where individuals can escape and get high on dancing” (2002,

p. 275). This description is similar to the one provided by Patrick when he was

explaining why cycling was important to him:

“I always find that I get to some point in what I am doing and I get frustrated.

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I get frustrated that I can’t get out of, I work myself into a, so I go and ride my

bike and think about a solution to whatever it is – this is personal life as well

as any issue really, and then you go out and then you don’t really think of

anything.”

For Patrick, as for the ‘Raver’, at times daily life can become too much. Patrick uses

his time on his bike as a way of escaping, just as the ‘Raver’ used his time in the

dance club as his way of escaping.

6.5. Movement as a Release:

The idea that the sense of movement one feels when on a bike provides a sense of

escape also arose out of the collected data. As Alex explained when discussing what

cycling meant to him:

“I would describe it as, and I have described it as, to other people, as

movement through… um… no sorry, as meditation through movement… it

washes everything else away. When you are on your bike there is nothing else

really matters while you are on there and doing that activity.”

Alex describes an experience focused on the activity to the exclusion of other, we

might presume, less desirable matters. A similar thinking was reiterated by Ryan who

claimed:

“You are a part of the fabric, whereas in a car you are isolating yourself,

whereas when you are on a bike because you make no noise you are part of

the fabric of that landscape, you are part of that landscape and you, it is a

dynamic landscape which you are indulging yourself in, a suppose… erm…

and you, and you see, you get a persepective that you wouldn’t see, that you

would have to walk a really long way to get or you wouldn’t get from a car

even you stopped and pulled up because it is dynamic.”

Together these descriptions reflect Jackson’s (1997) argument that participation in

the landscape that surrounds one when they cycle, brings with it “a very different

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sense of place from one which is disembodied and contemplative” (Spinney, 2006, p.

710). This implies that when cycling, individuals are able to enter a narrative that is

separate from the reality of their actual lives. Ryan emphasized this point when asked

whether he thought cycling was separate from his everyday life:

Ryan: You are isolated, you are isolating yourself effectively

Interviewer: so it is like these are two separate entities - the cycling and the

real world?

Ryan: Yeh, yeh because you are, you are isolated by, physically isolated.

Therefore, in line with Spinney’s (2006) argument, it is clear that escapism is

facilitated by the road-bike as it allows individuals to experience sensations and the

environment in such a way that would otherwise be difficult to achieve.

Furthermore, it was suggested the actual kinetics of the physical body moving the

bike along allowed for a sense of escapism to occur. For Michael, what he enjoyed

most about cycling was:

“The dynamics of it, the kinetics of it and the fact that you can turn the way

biological lump of flesh works, through a simple machine into a much more

efficient way of traveling forwards, or upwards or downwards.”

This ties into Lefebvre’s belief that “everywhere, where there is interaction between a

place, a time and an expenditure of energy, there is rhythm” (2004, p. 15). Therefore,

the simple act of turning the pedals while cycling leads to the creation of a rhythm

and according to Spinney (2006) riding is inhabited through that created rhythm.

This sense of rhythm leads to escapism because as Spinney states, the rider must

concentrate on “breathing and feeling individual muscles to create a smooth pedal

stroke with each limb until the muscles are formed so that they pull and push in the

right directions” (2006, p. 718). The interviewee, Charile, described this process of

developing a rhythm as something that becomes noncognitive during a ride:

“You start off turning over lots of things in your mind and then you gradually

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get, get in a nice zone when you are whizzing along and everything is feeling

good… so you definitely get into a sort of zone. There is a really halcyon

zone.”

Charlie characterises the normal, undesirable state as cluttered and perhaps intrusive

on the mind but giving way to the desirable ‘halcyon’ states of being in the present

with the activity; excluding the everyday thoughts. The researcher interpreted this as

a sign that members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption are able to use the

rhythm created when cycling as a mechanism for creating a narrative, which removes

them from their everyday realities for a period of time. This makes sense when

considering the fact that all five interviewees hold professional jobs that are often

shrouded in stress. By being able to get out on their road-bikes, immerse themselves

in their surroundings and turn the pedals it appears as though a ‘Roadie’ is able to

momentarily forget about the actuality of their lives.

Crossley (2004) supports this understanding of escapism as being a noncognitive

process that occurs because an individual’s body learns to recognize rhythm, and is

able to take hold of it. This occurs through “tuning in” (Crossley, 2004, p. 46) to the

activity and “tuning out” (Crossly, 2004, p. 53) of the everyday attitude. This all

leads to what Le Breton described as “a melting of self into action” (2000, p. 3).

Therefore, the road-bike acts as a tool that creates a place of solitude and escape for

individuals because of the sense of movement and rhythm it allows them to create.

6.6. Escape into Consumerism:

From their understanding of the various paths into escapism and of the ritualised

clothing worn by road-cyclists, the researcher views members of the ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption facilitating their sense of escape through a narrative of

extended consumption. However, the individuals pursuing escapism do not see it as

extended consumption. Instead there is a sense that individuals view their escapism as

pure and hedonic, as it is achieved by the simple act of cycling. The researcher

perceived the sense of escape differently and saw it as being achieved by a

combination of cycling and the increased consumerism that can arise out of cycling.

Examples of extended consumerism that emerge from the act of road-cycling

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included the purchase of specialised clothing, equipment and in particular, the cycling

trips abroad that many of the research participants undertook. For example, with

regards to cycling equipment Ryan explained that his thing is wheels:

“I have quite a lot of wheels but they all have a practical use in different

conditions and they’re, they’re not insanely expensive. Some of them were

brought through the sales, in the sales, and they have a purpose. Some of

them I hand built bespoke for me, and they have a purpose… erm… so I don’t

think there is anything that I have necessarily, or that I have bought with

relation to cycling that doesn’t serve a clear, I can say that, that serves a

purpose, but that is my justification I suppose for some of those purchases… if

we look at it outside of the context of cycling you think that is ridiculous. Why

do you need three bikes or four bikes? But I would, I think I would be able to

give a coherent and cogent argument about every single thing. It might bore

the individual’s silly but I think I probably could, to rationalise it.”

In Ryan’s eyes he needs all the various wheels and bikes that he owns, however, as

he pointed out, it is easy to imagine that an outsider may see this as being excessive.

The researcher saw Ryan’s narrative as a prime example of extended consumption.

Rather than having one road-bike to serve the function of aiding his escapism Ryan

had numerous options to choose from. However, this extended consumption of

wheels and bikes may facilitate Ryan’s ability to escape the monotony of his daily

routine by enabling him to ride in all weather conditions and on all road surfaces.

This ability therefore ensures that Ryan can construct a narrative of escapism at all

times.

Furthermore, as previously stated there appeared to be numerous members of the

‘Roadie’ subculture who extended their consumption through purchasing trips

abroad, or paying to fly their bike abroad with them when they went on holiday for

example. All five interviewees mentioned cycling abroad and there were numerous

references to cycling abroad in the online blogs that were analysed. For example, the

thread ‘A Ride Through Flanders’ saw people posting pictures of their experience of

riding through Holland, and the desire to cycle abroad was echoed by Patrick who

explained how his cycling group:

64

“… try and get, I think we try and get you know a way out of London, you

know, whether a weekend out of London, out of the UK of out to France

somewhere, it is quite important.”

The road-cyclists themselves appeared to be blind to how the supposed need for these

trips abroad reflected a narrative of extended consumption. As Alex argued, road-

cycling “washes everything else away”. This reflects Soper’s (2008) discussion that

consumers now live in an increasingly cluttered world that is overloaded with

material objects and this has led to the emergence of alternative hedonism, which

sees people adopt a more counter-consumerist approach that allow qualities of the

‘good life’ to be imitated. According to Thomas (2008) this counter-consumerist

attitude does not mean that a “’stone-age simplicity’ or puritan self-denial” (p. 681)

needs to be adopted, but instead that other means of achieving pleasure must be

established. Thomas (2008) claims that these alternative pleasures could include

“slower and more peaceful lives, new relationships to time, material goods and work,

space for human connection and spirituality, and so on” (p. 681). Therefore, Alex’s

perception of road-cycling echoed the idea that there is a cluttered world that needs to

be washed away (Soper, 2008) and therefore, road-cycling could be viewed as a form

of alternative hedonism.

However, although the researcher appreciated that the narratives constructed by

members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture indicated that their consumption of road-cycling

was hedonic and pure, overall it was felt that their narratives reflected a more

consumer based approach. The researcher felt that in pursuit of what is perceived to

be a simple form of escapism, individuals buy into added extras, such as the various

forms of wheels that one can ride on, bike frames one can have and places where one

can cycle. This extended consumption supports Thomas’ (2008) exploration of

lifestyle television programmes effect on consumers. Thomas (2008) found that in

order to achieve the narratives portrayed by the television programmes, such as

‘escaping the rat-race’ or ‘finding a place in the sun’ (p. 695) individuals purchased

lifestyle magazines and best-seller status books. This provides a clear example of

extended consumerism as in order for individuals to construct the desired narrative of

escape they felt as though they had to buy additional products or else the narrative

65

would not be complete. Therefore, individuals ended up escaping through a narrative

of extended consumption.

In addition, Thomas (2008) concluded that the narratives of escape from the

constraints of a chaotic and pressurised consumerist society that the lifestyle

television programmes portrayed had significance for audiences. The dissertation

researcher believed that this was also true for ‘Roadie’s’ and their perception of the

road-bike. As previously stated, the research participants saw the road-bike as

providing a narrative of escape. However, just as Thomas (2008) found, this narrative

of escape leads to increased consumerism. Therefore, there is a strong sensation that

the narratives constructed by members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption

suggest that a sense of escapism is achieved through consumption, not through the

simple act of cycling.

66

7.0. MARKETING IMPLICATIONS:

The most fundamental marketing implication that the researcher can offer to

marketers is that they may wish to try and construct a narrative of escape in order to

entice road-cycling enthusiasts towards their products. It appeared from the research

that members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption purchased items such as

jerseys, water bottles, and pedals in an attempt to enhance their sense of escapism.

Therefore, marketers should attempt to portray their products in a light that sees them

facilitating this narrative of escape for consumers. This approach to marketing road-

cycling products has already been adopted successfully by the brand ‘Rapha.’ By

utilizing the concept of escapism the brand have managed to successfully post a sales

growth of 80% in 2012 (Dawson, 2012). In particular, ‘Rapha’ have cleverly sold a

narrative of escape to consumers through the production of short films, which show

individuals cycling through remote scenery on their own, wearing the ‘Rapha’ kit.

This kind of iconic imagery appears to effectively connect with particular individuals

as it manages to tap into their desire to achieve that sensation of escape.

Another important marketing implication that arose out of the research is that

marketing teams should look to develop a brand that not only creates a narrative of

escape but that is also aesthetically pleasing. As previously stated in Section 6.2.

road-cyclists value their appearance and therefore, they are likely to purchase from a

brand that also values their appearance. When developing the right ‘look’ marketers

may wish to look to established brands, such as Condor. Michael specifically referred

to Condor when discussing cycling brands that have done a good job with reference

to the way it presents itself:

“you go past their show room on Wellington Road and they always have sort

of clean, funky window displays with nice bits of kit in there and it is classier

than going past places like Evans Cycles or CRC, or whatever they are

called…”

By ensuring that their brand reflects an image of style, marketers are more likely to

attract members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption who appeared to have

established rituals that are built up around the ownership of what were considered

67

stylish items of road-cycling clothing.

Furthermore, as Section 6.2. outlines there is a strong emphasis with the ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption on appearance because it helps individuals emulate those

who are above them in the social standings within the subculture, and this in turn

helps facilitate their self-transformation. Therefore, marketers may look to have their

products endorsed by professional road-cyclists or the marketing team should ensure

that the product designs fit with the image portrayed by the professionals. This is

because by guaranteeing that the products and/or brand reflect the image of those at

the top of the hierarchical scale consumers may be more inclined to make purchases

as they would provide a clear means of aiding their progression into the heart of the

subculture, and the transformation from being someone who just cycles to being a

‘cyclist’.

Finally, the research highlighted the importance for marketers to understand the

people that they are marketing to and to partake in the central consumption activity of

road-cycling. Patrick (who works alongside road-cycling brands) made this point

during his interview:

“I deal with [brands] on a professional level, that you know, sometimes ask

me to have an opinion on either their brand or their products, they just don’t

ride enough. It is a very basic point. Yeh, and you don’t have, you don’t have

to be an ex-pro or anything really, you just have to ride a lot in order to make

a) to understand it an also to make sure that the product works. The amount

of time that I, you know, you put something on that just isn’t right and you

think well, this should be obvious to people, you know, who ride a lot.”

Therefore, marketers should look to closely observe conversations that are going on

online on forums, such as those that have been examined in this study. This is

because the forums contain insiders who have “strong social ties to the online

community as well as deep identification with, aptitude in, and understanding of the

core consumption activity” (Kozinets, 2010, p. 34). These individuals could

potentially provide valuable insight for marketers. Furthermore, marketers should

also look to get out on the open roads themselves with other road-cyclists. This would

68

allow them to experience what road-cycling is like first hand and help develop a more

complete picture of the activity, why people partake in it and how social connections

can be built up around it. This echoes Schouten and McAlexander who argued,

“marketers who understand the structure and ethos of a subculture of consumption

can profit from serving its needs” (1995, p. 59).

69

8.0. RESEARCH LIMITATIONS:

The main limitation of the research was that due to time constraints the researcher

was unable to conduct a fully ethnographic investigation into the ‘Roadie’ subculture

of consumption. It had been the researchers intention to immerse themselves into the

subculture, experiencing cycling with the ‘Roadies’ first hand, echoing Tuan’s

sentiment that “to experience in the active sense requires that one ventures forth into

the unfamiliar and experiment with the elusive and the uncertain” (1977, p. 9). This

would have allowed the researcher to be placed within the context of road-cycling,

helping them to develop a better understanding of how the rider experiences their

surroundings when cycling. This logic reflects Palmer’s ethnography of French

racing cyclists as she felt that only “by actively participating in the painful practices

of everyday life that the agony of cycling becomes comprehensible” (1996, p. 135).

Furthermore, the researcher encountered some limitations while collecting the data.

Firstly, although netnographic data was collected in order to help the researcher build

an insight of the specialised language that is used within the ‘Roadie’ subculture of

consumption it did not leave the researcher with a complete understanding. This

meant that at times the researcher struggled with some of the concepts that were

discussed in the interviews. For example, the word ‘panache’ had to be explained to

the researcher during one interview. This limited knowledge meant that when it came

to data analysis it was difficult for the researcher to always utilise all the data that had

been collected.

Another limitation the researcher encountered when collecting the research data was

that they found themselves asking prompting questions during the interviews. The

researcher had planned for the interviews to follow an open-ended approach, with the

emphasis being on the participants’ narratives, however this was not always the case.

Although most of the interviews were centred on individuals’ stories and experiences

of road-cycling, due to the researchers lack of experience in conducting qualitative

interviews, at times participants may have found themselves being directed or

prompted.

Finally, as previously stated time constraints undoubtedly affected the research

70

collection process and analysis. Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) investigation

into the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption was conducted over a three-year

period, compared to this research, which was undertaken in just four months. This

considerably shorter time period could be considered inadequate when exploring a

subculture, which is incredibly dynamic and increasingly expanding.

71

9.0. DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH:

Primarily as discussed in the Section 8.0. future research should look to pursue a

more ethnographic approach in order to deepen the body of knowledge that has

already been collated. Using this more involved research approach would allow

future researchers to more thoroughly consider some of the following concepts:

1) Exploration of the boundaries of gender and social class

From the research and past literature it can be argued that subcultures of

consumption are very complex and dynamic social structures. However, there is a

lack of understanding of the full cross-cultural implications of a subculture of

consumption. In particular, Schouten and McAlexander’s belief about “the

apparent tendency of subcultures of consumption to transcend boundaries of

nationality, ethnicity, gender and generation” (1995, p. 60) should be looked at in

closer detail. This is especially pertinent in light of the research findings

surrounding the issue of social class (please see Section 5.7.) and gender (please

see Section 5.8). By extending the research in this way would allow a more

thorough evaluation to be made over whether or not subcultures of consumption

are constructed within a modern or postmodern context as from the research

conducted in this dissertation there appeared to be elements within the ‘Roadie’

subculture of consumption that reflected both modernist and postmodernist

perspectives.

2) Expand research location to include areas outside of London

Furthermore, this study was predominantly focused in London, England.

Therefore, it would be interesting to explore the nature of the ‘Roadie’ subculture

of consumption in other parts of the UK, and potentially even in countries outside

of the UK. This would enable a deeper and more widespread understanding into

whether the rituals and emphasis on needing to escape remain a central element of

the subculture. For example, Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) interaction

with Harley Davidson owners from Malaysia and Europe led to a reconsideration

of their initial understanding of the use of symbols within the Harley subculture

72

of consumption. Therefore, an expansion of the study could help provide

important marketing insights for road-cycling brands that are looking to reach a

global market, as it will provide an insight into how subcultures of consumption

are constructed, altered and interpreted in cultures that have different cultural

categories and principles.

73

10.0. CONCLUSION:

“Subcultures of consumption provide opportunities for marketers to engage them in

symbiotic relationships”

(Shouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 59).

As Schouten and McAlexander (1995) argue, subcultures of consumption offer

marketers an important opportunity and the literature provided by this dissertation has

presented a deep insight into the world of road-cycling and has importantly made

suggestions for marketers that are aimed at helping them construct a ‘symbiotic

relationship’ (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 59) with the members of the

‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption.

The research has revealed some interesting insights about the ‘Roadie’ subculture of

consumption. Initial findings suggested that members of the subculture engaged in

the activity of road-cycling as it allowed them to feel a sense of escapism matching

the descriptions of escapism found in much postmodern literature escapism (Cohen

and Taylor, 1992; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Kozinets, 2002; Anathaswamy,

2007; Labrecque et al, 2011). However, upon closer evaluation and analysis of the

collected data it emerged that consumers participate in road-cycling as it allows them

to construct several different narratives of escape that can over time lead to a process

of self-transformation.

Overall, this dissertation has met the objectives outlined initially in Section 3.3. The

research has begun an exploration into the existence of a ‘Roadie’ subculture of

consumption, set against a postmodern framework. The role of escapism and rituals

are clearly (even if non-cognitive) evident within the subculture of consumption,

even though the researcher’s understanding of them does not entirely match what was

outlined within the literature review. The discussion chapter (please see Section 6.0.)

aimed to emphasis how consumers participate in the activity of road-cycling because

it provides a means of constructing an acceptable narrative of escape that takes them

away from the “nightmare of repetition” (Choen and Taylor, 1992, p. 66) that

dominates their daily routines.

74

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12.0. APPENDICES:

12.1. Appendix 1:

"Euro. It's not an origin or place of manufacturing. It's a style or an essence” (Official

Rules of the Euro Cyclist, 2012)

A Summary of what Euro-Cycling means:

A summary of some of the main points taken from ‘The Official Euro Cyclist Code

of Conduct’ (Guiver and Flavell, 2007):

• “Image and style shall be the primary concerns of the Euro-Cyclist. When

suffering, one must focus first on maintaining a cool, even composure and

second on performance. Winning races is an added talent, and only counts if

said Euro-Cyclist wins with appropriate style”

• “Image and style shall be the primary concerns of the Euro Cyclist. When

suffering, one must focus first on maintaining a cool, even composure and

second on performance. Winning races is an added talent, and only counts if

said Euro Cyclist wins with appropriate style. Image and style shall be the

primary concerns of the Euro Cyclist. When suffering, one must focus first on

maintaining a cool, even composure and second on performance. Winning

races is an added talent, and only counts if said Euro Cyclist wins with

appropriate Cycling shorts will extend approximately 2/3rds of the way down

the upper leg and will contain a compression band at the bottom (distinct in

colour). In no condition shall they extend any further!”

• “Keep it over your hat – the arms of your sunglasses should never be tucked

underneath your Winter Hat. Nor should they sit under the straps of your

helmet. Espressos cannot be consumed otherwise.”

• “A prominent line where one’s kit ends and where one’s deep tan begins is

essential to one’s image. Artificial tanning is banned. The tan shall reflect the

level of training commitment.”

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Italian road-racer cyclist Mario Cipollini conveying the essence of ‘Euro-Cyling’ by

smoking a cigarette as he cycles along (Schleck, 2009)

12.2. Appendix 2:

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12.3. Appendix 3:

Excerpt from ‘On Rule Number 9: Love the Work’ online thread:

88

89

90

12.4. Appendix 4:

Excerpt from ‘How to Wear a Cycling Cap’ online thread:

91

92

93

12.5. Appendix 5:

Excerpt from ‘Post Tour Blues’ online thread:

94

95

96

12.6. Appendix 6:

Interviewee profiles:

Alex is a male in his early 30s who lives in East London. He has a white-collar

profession as a civil servant and has been married for five years. Alex use to road-

race competitively, but no longer does and is a member of a cycling club that he

helped set up.

Alex:

Ryan is a male in his early 30s who lives in East London. He has a white-collar

profession as a civil servant and has been married for about a year. Ryan partakes in

competitive road-cycling events and is contemplating taking a six-month sabbatical

in order to commit enough time and training to get the results he desires.

Ryan:

Charlie is a male in his early 30s who lives in North London with his wife and one

child. He has a white-collar profession as a partner in an architectural practice.

Charlie is a member of cycling club based in central London.

Charlie:

Patrick is a single male in his early 30s who lives in East London. He is a

professional freelance journalist who has directed his writing towards his passion for

cycling. Patrick has a vast knowledge on British road-racing and has been recruited

by several cycling brands to help advise them on marketing strategies.

Patrick:

Michael is a male in his early 40s who lives in Surrey, South West London. He has a

wife and two children as well as working in a white-collar profession, as a structural

engineer. He started cycling roughly eight years ago and has tried his hand at racing,

time-trailing and mountain climbs.

Michael:

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12.7. Appendix 7:

Excerpt from the Interview with Alex:

Interviewer: And…erm… in terms of the cycling in groups, has there ever, do you

guys share stories with each other about cycles that have stood out in your memories

or…?

Alex: Yeh, yeh, yeh

Interviewer: Is there any story that stands out in your mind?

Alex: Um… the one that, well actually I know a cyclist who, I can tell you some

information on him – he is know a coach but he, I want to say the 88 games, it might

have been the 1980 Olympic games he rode at, he was a professional for, I mean, he

has been a cyclist all his life. It is what he did. He ran a carpet shop for a couple of

years after he retired from cycling with Shane Sutton who works for team Sky, but

this guy is called Steve Jones and he lives in Shropshire, he actually lived a few doors

down from the house where my parents live, where I use to live and I met him on the

club ride and there are all sorts of stories told about him, but the one story that sticks

in my mind and that I have shared with lots of other people is when he was riding up

a hill in Shropshire, which is notorious for it 20% incline and apparently he, one day,

he was riding up with some other rider and he was particularly strong, and strong in

cycling is another cycling term as well, and he looked, or he said to the guy next to

him it feels a bit steep today and the guy next to him said “it’s because you are on the

big ring Steve” and he was like in a big gear. Whether it is true or not I don’t know. I

don’t know whether it is true or not but I asked him actually, because he is a friend,

whether or not it was true and he, he said no it was someone else, but everyone else

that I have asked said no, it was him.

Interviewer: Ah so it was him, and he was just trying to pan it off…

Alex: Yeh, maybe… but we talk about all sort of things. We talk about things where,

for example, when so and so got dropped and couldn’t keep up or when so and so, or

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someone else was really strong and you know, dragged everyone around the ride that

day.

Interviewer: Do you talk about things like your ‘dream’ ride or like any routes that

you would really love to do?

Alex: Yeh, I guess we talk about, I mean it would be nice to… I think one of the, one

of the great rides that I did was when we went to France to a wedding, but I had the

opportunity to take a bike with me and I rode with some people who I made contact

with through another friend who is a cyclist and it was great because I was riding in

kind of the home of cycling, in France which was really nice for me. But whether we

talk about the dream ride, I am not really, for me, I don’t think that there is a dream

ride because it is just nice to on the bike so…um… over the bank holiday that we just

had I took the whole week off and went to New York, which was really nice but it

was just great to get back home and on Monday, we arrived on Sunday, on Monday

morning I went out on my bike and it just tipped it down with rain and I was, I was

soaking, I was soaked and an hour into the ride I just didn’t want to go home because

it was just fun. That feeling… air….

12.8. Appendix 8:

Excerpt from the Interview with Ryan:

Interviewer: Yeh, have there ever been any rides that you have done and you have

come away and been like [ooo sound] wow, something happened and you realise

something? Something about you?

Ryan: No, never. I spend a lot of time thinking, you know, you spend a lot of time

thinking and going over the things and being angry maybe about things but you know

have I ever found the solution? No – because I suppose you are not, you are not

challenging. In fact, that is why you get on the bike. That is one of the reasons why

you get on the bike possibly is that you are not really faced with a life challenge, your

not, because you are not engaging really with people and if you are it is a superficial

way, not withstanding someone knocking you off your bike or you know a car, a

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traffic incident. You’re not encountering those, it is not like in a work place or it’s

not…

Interviewer: So, it is kind of a bit…

Ryan: everything is on hold

Interviewer: a bit removed from…

Ryan: from normal life

Interviewer: yeh, so do you think that the two are separate?

Ryan: You are isolated, you are isolating yourself effectively

Interviewer: so it is like these are two separate entities - the cycling and the real

world?

Ryan: Yeh, yeh because you are, you are isolated by, physically isolated.

Interviewer: and then… yeh, so that is kind of like…

Ryan: if you are going to have a serious conversation with somebody, you wouldn’t

do it on the bike… erm… I mean you can shot the breeze basically, I suppose, you

can just have a kind of superficial conversations with people. It may give you ideas to

go and pursue seriously but I have never a profound moment where I have solved a

problem necessarily. I have given it much more thought potentially.

Interviewer: but it is time for you though?

Ryan: yeh, yeh, I think it is

Interviewer: and do you think that is why it is important in your life noe?

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Ryan: I suppose, I suppose that it creates, because of it, it physically removes you, it

creates that time on your own. I would say that I am naturally somebody who quite

enjoys having a bit of a balance and time on my own anyways and in a busy hectic

life, you don’t, you can, it is easy to explain that time because it is wrapped up in so

many other things, but for me there needs to be an output and that is why racing is

important, that I have an output for it, that it demonstrates that it has a tangible value,

cause it is hard to explain that I need thinking time because some people would feel

threatened. You know, earlier, I have been in previous relationships where the

person, where my girlfriend felt threatened by that time and that I was creating that

time for myself.

Interviewer: okay, so it kind of legitimises that time?

Ryan: Yeh, I suppose that is a way of explaining it. That is a term to use.

12.9. Appendix 9:

Excerpt from the Interview with Charlie:

Charlie: ahh… yes… um, how much you, yes definitely. There is lots of sort of

machismo about trying to you know, there are kind of all these unwritten rules, you

know when you are out cycling with your friends and you are doing training sessions,

because you are cycling in a group you are not supposed to be beating other people.

You know, there are categories of road-racing, on one to four and people pejoratively

describe those who go around Regents Park as being in cat 6, so they are two runs

below the bottom of the actual racing ladder but they’re sort of you know, middle

aged blokes racing each other, even though they are not suppose to be racing each

other and that they are going faster than they are. There is a degree of

competitiveness, yeh but it is about testing yourself, going off and doing ridiculously

difficult climbs that you are probably not prepared for. Again it is probably, yes, it is

like middle-aged men who have heart attacks when they play squash, you know, it is

kind of that pushing themselves too hard. But then look at the pros, you know – they

like, Marco Pantani dies when he was like 35, half of them from heart attacks because

of the drugs and the training. They are ruined by the time they get to the end of their

career.

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Interviewer: Yeh, and… urm… can you tell me about a time when you really

challenged yourself and how it made you feel?

Charlie: urm… again that trip to France, I think, I mean I definitely felt pretty grim

by the time I got back to the end of the ride – sort 90 miles with someone who was a

lot better than me and he was out to destroy me and… urm… we got half way round I

was already exhausted and then we had to, we were near the top and you know when

I couldn’t… I felt terrible the next day but when I got back to London I felt like I was

flying because you just pushed yourself, so yeh that was… you’re not going to be

able to hear any of this are you?

Interviewer: yeh, I don’t know… erm… what do you think about when you are

cycling?

Charlie: I think I start off worrying about lots of things and I start off going over

things in my head and then as you kind of… [playing with child]… you start off

turning over lots of things in your mind and then you gradually get, get in a nice zone

when you are whizzing along and everything is feeling good and then you start to run

out of energy and you start to feel terrible and you start having to do things like count

peddle strokes in order to keep yourself going and get you round to the end. You are

concentrating on paying attention if you see what I mean, so you definitely get into a

sort of zone. There is a really halcyon zone. If you go out for a three hour ride, there

is a one hour sector in the middle where everything is going really well and you feel

brilliant and you are not thinking about anything else… yeh…

Interviewer: does it provide a kind of release from everyday life and er…

Charlie: er… yes and you are very conscious that if I don’t go cycling I get really

wound up and it really annoys me when I see people on a Sunday cycling past in the

opposite direction or if it is raining on the weekend so you can’t, well I don’t go

cycling then

Interviewer: yeh, so it kind of gives a feeling of freedom?

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Charlie: yeh, absolutely. Well that’s why commuting is so brilliant – once you have

got into the rhythm of it and you have your good set up you feel like you are beating

the system. Because everyone else is in a traffic jam and drivers, drivers think that

cyclists are aggressive and annoyed, you’re just cruising along and then they will

wind down the window and yell at you and they are in a completely different

universe. I mean you are just cruising along and having a nice time and I think that’s

what annoys them more.

12.10. Appendix 10:

Excerpt from the Interview with Patrick:

Patrick: yeh, well it is a good way of being, it is a very socially acceptable way of

being on your own and not being disturbed. And you would think as a writer you

would get enough of that but actually I am constantly distracted when I am trying to

work and one of the reasons why I go out on my bike is because it is the one place,

especially when you are going up a mountain or something, you can only think about

one thing – there is no ability for multitasking or you know, answering an email or

someone distracting you with a phone call. You can just think for a little while. It is

sort of tremendously, I find it sort of tremendously cleansing for the mind, just very

little in life that you can do one thing of at a time these days and it takes all that – you

cant do it half heartedly – it is either you go up – either you are doing it or you are

not. Where do I usually go? I usually go out into Essex because I live in East

London… erm… when I lived in North London I would go north more … erm…

towards Hertford, into Hertfordshire. I know it very well around Brighton because I

lived there for six years, so like 2 weeks ago I, after work went, the day before the

Solstice I ride to Brighton after work and thought you know, we caught the light,

there was just about enough light, you know, it is just similar roads, where I don’t

feel like you are going to get lost or….

Interviewer: but always out, away from the city centre?

Patrick: yeh, well you have to. I mean I like Regents Park because it has a certain,

the repetition of going round and going to the same place and knowing how you are

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feeling, you know I guess it is easy to sort of measure yourself like that, whereas, and

it is sociable going there. But really the whole point is getting out of town and finding

quiet roads and nice lanes.

Interviewer: yeh, to experience the simplicity of it all?

Patrick: just quietness and I think you do take the landscape in. I, I grew up in

London so until I got my bike in Brighton, I would never have said that going out

into the country side was so important but I really like it, just cause … er… you

know, green spaces, no cars, away from the hustle and bustle, seeing the landscape

change as you go out – leaving, leaving the world behind for a bit I guess – the best

way of describing it.

Interviewer: are there any rides that you have done that really stand out as being…

Patrick: well I go… I mean I go down to Nice quite a lot because I work in Cannes

sometime and I now, I have made friends there, cycling friends and I stay down there

quite a lot and in Nice you get mountains very close to the sea, so riding around there

is very nice. You know, I like riding, you know I have ridden in the Alps and the

Pyrenees, I think it is, for me it is quite bound up with France and I know French, I,

we lived there for a year, I’d be quite happy in France and I like the French races. I

haven’t ever ridden Italy but that is sort of less attractive to me because I sort of feel

like France is a home in some ways, whereas Italy I don’t particularly know. It is sort

of an alien culture to me. I have ridden in America, which is fun. It is something

about being in France as well, anything I do there is good. I went back to, the place

where I use to live is called Clement-Fairon, which is the middle of town, no middle

of the country. I went back their riding a while back, and when I lived there I wasn’t

really into cycling and it was winter and I was in the mountains so it was snowy but

going back in the summer and riding was like a nostalgia trip. Where else? There are

some really good rides around Nice. I cycled from Geneva to Cannes once.

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12.11. Appendix 11:

Excerpt from the Interview with Michael:

Michael: it is quite, quite a changing answer to that question. I have really realised

that in the last year or two - that I have gone away a bit from being … erm…

consciously competitive. I did a bit of Surry league racing a few years ago but now I

will compete to a degree, you know when I am out riding with friends and you come

to a hill and you are all a bit knackered and you go for it and try and get up there first.

But I wouldn’t, I wouldn’t take the, the time or make the time from a busy week to do

enough training to be that competitive or keep motivated. I feel a bit like I did that

and now my children are seven years old and I am busy. But I still enjoy cycling a lot

in a semi competitive sort of way and for instance, I don’t know if [participant 3]

mentioned but a couple of weeks ago I invited him and Dan along for an office …

erm… cycle ride, a weekend in June and … er… it was rally because one or two

people in office had mentioned going on a ride to me and I thought we might as well

get everybody and we managed to get about ten people doing, doing the ride with

complete mixed abilities. And for me it wasn’t really a work out at all, it was, it was

some exercise but not hard at all but I still really enjoyed it and you know, the other

eight or nine people suffered to varying degrees but I think they all enjoyed it as well,

well they told me they did. There is just a different dimension to enjoying riding.

Interviewer: do you think it is important to make sure that you’ve got the time, at

least some time in your week, in that sense – what is it that cycling gives you that

makes you keep doing it?

Michael: er… I suppose it is a combination of practicalities because it is something

that I can fit in and I will commute to work maybe once or twice a week and back and

it is quite flexible in terms of weekends and things. It doesn’t require a big

coordinated effort compared to things like when I used to row before – you have to

get nine people in the same place with all the equipment, it is just very rigid but it is

great for that – the practicality and then I guess it is a combination of the fact that I

just enjoy riding a bike, I have a suppose a fear of being unfit. I always want to be fit

and healthy … erm… so I when I cycle with friends or in a group, so that brings out

the social aspect of it and the competitive aspect as well… erm… I suppose it is

105

various reasons really and it has a utilitarian purpose. I can ride to the shops or the

doctors or whatever and I can actually achieve something.

Interviewer: and you said that the actual riding is enjoyable – what is it about the

riding that is enjoyable?

Michael: yeh… er… all sorts of things I think… erm… I just enjoy the dynamics of

it, the kinetics of it and the fact that you can turn the way biological lump of flesh

works, through a simple machine into a much more efficient way of travelling

forwards, or upwards or downwards. It is in a fundamental way it is quite rewarding.

I enjoy having the speed… erm… either with a group or on a hard training session,

just the sensation of actually getting some speed up or just flying down the hill – as

long as I am reasonably confident there isn’t a sheep around the corner that’s

enjoyable… erm… I like being outdoors; I am not really someone who reveals from

being indoor at all. I would much rather get my sports and fitness and competitivey

outdoors rather than playing something like basketball indoors… um… I suppose I

enjoy, I enjoy the mental and physical sensation of having competed a ride as well

and when you have completed a ride and you get that throbbing and satisfaction of

sort of being able to collapse in a heap and sort of feel like you have really done

something good and have a hot shower or bath and whatever and you have all the

endorphins flowing. It just makes you feel really healthy and satisfied with having

done something that you know has done your body good.

Interviewer: do you like challenging yourself with your rides?

Michael: yeh, I do. And in different ways and I suppose that is another reason why

cycling is good because when I got into it seven or eight years ago or maybe more, I

came out competitive rowing to going cycling and thinking once I’ve got some

fitness here I can do some racing and that is a very clear sort of challenge to go in at

the sort of novice racing against each other people and sort of try and do better. And

also, so I did that for a bit and then setting challenges in terms of distance as well in

terms of mountains climbed and things like that. The first time I cycled overseas was

brilliant. It was something that had been hanging in the back of my mind since I was

kid that one day I would be able to go and ride in the Alps and go up big, snow

106

capped mountains and things like that. And so that was definitely a big challenge and

there was a whole mix of apprehension and nervousness and excitement and

whatever, so that was good. I have done a few of the long hard rides like that and

then a few years ago I decided to do some time trialing. I just set myself the target of

a one hour time trial – could I get myself down to a twenty-five mile hour which is

just an easy sort of bench mark – something easy to focus on and … erm… I failed

by a small margin but still reasonably satisfied to have focused on that and gotten

close and gave it pretty much my best shot and … erm… I certainly have a certain

amount of respect for my brother and those who have done that and also learned that

I was never going to be one of those guys who can ride twenty-five miles in forty-

five minutes, fifty minutes, which the tops one do because different physiology,

different training, whatever. I sort of found my level.

Interviewer: is there one ride that sort of stands out as being really challenging – can

you tell me the story that goes with that?

Michael: the toughest, hardest ride… erm… there have been a few, where I have

been down to pretty much survival basis… er… the last quarter of the ride I last did

in the Alps, I did the ‘Marmotte’, I think perhaps I didn’t have enough experience in

terms of food and drink and icing and also there had been delays during the day so

the whole race had stopped for a hour and that had upset the race or what have you. I

had spent a long time out in the sun and when it came to riding Alpes – D’Huez at the

end, you have twenty-one hairpins to go up and I seriously considered packing in at

the bottom which I hardly ever contemplate giving up anything – and I sort of laid

down in the shade for ten minutes with some coke and some food and slogged up

there. But I was just, I was just, I don’t know running at ten percent of sort of my

normal efficiency. I just went on and on and on.

107

12.12. Appendix 12:

An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption

Copy of the Participant Interview Consent Form:

Participant Information Sheet

You have been invited to participate in a research project that forms part of the

requirements for Masters in Marketing. Before you decide to participate in the

research it is important for you to understand why the research is being done and

what it will involve. Please take the time to read the following information carefully

and discuss it with others if you wish. Please ask the lead researcher if there is

anything that is not clear or if you would like more information. Take time to decide

whether or not you wish to take part. Thank you for reading this.

Who will conduct the research?

Emily Goldhill (Under the supervision of Dr. Terry Newholm, Manchester Business

School, The University of Manchester, Booth Street West, Manchester, M15 6PB)

Title of the Research

An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption

What is the aim of the research?

The study is designed to explore the possible culture of consumption, which has

developed around the consumption activity of road-racer cycling. It seeks to

understand the dynamics of the culture by exploring individuals who partake in the

activities consumption habits, and see whether or not there are similarities in the

different consumption habits with other road-racer cyclists. Ultimately, the research

aims to make suggestions on how marketing managers should approach the ‘roadie’

culture built up around the sporting activity.

Why have I been chosen?

108

You are one of five individuals selected to be interviewed as part of the dissertation

research. The researcher has selected you to be interviewed as you partake in the

consumption activity of road-racer cycling and are enthusiastic about the sport.

What would I be asked to do if I took part?

If you decide to participate, the session will last about an hour. During the interview,

the researcher will be audiotape recording and taking notes to make an accurate

record of what is said. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions that will

be raised in the interview; the important thing is for you to share your experience and

opinions.

What happens to the data collected?

The audio recordings of the interview will be transcribed and then analysed against

the other four interviews that are to be conducted. The researcher will look to identify

common themes that are identified by all the interviewees and that relate to the

consumption activity of road-racer cycling. Sections of the interview will be

transcribed for the purposes of the dissertation in order to emphasise any central

findings. The audio recording of the interview will also be submitted as part of the

dissertation alongside the transcription.

How is confidentiality maintained?

The notes and any recordings or text of the information you provide in this project

will be kept confidential [and anonymised as far as possible]. Only the staff involved

in this project will have access to the information we collect. This information will be

stored securely. No-one else will see your responses. The researcher will only report

summarised results, so your identity will be unknown. Sections of the interviews will

be transcribed for the purposes of the dissertation but the researcher will not disclose

any information that can be identified with you, nor connect your name to any

information we present. Once the dissertation result has been confirmed and the

author has graduated (December 2012) all audio files and notes will be deleted.

What happens if I do not want to take part or if I change my mind?

109

You are free to say you do not wish to answer a specific question, and do not have to

give a reason. If at any time you wish to withdraw completely, you may also do so

without giving a reason and may have any data provided by you removed, if it is

possible to do so. If you feel uncomfortable in any way about participating then you

are not obliged to do so. If you have any questions, please ask me. If you have any

questions later, I will be happy to answer them.

Will I be paid for participating in the research?

Not applicable

What is the duration of the research?

1 interview lasting approximately an hour

Where will the research be conducted?

Private locations to be agreed between the interviewee and the interviewer

Will the outcomes of the research be published?

The research will be submitted as part of the Manchester Business School archive.

There is the possibility that the dissertation may be published in the future. If this

occurs than the appropriate measures will be taken to ensure that you remain

anonymous and your security is protected.

Criminal Records Check (if applicable)

Not Applicable

Contact for further information

emily.goldhill@postgrad.mbs.ac.uk

What if something goes wrong?

110

Please contact the head research – Emily Goldhill at:

emily.goldhill@postgrad.mbs.ac.uk Or Dr. Terry Newholm at:

t.newholm@mbs.ac.uk

If you wish to make a formal complaint about the conduct of the research they should

contact the Head of the Research Office, Christie Building, University of Manchester,

Oxford Road, Manchester, M13 9PL.

If you are happy to participate please complete and sign the consent form below.

INITIAL BELOW

I confirm that I have read the attached information sheet on the

above project and have had the opportunity to consider the

information and ask questions and had these answered

satisfactorily.

I understand that my participation in the study is voluntary and

that I am free to withdraw at any time without giving a reason

and without detriment to any treatment/service

I understand that sections of the interview will be transcribed

and submitted along with an audio file of the interview but that

confidentially will be maintained

I understand there is a possibility of future publications but that

the appropriate steps will be taken to maintain my anonymity

I agree to take part in the above project

Name of Participant Date Signature

Name of Person Taking

Consent

Date Signature