an in · an appraisai of environmental management in trinidad and tobago luke paddington deparmient...
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An Appraisai of
Environmental Management in
Trinidad and Tobago
Luke Paddington Deparmient of Geography
McGi University, Montreai August 1999
A thesis submitted to the FacuIty of Graduate mudies and Research in partial fullillment of the requirernents of the degree of Master of Arts
Q Luke Paddington 1999
uisitions and "r Acquisitions et Bib iographic Semices sewices bibliographiques
The author bas granted a non- L'auteur a accordé me licence non excIusive licence aiiowing the exclusive permettant a la National L i i of Canada to Bibliothique nationaie du Canada de reproduce, Ioan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des capies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la hnne de microfi~be/f'ilm, de
reproduction sur papier ou sur fomt électronique.
The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conseme la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qpi protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantieis may be printed or otheMrise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission, autorisation.
TABLE OF CONTENTS ... ............................................... ..................... LIST OF FIGURES .... ui
... ........................................................................... LIST OF TABLES 111
ABSTRACTS .................................................................................... v
.................................................................. LIST OF ACRONYMS vi
.................................................................. CIiapter 1 : INTRODUCTION 1
.............................. 1.1) The Theoretical Probleni, Trinidad and Tobago 3 1.2) Aim ..............................................*...................*................. 5
........................................................................... 1.3) Objectives 6 1.4) M i n e ........................................................................... 6
................................................ Chapter 2: TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 8
................................................ 2.1) A Brief History of Developrnent 16 .......................... 2.2) The Challenge and the Staîernent of the Problem .... 19
......................................................... Chapter 3 : LITERATURE REVIEW 21
................................................ 3.1) Review of EM and EIA Theory 21 3.2) EM and EiA in the Developing World, SIDS, and Trinidad and Tobago ... 25
............. 3.3) Süategies of environmentai management in Thidad and Tobago 27
.................................................................. Chapter 4: METHODS 30
........................................ 4.1) Detembhg "Ideal" Policy and hctice 30 4.2) Determining the Current Stanis of Environmentai Management in T gt T . . - 3 1
................................................ 4.3.1) Data ColIection: Literature Search 32 ......................................................... 4.3.2) Data ColIectiun: intewiews 32
.............................. 4.4) The ~nalysis of the R e s a d x Recommendations 35 ............................ ................... 4.5) Limitations to the Research ...... 36
LiST OF FIGURES
........................................................... Figure 1: The AntiIIische &den 1
Figure 2: Outhe ...................... .. ......................................... 7
................................................. Figure 3: Venezuela c m parte Australi 8
Figure 4: Location Map of Trinidad and Tobago ........................................ 9
Figure 5: Trinidad and Tobago ..................... ,,, ................................... 10
.... Figure 6: isohyetal Map of Mean Annual Rainfall Record Period (1 939-1968) 12
..................................... Figure 7: Salinity Variations in Trinidad and Tobago 14
.......................................................... Figure 8: Trinidad in the Early 1850s 17
........................................ Figure 9: Map of Peainsula and Off-Shore IsIands 74
............................................... Figure 10: Photograph of Crews Inn Marina 7 6
.............................. Figure 1 1: Sketch Map showing the bcation of the marinas 77
Figure 12: Yacht Population in Trinidad and Tobago 1997-98 ...................... 78
Figure 13: fhotograph of Welcome Bay, Chaguararnas ............................... 94
............................................... Figure 14: Photograph of Scotland Bay 9 6
Figure 15: Photograph of Chacachacare Esland ........................................ 97
...................... Figure 16: Aerial Photograph of the Marinas in Chaguaramas 97
LIST OF TABLES
TabIe 1: Persons Intervieweci .................................................................. 33
Table 2: The Nme Cnteria ............................................................. 38
............................................... TabIe 3: Summryof Resuits and Ariitlysis 118
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1 wish to thank everyone who aided in the conception and production of this
work. Th& go to Professor Thom Meredith for his constant support and guidance, to
Professor David Brown for uestricted access to his Iiterature collection and for his time
and welcomed advice. Thanks to Professor Jeanne Wolfe and Barbara Jenkins for their
vaiuable cornments on the entire document and to Natalie Hoitz, my fiiend and academic
peer who helped in tidying up the finai manuscript. Also, thanks to McGill University
and the Department of Geography for providing me with the opportunity, resources, and
facilities needed to u n d e d e this pmject,
Finally, special tfianks go to my parents for their valuable correspondence and
proofieading overseas, and to my grandfather, Cotin, for his motivation and ever-loyaf
help in regulariy coIlecting and mailing newspaper articles and in proof reading the final
version. Extended gratitude to my entire famiiy for their patience and encouragement in
heiping me to take one day at a the , tackie the work as 1 do in the pool, and to redise the
accomplishment of the thesis' completion.
ABSTRACT
Recent developments in environmental management (EM) in Tnnidad and
Tobago have produced several umbrella legislation and institutional reforrns. Since their
enactment in 1995, there are still questions about their efficacy and key issues of these
are examined. A multi-variant, crossçomparison approach relates the new and existing
EM strategies to recommended guidelines found in the Iiteraîure and collected h m local
opinion. Environmental Impact Assessrnent (EIA) is used in tandem with EM, as it is the
main tool of EM in Trinidad and Tobago. A case study of EIA application is used to
assess the effectiveness of EIA and EM in Trinidad and Tobago. Recommendations for
reform are made based on the andysis and the case study.
RÉsUMÉ
De récents progr& daus la gestion environnementale (GE) à la Trinité-et-Tobago
ont donné Lieu à plusieurs lois protectrices et à une réforme institutionnelle. Depuis leur
promulgation en 1995, leur efficacité soit encore discutable et les débats fondamentaux
sur ces lois et réforme sont étudiés. Une comparaison entre les différentes variables
permet d'établir un lien entre les nouveiies stratkgies de GE et celles déja existantes et les
recommendations théoriques en plus de celles recueillies auprès des habitants.
L'évaluation de l'impact environnemental (ÉIE) travaille de paire avec la GE puisqu'il
est son outil principal à la Trinitt-et-Tobago. Ici, une étude de cas de la mise en pratique
de I 'ÉE mesure i'efficacité de ~'ÉIE et la GE à la Trinité-et-Tobago. Les
recommandations pour une réforme s'appuient sur l'analyse et l'étude de cas.
LIST OF ACRONYMS
CDA
CDB
DNEP
ELA
EIS
EMA
EPAS
FA0
FOE1
GIS
GOTT
IDB
IMA
ITCZ
LDC
LEEC
MABNET
NCSD
NEAP
NEIS
NEMP
Chaguaramas Development Authority
Caribbean Development Bank
Draft National Environmental PoIicy
Environmentai Impact Assessment
Environmental impact Statement
Environmental Management Act
Environmental Protection and Assessrnent Services
Federal Agriculniral Organisation
Friends of the Earth International
Geographic Idormation Systems
Governent of Trinidad and Tobago
international Development Bank
institute of Marine Affairs
Intertropical Convergence Zone
Lesser Developed Countrks
London Environmentai Economics Centre
Man and the Biosphere Network
National Councii on Sustainable DeveIopment
National Environmental Action Plan
National Environmental Information SeMce
National EnvironmentaI Management P h
NGO Non-Govmental Organisation
NSDS
REAL
SCAPE
SIDS
TIDCO
TCPD
TOR
TTYA
UN
lTNEP
National Sustaiaable Development Strategy
Rapid Environmental Assesment Limited
Society for the Conservation, Appreciation and Protection of the Environment
Smaü Island Developing States
Tourism and Indussial Development Company
Town and Country Planning Division
Terms of Reference
Trinidad and Tobago Yachting Association
United Nations
United Nations Environmental Programme
WWABITAT UN Coderence on the Human Environment
USE United States Information Service
UWI University of the West Endies
WASA Water and Sewage Authority
WCED Wodd Commission on Environment and Development
WQC Water Quaiity Critena
YSATT Yachting Services Association of Trinidad and Tobago
Chapter 1: INTRODUCXION
It was a place of iight with himinous d e y s
under thdemus clouds. A Genm d e r e r saying the beads of the Antilles named the place br a bhded saint. Later, athers wodd name her
fbr a wild d e . Her mouutains tinlde with Springs among moss-bearded forests, and the screeching of birds stitche~itstapesüy~ Thewùiîecgretxings
staILing its pools. Gfiican fisbermen malce boards h m trees as ta11 as k i r gods witb their ecboing axes, and a volcano, stinking with sulpbur,
has made it a htaling place. (Walcoü, 1990, p. 2û6-7).
Figure 1
2 Until recentiy, the islands of the C a r i b h were thought of as tropical paradise
Iocations with pristine marine and terrestrial ecosystems. There is now a major strain on
these ecosystems. An environmentai "deficit" is evolving on the islands through an
inaeased demand on the local ecologicai resources. Rising population pressures,
increasing development for tourism, and expanding industnai and commercial activity al1
taie a toii. The greater the pace of development, the greater is the strain on
environmentai resources of the Carîbbean.
Environmentai strain creates a need for each island to devise appropriate and
efficient management strategies to protect its resource base. In many islands, national
economic development policies are the main instruments that shape the increases in
development and thereby shape the processes that lead to environmenta1 degradation,
National governments need to adopt policies that wili protect environmental resources,
without staiiing heaithy economic development.
Environmental Impact Assesment (EIA) is a tooI that permit5 an evaluation of
true costs of new pmjects and developments. EiA is an essential element of
environmental management policy in many Cmibean coutries, Uxcluding Trinidad and
Tobago. The largest of the Lesser Antüiean nations, Tnnidad and Tobago, presents a
valuable opporhuiity to study the d e that EIA can play in managing the impacts of
human activity and in meeting goals of sustainable development.
The purpose of this thesis is to examine cr i t idy the application of EIA in
Trinidad and Tobago. It does so by assessing the organisation and application of E h
according to nine key deria dram h m the litemtm. It then m&es recommendations
for changes to the process.
1.1) The Theoretical Problem, Trinidad and Tobago
Sustainable development is defined in the Bmtland Report, "Our Common
Futurey', by the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), as:
Development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (WCED, 1987).
Sustainability aims to reconcile economic development and environmental
protection. There is a gulf in Trinidad and Tobago between 'the developers' and 'the
environmentalists.' The latter sees the former as the root cause of environmental
degradation. Attempting to bridge this gulf are the sûaiegies and goals for sustainable
development that have been suggested and developed by the WCED, by other
commissions and by numerous authors.
The primary goal of the WCED strategy is to integrate economic and
environmenta1 considerations in decision-making. It targets the sources of pollution and
environmental degradation that are related in poiicy, rather than utiiising reactive
measures that effect "end-of-pipe regulations" (VandefZwaag, 1993, p. 83). The WCED
smtegy wi be interpreted as being a mediating tool that includes economic, human,
environmental and technologicai dimensions (Lawrence, 1997).
Trinidad and Tobago is yet to attain success in the strategies and goals for
sustainable development. Economic andysts f b i h with Trinidad and Tobago insist
that achievement of economic deveIopment is a prerequisite for the attainment of
sustainable development, but the reality of the Catr'bbean, on the b'Economic Pexïphery of
the World Capitalkt Economy," is that economic development opportunities are Iimited
4 (Pantia, 1992). FuIl or near fult employment and socidy acceptable wages and quality
of life need to be realized for economic development before it is possible to generate
wide interest in the concepts of sustahbility (Pantin, 1992). In hct, Barbier and
Markandya (1988) of the London Environmental Economics Centre (LEEC) developed
an economic mode1 for ksser DeveIoped Corntries O C s ) and added to Pantin's
remarks by concluding that:
A low initiai level of environmentai quaiity forces resource users to discount the future heavily ... poor people faced with marginal environmental couditions have no choice but to opt for imrnediate benefits at the expense of the long-nm sustainability of their livelihoods @. 13).
Govemment, environmentalists, and the private and public sector must correctly
recognise and accept redistic environmental goals that are appropriate to the stage of
economic development of Triaidad and Tobago. Successfully adapting these goah is a
step towards s e t h g the conflict of economic development and environmental protection.
Sustainability has been noticeable in the national environmentai policies or related
govemment initiatives and it bas ken a key issue with envirunmentaiists in Trinidad and
Tobago for the hst twenty years (Laird, 1977), although the first environmentai act was
only recentiy approved (GO'IT, 1995). There are questions about the extent to which the
1995 act addresses these issues wMe stiil acknowledging the economic and culturai He
of Trinidad and Tobago. Uniess environmental, ecommic and sociai aspects are
harmonized, efforts to appIy the hdings of the BnmtIand Report wilI be M e and the
degradation of the environment wiH continue.
'This is how, one sumise, we cut dom them cames." Philoctete d e s for the toraists, wha try taking his sou1 with their cameras. "Once wind bring the news
to the 1-er-cdes, îheir Ieaves start shaIring the minute the axe of the sunlight hit the cedm, because they could see the axes in k i r own eyes.
Wind Mt the ferns. Thiry sound iike the sea that feeds us fishermen al1 our üfe, and f a ndded 'Yes. the trees have to die.' So, fists jam in out jacket,
cause the heights was cold and our breath making feathers tike the mist, we pass the rum. When it came back, it give us the spirit to tum into murderers.
1 lift up the axe and pray for strength in my han& to wound the first cedar. Dew was fïiiing in my eyes, but 1 h one more white rum. Then we advance." (Waicott, 1990, p. 3)
The conflict between economic p w t h and environmental protection arises fiom
the Iack of recognition that the man-made environment and the n a d environment are
interdependent- Once mankind (Walcott's Philoctete) Ioses sight of this, environmentai
poUution and degradation are inevitable.
EIA is an attempt to contriiute to resotving the confXcî and c m therefore help the
achiwment of SuSbinability in this twin-isiand Republic. This thesis wili focus on EIA
m Trinidad and Tobago, to determine its capacity to stop environmental degradation.
13) Objectives
The objectives of this research are threefold:
1) To estabiish critena for i d e n m g ideais in EIA by examining literature.
2) To describe EIA in Trinidad and Tobago by:
a) examining the generai, national situation and considering features of law and
policy.
b) making use of a specSc example of the national situation. The reai test of the
laws and policy is in their application, so a case study is necessary.
3) To apply the ided EIA criteria to current EIA in Trinidad and Tobago and to use
this as a basis for criticai assessrnent and to formulate recomrnendations.
1.4) Outiine
Fcllowing thïs inrroductory chapter, Chapter 2 describes Trinidad and Tobago.
The geography and the development history of the two islands are summarized to provide
a context for the definition of the problem. Chapter 3 is a review of theory and practice
in the fields of environmentai management. Chapter 4 briefly outlines the rnethodoIogy
and the research desiga Chapter 5 addresses the first of the research objectives and
defines criticai areas of concem for the anaiysis of EiA pratices. Nie Miteria are
defined- These are used to create a hune of reference for evaIuating practices in maIl
isIand developing states (SIDS) and m Trinidad and Tobago.
Chapter 6 addresses the second of the research objetives and Iooks at
'! environmental management and EIA in Trinidad and Tobago at a nationaI scaie. Chapter
7
7 examines a case study of an EIA of marina development in Trinidad and Tobago.
Some of the criteria intmduced in Chapter 5 are developed here in order to provide
specific information for discussion in the next @ter.
Finally, Chapter 8 compares the criteria of EIA (Chapter 5 ) with the situation
described in Chapters 6 and 7, making recommendations for each of the nine criteria. It
is hoped that this wiU providt a basis for increasing the effectiveness of E U in Trinidad
and Tobago.
Figure 2: Outiine
:hapter 1, 2, 3, & 4 Triaidad and Tobago Objectives
Lit. Rev. Methods
Suggested Nie
Criteria L + Evaluative tool
Chrrprer 6 & 7 Eristing
Situation Case Study
Chupter 8 Recommendaîions
1 SOLUTION 1 Summary And Conclusion
Chapter 2: TRINlDAD AND TOBAGO
... I resolved to make for the Canie islands and set saii in that direction; when by the metçy of God which he has always extended to me, one of the sailors went up to the main-top and saw to the westward a range of three mountains. Upon this we cepeated the "Salve Regina" and other prayers and aII of us gave thanks to Our Lord.
E t'en gave up our northward course and put in for the land; at the hour of cornplines we reached a cape which 1 called Cape ûalera, having &ady given to the Island the name of Trinidad, and here we found a harbour which wodd have been excellent but there was no good anchorage. We saw houses and people on the spot and the country round was very beautifid and as fi& and green as the gardens of Valencia in the month of k h . (Christopher Columbus, 1498, Book of Trinidad, p. 17)
Figure 3
Venezuela cwn parte Awaalii Nwa An&fusiae t640. AmsteIodami, Gdjeimus BIaeuw
9
Trinidad and Tobago is a twin island nation with limited land and naturai
resources. Its geography, its history, and its present stage of development shape its
concem with the problems of the human environment. This creates unique
environmental characteristics and challenges.
t OCATION
Trinidad and Tobago is located at the southem limit of the chah of Caribbean
territories (figure 4). The island of Trinidad is 10 degrees North Latitude, and between
60 and 6 1 degrees West Longitude with a total area of 4 828 square kilometers (Williams
et al., 1973, November). At the nearest point, the Coast of Venezuela is ten kilometers
away ( f iwe 5).
Figure 4: Location Map of Trinidad and Tobago
VE-UBr
Sketch: P d o . (1996, p. 38). Last Resorts. The Cost of Tourism in the Carib Zan. Cassel
P i 5: Trinidrd and Tobago
Trinidad can be describai as oblong in shape, with two major western peninsulas.
There are three mountainous ranges with river plains in between. The larges of the three
ranges, the Northem Range dong the north coast, has peaks over 9Oûm (Rudder, 1989)
intermittently descendhg to the sea with drarnatic cliff fixes. The Central Range trends
northeast to southwest through Trinidad without such a sharp gradient but rather with
unduiating Ws. The Southern Range is principally composed of three peaks that are the
origin of Colombus' naming of the istand, La Trinite, and are also not as imposing as the
Northem Range. Alluvial fans span fiom the valleys of these ranges, creahg unique
river plains.
C LIMATE
The seasonal variation of c h t e fiucniates mainly between dry @ecember -
May) and wet (June - November). Location in the tropics (iatitude) ensures abundant
solar radiation, but temperatures are moderated by the smaU land mass size in a Large
ocean. Sea breezes result in minimai seasonai temperature variations.
The dry season is noticeably bright md sunny, with few cumulus clou& and low
relative humidity, o f f k g pleasant hurnan comfoa levels. During the wet season,
tropical weather symms, includiag the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITcz)', Easterly
Waves and Tropical Depressions, develop with attendant cloudiness and precipitation,
and consecutive bright and sunny days are at a minimum. Convective and orographie
precipitation, givea the right conditions, taice plotce in both seasons, the latter king more
prevalent in preferred locations ( u p U sreas). Trinidad's a n n d rainfaii totais Vary
' BeOadly speaking this is the cducncc of the Northeast and Southeart Trade winds.
12 fiom over 3 048 mm in the Northeast to approximately 1 524 mm in the Northwest and
Southwest peninsulas of the island (figure 6) (Bemdge, 198 1). Mean monthIy maximum
temperature is 31 degrees Celsius and the mean monthly minimum temperature is 22
degrees Celsius. Seasonai variation in Trinidad and Tobago is only 2-3 degrees Celsius
in the mean (Bemdge, 198 1).
Figure 6: lsohyetd Map of Mean Annual Rainfali Record Period (1939-1968).
Berridge, C. E. (198 1). p.5.
NATURAL RESOURCES
Regions bordering the Amazons require no supplies h m foreign lands; the river is full of fish, the forests of game, tbe air of birds, the mes are covered with fhit ... (Father Cristoval de Acnna, 1641, Rites rmd Laws of the Yncus)
Similarities to the South Amencan neighbour Venezuela are reflected in the
Amazonian flom and fauna. When Columbus discovered Trinidad in 1498, the country
13 was covered with luxuriant tropical forests. The intensity of exploitation of the forests
in the 500 years since has changed many of the prima^ plant formations and
associations, except in the most inaccessible forest areas. The tropical rai. forest
dominates these areas of primary vegetation, largely in the Northern Range. Tropical
savannas and mangrove swamps dominate the lowlands between the mouutainous ranges,
towards the Coast on either side of the island. Teak, Caribbean Pine and Mora forests
prevail over the most forestai areas and are the subject of plantation forestry and the
local timber industry. Naipaul descriis the capital Port of Spain as "the hidden city",
located withh the Maraval, Cascade and Laventille valleys and neighbouring the Caroni
Swamp (1976). "And it was possible to see over what the city had spread: on one side,
the swamp, drying out to a p a t plain; on the other side, a chah of hills, rising directly
fiom the plain" (Naipaul, 1976, p. 9).
Tapir, ocelot, deer, caiman, manatee, and the marsupial manicou are some of the
larger reptiles and rnammals that compose the fauna of Trinidad and Tobago. Isolated
from the Amazonian region during the Holocene, the fauna has direct similarities in
diversity and abundance. Large anacondas, porpoises, leather back sea tudes,
humrningbirds, scarlet ibises, macaws, red howiing monkeys, cavali and carite fish,
buffalypso and Holstein cows are other examples of the abundant wild, native and
domesticaiiy introduced animal Iife found in the tropical marine and terrestrial
ecosystems of Trinidad and Tobago.
COASTAL WATERS: THE GULF OF PARIA
and as wimess that this, too, was no dteam, the blue water of the Widward IsIands changed suddeniy into fou1 bottle-green. The waters of the Ocinow, waters fiom the peaks of the Andes far away, were staining the sea around us. (Charles Kingsley, 1890, p. 54)
14 There was no doubt about it: we wete in the Gdf of Paria, and the ody reason the water wam't ydow with the süt h m the Orinoco was that we were in the middle of the channel to the sea. (Henri Charrière, p. 436)
Orinoco River water flows into the Gulf of Paria, a basin ahost entrapped by the
two Western pinsulas of Ttinidad and "the long mgged Peniasuia of Paria (Venezuela]
which t h out iike a hger pointhg at Trinidad" (Bickerton, 1962, p.80). This results
in near estuarine conditions in the Gulf, with littie flushing by the Atlantic cunents and
iittle coral development (figure 7).
Kenny, I. S. and Bacon, P. R (1981). p.113
The Iargest swamp (Caronii is in fact located on the western coast of Trinidad,
dong with a majority of the population and industry.
15 THE PEOPLE
Yet, embedded like fossils in these neon-age strata, one fin& Indian tnbai customs, primitive Afncan rites and beliefs, protetarian attitudes and pattern of behaviour more typical of the nineteenth than the twentieth century, al1 mixed incongruously together in a sociologist's nightmare, presenting contrast as violent as the physicd surroundings of the city themselves. (Bickerton, 1962, p. 1 1).
The population of Trinidad and Tobago is 1 3 million (ECLAC, 1997). East
indian and Afncan races, in almost equal numbers, compose 80 per cent of the
population. The remahder, 20 per cent, is largely Mixed, Chinese, Syrian, Letirnese,
White, and Portuguese. This population is concentrated in the West of the isiand,
between Port of Spain and San Fernando and dong the "East - West" corridor between
Port of Spain and Sangre Grande. Industry is similarly located. Cnide oil and naturd gas
reheries concentrate around San Fernando in the Southwest of Trinidad. Sugar
pIantations are dong the West coast. Manufacturing industry is mostIy found dong the
"East - West" comdor, intertwining with rurai activities. "Trafic was heavy in rbis area
of factories. But the land sül showed its ment pastoral history" (Naipauk, 1976, p. 10).
Squaning and shifting cultivation form the srnail-scde agribusiness of the rural areas.
TOBAGO . . . sixteene leagues to the eastwards of the Rivers mouth and then standing off to Sea, wee feii in mentie four hom sayling with Pinta de Galera the North-eastemtuost part of Trinidad. But having Tabaco-isIand in sight, wee first went hither. This Island is plentifid of ali things, and a very good soyle. ... Gibert my Pilot who sometime Lved there, noteth it for the best and West ground that hee noweth. (Walter Raleigh, 1596, Voyages)
The sister island of Tobago Les 25 kiIometers northeast of Trinidad, at 11 degrees
North Latitude and 60 degrees West Longitude, with an area of 300 square kilometers
(Wiiams et al., 1973, November). It is in contrast, cieariy part of the Antillean chain of
Id Tobago Lies on the edge of the coastal sheif of South America, away h m the
influences of the Orinoco. Its topography is rugged. with a mountainous spine fiom
northeast to southwest and a peak of 576m (Rudder 1989), and a coastai plain in the
southwest. The marine environment ia most diverse hem with the oniy mangrove forest
neighbourhg the large corai f o n d o n s of the Buccoo Reef. The population and industry
are scattered dong the wastline, with a concentration in the south amund the capital
Scarborough, through to the airport at Crown Point in the southwest.
Fossil fiel deposits are not abundaat in and around Tobago. Cocoa, coffee and
sugar are the traditionai economy, with tourism dominating the island's revenue. Similar
to Tnnidad, tropical raidorest forms the naturai vegetation in the mountainous areas,
with srnail tropical savannas, secondary and tertiary growth forest and isolated mangrove
settiements occupying the rural IowIands dong the Coast and towards the souih of the
island.
2.1) A Brief History of Development
We sat and rested by the roadside under a great cotton-wood me; -.. to see at our feet the triple harbour, the steep town, and a very paradise of garda and orchard; and then down again, with the regretfiil thought, which haunted me b u g h o u t the islands - What might the West Mies not have been by now, had it not been for slavery, nim, and sugar? (Charles Kingsley, 1890, p.52)
A . ov&w of the antecedent institutional conditions and the evolution of
development cm introduce the relationship between the history and the envimunent of
the country. A colonial stanis and a plantation economy dominate the early history of
devetopment in Trinidad and Tobago (figure 8). These two factors pIaced the decision-
making power in the hands of few psons and with expatriate companies. A decision-
making h e w o r k of this hd, regarding Iand use and development patteras, dsfied
17 metropolitan criteria. It failed in producing optimum patterns of setdement for
Trinidad and Tobago. It dso faiied in the equiiable distniution of social and economic
activities that respected the environmentai characteristics of the development of the
islaad (Brown and Jacobs, 1996). Given the Limited decision-making powers lefi to
th- the local population resorted to squatting, shifting cdtivation, and indiscriminate
chring of forests to ensure survival on the short tenn in the post emancipation era.
Figure 8
TRINIDAD in t h e
EARLY 1850'5
18 At the ùeginning of the twentieth century, the export econorny of Trinidad and
Tobago evolved fiom king heavily plantation-type agicultural to being oil-based. A
new econornic base catalyzed industrial development. After independence in 1962,
govemment tried to divers* the economy by diverting oil revenue to the establishment
of heavy industry. Iron and steel, methanol and ammonia, are some of these industries
that expIoit natural gas reserves as hel and feedstock. These industries continue to be
large eamers of foreign exchange.
As the industriakation process tmnsformed the Trinidad economy in the 1970s
and early 1980s, Tobago remained agriculturai. With the drastic &op in oil prices in the
1980s, however, the govemment decided to make Tobago the centre of its deveIopment
thnist and an alternative foreign exchange eamer through tourism development. The
tourism industry has boomed in the 1990s on both islands. Rapid development of this
industry in pristine environrnents rivals other industries' potential for damaging the
environment,
With the growth of tourism, the importance of a healthy environment is becoming
clearer now even to developers. Economic vaIues are king anached to clean air and
water and to diversified, undisturbed naturai vegetation Eco-tourism, a stream of the
tourisrn industry, has the beneficial characteristic of preserving the naturai beauty of the
islands. Proponents of eco-tourisrn are making efforts to sensitize the pubiic to the
concepts of conservation and suiabhility so that the aesthetic elements of the
environment are retained.
19
2.2) The Chdenge and the Statement of the Problem
Tourism and ecotourism of the insular archipelago rest almost monoculturaliy on the pristine quality of its environment - recreational -ter quaiity, air quaüty and potable water quality. Hence paradoxicaüy, development of the resource that is the environment equates with its protection and preservation. (Lennox Baiiah, 1995)
The potential for conflict between environmental protection and economic growth
is evideat The confiict raises some questions. What is the purpose of environmental
protection? 1s it in response to the need for an attractive resource for a booming eco-
tourism trade? if so, are these acceptabIe conditions and justincations for enviconmentai
protection? 1s it acceptable for economic values to determine the mute of ecological
integity? Or should there be a synergetic relationship that encompasses the ideais of
sustainable development? These are important questions as they clariS, the motivation
behind environmental protection,
OAen in Trinidad and Tobago, EIA appears to be conducted in response to a
seemingly obvious conflict, not pnor to the commencement of the project that caused the
conflict. Will environmental management progress proactively or must there be a
distress to initiate it?
Activities of a company or a developer impact upon the environment. One use of
environmentai management is to retain or restore a company's or a developer's image in
the face of potentiaiiy unfÏiendy environmentai impacts and so project proponents may
support EIA. However, if there is no obvious Mc betwem environmentai poilmion and
the company or the developer, wilI there be any incentive to cooperate in environmentai
management at all? If the cause of environmenta1 damage is not what was expected
e when an issue arises, will the EIA continue at the same pace and receive the same
20 attention? These questions c m ody be answered through examination of the practice
of Environmental Management in Trinidad and Tobago.
The opening quotation of this section shows the need for environmental quaiity
and the potential threat to this quality. The many questions asked discuss the viability of
a voluntary code. Such a code may work when there are clear public relation benefits,
but when there are none, are laws needed?
No voluntary code wiii control individuais who are determined to exploit naturai
resources for theu own benefit, and therefore legislation is required to enforce at least a
minimum of respect for the environment (Forùage, 1990). The legislation aims to
foresee, control and mitigate the effects of new f o m of interference with the
environment. Again, the presence of laws requires enforcement mechanisms as voluntary
cornpliance is rare, especiaiiy if there is no strong public pressure.
We can determine whether legai means are necessary and whether enforcement
mechanisms are effective with existing IegisIation onIy by looking carefidiy at reai cases.
The thesis will examine what the iiterature says is needed, and then, in light of that, look
at whaî is going on in a specific case study.
2 1
Chapter 3: LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter reviews environmental decision-making. It provides a synopsis of
the current ideah in the field, summariPng the various approaches to environmental
management that are relevant to Trinidad and Tobago. The chapter explains EIA and its
importance in developing countries. Finally it hints at what approach is needed in
Trinidad and Tobago by outlining present practices of local consultants and govement.
3.1) Review of EM and E U Theory
Pollution is a fact no longer questioned. Its prevalence is an inherent feature of our civiiization. To control this scourge, for which man aione is responsible, we must be able to corne to terms with our growth and our industrialization, while possessing at al1 times the capabiiity of neut rakg its ecological consequences (World Bank, 1992, p. 3).
Principles of environmental management
A fundamental objective of environmental management is to evaluate how
ecological systems wili be affected by disturbances, both rnan-made and mimai. It
thereby assesses to whaî degree ecological systems will be threatened or damaged, and
attempts to brhg these environmental costs into the overall planning assessment (Hohg,
1978; Renard, 1989; MacKenzie, 1997).
One interpretation of sustainable developrnent is îhe maintenance of the
functional relationships within and between the environmental, economic and social
systems (Berkes and Folke, 1994; Hoiiing, 1978; Hanna and Munasin*, 1995).
Euvironmental management invoIves the inteption of these subsystems, with the socio-
economic objectives of maintaining sustainable demopphics and pmenting the
f- \ retardation of economic development or the degradation of the enwonment.
22 VauderZwaag (1993) categorizes four principles of environmental management.
These are integration, the precautionary principal, intergenerational equity, and pubIic
participation. The first primiiple of integration has extemal and intemal definitions.
External inteption refers to the consideration of economic and enWonmental concems
in ail plans, programmes and budgets in every policy sector of govemment (WCED,
1987; UN, 1992). Interna1 integration entails coordination of these sectors and agencies,
providing a uniiïed effort in environmental protection.
The notion of the precautionary principle is that ptevention is better than cure
(UN 1992), especially when there is a great deal of uncertabty about possible impacts.
The environmental control measures should be put in place before the event, on the side
of caution, rather than waiting for the event and foiiowing the cause-link effect
(VanderZwaag, 1993).
A thhd principle of VanderZwaag is limiting n a t d resource exploitation and
controlling poliution for the benefit of future generations. This principle is
intergenerational equity and it is a direct theme h m the mstahbility definition that has
become as important as inüagenerational equity (the equal distribution of resources).
Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development expresses
the basis of VanderZwaag7s fourth principle, that of public participation and comrnunity-
based development and management (CM, 1992; VanderZwaag, 1993). It argues that the
principle of pubiic participation m u t direct the restnicturing of national policies. Key
elements of this principle are descri'bed later in this section.
These four principles are over-arching. Critics are teaiiPng that conventional
strategies in enWomentai management do not conforni to these principles. Major
23 consequences of failing on these principles are a lack of popuiar acceptance as a
decision is made and the risk of producing outcornes that are irrelevant or
environmentally damaging (Renn, Webler and Wiedemann, 1993; Waniner, 1997).
Proactive management has evolved to ensure that these four principles shape
environmental management initiatives.
Proactive Environmental Management
Proactive environmental management is recognised by the attempt to anticipate
events that wiii require environmental intervention. It is distinguished fiom reactive
environmental management where a crisis arises before planning action is taken. There
are three elements b t define proactive management: the holistic view; the adaptive and
responsive approach to pIanning; and carefùl foresight in planning.
F i d y , there must be a theme of holistic, or "big-picturem, tbinking. This aliudes
to a problem in a muiti-dimensionai context, with multiple causes that sometimes shift
unpredictably. inherent in this thinking is the identification of the stakeholders,
providing information on existing conditions, and def'ming common boudaries of
concem (ecologicai and economicai). This then requires adequate mechanisms of public
participation. One such mechanisrn is the presence of an environment of negotiation that
leads to consensus rather than conflict and that handes the concerns of the stakehofders
(Appiah-Okopu, 1994). Holistic considerations and public participation shouid occur at
al1 steps in the decision-making process, co~l~equently raising public awareness and
creating public empowexment (Arnstein, 1969; Bishop, 1975; Brown and Jacobs, 1996;
Danieis, Lawrence and Ali& 1996; Danieis and Walker, 1996; Wmher, 1997).
24 Secoidly, the decision-making fiatnework mut rnimic the environment by
king flexible, adaptive, and tesponsive (Brown and Jacobs, 1996; Holling, 1978;
Mackenizie, 1997). Such a h e w o r k is incorporateci in ecosystem-based environmental
management, dowing natural and imrnediate reactions to crises that are expected, with
solutions that are planneci. A prevention rather than cure motivation initiates an approach
to environmentai management that prepares for these reactions to crises Wilder, 1994).
Thirdly, a decision-making h e w o r k mut be developed that accounts for the
many barriers that may arise to information gathering and dissemination. These include
legal, technical and financial barriers, data inaccessl'bility, and ignorance of its existence
and its absence (Meredith, 1996). Tools such as Geographic information Systems and
Environmental Impact Assessment aim to solve or ceduce these barriers. These tools
promote inter-agency cooperation and facilitate multi-criteria decision-making (streams
of public participation and ecosystem-based environmental management) (Eastman,
Kyem, Toledano and Jin, 1993).
Environmentai Lmuact Assessment: A Tool of Proactive Environmental Manazement
In its simplest form, EIA is a "public mechanisrn or process for assessing the
potential environmental impacts of a proposed activity or undertaking" (Edmond and
TilIeman, 1991, p. 222; Fortlage, 1990). Another simiiar but more ment article flom
Kozova (1996) defines EIA as "an effective preventative system against damage to the
environment that is based on prognosis and assessment of presumed positive and negative
impacts of development projects and policies" (p. 402; see also McShine, 1993; Appiah-
Okopu, 1994).
25 The EIA process includes methods of assessing potential crises and determinhg
solutions or buf5ers for them. This fom of proactive environmentai management
restricts environmentai degradation, with EIA providing the guidelines and pathways.
EIA is a valuable planning tool as it can be effective in hamonking environmental and
economic needs (Glasson, Therivei and Chadwick, 1994; Lawrence, 1997). The Rio
Declaration on Environment and Development endorses the universai application of EM
as a national instrument (McNeely, 1994). It has been h d d e d as a potential mechanism
for implementing National Sustainable Development Strategies (NSDS) (Sadler, 1993).
Nations struggling to fulfill the sustainability p ~ c i p l e s have begun creating the
institutional h e w o r k s and mechanisms for EIA This EIA should provide a basis for
proactive impact assessrnent The question is, how weU do they work especially in
nations in the developing world that are not experienced with the EIA process?
3.2) EM and EIA in the Dweloping WorId, Sa)S and Trinidad and Tobago
The Deveio~in~ World
It is essentiai for developing countries to pursue short- and long-tenu economic
development goals whüe ensuring sound environmental management (Biswas &
Agarwal, 1992). Developing countries typically have more severe environmentai
problems, fewer resources to solve them and a more turbulent and l e s predictable
economic and socio-politicai climate than the developed world (Mayda, 1985; Appiah-
Okopu, 1994; Biswas & QuGeping, 1987). Adopting the principles of mstainable
development and the decision-mnking practices that have evolved h m these prînciples is
26 complex. Practices have to be adapted to the cultural, political, economic, institutional
and antecedent environmental mechanisms of each developing country.
Srnail Island Develo~ing States
Sustainable development of smaii islaads is further complicated by their small
size, k t e d resources, geographic dispersion, isolation, economic fragility, and mal1
population base which nonetheles mates hi& population densities (IMS, 1993; Mann-
Borgese, 1994). These characteristics are serious barriers to swtainable development and
c d for alternative approaches. One such approach is people-centred development
(Mann-Borgese, 1994). Moreover, the C&bean with its prolonged bistory of resource
exploitation, requires "habitat restoration, sustainable resource uses, long term economic
profitabiiityladaptability, and improved effectiveness of insular institutions" (McElroy,
Potter and Towle, 1990, p. 299).
Operationally incorporating adapted principles of proactive management in SIDS
is best achieved through environmental assessment and EIA (Biswas and QuGeping,
1987; Apiah-Okopu, 1994; Rudder, 1989; Biswas & Agarwal, 1992). Horberry explains
that the interest of EIA in SIDS and the Cariibean is due to the weiidefmed, intemally
integrated procedure and planning twls that characterize EIA. Furthemore, success with
EIA attracts both international agencies and local govemrnents (Holling, 1978; Horberry,
1985).
Trinidad and Tobago
The Government of Trinidad and Tobago has adopted the go& of sustainable
development and mandated the use of E?A in recent legislation (GOïT, 1995). Though
sustainable development is not explicidy mentioned in the legislation, it aims at
27 maintainhg intergenerationai and intragenerationai equity while eliminating poverty
because "it is assuming economic development" (Pantin, 1992). Kenny (1997a) insists
that at the moment, sustainable development is very difn.cuit for Trinidad and Tobago
due to an oversight of recent legisiation in adopting unrealistic goais (similar to the
concem of Pantin, 1992). Kenny suggests tiiat extemal expertise and financiai aid m u t
be sought to relieve pressures of being a developing country where the application of
these goals is restricted. He comments on the applicability of any new Iegislation that
disregards key aspects of Trinidad and Tobago:
Greenpeace, ... and local environmentalists must reaily aiso teii the Minister of Agriculture how to do this in a country with a population density of 650 per square miIe and an annual population growth rate of 1.1 per cent (Kenny, I997b, p. 19).
The Govemment of Trinidad and Tobago has endorsed ideas of sustainable
development but there are specific pmblems. These problems require special expertise to
ensure that the theories of sustainable development can be focussed on the peculiarities of
Trinidad and Tobago. A giimpse at the tools of environmentai management in Trinidad
and Tobago will illustrate Kenny's concem by showing the awkward and unsuitable
sûategies that are being followed at present.
33) Strategies of environmentai management in Trinidad and Tobago
The Govemment of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago ( G o , the United
Nations Environmentai Programme and the World Bank have organized and fiinded EIA
projects, enWotuuental awareness programmes, confèrences and training courses in
Trinidad and Tobago over the Iast twenty years. From a small put to the Institute of
28 Marine AfFairs2 fiom the G O T m 1981 (McShine, 1993) to the mdti-rniiiion World
Bank loan to the GOlT in 1995 (ECLAC, 19973, there has been a capacity building
based on similar principles to those already outlined.
In 1990, UNEP produced a document of EIA sûategies for projects &ting the
coastal and marine environment which is a widely used and accepted guideline in the
Caribbean, and in Trinidad and Tobago by most codtants (McShine, personal
interview, January 5,1998). This hument operates on the principle that it is better to
conduct a mediocre EiA than none at au, The UNEP document focuses on the main
issues in an EIA, presents cIear options for the mitigation of impacts, and promotes
information in a fom usefid to the decision-maken. It argues that most local agencies
and govemment organisations follow processes deveIoped elsewhere and that they fail to
adapt to local conditions. Some consultancy finns in Trinidad and Tobago have done
this.
Rapid Environmental Assessrnent Limited (REAL), a local fhm, promotes EIA at
the project's conception, and its execution through the pre-feasliility, design and
engineering plans of the project cycle. The pmess is integrative, with munial feedback
between environmental engineers and developers, local and central authorities, and the
communities.
Enviromenta1 Protection and Assesment Services P A S ) (local consultants)
have forrned a relationsbip with Semes Consuitanis of Cansds in order to boost its
portfolio of experts and to bridge the technid gaps of their EIA process. The iMA has
designed a uniquc EIA in that it mets wah the environment circumstauces of
T h e înstiua of Marine Af?àits or iMA is a govermnaa sapporrod, rcsemh-based organhion.
29 Trinidad and Tobago. In 1988, two years before the UNEP document, the IMA
decided on a shorter period for impact assessment and a longer period of monitoring than
what is suggested by UNEP. Its scientists have used their experience and research-
oriented staff to evaluate and present an EIA process, which they claim sits well in the
evolving circumstances of Trinidad and Tobago, confomiing to the existing legal
fi.amework
An evaluation of the use and the e f k t of EIA in Trinidad and Tobago is needed.
Are the suggested approaches to envhnmental management fiom the literature different
fÏom those king used now in Trinidad and Tobago? if so, are these suggested
approaches appropnate for use in Trinidad and Tobago or is a balance needed between
these approaches and 1ocaI practices?
Chapter 4: METHODS
This chapter describes the procedures used to evaiuate the present policy and
practices in Trinidad and Tobago. This design is classified as "formative" (Mauch and
Bùch, 1993): the research focuses on the procedure rather than on the outcome of
environmental management. Therefore, the analysis appraises the steps taken to measure
the environmental impacts rather than appraising the results of utilising these steps.
The research can be broken into three parts. The first formdates a recommended
or "ideai" environmental management. The second outiines the history and present starus
of environmental management and EIA in Trinidad and Tobago and examines a case
smdy. Fulally, the ideal is cornpared to the present status of environmental management
and recommendations are presented. An additional iiterature search and a series of
interviews gathered the information needed for these three parts.
4.1) Determinhg "Ideriln Poiicy and Practice
This f&t step in the research involves a telescoping of issues and information
needs dong various scales of research. The determination of an ideai environmental
management fiamework for Trinidad and Tobago began with the study of generd
literature on EIA (chapter 3), and then more specincally, studies at the =ale of the
dweioping world and S m d Island Developing States.
The intent is to identify h m the literaîure specific criteria that can be used to
indicate the dative efficacy of EIA policy and practice in Trinidad and Tobago.
3 1
4.2) Determinhg the Current Status of Environmentai Management
in Trinidad and Tobago
A literature review and a series of interviews are used to determine the historical
and current status of environmental management. The historical status is included
because antecedent environmenta1 management tempers a lot of current policy. Many
environmentai laws are quite old and eariy environmental events or mishaps are stiiî
significant in the landscape.
The Environmental Management Act (GOTT, 1995), the draft National
Environmental Policy @MA, 1997c) of Trinidad and Tobago, and UNEP and Wodd
Bank documents compose this background discussion as they affect the management of
the area of the case study. Research on the present statu of environmentai management
at the scale of Trinidad and Tobago is used as background to the case study. A case
mdy is included here to allow for a specific example of the condition of environmentai
management.
The case mdy is one of the most discussed topics in Trinidad and Tobago. it is
an EIA of marinas and of marina development in Chaguaramas. Recent newspaper
articles recorded the degradation of the marine environment of Chaguatamas and
criticism of the new legislation that Eiffects the area. Vits to the libraries of the
Environmental Management Authonty and the Mtute of Marine AffGrs provided
additional literature on this new legislation and on the details of the degradation. in
addition to literaîure searches, interviews were conducted with key stakehoIders.
32 43.1) Data Collection: Literature Serirch
Literature îtom joumai articles provide the bulk of the information for the
developing world and SIDS, with littie specific information on Trinidad and Tobago. To
account for this lack, conferences held in Trinidad over the last five years that concerned
environmental management or the topic of marinas were researched and the relevant
proceedings or literature are used. AdditionalIy, these conferences introduced the players
in environmental management in Trinidad and the stakeholders in marina developments.
Newspaper articles provide the bulk of the local information as they are a major
tool of public opinion in Trinidad and Tobago. A col idon of newspaper articles over
the last three years, including letters to the editor, articles and news headlines was
gathered to determine public opinion and specific knowledge on ideal paths for
environmental management. The articles are mrtinIy composed of unpublished research
completed by local academics, government officers, environmentalists and NGOs,
coliected by the newspapers h m the libraries of the Ministry of Health, Planning and
Development, iMA, üNEP, LJWI and the Environmental Management Authority.
432) Data CoUection: Interviews
Interviews with key personnel within the enviromentai circles of Trinidad and
Tobago provided the specific information not fotmd in the literature review. FolIow-up
research with experts h m the conferences and the authors of the newspaper articles led
to these interviews. A Iist of the persons intervieweci is shown in table 1.
An interview with Maurice Strong puestioned the UN'S role in assisMg SIDS
with developing enviromentai management processes. This ailowed for an upper LeveI,
extemal comment on the status of environmental management in SIDS in the aftermath
of the "Earth Summit +5" conference3.
Interna1 or bcai interviews were diverse and extensive. Four Ministry officiais
were wntacted: the environmental director of the Ministry of Health and three rnembers
of the board of the Environmental Management Authority (wbich was f o d under the
auspices of the Ministry of Planning and Development). This produces a range of views
fiom different s t o t s of associated govemment and h m the organisation that drafted the
EMA legislation ( the Environmentai Management Auihority).
The estabiished f h s that undertake the b d k of the ~ssessment projects in
Trinidad and Tobago are the IMA, REAL, EPAS, and ECO Engincering. Associated
with these finns are three Iecturers associated with thc University of the West indies, who
FoUow-ap meetings to report on tbe pmpss of decisioos and plicies utPcted at the 1992 Rio Summit.
34 have written extensively on the subject One is a prominent senator, director of a
consultancy firm (REAL) and sîmng advocate of environmentai awareness in Trinidad
and Tobago, Dr. Kenny. Another is the co-director of an environmentai consultancy h
(EPAS Codtants), a division of Waste Disposah Ltd, while the third is also the
chairman of ECO Engineering. Contacthg three members of the IMA that are involved
with environmental management and assessment aliows a mix of academic and
professional perspectives.
F i i y , two people involved in the impacts of the environment on water quality
were interviewed in order to meet the information needs of the case study. The fisst is
associated with the Water and Sewage Authority (WASA) and the second is the co-
manager of an oceanographic consuitancy h (Coast4 Dynamics).
Format of the interviews
The interviews were open-ended as the discussion was conducted around a series
of themes rather than with the use of a strict questionnaire. This technique is designed to
"elicit the person's environmental awareness, and the interviewer's assessrnent of that
awareness" (Evans, 1996, p. 85). This aiiows the interview process to capture the most
important information within an individual's expertise.
For instance, Mariiyn Cricldow, with the Water and Sewerage Authority
(WASA), was able to expand on the Iegislative background in Trinidad and Tobago of
water management, as welI as the monitoring procedures m place to report water quaüty.
However, it wouid be mipossiile to determine the extent to which this monitoring
process is reassessed, valued or even relevant to the Iocd modem environment as it is not -
\, her expertise and many additionai interviews at WASA, the Ministry of Health, the
35 Ministry of Energy ami the Minisky of Planning wodd be necmary. These
goverment bodies are al1 responsible for watet management legislation and subsequent
monitoring in Trinidad and Tobago. This is an expected problem of SlDS where there
are many agencies responsibIe for a specinc entity. Questionhg of a particularity in
SDS does not always bring about the desired resuits because there are too many
stakeholders. ûpenlended questions were most reliable for gainhg the local views
because ohn, individuals are experts in many fields and are able to provide information
an a range of unexpected issues.
4.4) The Analysis of the Research: Recommendations
The analysis involves comparing the "ideai" for Trinidad and Tobago with current
practices. The '?deal" is based on current theory that aims for an adaptive, proactive
process in Trinidad and Tobago. This forms the bais for identifying flaws and
inadequacies in environmental management and EIA in the counûy. '%turent practices"
include the new and existiag environmental management schemes as weîi as a case study
of the environmental management practices in Trinidad and Tobago.
This fird part of the research retums to an overd assessrnent of practice in
Trinidad and Tobago and the questions mised in the statement of thesis. For each critical
a m of concem, there is a summary statement of ptesent conditions and sume specsc
recommendations for improving the situation. Specific examples related to îhe case
study are used to illumate the p d c a l vaiue of these recommMons.
3 6 4.5) Limitatiom to the Research
Three barriers to information that Meredith (1997) discusses aise in the research.
The information is not readily accessible in Triaidad and Tobago because there are
physical barriers. Access to most h i e s requires an appointment and there are
restrictions on use of the holdings, with the absence of an exorbitant expense for
photocopying facilties and with copyright Iaws and royaIties being Strictly enforced.
The information is aiso not always accessible because it may not be easily found.
Holdings of libraries are not organized, o h n there is an absence of searchable indexes
and cataloguing. Thirdiy, confidentiaiity posed another barrier to information. During
the intenriews the consuitancy provided no copies of EIAs as they are the property
of the client or the developer, with permission ofkn denied by the cient once sought.
It was also the case that interview appointments were not always honoured once
the purpose of my research was known, d that l e m to officiais were ofien
Thus, it is achowledged that the picture is not n e c e s d y complete.
However, convergence of information h m several sources, as weii as personal contacts
who were able to offer conoborative information, suggest that the d y s i s does reflect
current reaIity.
Chapter 5: DETERMING IDEAL POLICY AND PRACTICES:
CRITICAL AREAS OF CONCERN
Various authors have denned aiteria for evaIuating. Brown and Jacobs (1996)
provide a table of cornparison based on nine criteria for assesment of EIA. They
advocate a proactive approach for Trinidad and Tobago, suggesting ways to improve the
EiA process by targeting successive issues. They also use the case analysis of informa1
Settlements to show how these modifications can remove barriers in the community
development process.
Lawrence (1997) foiiows similar methodology through a review of the EIA
process that uses a step by step adysis (dismantling a process into its components for
individuai scrutiny). He provides a h e w o r k for sustainability dong with an overview
of cumnt EIA requirements in Canada A compatison shows where initiatives are
promisirtg and where they need to be monitored or changed (Lawrence, 1997).
The Australian EIA Network's review of the Commonwealth EiA process (1 994)
used 22 indices in providing an excellent tool for evaluation. Criteria and ideas fiom
Brown and Jacobs and fiom Lawrence an used with the Australian EiA Network's
review to produce criteria for this study. Merging similar concem caa reduce these 22
indices and the various criteria fiom Brown and Jacobs to form nine umbreiia criteria
(table 2).
39
5.2) Dennition of the Nime Criteria for Trinidad and Tobago
This section describes each of the nine criteria This description includes the
evolution of each criterion and considers ways in which the criterion can be used to
assess specific EIA processes.
5.2.1) El. COMPOSITION
An E U composition criterion constitutes the principles and the objectives of the
EIA, the steps in EIA, and the Ievel of assessment deW in the relevant Iegislation,
methodology and machinery. Chrification of the methods of EIA, with explicit direction
given to every aspect of the EiA, demarcates how the EIA is to be assessed. EIA
composition further incorporates other components such as the certainîy of the process
with applicable tools and the flow of information in the process.
One important principle of proactive EIA is to maximise the positive
environmental impacts instead of focussing exciusively on minimising the negative
impacts (Biswas and Agarwai, 1992). Another is that environrnents are dynamic,
therefore processes that monitor them mut allow for that. Related principles are similar
to those found in the field of ecology in that they achowledge the cumulative,
incremental and regional impacts. Rexi'bility and responsiveness of the EIA process are
needed to incorporate îhese principles in the environmental, institutional, social and
economic realities.
The Ievel of detail of assessment is also important for putting these principles into
use. The need to cornterbalance a hoiistic perspective with a detailed understanding of
cornplex regional and local relationships is a thomy issue (Lawrence, 1997). However, it
is paramount tbat the EIA policy must be achievable, specific and not capricious
40
Wvatzky, 1996; Ahmad and Sammy, 1985). Roger Carrington emphasizes that there
must be clear indication on how to achieve certain goals, a concrete policy statement w i t .
easily identifiable requirements and responsibility assignments in Trinidad and Tobago
(in Rostant, 1997a). A sound and explicit mandate for the EIA process provides a level
of assessment that stresses clarity.
A more expticit reference to EIA procedures and techniques consolidates a
simplifieci environmental management process (Brown and Jacobs, 1996). To achieve
this, methodology must be a part of the legislation in order to provide clear, consistent,
officiai guidance for effective implementation. Formai procedures eIiminate
inconsistencies in the assessment of simiiar projects, and the personal prejudices, whims
and caprices of an environmentai agency or leading agency officials (Ebisemiju, 1993).
The absence of a highly defùied assessrnent procedure mates uncertainties in the mincis
of members of a project as to what they are expected to take, or what in fict is required of
them. Such a situation provides a fertile ground for corruption, nepotism and
compromise. With particuiar relevance to Trinidad and Tobago, an independent,
transparent pmcess rassures the public that "decisions are not undtdy influenceci by
individuais who stand to gain h c i a ü y fiom the project" (Brown and Jacobs, 1996).
As the system becomes transparent, it becomes easier to display the requirements
and opportunities of the EIA process to now weil-infonned participants. This increases
the confidence in the objectivity of the system and in the ability of EIA to achieve its
goals. Transpafency also requires access to information. Unavoidable barriers must be
clearly identitied must be mitigated (see Metedith, 1997). There are rnitigating tools that
provide opportunities to expIore, determine, cornimicate ouid reduce uncertainties and
4 1 barriers. Decision analysis, remote survey techniques, and geographic information
systems (GIS) are some of the twIs that can d i s e holistic, certain and accurate
environmental management ( K r a . , 1996).
National environmental data banks and management systems are encouraged to
hiciiitate the use of available information and the inter-governrnental fîow of data
(Bi- and Agamal, 1992; Biswas and QuGeping, 1987). Efforts to improve
information flow between developing corntries, inhibiteci more than between the
developed and developiog worki, will be beneficial and relevant because of simiiar
social, economic and institutional systems.
Structures such as the Man and the Biosphere Network (MABNET) are feasible
and appropriate. This structure improves Mages to other authoities and nations by
avoiding problems of personal différences. It creates a flow that does not need to be
based on trust and thaî is purdy scientific and not bureaucratic; a great barrier to
information in Trinidad and Tobago (GopauI, personal interview, January 10, 1998).
Further, it provides an avenue for a greater awareness of information and knowledge
avaiiabIe so that duplication is avoided and innovation is promoted medey-Sin& 1997,
Kenny, 1997d).
Synthesis of data4 is the strategic solution for the gmt iack of information in
developing corntries. However, a central repository of envi to~nta i data is needed
(Ahmad and Sammy, 1985). Pubiic documents m u t be ûuiy public, with demarcations
of what is sensitive i n f i o n asd tirnelines to nIIUifY coddentidiîy. This is the
%e pro- by wbicb data from another l d o n can be used to supplement data at the Location in question, Alteniatively, it may be the use of one form of data to generate another form of data" (Ahmad and Sammy, 1985)
42
solution to better access to information in Trinidad and Tobago (Manwaring, personal
interview, January 5,1998).
522) TIMING
A timing criterion considers the point at which the tooIs of environmentai
management should commence as weii as the duration of their use. The tirneLines of the
EIA process in relation to the project's development and the placement of the public
inquiry within the process are examples of h e initial considerations of timing. In this
second criterion, timing is associated with the cost of assessment.
Traditionaiiy, environmentai considerations are given low priority in project
design, with the most attention given to the economics and engineering. An
environmental assasment in the final stages precludes the best form of damage
mitigation being ecologicdy sensitive design (Jreweek, 1996). EIA shoutd be an
integral part of project planning beginning with early identification of signiscant impacts
and project alternatives. EarIy consideration is essential given the complexity of
ecological impacts and the chance for avoidance of project re-design and public inquiry
(Lawrence, 1997). It is necessary to impIement EIA before there is substantial financial
planning and other resource comrnitments to programmes or projects. EIA should
continue through the project cycle, with public participation, to be followed by the
monitoring and post-evduation stages of environmental management.
The duration of these instruments of enwonmental management depends on the
scde and nature of the projem The local context defines the duration of EIA in
developing countries. Environmental managers must consider a posst'ble time scale
extension due to the increased rate and pervasiveness of change associated with the
43 environmental parameters of SiDS (Kravatzky, 1996). Consideration of the local
situation in the determination of scheduies natrrrally incldes this element. The average
time fiom scoping to completion of EIA ranges h m three months to two y e m
(OECDfDAC, 1994). With no formai period for Trinidad and Tobago, one year is a
suggested minimum length (as it includes both clirnatic seasons) ohwaring, personal
interview, January 5,1998).
The costs of EIA are similarly determined by specific factors of the project
(Biwas and QuGeping, 1987). Associated costs reflect the complexity and signiiïcance
of the problem and the level of detail required. They no&y amount to 0.1 - 2.0 per
cent of total investment (Mendez-Charles, 1990; OECDDAC, 1994). The cost of
implementing rnitigating measures ranges fiom 3 - 5 percent (Mendez-CharIes, 1990).
The ptacement of public inquiries within EIA is not explicit in the titeram.
Early inquiries are encouraged as they avoid decisions becoming too politicised and
contentious (under some circumstances inquiries are established because an issue has
become conrroversial). However, it is cos-effective aud efficient to have public
codtation at the end of the process in developing couutries (Ahmad and Sammy,
1985). The public reacts better to clear predictions rather than nebuious concepts, only
possible at the end of the process. in addition, there is the possibility of Iosing interest in
an issue d e r a given length of tirne, so short time periods must be ailotted to avoid
confusion.
The solution is an agreement on project-specific thne scheduies for di stages of
the assessrnent process. Public involvement acts best as an on-going tooI of
environmental management, with an inquiry's duration becoming a factor of a pre-
44
determined schedule. The cost associated with public involvement is time dependent.
It is not cost-effective to seek full public comment throughout the life of the EIA. T i e
schedules accept financh1 constraints, recognise specific complexities in the planning
process, and they can be applied to many other instruments of environmentai
management.
53.3) THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
The conceptual h e w o r k describes the bounds of environmental management
(Mayda, 1985). The policies and programmes subject to assessment as weii as the types
of assessments that are relevant to Trinidad and Tobago are issues of this criterion.
If EIA is to be located eariy in the planning phase, it should encompass proposais,
policies, programmes, works, projects, agreements, mmmendations and the incurring
of expenditure. EIA is most effectively integrated into govemrnent decision-making once
a broad range of activities requiring government approvals, financing and decision are
encompassed. Social, cultural and economic effects must be considered as part of the
environment. Health and d impact assessment need to be visible in goverment
decision-making.
Lawrence (1997) asserts that "discipIinary and professionai boundaries are
transcended and geographk and temporal barriers are extended" (p. 36). EIA must not be
impaired by limited application. Pubiic and private sector projects, activities, legislation,
technologies, and products are subject to assessment: EIA must be applied to higher tiers
in decision-making. F o r d procedure is needed to ensure the environmental
implications of policies, plans, programmes and %dies "of plans are taken into
accomt as well as individual projects (Lawrence, 1997; Treweek, 1996). ûveraii impacts
45 of relateci projects, cumulative impacts of serial projects and the potential for
aiternative considerations demand tbis scope of assessment, especiaiiy if viewed in the
long t e m
A parallel conceptual shift is required for the legislative framework
(Vanderzwaag, 1993). This involves institutional changes. n ie conceptual framework
of the legislation points to the greater input of ecologists in developing its scientifk bais
(Treweek, 1996). The EIA process must not continue to be marginal to scientists and
other experts, who in tuni must regard the importance of EIA and other tools of
environmentai management, including TOR, and monitoring.
There is the need for organic and sectoral legislation that includes and necessitates
early implementation, design simpiicity and realistic objectives (Mayda, 1985). This
produces a complete legal h e w o r k for the ewlogically based and strategic
environmentai assessment requirements of the deveioping world. These legal concepts
allow for the realisation of the regional perspective in policy formulation (through
complete and organic legislation ideas), for early EIA implementation and obligation, and
for diverse inclusion of social, economical, cuiturai and political sectors (Restant, 1996a).
Senator John Agard of Trinidad and Tobago argues that global problems of ozone
depletion and greenhouse gas enrichment should not be of concern to the policy
formuIators of SIDS and Trinidad and Tobago. Agard has to redise that this is not
whoiiy correct There are indirect, secondary issues attacheci to many international
environmental concems iike this one. For insiance, sea level rises h m greenhouse gas
enrichment and global warming is a signincant issue for the coastal environment.
46 Similady, for a population of 13 million people in Trinidad and Tobago, 800
000 are living below the poverty line of $IO per &y (Kenny, 1996). A person existing on
$10 per &y is unlikely to use signincant quantities of energy h m fossil fuels and is
unable to redise the importance of global warming and sea level rise. However, the
environmentalist driving a car on a daily bais will eject at least half a tonne of carbon
dioxide into the atmosphere each year (KeMy, 1996).
Legislation must rewgnke classes of society and individual senses of the
environment. The orgaaic concept of legal pIanning incorporates permeable ecological
houndaries for decision-making. An appropriate shift in our perception of the
environment we live in and atiempt to manage helps to bridge these two gaps.
5.2.4) PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT
Public involvement addresses the state of public participation in Trinidad and
Tobago. This criterion examines the conduct and efficiency of the inquiry or hearing,
and the placement of inquiries in the EIA process.
The theme of public involvement is reviewed dong the hes of Sewell and
Phillips' (1979) three dimensions of efficiency, equity aad involvement. It is based on
open, honest and comprehensive involvement of the public that conmiutes to an
acceptable pmject. Negotiation that teads to consensus building and confiict tesolution is
encourageci (Waniner, 1997). Seth Appiah-ûpoku (1994) explains that the transacrive
theory, underpinuhg E U in Canada, is &y transferable to the Third World context as
it focuses on the human -ence, on mediation and public participation in the ELA
process (1994). Involvement Iargely refers to Langton's (1978) third tier of citizen --
( 'j participation and to the third aucl forirtti rungs of Anistein's (1969) Iadder of citizen
47 involvemenî. This is public informinp and consultation: "top down" approach, initiated
by the govenunent to leam more about the public view on social matters. However,
citizen-initiated input into policy, an "ecological citizenry", is increasingly common
(Warriner, 1997). Maurice Strong (persona1 interview, July 19, 1997) notes that "citizen
Ievel action has achieved most of the things since Rio." Strong highlights the imporiance
of citizen-Ievel action since the 1992 Rio summit, stating that NGOs have exploded
particula. in the developing world, as people are entrusthg govemment with less of their
resources @ersonal interview, July 19, 1997). Eden Shand (1997) suggests that Trinidad
and Tobago must be part of National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSD)
which is a UN council headed by Maurice Strong's initiatives that promote participatory
activities.
Sewell and Phillips' second dimension of equity of the process demands that al1
the stakeholders be involved, with a sure and uniform opportunity for them to identiSl
their interests. Assurance of appropriate treatment of tbe outcomes of public inquiries is
necessary. The issues that are subject to inquiry are those targeted by EIA and should
additionally include governmental polices and decisions thus aüowing a review that may
prevent breaches of acts. This is citizen-lwel and civil society action.
The govemment of Trinidad and Tobago's approach to marine pollution
prevention through MARPOL involves the full integration of the maritime and wider
national community; its policy depends heavily on public pariicipation (Eversley, 1997).
Roger Lankester (in Rostant, 1996~) of the Friends of the Earth I n t d o n a I (FOEI),
speaking at a marina convention in Trinidad, made the point that govemment shouid
48 revisit the concept of integrated coastline management, involving the fishermen who
were t h before the sudden marina development.
The litenme supports eady and extensive public involvemenf particuiarly at ihe
scoping, inquiry and comment phases of EIA. Yusuf Ahmad and George Sammy (1985)
include public involvement in their ELA steps for developing couutries, not singular step
but casedependent, as a reflection of the fbt that the optimum timing and format of
effective public participation varies h m country to country. The extent is financially
and temporally Mted by the project's environment (Warriner, 1997). Minimal
facilitation of information access and disdosure for public participation further limits the
extent and its efficiency. "Fluid communication is the essentid link between good
intentions and the prospect of actuaily realising these intentions" (Strong, personal
interview, July 19, 1997). There are mehauisms of wntlict resoIution, such as
mediation, that incfea~e ihis efficiency in the fàce of major disputes or ambiguous
guidelines (Lawrence, 1997).
Ohn, agencies and pmponents use public involvement to their own end, simply
to fbiW Iegal mandates with no concern for the sharing of information or the reaping of
local knowledge. Warriner (1997) mggests that t h must be a realignment of power
between the "formal and informai n e m of decision-making" so that there cm be a
genuine realisation of the goals of public participation, dong the lines of Amstein's
ladder of public involvement, dong a continuum of power (p. 123). Uncertainties with
the litemcy of the audience or the firtility of hearings in the dweloping world can be
addressed thraugh appropriate timing of the hearing and h u g h enviromenta1 education
(Kumarsingh, personal inîemiew, January 3, 1998; Biswas and Agarwai, 1992; Tisdeli,
49 1993). Environmental education does not sMply mean expensive public relations
work Rather it is an extensive programme for ail ages and levels of the public in
Trinidad and Tobago (Williams et al., 1973). Public awareness and empowerment is
essential for a national environmental programme in SIDS (McElroy, Potter and Towle,
i 990).
52.5) THE LEGISLATIVE AND INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK
The legislative and institutional hmework criterion examines the EIA-relared
governmental mandates and the composition of the agencies that are governed by these
mandates. The legislation, both antecedent and present, the responsibilities and the
requirements of the environmentai protection agencies and issues of inter-agency and
inter-jurisdictional interactions are f e a ~ t e ~ of this h e w o r k .
There is reason to believe that srnail economies have specific problems in policy-making, admintsbah
. . 've and management processes other than those problems arising out of diseconornies of scale. On small islands most people are either closely reIated or know each other weU. This may have some advantages when it cornes to controlling crime or anti-social . - behavior. However, in ariminisbsitive and management matters it creates certain problerns. It is much more difacuit to formulate and apply policies on their own merits and decisions are inevitably iafluenced by personal and kinship considmation (Hein, f 990).
The legal and institutional mechanisms for EIA and environmental management
should be developed in all developing counûies as early as possiile in order to provide a
solid and enduring foundation (Biswas and Quûeping, 1987). The interdisciplinary
nature of environmental problems expects close cooperation and coordination between aii
govemment departments conceming the e n e m n t . There is an obstacle to these
. . 50 interagency comeztions in SIDS as anonymity in the administrative framework is more
the exception than the de.
The answer is an environmental data management bank and a single, strong,
central environmental body that is characterized as fiuictional (Ebisemiju, 1993; Khan,
personal interview, December 26, 1997). Ahmad Khan (personal interview, December
26, 1997) sees the Environmental Management Authority of Trinidad and Tobago as this
administrative centre, but notes that this will have to involve di stakeholders, including
NGOs which are currently not a part of the Authority's administrative network. This
agency needs to provide speciüc guidehes for EIA, monitor and assess ongoing or
finished activities, and evolve into a watchdog role. Complete centralization of EIA
activities in the environmental agency is not desirable. Rather, the responsibilities should
be hierarchically decenüaiized, with coordination of environmental units in a sectord
institutional framework (operating in conjunction with sectocal legislation) (EbiseriUjy
1993). This hierarchy must be examined to avoid gaps and duplication. Areas where
there are shortages of manpower and finance must be highlighted. The National Council
for Sustainable Development (NCSD) is an example of an institutionai framework that
can be adopted and adapted to Trinidad and Tobago to perform these tasks. NCSD
mates a muiti-stakeholder stnicture in charge of advising and monitoring sustainable
development pIans and policies at the national ieveI (%and, 1997).
The Enviro~mental Management Authority must be separated h m the Ministry
of Planning and Development as it is conceptually incorrect to have an environmental
authority operating within a Ministry that is primarily rrsponsible for the expansion of
(- ) industry and increasing the pductivity base of the economy (HealySingù, 1997).
5 1 Secondly, the Minisûy and the Town and Country Planning Division (TCPD) which
specincally govem the Authority, is not a monitoring agency and as a resuIt it is
inhemdy incapable of overseeing a functiond centre such as the Authority ( S h d ,
1 %a).
The Id acadernic and scientific community shouid fill any lack of manpower or
technical expertise in any department. Trinidad and Tobago does not need a great deal of
foreign technical assistance in the field of envimmental management or EIA (Kenny,
1997~). in the event that it is required, local personnel must manage the foreign teams so
that jobs are relative to the context, new knowledge is passed on and the finai work is
assurecl of being the highest quality (Ahmad and S m y , 1985; Biswas and QuGeping,
1987)- Nazeer Gopaul (penod hteiriew, J a n w 10, 1998) Iaments the poor reports
that experts produce as they take advmtage of slack working environments and dissuades
transfer of knowledge, d e s s motivated By si- memorandum of understanding
between nations, the promotion of techniai cooperation in areas of environmental
management is achieved by anotber avenue. Trinidad and Tobago becomes inter-
dependent on intemational information flow through similar arrangements with nations
and their foreign experts.
EL9 requires a tegisiative p d p t i o n that cfeates an effective legal obligation,
binding to aü agencies. The prevaüing structure of procedd cornpliance is judiciai
review with wide provision for standing (to bring proceedings in a court for judicial
4 e w ) by third parties @oncemed citizens or organisations other than the goverment or
applicant). The courts and tribunais are the appropriate budies b review cornpliance with
the procedural requirements for EIA and third party standing has not led to a flood of
iitigation.
This prescription as such does not ensure that effective environmental
management procedures are developed across the many sectors of goverment. A strong
. . central EIA agency, with a large number of admmddonal staff and a high level of
cooperation, is the solution. The costs of this agency are initially high but are necessary
as surveillance and enforcement procedures are key components to effect EIA (Brown
and Jacobs, 1996). Additionally, an expert, independent and adequately resourced
statutory authority more appropriately performs review of substance and professional
standards in EiA preparation. Such an agency creates links to higher decision-making
levels and maintains trans-boundary and inter-jurisdictional concem.
This agency can allow effective environmentai protection as there wiii be dose
k g e s between the operation of d existing Acts that govem environmental issues.
This ensures comprehensive coverage of environmental matters and the avoidance of
duplication. The institutional h e w o r k around the centrai authority must SimiIarly
develop interagency cooperation and cross-sectoral input of information, expertise for the
review of EIA. Lawrence (1997) summarhs this as an organisationai shift, away fiom
the rigid hierarchicai h e w o r k , towards the "muiti-stakeholder, open, flmile, action-
oriented networks and Ieaming celis that foster seif'development, communications,
experùnentation, and learning" (p. 28).
52.6) TRIGGER
The trigger of EIA is the motivation of EIA and has particuiar reference to
(-) Trinidad and Tobago. The andysis of the local and pubIic opinion in Trinidad and
53 Tobago shows that the orientation of environmental management requires appraisal.
The parameters for uiitiating EIA, the philosophy behind EIA commencement and
structure¶ and the attitudes to which EIA d i s are subject, at several levels in society,
feature in the trigger of ELA.
Why environmental management is put in place and implemented has obvious
answers. However, other m e r s appear at îhe level of the developing world and of
Trinidad and Tobago. Hints to these are the increasing realisation that Governments are
vwy occupied with the short term, businesses are tuming to green issues as an attractive
financial pathway, and that citizen-level action is at the root of most global conferences
and initiatives (Strong, personai interview, July 19, 1997). The underlying motivation is
the root of successfuI environmental protection.
The point at which the decision is taken to invoke EIA is critical. It is Unportant
that this decision ensures dl proposals that warrant assessment are subject to EIA. A
definite and early decision that assessment is not required is needed for proposals not
warranthg EIA.
The principles EIA follow (EIA composition) directiy determines EIA initiation.
Proactive environmental management will not need a trigger for EIA as it involves direct
action that monitors the development process, AIternatively, nonnative environmentai
management and assessment is motiwited through response to cornplaints and to specific
cases (Brown and Jacobs, 1996). A willingaess to use impacts assessment rather than
where it is legally rnandated, au ability "to define the mt causes of locaüy significant
environmentai change and a degree of beiief that local action can influence the root
54 causes"y are three effective motivators for adaptive, proactive management (Meredith,
Common triggers for EIA are supeNisory decisions fiom the Minister of
Environment or the devant agency (allowing systematic application of environmental
Iegislation) and h m a list of environmentdy sensitive areas and environmentally
significant projects and classes of projects. Such lists involve categories that specifj
levels of environmental significance so that the timing of the trigger for ELA cm be
determined.
Scoping and screening are two primary issues in environmentai management and
the EIA process. Al1 assessment procedures should start with a screening to determine
whether or not a thorough EIA is required. The screenùig should enable early rejection
of unacceptable projects (OECDIDAC, 1994). This is a formai procedure that inherits
the objectives and results of this criterion.
The trigger for EIA is an important issue in developing countries as EIA has
always been viewed as an "efitist atiempt to force conservation measures on countnes
badly in need of economic development" (Brown and Jacobs, 1996). This is the sub-
conscious reality of EIA initiation in Trinidad and Tobago and common triggers
described already help to genirinely begin management of the environment and EIA
procedures.
Measures of screening are particularly applicable in Trinidad and Tobago. Al1
projects, planned or already finished, must be subject to an initiai environmental
assessment using simple methods of EIA to detemine whether or not there are serious
impacts. Only projects with serious impacts (potentially or already observed) are further
55 subjected to a detailed assessment, leading to the pteparation of an EIS (Ebisemiju,
1987). This saves considerable tirne and cost involved in detailed assessments.
Screening evolves into an objective detennination of what should ûigger forms of
environmental assessment.
Eden Shand (199th) suggests that the TCPD should be the designated authority
for EIA screening and specification, aiiowing the EnWonmentai Management Authority
to perform the fimction of a review agency. This process would annui the need for
political intervention fiom the hi&- ieveI to promote action on environmental
management (Kenny, 1997b). Hypocritical views on environmental management in
Trinidad and Tobago by goverment officials wiii also be negated, by exciuding personal
discretion and "under the table" politics (Ranchand, 1997). Specific Iegal procedures,
enforced completely, will overcome pessimistic, distnistful and conniving attitudes
towards environmental management in Trinidad and Tobago.
53.7) SCOPING
The scoping process requins examination based on two ideas: the scope of
management with regards to the issues to be covered and the scope of the stakeholders
and contracting agencies involved. The scoping pmcess is a major cost and time swing
procedure that has potential in Trinidad and Tobago. Most of the other criteria directly
effect the efficiency of the environmentai management in Trinidad and Tobago while this
criterion directly affects the cost and time of environmental management
Scoping begins immediately after the decision is made to conduct an EU. As
part of the scoping process the lead agency invites the participation of affecteci agencies,
the proponent of the action, and other interested persans (including those who rnight not
56 be in accord with the action on environmentai grounds). The scope of issues to be
analysed in depth is determined in EIS. Insignincant issues and those previously covered
must be identified and eiiminated, with the procedure being documented. Assignments
for the preparation of EIS are aiiocated among lead and cooperating agencies, with the
Iead agency retaining responsibility for the statement. The timing schedule is announced
at this stage.
The scope of the assessment is a hc t ion of the h d s and technical expertise
avaiIabIe in developing countries (Ahmad and Sammy, 1985). There is a threshoId level
of who is involved and what is to be assessed, below which EIA is no Ionger effective.
The scope must be assessed for each project in terms of a balance between constraints of
cost and available information and expertise, and the need for rndti-stakeholder
invohement and multi-variable consideration. Ideas h m screening can be applied to
scoping of issues and actors involved, with the initial assessment being modified by the
consmhts of the project.
There is a continual clanfication of the main issues involved and a sharpening of
the judgement of the team responsible for the study (Thompson, 1992). Specific
assessment techniques shodd be setected to perform appropriate tasks that are issue
oriented and not used simply because they are suggested in any set of guidelines (Brown
and Jacobs, 1996). This d t s in identincation of sigrufïcant issues, the timing and
extent of d y s i s , the sources of expertise, and suggestions for mitigation.
in Trinidad and Tobago, few environmentai considerations have been
incorporated in past development actions. Consequently, there is a need to inchde
0 existing activities in the scope of environmentai reviews (Biwas and QuGeping, 1987).
57
More specif?cdy, policy makers must redise that Tobago requires a separate or
specialized environmental policy to cope with its H g tourism market
Environmental engineer Cathal Healey-Singh (1997) emphasizes that there must be a
distinction between development taking place in Trinidad and in Tobago, recognising
differing scdes and types of economies.
5.2.8) MOlïïïORING
Environmental monitoring is practiced in conjunction with the EiA process as an
additionai, subsidiary ptocess and as a tooI that improves the efficiency of the EiA
process. Monitoring encompasses review of the resuits and decisions of EIA dong with
the process itseK The deadlines for standards to be met and the finality or flexibility
(assuming incrernental revision) of decisions are other considerations of this criterion.
Moni to~g in Trinidad and Tobago is assessed in terms of its applicability, acceptability
and its suitable duration and scope.
Predicted impacts need to be cornpared with =tuai impacts and unforeseen issues
identifid This is accomplished through mandatory requirements for environmentai
monitoring to becorne part of the project appmval prttcess. Effectiveness and compliance
monitoring are the tecommendeci paths. The former enables agencies to examine the
impact that its mmmendations have had on environmental implications of a project
Tbis irnproves the effectiveness of the EIA proces, easures that u~ecessatîiy costly
options are not imposed, and unveiis secondary and indirect impacts. Cost effective
monitoring is an avenue of effectîveness monitoring. It d o m assessing agencies to
improve their ability to detennine leastcost outmmes for the EIA pmcess.
58 Cornpliance monitoring ensures ihat conditions placed upon the approval of a
project proposal are king foliowed correctly. Flexible and responsive milestones mimic
the environment's reaction to a policy's implementation so progress is monitored through
incrementd standards (Brown and Jacobs, 1996). This aiiows a continuai assessment of
the stage of the project as weli as a telescoping of signifiant issues that are to be
reguiated. This aiso produces long term, cost effective outcomes as the project is not
rushed, halteci nor restarted upon failure to meet a final standard.
There must be yardsticks and tirnetables to mesure the pace of success, with
explicit targets that commit stakeholders to comply with requirements of environmental
management (Shand, 1997). These are performance standards rather than "go / no-go"
gates, incorporaihg revision and reassessment at each completed stage (Brown and
Jacobs, 1985). These standards are at best incentives to meet criteria for exporting
products, at the most stringent, these are sanctions that ensure compliance.
Planning Minister Trevor Sudama of Trinidad and Tobago agrees on sanctions,
but as the final action, foliowing the opportunity for voluntary cornpliance (Ramchand,
1997). Voluntaq compliance is best achieved through a policy that intenializes
environmental discipline in the population. Ken Ramchand (1997) asks, "do we reaiiy
have to tell the polluters what they are doing is wrong?" (p. 9). Healey-Singh (1997)
states that industry onIy responds to the financial bottom line: "no amount of voluntary
compIiance wiU bring our industriai export sector to meet the next centuy"(p. 23).
However, fines are not always appropriate in EIA Iaws as it gives the defaulter the option
of paying and pmceeding with the pmposed action (Ahmad and Sammy, 1985). The
overseeing agency must have the power to halt the development until the necessary
59 requirement has been fulfilled, or be able to manage the development themselves, at the
developer's cost, in the event of a defauit by the latter (Ahmad and Sarnmy, 1985).
These sanctions ensure that EiA is not a paper tiger. They rely heavily on appropriate
standards, as there are red consequences.
The standards mut not be accepted on an intemational basis. There must be
compatible to the region's contn'bution to giobal enWonrnenta1 problems and be
appropriate to their environmentai circumstances (Restant, 1996b). Concemed that the
environment should be a barrier to trade, the 1997 Commonwealth Caribbean Trade and
Environment Workshop concluded that there should be Werent levels of standardization
in the Caribbean (Restant, 1996a). lndustry recognises the importance of eco-labeling
and other standards for trade and is slowing turning green. Does another reason lie in
their recognition of non-compliance with EIA and environmental requirements and a
reaction to enforceable sanctions?
53.9) ROLE IN DECISIONMAKING
The d e of EIA in the decision-making process coaSti~es another measure of
environmental management in Tnnidad and Tobago. The criterion highiights the
procedure in which decisions that affect environmental management and EIA are made in
Trinidad and Tobago. The Wty of decision at different hiexarchies and the conception
of EIA at these levels reflect a#itudes towards the principles of environmentai
management. Using this ninth criterion, one is able to determine whether environmentai
protection is ecologically based (responsive and deaive) . Judging the awareness of the
nature of EIA and its true political effectiveness if the tool is used in the right manner as
60
well as the potentiai of the tool for revishg the decision-making process are other
facets of this criterion.
EIA must not be a technical exercise divorced h m the actuai project design. It
must act as a tool and procedure to ensure that adequate environmentai considerations
enter into the decision-making process (Ebisemiju, 1987). EIA appropriately shapes
policies, programmes and project decisions once there are mandatory guidelines for the
proponents to take the recommendations of the EiA into consideration and incorporate
them into the final design. There should be an EIS before the final design is produced,
effectively integrating EIA into the project design cycIe (Ebisemiju, 1987; Ahmad and
Sammy, 1985).
Through its legislative bonds witb the planning process, EIA is a worthy
consideration in decision-making. Environmentai management and monitoring are also
vital inputs through this legal promotion. A central EIA authority is necessary for the
effective operation of EIA as an advisory process. EIA may exkt as an approvai process.
However, îhese systems tend to provoke an "exclusionary process" for EIA, by
goverment. Final decisions are heaviiy potiticised. The infiuence of EIA is dependent
on its effective inkgration h m an early stage in the decision-making. It must generate
SuffiCient public and private sector knowledge, debaie and qualitative research to becorne
a powerfiii part of decision-making.
Decision-makers can readily digest and make use of information rather than data.
EIA reports should be presented in a simple form, extracting the tangiile and becoming
Iess mechanistic and more intepetive to the type of infoIlllEition needed by decision-
makers. This cataiyzes rational decisions.
6 1 Càapter 6: DETERMIMNG THE CURRENT STATE OF
ENVIRONMENT MANAGEMENT IN T ' A D AMI TOBAGO.
The sea smeiied of swamp; it bareiy rippled, had giitter raîher than colour; and the heat seemed trapped below the pink haze of bauxite d u t fiom the bauxite loading station. (Naipaul, 1976, p. 9)
Triaidad and Tobago has a les than proud history of environmental degradation.
The confiict of economic sustename and environmental integrity is a u@kg
characteristic of the degradation. This section describes resuits of ignorance of
sustainability through a review of a number of key environmental probiems in Trinidad
and To bago.
A heated issue of environmental concem is the rice h e r conflict in the Nariva
Swamp, on the East Coast of Trinidad. They are squatters on state land and de@e the
semi-marine environment as they inigate their paddies, drain the swamp and jeopardize
the endmgered msmatee; however, these fmers produce one thirâ of the rice produced
in the country. This is one of many issues that have Ioomed unresolved since the 1960s
in Trinidad and Ta bago.
Most recently there has been great debate concerning the proposeci construction of
a highway dong the north Coast of Trinidad, through untoucheci rainforest, between the
fishing viiiages of Blanchisseuse and Toco. The goal is to connect the aortheastern tip of
Trinidad to the capital on the western Coast so that a shortet fersr service may be
esîabiished between Tobago and Trinidad. The MUiister of Works, the acting Prime
Minister at times, is very vocal and persuasive about commencing the project, ignoring
considerable objection and anger h m ai i the affccted stalreho1ders.
62 There are many other events that exemplify this codict betwem the protection
of the environment and economic development. Quarrying in 1981 destroyed areas of the
world renowned Asa Wright nature centre and bird sanctuary. Quarrying also caused the
p i l a g e of the Lady Young Hiii overlo~hg the capital in 1976. A resident miniag
company is destroying Krondsat Island off the Chagwams peninsula. In 1977, the
Sheil Barge Peiican ran aground in tbe Blue River of the Caroni Swamp, seriousiy
affecting its fragîie ecosystem. The Alcan Bauxite transshipment station continues to
visibly pollute the Careaage Governent hts that border Chaguaramas. The list is
endless and they are ai l issues that caused some temporary alarm, that were not resolved
and that have continued unchecked.
Solutions are available to many of these coaflicts. In 1994, an Italia-n mdy made
recommendations on the rice p w i n g potentiai of parts of the Nariva Swamp, in an
ecoiogicaiiy sustainable fashion. At about the same tirne, the Federai Agricuitural
Organisation (FAO) stated that this option is restricted as it is too costly. The use of an
EIA to validate the claims could d u c e the conflict and promote sustainabIe
development.
A link was made between an expauding marine industry and the unsatisfactory
water quality in Chaguaramas. This appeared to be a classic devetopment versus ecology
struggîe. An EïA was used as the twl of remediation rathet than one of prediction.
Resuits indicated that the bay poiiution was h m point sources on the land, fâuity sewage
plants, and not h m the yachts and the marina operaiions as &ly predicted (James,
1997). In addition to the Nariva Swamp example, this higbiights mther need for
ri environmental management. Thexe wiii be no reai solimon to the continued codic t of
63 sustainable development without management, as either the real polluter will not pay or
be targeted, or the pollutet or developer will not be instructed to follow the sustainable
path. Principle 17 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development endorses the
universal application of EIA "as a national insirument" (McNeely, 1994). Sadler (1993)
states that there is a clear role for EIA in the implementation of "national sustainabLe
strategies" (p. 30). McShine (1988) hints at the Trinidad and Tobago context by
supporthg that EIA is a process that "can assist in achieving baianced growth for our
co~~1try" (p. 2).
In March 1976, a gigantic ail spiU h m one of the oilrigs off the East Coast of
Trinidad was "cleaned up" by chiorinated hydrocarbons. Two months later a similar spU
occurred and once again questions amse as to the occurrence of a second massive fish kill
(Laird, 1977). Twenty years Iater the Environmental Management Authority (EMA)
reported several fish kills in rivers and the near shore marine environment, blarning
organic solvents and chlorinated hydrocarbons (Kacai, 199%). In 1977, Laird stated that
''until the Trinidad and Tobago govemment can be p e d e d to pass strong and
meaningfd legislaiion in the face of multinational wrporate pressures, the degradation
wiii continue9'(p. 3). Two decades Iaîer, in 1997, the Authority promises that it is in the
best interest of companies to comply with theit requitemenîs or they can be evicted
(Kacai, 199%).
This iiiusûaîes that there is a national recognition for improved environmental
protection procedures and the need for reform of the necessary legislation.
Unfommately, it &O shows h t the= has not ban any improvement in environmental
protection since 1977. 1s this a result of the incorrect impIementation or absence of the
64 legislation that is needed to protect the environment? Or are the policies flawed,
misdirected and straying h m the aim of preventing pollution of the environment and
promoting the sustainable development of the resources of Trinidad and Tobago?
Environmental assessment is a discipline that has &en from man's lack of self-
discipline (Fortlage, 1990). is a secondary process that appraises or "disciplines" the
assessment mechanisms and policies necessary in Trinidad and Tobago? There is an
urgent dernand for environmental management in Trinidad and Tobago; however it is a
need for effective and appropriate policies and initiatives.
6.1) Environmentai Management in Trinidad and Tobago
The participation of Trinidad and Tobago in the 1972 United Nations Conference
on the Human Environment (UMIABITAT), held in Stockholm, heralded distinct signals
of changing attitudes towards the environment. As the nation approached its tenth
anniversary, there was an emergence of new thinking in poticy-making towards
quaiitative goals raîher than mere quantitative targets. One major aspect of these new
perspectives was "a greater awareness of the enviromentai consequences of
developmental actions" (Wiiams et al., 1973, p. iv). This growing awareness was
reflected in the formation of severd environmental agencies and environmental controls
throughout the 1970s.
The Society for the Conservation, Appreciation and Promotion of the
Environment (SCAPE), inaugurated in 1972, was one of the nrst purely conservationist
groups in Trinidad and Tobago (Wiiams et al., 1973)- A more militant enWonmentaIist
group formed ECO One in the mid 19709, concemed mainly with environmentai
65 education, t o m planning action w mmittees and citizens' representational groups
(Laird, 1983). These groups and others used mediums such as the T*& ~aturalis? to
voice their concem. There are now a number of simüar groups that were estabLished in
the 1980s and early 1990s in Trinidad and Tobago, inciuding the Pointe-a-Pierre Wid
Fowl Trusî, the Toco Foundation, the C o u d of Environmental Presidents, Environment
Tobago and Watchdogs of the Environment. These are environmental non-government
organisations (NGOs) that have the cornmon goal of sustainable development.
There are a number of independent consultancy finm. Rapid Environmentai
Assessment (REAL) was one of the first of these organisations, formed in 1992. Its
image was an independent and objective agency, fiee of the biases of other authonties
that conducted environmentai assessrnent at the t h e (Rampersad, 1992). Since then over
ten consultancy firms have begun operations, including EPAS Consultants and ECO
Engineering, two other firms contacted during this research.
The institute of Marine AEairs (MA) is the kgest and most estabhhed agency
for conducting environmental assessments m Trinidad and Tobago. It is largely a
research institute that cornes under the jurisdiction of several Ministries (McShine, 1988,
p. 25). The iIvlA dong with the Environmental Management Division of the Town and
Counuy Planning Division (TCPD) conduct most of the assessments, with some
cornpetition for the deveiopers' tenders h m the mentioned NGOs.
As environmentai management agacies, the main tooi of the NGOs and the IMA
is EIA. The &ts and reports are s u p e d by the central TCPD with its subsidiary
authority, the EMA. These agencies operate withm a IegaI framework thaî is over ninety
' Bi mont& magazine publiohed m Trinidad and Tobago
66 years old, with the majority of legislation reguiaîhg the use of the wastal environment
king formed in the early 20th Century. This includes the Mines, Borings and Quanies
Act of 1907 and the 1916 Forests and Fisheries Act (McShine, 1988, p. 35). The
fhmework has evolved very slowly fiom the environmental thnists of the 1970s to the
events of 1995.
A number of anti-pouution acts were adopted m the 1970~~ including the 1973
Chaguaramas Development Act, the 1973 Anti-Litter Act and the 1979 Pesticide and
Toxic ChemicaIs Act, with few acts being enacteci or revised &er 1980. In 1986, the
Archipelagic Waters and Exclusive Economic Zone Act was enacted and M y , the
Environmental Management Act of 1995 (McShine, 1988, p. 32). There has also been a
procession of Government Anti-Pollution Counds (1973), Poliution Control Councils
(1975), Environmentai Monitoring Agency (Ministry of HeaIth 1981). This trail of
central environmentai bodies continues with the Standing Cornmittee on the Environment
(1986), the Environmental Protection Task Force (1988), the Ministry of the
Environment and National Service (1989), and Environmental Management Division
(Minisûy of Planning and Development 1991) (Rudder, 1989, p. 44; Laird, 1983, p. 3).
Presently, a i l meen MUiistries have respousibilities for some aspects of the environment,
whether it be ecoIogical, social or economic.
The Environmental Management Authority
in 1994, a USSl.05 million budget was pnted to the Ministry of Planning and
Development h m the Government of Trinidad and Tobago and UNDP to support the
establishment of the Environmentai Management Alrthonty over a two ycar period. Later
that year, the Ministry of Pianning and Development d v e d a USâ11 million Ioan h m
67 the World Bank for Environmental Management Project (ECLAC, 1997). In June
1995, the Authority was established as a statutory body by the goverment of Trinidad
and Tobago under the Environmental Management Act, No. 3 of 1995 @MA, 1996~).
The Auihority was created to provide a compreheasive and integrated h e w o r k
for protecting, conserving and enhancing the environment of Trinidad and Tobago. The
Act not ody estabfished the Authocity, but it set out its fuactions and provides for an
Enwonmental Tnist Fund and an Environmental Commission, The responsibilities of
the Auîhority incIude: building the core wits essentiai to the delivery of the nationai
environmental programmes (capacity building); working with and cwrdinating
participating agencies, stakeholders, and regional and international organisations;
increasiag pubiic awareness and participatioa; and preparing and enforcing subsidiary
legislation for environmentai management.
The Trinidad and Tobago Environmentai Management Act (1995) is the most
important piece of Iegislation to be enacted within this k e w o r k in the pst tweny
years. The Act came into effect in March 1995 (EMA, 1996~). Many provisions of the
Act rquire mbsidiary legislation, including the formulation of Certificates of
Enviroruaental Clearance, Codes of Conduct and various emission standards. There is a
clraft National Environmental Policy @NEP) in final revision t h f o m another piece of
this uew legishion, p r e d i n g a National Environmeatal Management Policy and Action
PIan(NEMP&NEAe).
The Act emphasizes the need hr sustainabtlity through management that
constimes a sbared responsiiility and thai teqiiires the ~09peratïon of public and private
3 sectors. The objectives incIude the promotion of eavironmental awareness, the
68 enhancement of extenial and intenial integration, and the catalyzing of subsidiary but
necessary laws and legal environmeniai machinery. These objectives are similar to the
objectives of the Authority, as the Act is also the prelimhary mandate for the Authority.
The DNEP inciudes the other established principles of precaution and public participation
with the addition of the non-transfer priociple6.
The Evolution of the Environmeritai Management Authoritv
Since its foundation, the Environmental Management Authority has been severely
criticised. Opposition Senator Naféesa Mohammed has caiied it a coalition of confusion,
denouncing its composition of po titicai appointees that accomplished iittle in its f h t 18
months of existence. The Authority's focus, objectivity and timing were faults
highlighted by numemus critics. Supervisory a s t e r Trevor Sudama, dong with his
usual adversary Senator JuIian Kenny, repeatediy stated thaî the Authority was not
delivering on its investment and that refoms were necessary. A new board of locally-
based directon was appointed in August 1997, iaking over h m a Canadian-staffed team
of consdtants headed by Patrice LeBlanc (Restant, 199%).
The 1996 State of Environment report, released in December 1997, was better
received than the inaugurai 1995 port. Severai projects set to attain air and vehicdar
emission standards were underway in January 1998, and there was a visible public
awareness and education campaign foiIowing these positive changes. This is evidence
that the Authority is M y on the right track, recopkhg its huits, overwming its initiai
barriers and beginning to fuifill its mandate. However, did the Authority simply respond
weU to the criticism or is the change a d t of politid pressure? Did the Authority
The solution of a pmblem in one medium h d d nat be sctiitved by Uansfarring the poilutanis o another.
69 simp1y react to the press= or were they proactive in detennining the possible causes
of the pressure? These questions must be asked because an agency cannot advertise for
and conduct proactive environmentai management schemes when it in itself operates on a
reactive basis.
Another cause for concern, given the seemingly recent positive changes, is the
philosophy and attitude of those that govern the Authority's operations. A recent motion
in the senate by Julian Kenny to amend a section of the draft National Environmental
Policy, to focus on environmentai poliution, was blatantly disregarded and removed fiom
the record of proceedings for the day. Government replaced the last paragraph of
Professor Kemy's motion with their amendment. This was denounceci by independent
Senator John Spence as being a political sttategy ihat negates the thrust of kofessor
K~MY'S motion (Boodhoo, 1997). independent and opposition Senators accused the
government of "political immorality", with amendments passed by Govemment to simply
make them "look good" (Boodhoo, 1997). This is not an extraordinary circumstance but
an example of regular behaviour in senate proceedings with regard to environmental
motions and issues. Professor Kenny has r a i d the issue of the environment on four
occasions during bis tenure and littie has been done by way of Govemment policy in that
ara (Boodhoo, 1997).
Additionally, Ken Ramchand (1997) e t e s about an example of hypocritical
government attitudes. Minïster Trevor Sudama preaches on the need for countries to
implement programmes according to their situations, capacities and pnorities, yet
disregards an argument by Senaior John Spence to focus on the problems of Trinidad and
Tobago and not be conmeci 6th removing ozone layer dep1eters (Ramchand, 1997).
70 Minister Sudama aspires for sustainable development, emphasiPng the need to balance
the imperatives of development and environmental sustainability. Yet, there is no sense
of the need for an organic relationship between environmental concems, social injustice,
social weii-being, and economic development in his lengthy and subsidiary speech at the
1997 Earth Day Conference in Trinidad and Tobago (Ramchand, 1997).
62) The Case Study
The EIA of marina deveiopment on the northwest peninsuia of Trinidad and
Tobago provides a specific case study through which to examine curent EIA practices.
Based in Chaguaramas, the iMA is at present conducting an EIA on marina operations
and their continued expansion for the Iandlord of Chaguaramas ( Chaguaramas
Development Authority) and for its own research purposes. The iMA is using a
combination of UNEP guidelines and its own poiicy while attempting to meet criteria set
out in the recent Environmentai Management Act and National Environmentai Poiicy.
The EIA underway is a representation of current environmental assessment, tailored to
meet the new environmentai management legislation.
Cbapter 7: THE CBAGUARAMAS CASE STUDY
The Bocm. Charles Kingsley (1890)
The Gulf of the purest ultramarine, just wreathed into a srnile and no more; on the right hand the mouritains of Cumana with their summits lost in the clou&; on the lefi the immense pnxipices of Trinidad covered to the extremest height with gigantic trees which seemed to swim in the middle ether; the ma@ fnnged 6 t h the evergreen mangroves, which were hanging with their branches baîhed in the water, and there themselves rising out of the midst of the soft waves; behind us the four mouths of the Dragon of Columbus with the verdant craggy isles between: . . . (Henry Coleridge, 1825)
The financial potential for tourism in Trinidad is weii recognised and the pace of
development is qproaching that experienced by the more popular tourist destination of
Tobago. Continued support for tourism as an economic activity is rdected in
Govenunent policies and programmes h m year to year. In the Medium Tenu policy
Framework 1997-1999, Govemrnent has stated that:
It wii i continue to focus on the development of tourism including mise tourism with a view to the establishment of home porting facilities, while the devcbpment of yachting and marina infroistniçtutc wiii be cnhanced (James, 1997).
72 in Trinidad, the boom in yachting activity in Chaguaramas is a primary
development of its tourism industry within the Iast five years. The environmental
implications of this development have gone unchecked until 1996 when the scientific
baseline studies began as part of an E U of the Chaguaramas marine industry.
7.1) The Geography
Chaguaramas, an Amerindian word for "The Land of the Palms", is located at the
northwest penllisula of Trinidad, au area of 5 868 hectares (Lee Assang, 1997).
Chaguararnas is an extension of Trinidad's norttiem range and includes a group of islands
that bridge this peninsuia to the Paria Peninsuia of Venezuela Columbus described this
siraight as blunt, calling it Cape Boca The islands divide the channel between Trinidad
and Venezuela into thtee Bocas (Mouths), with Chacachacare Island of Trinidad and
Patos Island of Venezuela forming the Grand Boca (Large Mouth). Ocean currents flow
out through these channels into the Caribbean Sea. Columbus's square-rigged ships were
unable to navigate through these narrow chameh and on the evening of August 12,1498
the Santa Maria, the Vaqueilo and the Correct dropped their anchors in the safe bay of
Chacachawe, (named El Caraco1 or The Snail by Columbus) (Ththse, 1998).
Chaguaramas has the driest c h t e of the island, with distinct vegetation, soi1
horizons and endemic species of birds and monkeys. In ht, Huevos (Eggs) and Monos
(Monkeys) are the names of two of the other kger islands, The 1980 Systems Plan lists
Chaguaramas among its proposed national parks Poer, Preston and Lucas, 1996). Their
justificaîion for this was that the ana represented:
n the most outsîanding tenestrial and marine ecosystem in the country. It provides a unique habitat for a number of species that are rare and threatened. The mgged terrain coastlands and d islands are the most scenic landscape in the country and the vegetative cover on the d islands and in the peninsula is the only temaining samples of this vegetation type within the country. Coral formations in Maqueripe ~a~~ and around the islands'' are also identifieci as the only ones of their kind in the country (Boer, Preston and Lucas, 1996, p.28).
The Monos Boca. Charles Kingsley (1890).
' Recreationai Beach on north coast of Trinidad, fiicmg no& west.
YAP OF PENIÇULA AND OFF-SHORE ISLANDS SHOWING TOPOGRAPHY OF THE m. =nu-
=='-
. * C f * ,
7.2) Bistory and Development
The earty history of Chaguaramas, substantiated by names like Macqueripe and
Chacachacare, dates back to Amerindian occupation between 100 and 400 A. D. Three
hundred years of Spanish d e ended in 1797 when Spanish Rmr Admiral Apodaca, after
being harassed by the British and tiniilly outgunned, d e d his fleet in the Chaguaramas
Bay.
During the latc haif of the Mm Century, chpuamm mpported a thnwig
whaiing industry. in 1941 it became a strategic location at the source of the North
Atlantic convoy route. The peninsaIa was one of the eight-hned WorId War II
"Destroyer Bases" *ch the British Govemment had sutffndered to the United Sates for
f@ over-aged destroyers. In 1943, Chagwamas bccamc a M y operatiomi US naval
75 base with a population of 30 000 Amencan troops. One of the most popular songs of
this period, a pastiche calypso, m g by the Andrew Sisters, went as foilows:
Drinkin' nim an' coca-cola, Goin' down Point Curnana8, Both mother and daughter Workin' for d Yankee dollA (Bickerton, 1962, p.53)
The end of the war and the advent of the nuclear age meant a decline in the
importance of Chaguaramas and the Americaas left in 1967. In 1972 Chaguaramas was
once again opened to the public and came under the care of the Chaguaramas
Development Authority (CDA).
Chaguaramas is a national park, with hunting and forestry prohibited. There are
no substantial residential districts on the mainiand Chaguaramas while the islands are
dotted with homes and cottages. Chacachacate island hosts ruins of a Ieper seâtlement
and an outpost for the Army and Coast Guard. The Coast Guard and A m y are also based
among the ruins of the US naval base on the mainland, There are nightclubs, a golf
course, a museum, several public beaches, and a large marina indusüy on the mainland as
well. This industry is composai of six marinas that are home to yachts and motor boats,
of local and foreign ownership. These are grouped together on the leeward side of the
peninsula, in Welcome and Chaguaramas Bays, facuig the island homes. There is a smaii
fishing industry, the Almoorings Fishing Cooperative that is overwhelmed by the
neighbouring d o n a l bats. Figure 10 shows the Crews Inn Marina, the most
upsde facility in Chaguaramas, b m i n g popular for its res&urants, sbops and for its
Hollywood visitors. Figure1 I shows îhe ara where these marinas are concentrated.
(- 'q ' Point Cumaaa Lies on the cdge of ttit Chrgiisramas N a d Baot, now National Park.
77 Figure 11
Sketch: Doyle. (1996, p. 54). Cruising Guide to T r i n i ~ r m d Tobago. Cruising Guide Pub iications
73) Yachting Boom
... 1 can see up ahead past Centipede isiand into Chaguaramas. What was once a sieepy bay sumiunded by mangroves and used by a few fishermen is now a busy marina. (Willie Pinheiro, 1996, p. 4)
Foreign yachîs have aIways Ianded in Tiinidad mainly at Carnival time9, mid
February, in the middIe of the dry season. It was not mtil the late 1980s that Trinidad
was truiy discovered as a year round yachting destination. Glikson and Hoover (1988)
referred to Trinidad as the best kept secret in the Cari'bbean, Prior to this the southern
% its original form, Carnival was a lasi fling b e k the Lmten aastaities-hm "carne vaien, a fiueweil to ma-but in Trinidad the kat has become wbolIy xcuhnoed, and L now menly aa excuse f9r ostcmatious display (Bicltcrton, 1962, p.27)
78 destination was Venezuela, but faced with a number of problems in Venezuela,
Trinidad became the new, popular destination.
In 1990, 65 yachts visiteci Trinidad and in 1996, 2 552 yachts berthed at
Chaguararnas (James, 1997). This is a record of foreign arrivals fiom the Customs and
Immigration Department and does not account for the local population and the departures
over these six years. Occupancy at aii of the marinas is near capacity during the
rainyhurricane season, with the newest marina, Crews Inn, averaging ninety per cent
capacity in its nrst year of operation (Sabga, 1996). There are now two peaks in the
monthly yacht population in Trinidad and Tobago as shelter is sought for the hurricane
season fiom May to September, and there is the Camival attraction from January to
February (Figure 12).
Figure 12: T&T Yacht Populaaoii 1887- 98
lNol
0 ! 8 1 1 1 1 . 1 1 8 1 1 i i i i i i
Jiin Feû Mr Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sap Ob Nw (kc .bm F& MP Apr MW Monthr
Sopaa: Y'aclht F"@mr. (1998). Unpublishd data provided by the aistoms am E d e DMsion of Trinidad and Tobago
79
The Reasons for the Boom
The Statistics of figure 12 aie ody surprising in that this yachting boom was so
late in coming. Chaguaramas is an accIaimed refbge for bats for rnilitary and
recreational purposes. M e r the faIl of Norway in April 1940, the Norwegian
Govemment fled to London and word went out to aU their merchantmen everywhere:
"Gather together until the situation stabilises in the habour of Port of Spain, Trinidad"
(Mariner, 1988). In 1940, over 500 ships were auchored in a large naturai habour that is
easy to protect, in an excelient geographic location, at that time king dong the Panama
and Cape of Good Hope convoy route, and with a stable and fnendly Govemment with
adequate domestic oil supply.
The reasons for the recent boom in recreationai yachting. are similar and as
attractive. Trinidad is below the hurricane bek, aiiowing yachts to anchor there with
lower insurance premiums, in new harbours. A highly industrialized economy in close
proximity to South America, with diverse Iocal marine industry and excellent marina
accommodations, resuits in thoUSStIlCIS of yachtsmen either storing or conducting repairs
on their boats for months at a the. Docking, r e p h and other maintenance costs are
lower in Trinidad than in other Cariibean islands. Trinidad boasts a 200 tonne marine
travelift (for yacht oinhaui), the Iargest in the Caciibean. Locaiiy grown teak is available
at the highest quality. The island is En- speaking. The exchange rate is extremeiy
favorable, the user fee of $25 US pet &y at most marinas is cornpetitive, the people are
fnendly and welcoming, there is good govetl~entai treatment, and the area is aimost
crime fiee.
80 Unfortunately, other beneh that Trinidad 0 t h are the lack of strict
enforcement of environmental laws. Boat. are not requkd to make use of theu onboard
waste settling tanks, they are aüowed to used cheaper and more efficient toxic paints on
their huils, there are no penalties for the dumping of sewage and other waste, and no
restrictions on anchorage sites around the island. Vk&g yachtsmen enjoy the absence
of the plethora of d e s that characterise northem marinas, yet they also encourage self-
policing to ensure safety at sea and the prevention of commercial shipping and
environmental interferences (Neel, 1998).
Subsidiarv and Future Develo~ment
There has been simultaneous growth in the support services sector. The area now
has six marinas 1 boatyards, a number of boat maintenance, repair, berthhg and storage
facilities, electronic senrices, general marine supplies, marine insurance, sail making,
upholstery services, banking and restaurant services and a port entry, as a Customs and
immigration Department is located in Chaguatamas. The marine industry had revenue of
TT $80 million in 1996 (James, 1997) and continues to grow as the demaud increases,
underlining the centrai roIe that tout im has in the sustained revival of the national
economy.
In Chaguaramas several pmjects have been approved by the CDA. These include
the construction of a boardwallr, a 30-faot quay dong the waterfronî, an eco-lodge, a US
$1.6 million Chinese restaurant and another upscaie marina These projects are a US
$16.6 investment over the next fk years, adding 100 smaii businesses and 2 000 jobs to
a cruiser industry that already dfrectly empioys 600-800 people (Alexander, 1996).
8 1 These are signs of a healthy and growing economy, good news for any
deveIoping country especially as there is a foreip currency incorne, AIong with these
private sector ventures, the govemment is becoming increasingly involved. There are
promises of financial support for these projects as the public services are upgmded. It is
hoped, however, that these initiatives explicitly recognise the environment in which they
are set, keeping with the goverment's agenda for sustainable development of its
precious resources.
7.4) The Environmental Implications
A significant increase in the yachting industry directiy affects the environment in
many ways. Foresight to environmental degradation in Chaguaramas niay be gleaned
h m the experience of the Rodney Bay Marina in St Lucia h May 1996, there were 244
bats (including 32 charter and 60 catamarans) in the hathin, which translates to
upwards of 1 500 people. There were IO toilets, 3 showers and one garbage unit. This is
one of the more popular and weli-estabiisbed marinas in the Caribbean tbat has not
experienced such a large increase in population, yet there is great environmentai concern
which, in fact, initiaiiy sparked an interest in the thesis research.
Similar and exaggerated scenarios are king developed in Trinidad and Tobago
and the implications for the environment are equaiiy degraciing. Potential impacts
include increased coliform bacteria levels h m sewage effluents, leadhg to bacterial
contamination of the water quaiity at residentiai boat sites (Tumer et A, 1997). Nutrient
enrichment of waters where marinas are constracted Ieads to excessive growth of
attacheci macrophytes and the occurrence of aigal blooms (app~oachhg eutrophication).
82 Signifïcant levels of toxic inorganics (including Tniutylin), heavy metah and
hydrocarbom result fiom the use of antifouling paints, cleaaing products and fiom engine
operatiom. increased sedimentation and decreased circulation patterns occur with the
construction and operation of the marina @hUMer, Cherton and Bril, 1993).
These parameters produce a hypoxic water column that promotes anaerobic
conditions and increases the susceptiiility of aerobic organisms to other environmental
stresses. This problem of low dissolved oxygen in the water column is enhanced in
Trinidad as a peak in the yachting season coincides with the dry season, in January and
February. The hot, dry season decreases the kesh water moff, not oniy increasing the
temperature but also the saiinity of the m r column. With the added conditions of
stagnant water and rich nutrient leveh fiom sewage, an anoxic water colurnn is soon
produced. These environmental impacts can aisa alter the ssechi depth and turbidity'O of
the water column, changing the fama and flora assemblages drastidiy (McMahon,
1989). The increased flow of Orinoco Water in the wet season not only lowers the
saiinity of the waters of Chaguaramas, but aIso produces extra loads of organic nutrients
and silt. Coinciding with the Iargest peak in yachting arrivais (the hurricane season), the
environmenta1 impacts noticed in the dry season are exaggerated
Yachtina and the Environment: Conflict?
Observations made at Chaguaramas, at the time the boom was occurring, are
sirnilar to the possible environmental impacts caused by poor marina design and
management and a link was ptematureiy i n f e d hcfea~ed attention was paid to the
impacts as not just the environment, but a Iocal nshing industry and the Iarger public
- -
'O sccchi depth and turbity mfer to the clarity of îhe watercolimui
83 were also afSected. The yachting conflict seemed to typa the notion of a
development, catalyzed by foreign wants, exploithg a developing comtry of its pristine
environment and its inadequate environmental controls.
7.5) Environmental Management of the Impacts of Marina Developments
This is a chronological description of the case study using some of the nine
criteria already discussed. It is necessary to use some of these criteria in order to provide
specific information for discussion in the foilowhg chapter. The criteria that are used are
not in the same order as in other chapters because this section describes the progression
of the case study EIA.
The Trigger of the Case Study
The Chaguaramas study was triggered by public outcry in the newspapers. Civil
society in Trinidad and Tobago has some power to initiate environmental assesment if
the advocates are aggressive and persistent. Disgust over the situation was vriiced,
mostiy and not surprisingly fiom the generai public, and sparked the creation of a number
of initiatives. in an attempt to address the issue of waste management in the recreational
boating industry, five investigations soon commenced '?O assess the impacts of the
yachting industry in the northwest peninsda of Trinidad" by members of the research
unit of the institute of Marine Affairs (IMA). These investigations compose the
prehhary activities of EIA as they are the basehe, scientfic studies and the scoping
phases.
84 The Seoping of the Case Study
The five M A studies are under the umbrella of Iirvestigations to Assess the
Impacts of the Yachting Indushy in the Northwest Peninsula of Trinidad. The
unpubiished studies are: Observations of Circulation Patterns in the Region of Point
Gourde, Chaguaramas, Trinidad, by Nazeer Gopaul and F d Teeiucksingh;
Bacteriological Surveys in Welcome Bay and Chaguaramas Bay, by Christine Bullock;
Water and Sediment Quality in Welcome Bay and Chaguaramas Bay, by Linda Sudama
and Kishan Kumarsingh; A Socio-Economic Assessment of the Yachting Indushy in the
Northwest Peninsula of Trinidad, by Lisa lames, Susan Shurland-Maharaj and Roget
Bibby; and Environmental Management of the Chaguaramas Area - Legal Aspects, by
Aiian Goodridge.
The iMA used a selective list of predicted signiticant issues in their examinations
ïhis is a subjective procedure that has the potential for excluding unforeseen or
secondary impacts of the Chaguaramas development (geomorphoiogic or terrestria1 biota
disturbances), but given the circumstance of tirne restrictions and it king a post-
development study, they are appropriate for the short-term study.
The iMA used the scoping principles of the UNEP guidelines, which recognise dl
participants of the ELA process, but redises that only appropriate persons and groups
shouid be involved in the Chaguaramas study. This produced an efficient process in
t e m of tirne, cost and effectiveness. The groups involved in the IMA studies include
the marinas and businesses of the Trinidad Yacht Club, Yachting Association, Crews Inn,
Peakes Marina, Powerboats, International Marine Services, and Tardieus. The residents
85 of the island homes and cottages as weU as the nearby t o m of Carenage were
exempted due to the cost and time restrictions of the study.
The socio-economic survey of the IMA questioned 102 yacht owners in the seven
boat yards/marinas listed prior, with the most information coming h m Powerboats (36)
and Peakes (21). It also included in t e~ews with 39 business persons via a questionnaire
fom at these marinas and at business establishments located outside these yachting
facilities (comprised 18% of responses). A fidl EIA of Chaguaramas will include these
stakeholders as well as the Iarger public and their concerns (Lisa James, personai
interview, January 5, 1998).
The Conceptual Framework of the Case Study
One infers fiom this scoping procedure that the iMA is concerned with the
collective impacts of a project and extends their ecological boundaries to indude them.
The boundaries of concem in Chaguaramas are permeabIe (nahuauy and for the
preliminary assessment). Al1 aspects of the environment were examined (legal, physical,
socio-economic, culturai and ecological), and the entire affected peninsuia was studied.
However, there are inadequacies in the total conceptuai firimework of the study.
Each hierarchy of the development was not examined. The resident CDA, Coast Guard,
nightclubs, AImoorings' Fishing Cooperative, Yachting Services Association of Trinidad
and Tobago (YSATT) and the MA itself should have been included in the IMA survey.
The methods of scientitic insuUy or examination did not account for the diverse cIasses
of the respondents or environments in Chaguararnas. FUiaIIy, the yachtsnian survey
should have inchded open-ended questions with the stnictured classes of answers for
each question (IMA, 1998). This approaches an organic structure as it elicits unexpected
86 responses and has the potential for minimi;ring unforeseen impacts. Ideas fiom chapter
five must be fully incorporated into environmental management of Chaguaramas to
improve the long-term effects of devetopment,
Stepping away lkom this, there is a misconception associated with Chaguaramas
and with the Chaguaramas Development Act that detemiines the evolution of the area.
The area is known as Chaguaramas National Park and this sends a wrong message to the
public about what a national park is meant to encompass. At the moment, there is a
concentration of commercial and industrial buildings and intensively developed shipping
and marina facilities. Furthemore, the specific functions of Chaguaramas Development
Authority, within the broad mandate of the Act, are dweIopment oriented. It operates as
an autonomous management authority whose statuary mission has a strong commercial
direction. Environmental management of this %national park" is hindered by a biased and
potentiaiiy antagonistic mandate and govecning body. The formulating concept of the
legal and institutional W e w o r k of Chagummas needs reforming.
Composition of the Case Study
The guidelines foliowed in the Chaguaramas study are unavailable for review.
An Environmental impact Statement (EIS) or a scheduled E U framework has not k e n
reIeased foiiowing the results of these investigations. The final guideiines of the iMA are
a refiection of the particular process and its evolution, and the study is imfinished, The
extent to which the MARPoL'~ cequirements are incorporated and the question of
assessing an already developed environment are feahues that shape iMA guidelines of
the case study. Its review is only possiïk at the end of the EIA process.
" The International Convention for the Prewntian of Poüution h m Ships, othetwise kmwn as MARPOL.
87 The d t s of the five studies are not pubijshed as yet. Iaformation about the
d e s was garnered h m a symposium heId in November 1997 by the EMA, and
h u g h interviews with the available proponents of the studies. The guidelines and level
of assesment of the studies are interpreted fiom this.
The cIarity and certain@ of the resuits of the studies are pmr. A non-transparent
ievel of assesment, uncoordinated studies and barriers to information flow are
difficulties of the interpretation of the process that the iMA followed. The absence of a
published study, with a subjective presentation of d t s prevents a comprehensive,
detailed and objective d i d o n of the steps of the process. Two studies on the
bacteriologicd composition of the waters of Chaguatamas and three m e y s of the socio-
economic statu of the a r a are avdh l e . They are a 1994 CDA commissioned study and
the 1996-97 ih4A study of the bacteriological content, and a 1995 Yachting Services
Association of Trinidad and Tobago (YSATT), 19% iMA and 1997-98 TIDCO socio-
economic survey. The lengthy dehys in pubiîshing the fesults of the iMA's studies
[seven months since the abstracts were released) prevents folIow up work to te
performed
Tlie Legd md IrrstilrrtiO~~d Framework of the Case Study
The Chaguaramas snidy presents an overlap of governing bodies between the
landlord (CDA) and the to* deveiopment authority (TIDCO), and an overlap of
research organisations btween the MA, YSA'M' and TIDÇO again, A lack of
coordination presents problems of two agencies wnducting feasliility saidies of the same
are% and problems of draft legislation calling for research in an area where there is
already a great volume of hwIedge (Gopi, personal interview, January 10, 1998;
88 Kwny, 1996). The socio-economic study of the IMA is very similar to that completed
by YSATT a few years kfore, and is clear foresight of what is king conducted,now by
TIDCO. These three surveys have similar methodology and scope, though the IMA's is
probably the most sound as the timing is appropriately d u h g the boom and not before
(YSATQ or a h the fact O C O ) . Cornpiete implementation of the Environmentai
Management Act wiü solve these concem as there will be inter-agency cooperation and
access to a similar daia bank through the Environmental Management AuthoBty and the
National Environmentai Information Service (NEIS) respectively.
YSATT is the umbreha body and mouthpiece of the yachting indusûy. It
continues to be proactive in holding consuitations with a nmber of govemment
ministries, including the Ministry of National Seclrrity (the Police, the Coast Guard, the
immigration Department), the Ministry of Finance (Customs and Excise, TIDCO, the
CDA), and the Ministry of Works and Transport (Maritime Services Division and the
Environment). As the recognised body of the yacht service indudry, using the Act and
MIS, YSATT wil1 facilitate the growth of the industry in "a proper and controlled
manner, unshackled by oId ideas and aged ttiinking" (YSAï'T, 1998, p. 1).
The Timing of the Case Stirdy
The duration for EIA conducteci by the IMA is a four month predictive phase and
a Ionger two year monitoring phase, during construction [the poiicy before the 1988
UNEP guideiines stated the same). This is the scheduling for the Chagwamas study
(McShine, 1993; lames, personai interview, lanuary 10,1998). ).
The socio-economic study lasted h m A@ to July 1996 (James, 1997). Field
studies into the water and sediment q d t y and into the bacteioIogicai content were
89
carried out over a singie wet and dry season, conducted h m January 12 -26, 1997 (in
the dry season) and from October 3-31, 1996 (in the wet season) (McShine, personal
interview, January 10, 1998). Observations of the circulation patterns were also carried
out in the wet season (June-ûctober) of 1996 %&en the fiow is more intense and variable
in the vertical and horizontal pianes" (Gopaui, personal interview, Jmuary 10, 1998).
Goodridge's report on the environmental management of the area foiiowed the
Intemational Maritime Organisation's conference and drafüug of the Code of Conductfor
the Prevention of Pollution fiom S d Ships in MmLafnus und Anchorages in rhe
Caribbean Region in November 1996, and presented the results in November 1997 at the
coderence.
The resulis of the EL4
The redts of the scientifïc based investigations (water quaiity) are discussed to
intmduce some important issues of environmental management in Trinidad. The socio-
economic results are Iess sigdicant and w m part of the marina deveIopment discussion
of the industry's composition and revenue and the yacht population and flux. The resuits
of the management appraisal are included in the next chapter in the overview of
suggested poiicy guidelines for Tnnidad and Tobago.
There were numemus water and Iand based sampIing stations set up both in
Welcome Bay (TïYA area) and Chaguaramas Bay. They were set close tu shore and
M e r to sea, in between boats, at drain moutbs, a - rivers and at pumping stations in both
the dry and wet seasons. The water sampling stations ami& the anchored boats in both
bays found IeveIs of water poIIution safely k i o w the wodd Wth standards. Poiiution in
the bays primarily cornes h m land sources and is at its worst during the wet season for
90 all the sampling stations (YSA'IT, 1997). Generally, higher levels of contaminants
were observeci in Welwme Bay than in Chaguaramas Bay. This was attriiuted to Iess
flushhg in the former.
Small rivers and drains were the main sources of pollution with fecal
contamination at the mouths of the rivers king thousands of times higher than the water
surroundhg the yachts. The sewage treatment plant opposite Carrera Island and the
waters surrounding the Coast Guard facilities were the greatest contributors to the point
source fecai coiifom pollution (Winn 1997). These two stations have sewage treatment
facilities that regularly shut down and are probable cause for these ironic resuits.
Unacceptable levels of hydrocarùons and copper were also found at al1 the samphg
stations, while phosphates (fiom detergents) and high levels of tin were found in the
mouths of some drains and in the near-shore sediment respectively. Levels of trace
met& found in seawater at Weicome Bay revealed that copper levels at ail stations
exceeded the USEPA (1986) Water Quaiity Cnteria (WQC) for the Protection of Aquatic
Life. Further studies are needed ta detemilne the sources of the copper. Levels of lead
and iron at a number of stations also exceeded the USEPA (1986) WQC vaIue.
The resdts of these preihhary studies suggested that immediate effective
management of the Welcome Bay and Chaguaramas Bay is needed to prevent the senous
potentiai for sewage and copper contamination (Kumarsingh, personal interview,
December 21,1997).
Public Invohement Ur the Case SZI@
The scope of the Chaguaramas sûdy did not include public hearings or comment-
Public involvement was proactively sought by the IMA in the socio-economic surveys.
91
The scientific nature of this research organisation limits public involvement. Previous
ELAs that foiiow the same procedure as dis study, as weii as interviews with the
proponents of the case M y , revealed that public participation is considered but it is
insufEcient to meet the goals of chapter five. Thexe must be a detailed inclusion of the
ideas of chapter five ia the EIA guidelines of the MA. This is one speciflc example of
the negativc issues associated with public participation in Trinidad and Tobago.
On the other han& YSATT provides visiting yachtsmen and members the
opportunity to lodge their views regarding the yacht service in Trinidad and Tobago.
YSA'TT membership has expanded in 1997 to include ail persons and entities that have
an interest in the yacht service industry. Although the poiicy followed by the M A in
their initial assessments of the area included iitiie public participation, the area that it
examined has a mechanism for the invoivement of di levels of the local, interested
society.
The Role of the Stu&s in Deciswn-MiaRriig in Zhe Case St*
The results of the Chaguararnas study were presented to the landlord (CDA),
resident stakeholders and uther potential decisian-makers and action was taken. in this
case it was to ce se blame on the foreign boats and to cilaail the EIA process. The EIA
conducted by the IMA is not an enforcement or appva l mechanism. The IMA produces
a brief, non-technicd summary of information gaineci in the preceding stages, with
recommendations on project acceptance, or one of the alternatives, or total rejetion (see
UNEP, 1988). The five IMA studies were presented at a symposium, with abstracts of
the work used as information dissemination for the decision-makers in attendance.
Simple, d documents can easily mislead an informeri decision-maker about the
92 depth or scope of the study and about the technical quality of the propanents of the
study. In this case, there is special caution as the work was king presenîed to decision-
makers, thereby not aiiowing individuai interpretation of the data or red ts of the studies
Lunitaiions of îhe Studies
Littie is rnentioned about the TBT" contamination [in compound) and there is no
report on dissolved oxygen levels, Ievels of eutrophication, sediment oxygen demand
(SOD), biological oxygen demand, temperature fluxes, turbidity, and transparency
(secchi depth) of the water column. These are al1 regular checkpoints in an investigation
of water quaiity. Preliminary studies of the sort mut be comprehensive, otherwise there
is potentiai for some impacts to be missed and irnproper decisions to be made.
Only a few such studies have previously recordeci the progression of pollution
Ieveis and thus a temporal link cannot be made with the developmentai history of the
area The Hart's Cut canal, h m WeIcome Bay to Chaguararnas Bay, cut off Point
Gourde before World War 11, however the Amerïcans fiiied it in for security reasons and
this wntriiuted to the slow flushing of the two Bays. The Hart's Cut saga is the only
tecorded historical link between development and the environmental consequences in
chaguaramas.
At the iMA research symposium, the presentation of resuits was subjective and
the entire documents remaineci unpubiished months afterwards. Very serious impacts
were found but not given the necessary attention and importance, probably because the
blamed stakeholders were mainly local, nationai bodies (CD& WASA, the Coast Guard).
93 The resuits did not corne as a surprise to the yacht owners of Chaguaramas.
N b t is more surprising is that the resuits have not gained the attention of the local press
that the initial "conflict" did. It is argued that the studies were only intended to show that
the yachts were to blame for the pollution and that once proven otherwise, there will be
no foilow-up action taken to address the impacts found. The study focussed on an
antecedent and current development, and was efficiently conducted once initiated and as
quickly put on the back burner once the resuits and sources of impacts were identifïed.
The IMA conducted the studies and it is a govenimental affîiiate with mandates decided
by exUernal influences.
Like the case of the rice f m e r in the Nariva Swamp, this shows the applicability
of ELA as a "truth tooi" of environmental management, EIA has great potentid even if it
is not too efficient, not ideal, or if it is rushed. Littie envuonmental management or
BSSeSSment is better than none at aii, and later is better than never.
The Moniroring Procedure of the Case Stu@
There was no detaiied or foiiow-up studies conducted to determine unexpected
sources of poiiution at Chaguaramas. Futther, no agenda for environmental management
of the area nor proposeci EIA for the many new deveIopments planned by the CDA,
despite efiese disturbing resuits, are intended. The iMA anticipates the full realisation of
these measures so that theu extensive monitoring programmes will better effect the long-
term sustainable development of the projects it examines. The - study has
not reached a monitoring phase, but the guidelines that wouId determine its
characteristics ace simiiar to previous IMA projects and are m need of the implementation
of the ideas in chapter five or the tequirements of the EMA. IMA monitoring ody lasts
94 as long as construction or, in the case of Chaguaramas, two years to ensure compliance
with the planned EIA recommendations (McShine, personal interview, January 5,1998).
The procedural specification of the monitoring programme wiii be even more
effective as the iMA becomes more empowered by the threat of real consequences of not
implementing their strategies. Liability reform encourages proactive strategies. There
will be greater access to information and less administrative effort to voice environmental
concems. A positive feedback loop will form as the IMA will M e r benefit fiom the
learning process that is generated once the goals of effectiveness monitoring are reached.
7.6) Ouîiook of the Environmental Impacîs of Marina Development in
Chaguaramas
. Figure 13:
Looking west onto Welcome Bay, Inset: US Naval Rrnn
95 One can only trust that these results approximate the whole story of marine
pollution in the am. A faulty environmental management scheme, characterised for
exampIe by a subjective and non-exhaustive investigation, belated studies that are
ceactive rather than proactive, a questionable presentation of information, an
unsatisfactory monitoring mandate or post-project analysis, may in fact simply reveal the
tip of the iceberg. Can there be effective sustainable development based on studies that
are misleadhg or superficial?
The evolution of this case study is not a novel event in Trinidad and Tobago, in
Yuchries Provide Smokescreen, David Rooks, President of Environment Tobago, explains
that:
The yachties provide a lovely smoke-screen to detract people from the fact that this problem has existed for years and nothing has been done that wilI cure it on a Iong term basis. Like the Kings of old, if you have a problem with the living conditions of your population, blame your neighbour: whip up anger against them for this offense. Declare war to stop the neighbour h m committing this ternile sin. The people will forget who realIy committed the offense in the fïrst place (Environment Tobago, 1996).
There is evidence thaî yachts are discharging waste into the water, some in areas
where there is no major pollution h m the other sources. There is TBT contamination
dong shipping lana and in anchorage sites, release of fecal matter and destruction of
niarine biota at anchorage sites. However, the contribution made by yachts to îhe already
pohted waters is literaliy a drop in the bucket. The real pmblem must be acknowledged
and dealt with.
Contracts are awarded to repair defuncî sewage treatment plants, but are they
awarded fm maintenance aAer tepair? Service stations m m cease expending spent oil in
the sewers and the dumping of îrash in ravines must stop. Marine boat yards need to
96 capture paint scrapings before the dangerous m d s leach into the soi1 and then into the
bays. Toxic paints must be banned in Trinidad. Anchorage sites in Weicome Bay need
to be regulated and extended to the entire coastd zone. The ''phiiosophical nature" of
environmentai management m u t be examined. k it environmental or political
protection?
Specific examples of measures that m c t to a crisis, these statements are examples
of environmentai education and awareness programmes, of legislative misions, and
scoping appraisals thai necessitate proactive and reacîive management of the environment
to prevent mishaps as îhe environment is cleaned up. These are policy guidelines and
principles that need to be addressed in order to h p v e the prospects for sustainabIe
development in Trinidad and Tobago.
Figure 14:
ScotIand Bay. Weekend Retreat for Local Yachts
Chacachacare Island with salt lake in foreground
1994, the O& of the yachting boom
98 Chapter 8: A DISCUSSION OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT IN
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO: THE ALTERNATIVES
This chapter makes recommendations for environmental management of TrÏnidad
and Tobago. It aims to "step back" fiom the case study so that objectives can be
discussed, cornparhg each of the nine criteria to that of the ideal category, suggesting the
best path for the criterion. The recommended path is incorporated in the discussion of the
existing guidelines for Trinidad and Tobago.
8.1) The Esisting Procedures and Recommendations for Trinidad luid Tobago
1) EIA Corn~osition
The Environmental Management Act commits the government to sristainable
development, but the tenn is not defhed and subsidiary requirements, such as eIiminating
poverty and reducing fossil fuel consumption using renewable energy sources, are not
included. There mut be inclusion of such detail in the Act as it is vital to the
understanding and implementaîion of these introduced principles that govern
environmenta1 protection in Trinidad and Tobago. Additionally, the inclusion of a clear
policy briefing would perhaps avoid much of the Çriticism of the Act. An introductory
statement wouid add to the cl* of the Act by stating the goals and explainhg what the
Authority has achieved towards the fiil6illment of them (Kacal, 1996).
The Draft National Environmentai Policy @NEP) is broad-based and not an
action plan, generic tathet than specifïc, encompassïng the policy objectives of the Act,
The poiicy embraces a Iaudable set of principtes that include those discussed in the
99 literature review (sustainable development is i n f e d but is not qxciiied) (EMA,
1997b). The international aid agencies of IDB, CDB and the World Bank have also
endorsed these principIes (Brown and Jmbs, 1996). The level of detail of the DNEP is
within the objective of the poiicy and is adequate. The DNEP serves as a general
introduction to environmentai management in Trinidad and Tobago, with a Natioad
Envuonmental Action Plan (NEAP) aud a National Environmentai Management Plan
(NF,MP) scheduied that would attain the appropriate clear and stnngent detail required.
This tiered appmached avoids the Iengthy delays associated with passing very specinc
policy in govemment (Salvador-Arthur, personal interview, Imiiqty 3,1998).
There are many different guidelines to foilow in Tnnidad and Tobago. Thest
range £iom those set by the TCPD, the fiinding agency, or set for the appropriate project
either by choice (tirne hme, wst etc) or accordhg to developers' wants. The TCPD
conducts sûategic EIA and does not follow ally f o d Iegal guidelines at the moment,
although they have their own guidelines that are issued to ail developers. The World
Bank and UNEP are the two ottier major sources and dhriiutors of specific guidelines.
When the World Bank is funding the EIA direcîiy, its wmplete guidelines supersede the
borrower's procedures (Worid Bank, 1992). The 1988 UNEP guidelines are used or
m&ed by many agencies.
The IMA adapts the LJNEP guidehes to suit the project's circumstaace. REAL
and other smaiier agencies aIso adapt these puidelines, each molding their companies'
image with the goal of marketing of EIA characteristics of tirne and cost effèctiveness.
This makes it dl the more difliicult to judge the l d of assessment of EEA in Ttinidad
and Tobago.
100 There must be a standard set for EIA methodology. Explicit in the legislation
is any aiiowed leeway in the methodology. Clarity of principles and methods of E N and
transparency and certainty of the pmess are missing. These anci other issues of EIA
composition are insunicient in Trinidad and Tobago and the suggestions for an ideal
criterion are only part3dy tûi6lied and need to be incorporated completely and
accordingly .
On the other hand, the information needs of environmental management in
Trinidad and Tobago are appropriately recognised and the Environmental Management
Authority is in the course of completely heeding and nearly realising the advice of the
lacal experts whose comments appeared in chapter £ive. The design of a computerised
National Environmentai Informalion System (NEIS) is in the nnal stages of preparation.
The contents of this data system include ai l environmental data and information fiom al1
the governent agencies, with accessibility over the internet to the public. The goais of
NEIS are cornmenclable and the early implementation and stable operation of NEIS are
anxiously king awaited.
2) T i g
The World Bank has insütxctions for the scheduling in their Terms of Reference
('TOR). Both the World Bank and TCPD recornmend that EIA needs as much time as the
feasibiiity study of *ch the EIA is a part: an average duration of 12 months. They
suggest that EIA costs one per cent of the project's cost, with mitigating masures costing
4 to 7 percent, without the impIementation of cost-effective strategies. This is the present
statu for timing and cost ofEIA in Trinidad and Tobago.
10 1 EIA is m l y applied as an ongoing tool, although tbis is changing as the
monitoring phases are being hcreasingly recognised by some envi,ronmental agencies
and deveIopers in Trinidad and Tobago. The M A conducts a four month predictive
phase and a longer two year monitoring phase, during constnrction, in the 1980s, before
the 1988 UNEP guidelines stated the fame. The preliminary assessrnent of the UNEP
takes between 2 and 10 weeks while the full EIA lasts between 3 months and 2 years
(tJNEP, 1988).
The üNEP strategy is the recommended cost efficient and tirne effective path for
Trinidad and Tobago. At times, the duration of the EIA is too costly for the budget of
most developers, so a shorter predictive phase (compared with the IMA) that doesn't
&iit construction is the more attractive option. However, the subsequent and necessary
lengthy monitoring and mitigation process does increase the cost of the EIA in the long
nin. This Iast point is teason for the slow acceptance in Trinidad and Tobago, but given
these features and that most EIA are applied to ongoing activity and finished
developments, the monitoring phase is necessary. For efficient timing in environmentai
management in Trinidad and Tobago, the aiready recognised benefi of chapter five
(with environmentai agencies) must be coupled with the duration speMfications of the
MA.
A subsidiary issue of timing is the lengthy deIays involved in the Environmental
Management Authority's task scheduiing. Deadlines are always extended by the
Authority. This is the cause of public Cnticism as the Authority has M e d to achieve
satisfactory results since its inception. The Authority had decided that it is far better to
be thorough and slow than to negate the intentions of the Act by omitting necessary steps.
1 02 This is understandable given the enormous tasic it has undertaken, but it is no excuse
for deadline extensions. Foresight in time schedulùig produces appropriate time periods,
smaller steps that mark the agencies' progression and that appease the public audience.
These discussions are Stream of the ideal for this critenon fiom chapter five. Time
scheduling aiso avoids speculation that this continuai, open progression of Authority
operation is not the result of a lack for deadlines and stringent schedules fiom the
somehes overpowering or overwhelming US $1 1 million WorId Bank Ioan description
@CLAC, 1997).
The Environmental Management Authority involves the public twice in the
development of srandards and once during the drafüng of legislation (EMA, 1996a),
invithg contributions to the process and considering their input in the draft of standards.
This is then subject to review over thirty days, as required by Section 28 of the Act
(EMA, 1997a). The ciraft NEP and draft NEAP were subject to a single series of
hearings, without the initial public input that is a consideration in the formulation of
standards. The timing procedure for standards is recommended for Trinidad and Tobago
and must be applied to public involvement in EIA. It is a balance that involves designhg
a time schedule for the hearing's duraîion while having the hearing at the end of each
step, ualess the input is necessary (as in socio-economic surveys). This will prevent
lengthy periods of invoIvement where the public wouid Iose interest in a topic (the
pmess of NEP codtat ion lasted h m Juiy 18' 1996 to September 1991).
3) The Conccatual Framcwork
Appendix 1 of the Environmental Management Order of the Environmental
Management Act specificdy suites al1 the activities subject to EIA. hcIuded are new or
103 modifïed constniction (in aii sectors of industry and environmentai areas), any
developments generating or potentidy generating poliutants (of al1 sorts), and any
submission to Cabinet for approvais or proposais involving the development of Trinidad
and Tobago which has signincant euvironmentai implications (GOïT, 1995). These
categories adequately cover the recommended conceptuai concerns. This Order is more
specitic than previous TCPD guidelines and its scope is more appropriate than the WorId
Bank and UNEP guidelines (Mende-Charles, 1990).
There are signs of a conceptual legal shift in Trinidad and Tobago. Over seventy
pieces of legislation relating to the environment are king rationalised and modemised by
the Environmental Management Authority in the compilation of an Environmentai Code,
(EMA, 19976). John Agard, the Authority's chairman, recognises the factors of
economy, health, culture, nature and ecology in environmental planning, and has an
interest in the effects of population growth and poverty (in Rostant, 1997b).
These conceptuai shifts are b o M by ideas in the ideal criterion (chapter five),
with aspects that are particulariy relevant to Trinidad and Tobago, but are absent in the
objectives of its environmental policy. An example of this is the need for the overall
impact consideration of niated impacts through a holistic view (McShine, 1993). There
are areas of dense, heavy indusîry in Trinidad and Tobago (the Point Lisas, Couva, and
Diego Martin industrial estates) because the cost of providing infiastncture lessens with
clustering. This leads to an intensification of the Mpacts for a project and the creation of
environrnentally sensitive areas. It is imperative that EIA is cmied out for each project
of the cluster as weii as a wliective adysis of the impacts for the region as a whole.
The EMA, Worid Bank, UNEP, aiad other locai codtancy firms recognise the
importance of public participation in the objectives of their guidelines. However, specific
principles are not encompassed in any one policy. The EMA and NEP legislatioa are the
most suitable but due to their generic design, with the necessary detail is missing,
ambiguity and leeway arîse (NEP) and responsiveness is restricted (EMA).
Same of the major responsibilities of the Authority include working with
stakeholders and reaching out to the public. The Environmental Management Authority
stresses awareness, education (at ali leveis of society) and open communication (this is
included in NEP goais as weii). AU draft EIA is to be made avdable to the public, with
appropriate t h e periods, and revised with the comments. Principles of alternative
dispute resolution are to be invoked through a mediator if wananted. The NEP promotes
a top-down approach to participation, through a govemental leaming process, and
people empowerment.
The trend for public comment is becoming more accepted. Increasingly, both
individuais and groups redise they c m contribute a definite input. The number of
comments received on the EMA and NEP legislation was greater than expected by the
Auttiority. The comments phyed a successfui part in producing a clearer, more usefid
piece of legislation, however f i c u l t it was to write Iegislation for which there was no
clear policy, and however difncult it proved to put the nis of an umbrella organisation in
place.
Other examples of invohement in Trinidad and Tobago are: community-based
Eire prevention programmes (Shand, 1996b); estabiishment of cornmittees and heruings
105 by the IMA that register public comment and eiicit support for environmental biiis and
other issues (KacJ, 1997a); and the detailed inclusion of public concem in EIS
performed by REAL (REAL, 1997).
A 1997 Environmental Management Authority survey reported thar more progress
is needed in building environmentai consciousness. Environmental education procedues
and pubiic relation work have not been as effective as expected and the pubiic is still
ignorant to basic environmentai issues and concerns. The Authority has responded well
and continues to be proactive in its environmental outreach and appraisal programmes. It
is important that the Authority redises that this is just one issue and it shouid be
reasonably funded and developed, dong with other issues of environmental management.
The actual seps and purpose of roundtable public hearings in Trinidad and
Tobago are to brief the stakeholders on the project, capture their interest, and solicit their
cosperaîion. The hearing scopes priority issues and identifies individuals whose wüling
attachment to the consultants' team would be beneficiai to the project (be it drafting the
NEP, NEAP, or on developments). These hearings fkquently take place on a quasi-
judicial atmosphere, with the rd objective of the hearing king to meet legislative
requirements and to therefore avoid litigation. The hearings are characterized as futile
and as a "sham" (Kumarsingh, petsonal interview, January 3,1998; Kemy, 1997d). This
is the reaiity that resuits fiom ambiguity and leeway in the current policy. These are not
characteristics of open communication, equable discourse, and responsive procedures
with the nobk objectives of a governmental-ledg process towards holistic sustainable
deveiopment of the project (chapter five).
1 O6 The recommendoitions for public involvement in Trinidad aud Tobago are to
explicitly include the ideas h m the ideal critenon in present or subsequent policy, using
innovative strategies tbat enhance the above mentioued characteristics and minimi2e the
negative issues. The creation of NCSD is one stiategy that facilitates a more stnictured
and comprehensive involvement of the environmentai civil society. NCSD not only
encourages a greater involvement, but also provides a mechanism for resource sharing,
e q d l e communication and idea exchange and collaboration (Schorse, 1998). A
regdarized and widespread process that builds on the satisfactory objectives of EMA and
NEP, dong the pathways of chapter five, using locally adapted mechanisms, such as
NCSD, shall soon redise the efficient involvement of the pubtic in environmental
management in Trinidad and Tobago.
5) The Ldlat ive and Institutional Framework
Trinidad and Tobago's past approach to the regdation of development activities
for environmental protection can be described as piecemeal. Moreover, legislation has
not kept pace with development. Fuuctions and jurisdictions of the Minisbties and
Agencies are not always clearly demarcated and as a result problems arise h m
overiapping jurisdiction, duplication of efforts, usurpation of function, and no action
created by uncertainîy as to who should act (McShine, personal interview, January 5,
1988).
The goverrunent of Trinidad and Tobago has recognised that 1egisIative rather
than administrative measures must be taken to introduce effective environmentai systerns
and to implement guidelines and procedures. It has proceeded dong this path by
estabiishing an appropriate auîhority, the EMA The Act itseif is unique in con cep^ as it
1 O7 exercises the power of aü three anns of S m - the Executive, the Legislative and the
Judiciary. The Act and other relateci iegislation (NEP, EMA Oder) spec3y areas and
types of projects or actions that require EU, as well as the powers and responsibiiities of
the authority and the general public. It makes judicial involvement in the review of
decisions and actions mandatory, with pians for an independent Environmental
Commission. This is the fkt legal document that applies to al1 sectors of the
environment and the society of Trinidad and Tobago, becoming, like the Authority a
central, coordinating, legal framework - promoting consensus. The NEIS will overcome
the personal banïers to interagency cooperation, facilitating the Authority's responsibility
of bridging the many agencies with responsïbility for the environment.
The Authority has a pool of locaiiy qualifiecl experts and employs little foreign
input in its present evolution and mitigation measures, aithough the original Authority
contauied a host of Canadian consultants. Much of the work of the Authority is done
through advisory and other cornmittees, the composition of which is drawn h m various
sectors as weli as h m NGOs and community-based groups. The Authority has been
thanked and congratuiated by one NGO for helping these organisations become more
articulate and aggressive and for creating a fluid network of cooperation with an
interdependence, through skillfiil use of resources, people and institutions (Als, 1997).
The EMA has urged 28 state agencies to sign a memorandum of understanding over a
two-year period (EMA, 1997a).
Ahhough these are ail excellent exampIes of an institutionai and Iegai h e w o r k ,
there are stiIl problems that need to be addresse& The use of the 1988 UNEP guidelies,
or working with World Bank schemes, includes foreign collsultants who seldom transfer
IO8 information (McShine, personal interview, January 5, 1998; Gopaul, personal
interview, January 10, 1998). The formulation and use of guidelines that use local
knowledge avoids this problem McShine (1988) points to the potential for under-
qualied local personnel in EIA operation and policy formation. During these
interviews, the most rewarding responses came h m people with more experience -
Hazel McShine and Marva Salvador Arthur. Experience and position in society benefits
the creation of appropriate standards for EIA in Trinidad and Tobago. McShine, with
many years of experience in environmental management in Trinidad and Tobago, wouid
ovemme barriers of client confidentiaiiy through r d of personai work experience.
An outsider wiih little local knowledge or expience would h d it additionally difficuit
to set EIA guidelines, as there is littIe access to projects done over the past 20 years,
Not only are there conceptual problems with the Environmental Management
Authority and its parent TCPD, there are Iegislative administrative concem. Eden Shand
(1996a) discusses a confiision arising h m the TCPD using ministerial loopholes in the
1960 Town and Country P W g Act, with general provisions for demanding ELA, and
the modern EMA specîfic legislatiou empowring the Authority to ask for EiA. He
assumes the negative repuîation of the TCPD and th& potentid for backlash at Wbeir
new rivai entity", the EMA. Legislative ambiguities mut be h n e d out as there is
potential for retardation of effective interagency cooperation,
F d y , there is the concem tbat the Worid Bank is running the Authority, and
that once the loan expires next year, proactive environmental management will cease.
The evoIution of the Auihority has pmved otherwise. It has responded weli to criticism
109 and has s h o w positive reaction. The EMA is now more independent of the loan
mandate and continues on its bumpy but progressive, proactive path.
6) The Trkeer of Environmental Manaeement and Assessment
in Trinidad and Tobago EIAs are carrieci out on an ad hoc basis in the present
absence of formai planning requirements. One of the reasons for carrying out EL4 is for
the state to obtain financiai aid h m international funding agencies. The World Bank,
IDB and CDB requirt such assessments to be done because they demand that theu fun&
oniy be used for enviromentaily f i d y projects. A h , private developers trying to
attain bank 10- sometimes.need to condu& EA.
Ahmad Khan @ersonai interview, December 26, 1997) suggests that industry is
leading the way in environmentai management in Trinidad and Tobago. They implement
eco-labeling strategies for impmved intemational tradc. Developers are the main clients
of EIA and initiate the process by W g an agency to perform an EIA, sometimes to the
specifications and goals of the dedoper. Industry has also recentiy reacted positively to
mauagement strategies of the EMA in Iight of Section 71 of the Act that make the top
level staff accountable for the industries' poiiution. Environmental management of
indusûy is triggered by demand sidt mcams, issues not specifïdy mentioned in the
Act but that are crrrtailing indusaial habits towards environmental degradation (Dei
Carringion, 1997).
The issue of the environment transcends political boundaries in Trinidad and
Tobago. The Minister of Planning and Development has the power to invoke an EIA,
chwse the agency to perform the EIA and dictate the produre to be foiiowd The
Mùiister makes the final decisions reganhg the Environmentai Management Authonty,
110 and also decides the composition of the Authority. EIA screening and specincation is
needed to avoid tbis politicai and philosophicai reliance and to unify the many triggers
for EH.
Shand (1996a) suggests that the TCPD be the authority to d e t e d e whether an
EIA is required, through specific screening process (as mentioned in chapter five). The
UNEP has such a procedure designed for developing corntries, using a cost-benefit
anaiysis (üNEP, 1988). The process of EIA is triggered by submission of a development
proposai, folIowed by a prelhhary assessrnent and screening process. REAL aiready
incorporates this initiai, objective appraisai and triggering procedure (REAL, 1992). In
the case of completed developments, a prelimbry screening process wouid determine
what developments trigger or require an EïA process. The Authont). has decided on a list
of environmenîaiiy sensitive areas to form part of this prelimimy screening process.
This list is not complete as yet Ideas h m the ideai aïterion (chapter five) are suitable
for Trinidad and Tobago and will be whoiiy realised with ideas h m the UNEP and EMA
(screening procedures and sensitive areas).
7) The Sco~ine Procas
The scoping principles of the UNEP guideline mgnise al1 the participants of an
EIA process and realise that only appropriate persons and groups shouid be involved
(chapter five). The World Bank uses a specific scopmg procedure to ident* the issues
to be covered, using an exhaustive iist of impacts. These two guidelines are incorporated
by the TCPD in their scoping procedures, and are exampies of the main ismes of the
ideal critexion (chapter five). The scoping methodology of REAL uses an interactive
(- ; technique wiîh codtees to continuaüy identify key issues in order to shatpen the study
11 1 focus. This is another example of one of the issues of ideal cntenon (chapter five),
issues that need to be amalgamated with the EMA legisIation, dong with solutions to the
following problems.
The issues that the EMA and EIA examine are criticised as insufficient. The
EMA and NEP are largely focussed on pollution control and nature conservation
(Toppin-Aiiahar, 1996; Kenny, 1997c), with a maaàate to primarily address the impacts
of development on the environment. Furthemore, reguIation of poiiutants does not
present a problem and does not need re-invention as there are a range of sources which
need no more than adoption (Kemy, 1997~). The socio-economic component of EIA is
seldom included in the fiaal report, as it tends to bring negative attention, through the
public and press, to the developer. Once again, a standard for EIA is needed to discem
and to enforce al1 the necessary issues of EIA. This has benefits for long-term
sustainable development as weU as the misguided developer.
The IMA wnducted a socio-economic component in an EIA of a beach front
expansion at Maracas Bay on the Noah Coast. The client, NIPDEC requested the IMA
take it out of the final report. NlPDEC then presented the IDB with the EIA and the ID3
refused to grant approvai, as it was inwrnpleîe: there was no socio-economic component.
NIPDEC approached the IMA to mclude the component and were refused as conditions
had changed since the original study was undertaken. Fmding was lost because there
was no enforceable standard for the scope of EIA in Trinidad and Tobago.
112 8) Monitoring
Monitoring is perhaps the most neglected and significant issue of environmental
management in Trinidad and Tobago, and is aiso the least criticised issue of the new
Iegislation of the EMA The ciraft NEP staks that:
Although Trinidad and Tobago has much of the required legal structure for environmentai protection, natural resources management and development planning in place, the record in terms of implementation and enforcement is rnixed. In some instances subsidiary Iegislation and regdations are Lacking; in others, the responsible authority for inspection and enforcement is not easily identifiable @NEP, 1997, section 6.2).
McShine (petsonal interview, January 5, 1998) states that voluntary and self-
cornpliance are the basis îhat the iMA and the EMA rely on at the moment, with
reference to the IMA's monitoring programmes and the EMA's air quality controt and
other poiiution standardization programmes. Kenny (1997~) insists that based on the
history of environmental management in Triaidad and Tobago, voluntary wmpiiance
does not work.
The NEP requlles the establishment of systems and stnictures to handle violation
and appeais "expeditiously and efféctively" as they are essentid to the policy's
objectives. T h e establishment and operation of the Environmental Commission and the
use of strategies to avoid and expeditioudy resolve disputes are therefore criticai" (EMA,
1997~). This Act and planned NEAP and NEMP are excellent examples of the
monitoring ideal (see chapter five) and once M y impIemented, there wiii be few
The Authority has specinc enforcement actions as d e s c r i i in the Act. Civil
procedures include a "Notice of VioMon" and an "Administrative Order" (PRïT, 1995).
I l 3 An EnWoumental Commission is the superior court of record which an
Administraiive Order cati be appealed. There is a classed system of monetary fines for
violation of environmental requirements or for damages to the environment, with a
maximum fie of $10 000 TT for each fint time violation (PRTT, 1995).
The Act provides for inspectors who wiii monitor îhe operations of indusûy and
oîher developments for compliance, requiring provision of necessary information and
samples during inspection. Nieteen Environmental Officers were appointed in 1997,
one h m each Ministry or Agency dealing with amjor environmental matters, and
training has begun (Kacal, 1997~). There are penalties for criminal violation that are
more stringent than the civil penalties (in accord with chapter five). 'The Act aiIows the
. . Authonty to seek a restrainuig order or other injunctive or equitable relief; an order for
the closure of a facility or a prohibition against continued operation; and any other
remedy which may be provided by law" (EMA, 1997b, p. 3). Additionally, it provides
for a director, manager or supervisor to be heId tesponsible for violations of
environmentai re~uinmenîs which, on conviction or indictment, can Iead to a fine of
$100 000 TT and imprisonment for two years @MA, 1997). The enactment of the
EnWomental Code (the administrative civil and criminal approach to enforcement)
gives teeth to environmental management in Trinidad and Tobago.
The NEAP and NEMP are national mitigation pIans that provide details on the
£inaI NEP with proposed programmes and schedules that ensure that environmentai
actions are in phase with development and operatiod activities (similar to the Wodd
Bank guidehes). The EMA recognises ISO 1400 environmentai standards as suitable
mets for business and industry (Tï'i3S, 1996), and is working in tandem with the
I I4 Ministry of F i e to provide tax mbsidies to firms that reduce theù environmentaily
unfiiendly effluent (Mcintosh, petsonal interview, June 6, 1997). This is one of a few
economic incentives that are used to define the actions of economic entities (dong with
the disincentives of regdatory rneasures).
Concems have been raised with these evolving rneasures. The Act does not
recognise the societal and economic hiermhies of Trinidad and Tobago. McShine
(personal i n t e ~ e w , January 5, 1998) attributes an affordability problem with
enforcement procedures in Trinidad and Tobago. A $40 TT ticket for visibIe gas
emissions b r n vehicles is given. An engine "rehauin costs $4 000 TT (the operation
needed to prevent these emissions). Most people who own a sub-standard engine cannot
&ord to fix their engines. They will not effectively react to the monetary h e s and the
long-term goal of improved air quaiity will not be wholiy realised.
No provision is made within the Act for incremental standards (Brown and
Jacobs, 1996). Thete is a conflict with incrementaI deveiopmental activities such as
squatter Settlements and the explicit standards of the Act that must be met before
development proceeds. This may become an inhiiition for developments that cannot
meet conventional standards. Goais of the ideal criterion are applicable here (chapter
five).
9) The Role of EIA in Decision-Making
This is stage eight of the UNEF's EIA p m e s s that the IMA roughiy foiIows.
SimiIarly, the WorId Bank requins EIA reports to be concise and iimited to significant
impacts, keeping the target audience in mind and shapmg the publication to meet their
specinc needs (World Bank, 1992). REAL and EPAS avoid the documentation of data
115 that may be superfluous to decision-makers (REAL, 1992; Khan, personai i n t e~ew,
December 26, 1997). The Environmental Management Authority agrees that the
information needed by decision-makers in governrnent and in private sector must be
timely and reiiable in order to make decisions consistent with sustainable development.
This is "information on the current state of the environment, on the implications of the
choices avaiiable to them, on long term trends, on indicators to help them measure
progress" @MA, 1996b).
This appears to be in accordance with the ideai criterion (chapter five), however,
it is not clear that this indicates a cornmitment to provide quantitative data or mereIy to
provide qualitative interpretations of data that have aiready been analysed. Qualitative
issues are important, but "these seldom outweigh fact and figures" in evaluation and
dispute resoluîion procedues (Brown and Jacobs, 1996).
'The NEP requires integration of environmental decisions into the planning
process and that environmentai concenis influence plans, poiicies and project design at
national and regional levels. The extendeci monitoring phase of the IMA encourages the
integration of the environmental decision-making throughout consîruction. REAL and
other d e r agencies take the approach of actually helping design the project on an
ongoing basis (REAL, 1992). Principai three of the UNEP guidelines wncems the eariy
integration of EIA recommendations in the project design, progressing through severai
steps (UNEP, 1988). A combination of these statements meets the issues of the ideal
criterion (chapter five). E3A is an advisory process that is not separate h m the actual
project d e s i p The Act shouid include a provision that encompasses this combination,
mw~potating the ideal for this critenon (chapter five).
Il6 There is some evidence that tEie advisory process does in fact produce the
d t s expected. Minhg of the Pt Gourde area in Chaguaramas was halted foiiowing the
cecornmendation of an EIA conducted by REAL (REAL, 1992). The devefopment of a
inarina in a swamp in Tobago by Angostura Ltd. was greatly modified and scaied down
foiiowing the EIA report of the IMA (McShine, personal interview, January 10,1998).
These are rare occasions. EIA recornmendations are often ignored, oveded by
f inand and political interests. The TCPD has never cancelIed a project based on the
EiA, opting for revision upon revision (McShine, personai interview, January IO, 1998).
Many EIAs wme to the conclusion that the client prefers, guarding the consuitant's
future with the client for other EIAs (McShine, personal interview, Jmuary 10, 1998).
Ahmad Khan @ersonai interview, December 26,1997) adds to this by saying the EIA are
not powerfd enough to stop a development and that often it *es other factors such as
fiunciai concem. Subsequently, there are some cails for EIA to becorne a mandatory
approvai process in Trinidad and Tobago. However these problems wiU ody be
exaggerated with a process that relies on single and abrupt decisions, 6th more chance
for negative politicai influence. The effectiveness and resuits of the EIA process will be
better achieved with total reform of the pro-, implenienting and stmgthening al1
aspects of the Act, in similar vein to this brief appraïsai.
A summary of the criteria for EIA evaluation, the case study and the
recommeaded management scheme (chapters five, seven and eight) provides a holistic
reference that iiiustrates linkages of criteria within each category (overleaf).
(5) Eflicienoy, equity, involvement, Open, - -
honest, comprehensive, public informing aiid
consultation. Citizen level action. Issues include the
EIA, policies and deoisions
3'" Party judicial review, links to al1 juridictional
levels. Central independent authority, administrational, interagenoy coopemtion.
Linkaps of onvifonmental Iegislation. Multi-
atakeholder, open, flexible, action-onented network
Response to complaints, Willingness, ability, belief in assessment. Supedsory decidom, lias of aansitive areas and projecta E d y
mwning,
for m w d t - Tobago (5)
Optimum timing, format country
dependent. NCSD Integratd coastline
man, Education, awareness,
empowdfment
Early devalopment. Clow cooperation, coordination, Data bank, Functional
CentUr, Rmponsibilities
dccentrdized, EMA and TCPD separate.
LocaJ sxpsrts. Intemational links
Objective dctcrmination- specific legal
scraning process- psrfomed by
TCPD.
EMA, NEP, Wdd Ban&, U N . , W,
REALandother EM& EU
Guidclints {8) Broad EMA & NEP
P.P. principles: educaîion, awareness,
ampowerment, open, learning Civil action, hearings still
fùtile. superficial MY dev, of new lcgi&ation applies links to al1 sectors. Central firnctioning
agency , Judioial rcview. NEIS. Pool of experts, Network
of coordination, cooperaîion,
La~islation potholes Ad hoc: b a n
mandates. Minister of P dé D. Industry (t-ah, him. m4.A sensitive list. UNEP cost-benefit anal ysis
m e IMA Guidclines for the
Ckagncuamas Case * d y (9
Socio-economic study used a
selected public, scientific nature of IMA limits P,P to
information dissemination. Little P.P in final EIA
Overlap of goveming' bodies (CD& TIDCO). Use own resources so fluid network of
cooperation, coordination,
experts. Adapts UNEP legislation, awaiting EMA, Public outcry in newspapers, in
parliament, government
instructed IMA to proceed, to slow
Explicit integration of principles (5). Realisation of the issues of 5, EMA and NEP issues,
Formulation and uae of the NCSD
institution Full rcalisation of
Iegislative, institutional,
judicial characteristios of EMA. @MAI TCPD
conflicta solvcd. Jurisdictional,
legislative pothola
of 5, UNEP, REAL, using completed list of EMA, conductad
by TCPD.
Smaii island developing -tes (SIDS) are particularly environmentdy sensitive.
Kravatsky (1996) puts it best in saying that SIDS are more strongly and more likely to be
aected by disturbances ÙI the natural system, to global economic forces and they have a
cbaractenstic institutional arrangement (also Lawrence, 1997). Many SDS in the
Caribbean, especially Trinidad and Tobago, have a very young history of environmentai
protection and management, with long records of ecoIogically unsound, unsustainable
developments. These records have been documenteci in the press, along with the public
dismay associateci with these events. With enactment of the Environmentai Management
Act coming at the same tirne as this environmental anxiety, the newspapers continue to
appraise the relaîively new environmental management policies. The c d is for a review
of the policies, which are blamed as the cause of continued environmental mishap.
At f h , policies were quickly drafted, approved and implemented through
parLiament, with extemai expertise sought to catalyze this process. These initiatives
followed much public attention to marine concems, especially along the Chaguaramas
peninsula, northwest Trinidad. Subsequently, policies were criticised as king not
entirely suited for the SIDS and Trinidad and Tobago wntext. It is suggested îbat they
are simply politicai, improving the government's "greenn image.
Now, policies are king produced at a Iesser rate, with new legislation (EMA)
following the meticdous and slow route. As a dt, the criticism is that the Auihority
that oversees this IegisIation is not fulnlling its mandate. Again it is suggested that the
Authority is composed of political appointees that act as buffers for environmenta1
degradation. Are these correct assumptions?
121 8.3) The Need br Further Research
There is a need for future study in the area of this thesis. There is an ongoing
maturation of environmental management in Trinidad and Tobago. Old policies are
being revised, repIaced or further ignore& In the next five years the EMA wifl evolve
into a M y functioning unit. Anather academic appraisal wiil determine the progress of
the Authority and the r d t s of an improved envkonmental policy, given the
commendable tasks that it pursues. It is hoped that these tasks, and others added in this
recommended strategy, are fulîilied and that the comprehensive goals of the mandate are
realised. Only then wiii one see the benefits of reducing the conflict inherent in the
sustainable development of Trinidad and Tobago.
Physical planning in Trinidad and Tobago is an exercise that often becomes an
end in itself, "culminating in the publication of nicely illustrated drawings, research data
and project ideas" (Ailabar, 1990). The thesis now presents the challenge of changing
these reports h m king ends, to king influenthi means for improving environmentai
protection in Trinidad and Tobago and moving the country towards a susbinable
deve bpment path,
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