ANGLO-SAXON COSTIJNE:

A STUDY OF SECULAR, CIVILIAN

CLOTHING AND JEWELLERY FASHIONS

Thesis for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

University of Newcastle upon Tyne

Gale R. Owen 1976

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PART THR : REPRE$ EIJTATIONS IN ART

A. INTRODUCTION: SOURCES AND ORGANIZATION

459"

1. Illuminated manuscripts

The earliest surviving Anglo-Saxon illuminated manuscripts,

which are Gospel Books and a Bible from seventh-century Northumbria,

offer no information about contemporary costume, since their

ornamental repertoire consists of decorative patterns inherited

from Irish Christian and pagan Anglo-Saxon traditions, and/or

figures derived from Mediterranean models. The earliest illu-

minations which may possibly show contemporary clothing occur

in eighth-century works: the Vespasian Psalter (BM MS Cotton

Vespasian Ai), a product of the Canterbury School, and the Book

of Kells (Codex Cenannensic )a Gospel Book possibly

produced in Pictland, under Northumbrian and Irish influence. )

The potential evidence in the former lies not in the well-known

full-page miniature of King David and his musicians, which is

the product of iconographical traditions, but in a historiated

initial depicting David and Jonathan. The figures in the initial

have no known source2 and their costume may therefore have been

influenced from life. Similarly, evidence from Keils depends

not on the elaborate miniatures, but on figures in minor decora-

tions, including an initial.

These early examples are isolated cases, however. Much

more evidence is to be derived from the many manuscripts illu-

minated in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Artists of this

period continued to depict Christ and the Evangelists in sub-

classical, draped garments; observers and minor. characters in

the same scenes were, however, sometimes depicted in different

costumes. For example, in BM MS Cotton Titus Dr. vii (fol. 65v), 3

a representation of the crucifi>'ion includes the Virgin and John

460.

wearing traditional draped garments, while above, Sol and Luna

appear in short tunics. Such "non-classical" costumes may

reflect the fashions of contemporary seculars. There is a clear'

distinction between the Mediterranean drapes worn by some male

figures and the presumably medieval costumes worn by others.

The distinction is less clear-in relation to women's costume,

where the position is complicated by the fact that many depic-

tions of women represent the Virgin and other characters who

appear in biblical narrative. The Virgin, and sometimes others,

may have been clothed traditionally.

The costume portrayed in any Anglo-Saxon drawing, even if

"non-classical", must be treated with reservation since it may

not necessarily represent contemporary English fashion; the

iconography of some illustrations showing such figures may be

traced to older continental models. For example, BM MLS Harley

603, which is lavishly illustrated and provides some represen-

tations of garments unique among English drawings (Plates XIII-

XVIII) is a copy. of the Utrecht Psalter, which itself probably

derived from a Greek original through a Latin intermediary. 4

Similarly the English illustrated manuscripts of Prudentiusr

(Plates XIX-XXI), which contain many drawings of costumed figures,

derive from a continental antecedent. The style of English 5

artists of this period was strongly influenced by continental

work, chiefly by Carolingian art and the School of Rheims. 6

Even the less formal figures in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts betray

this influence in their stylized posture and swirling clothing.

Despite these reservations, however, the modern student is

justified in drawing conclusions about Anglo-Saxon clothing

from some of the illustrated figures. Dodwell has shown that 7

the artist who illustrated hlfric's version of the Old Testament

461.

(BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv; Plates )CcII-) V) probably did not

derive his drawings from a model, but created directly from the

text. Dodwell suggested that the tools and other equipment

seen in use in these pictures are types which were in use in

Anglo-Saxon times. It is likely therefore, that the artist

depicted characters in the costume of his own day. The clothing

illustrated in this manuscript is similar to the "non-classical"

costume in English versions of continental manuscripts, such as S

Harley 603.

Manuscript illuminators of the late Saxon period were not

so restricted to biblical subjects as their predecessors had

been. There survive from the later centuries several represen-

tations of English kings, commemmorating ceremonial occasions

(Plates XXVI-XXVIII). The royal figures wear garments unlike

Mediterranean drapery, and their appearance contrasts with that.

of contemporary occlesiastics. Calendars8 (Plates <XIX, XxX)

contain illustrations of the occupations appropriate for the

various months of the year, where figures are dressed in costumes

basically similar to those shown in MS Claudius Biv. The details

of their clothing (footwear, cloak, tunic) vary according to

their activity..

The artists of the Harley 603 Psalter, the Prudentius

manuscripts, Claudius Biv and the Calendars were concerned to

illustrate the subject matter of their texts, producing lively

scenes containing active medieval figures, contrasting with the

formal portraits to be found in the contemporary, or near-contem-

porary Benedictional of St. Ethelwold (BM MS Additional 49598).

The manuscripts which are copies of continental originals show,

at least, the general features of medieval costume in Western

Europe, while Claudius Biv makes it possible to specifically

462.

distinguish details of English costume in the late Saxon

period.

Thus, illustrations survive in sufficient quantity and

with enough clarity to make possible some deductions about

women's costume at this time. It is possible to establish with

a greater degree of certainty the garments commonly worn by

men, as well as to observe what may have been some less common

variations in the clothing of both sexes. 4

2. The Bayeux Tapestry

The Bayeux Tapestry is probably the best-known secular

testament to Anglo-3axon art. 9 In it may be found a fusion of.

the talents of the English artist with those of the Anglo-Saxon

needlewoman, the latter prefigured in the skilful weaving of

the pagan period, proved in the Cuthbert embroideries, and later

to become internationally famous. 10 ; Unlike the designer of the

Cuthbert embroideries, the artist of the Tapestry seems to have

presented his figures in the attitudes and costumes of evei1ay

life, more comparable with the Claudius Biv and Calendar illus-

trations than with the Benedictional.

The Tapestry depicts the events preceding and culminating

in the Norman' Conquest. It shows men of various ranks engaged

in a wide range of activities, enabling the modern student to

contrast the appearance of the Saxon with the Norman as they

were seen by contemporaries. Though worked after 1066, the

Tapestry has been included in the present study because it

reflects the artistic techniques of the years preceding the

Norman Conquest, and because it portrays Anglo-Saxons at the

time of their defeat when that event was within living memory.

463"

3. Sculptures

Most Anglo-Saxon sculpture can, for convenience, be divided

into three groups: eighth- to ninth-century Northumbrian, and

tenth- to eleventh-century Southern, which in general are

artistically superior to the third group; and work of the ninth,

tenth and eleventh centuries from Northern England, an area of

Scandinavian culture at that time. (More precise dates are often

difficult to establish. ) Not all sculptures have figure carving,

and not all carved figures are relevant for the present purpose.

The earliest Northumbrian sculptures are ornamented with abstract

insular motifs and figures derived from Mediterranean models.

They therefore offer no evidence of contemporary Anglo-Saxon

costume. Many of the figures on later Southern carvings are also

foroign-derived. Evidence therefore is to be drawn mostly from

artistically inferior works of the Viking Age.

Thera curvivo a small number of detailed figure oculpture3

which may depict native secular costume, all unique in some

detail (Plate XXXVII, Figs. 15,16); and many crudely executed

carvings which may depict contemporary costumes, but which mostly

lack detail.

Since many of the surviving Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Viking

figure sculptures represent biblical subjects the influence of

continental iconography is inevitable. Moreover, the Viking

settlement resulted in the incorporation of Scandinavian mytho-

logy into the repertoire of the Anglian sculptor. The degree

of freedom allowed-to the sculptor in portraying such subjects

is uncertain. There existed some iconographical tradition in

the presentation of heathen figures in Scandinavian art" but

there is little. evidence that this extended to sculpture carried

out in England, or, specifically, to the clothing on that sculpture

464. Sculpture offers little evidence of women's costume, but

provides a number of examples which confirm and add to the

information on male costume derived from the manuscripts. Since

many of the works are northern, any variations from the costume

depicted in drawings may reflect regional fashions; in particu-

lar, the costume of the Scandinavian settlers may be represented.

4. Ivories

Craftsmen in the Christian Saxon period applied their

talents to the decoration of many articles associated with

religion, such as elaborate coverings for holy books and con-

tainers for relics, and to personal objects such as seals. Ivory

was a popular medium for such works, and a small number of ivory

12 carvings of this kind may provide evidence of costume.

6 The earliest example, and, for the present purpose, the

most important, is the Franks Casket, r13 (Plates XL, XLI), a

whalebone object identifiable by its runic inscription as

Northumbrian work of the eighth century. The Casket is carved

with scenes from biblical narrative, Roman history and Northern

mythology, themes presumably derived from a universal history.

No exact model has been found, and since the figures in the

scenes are not dressed in sub-classical, draped garments, and

the clothing of the men bears some resemblance to that of secular

figures in later art, it seems likely that the artist intended

to depict contemporary costume. The Casket is so much earlier

than the manuscripts under consideration that the unusual features

of the costume on the Casket could reflect earlier fashions.

Furthermore, the peculiarities of costume in eighth-century

Northumbria were commented upon by a contemporary (Part Four,

B, 5, p. 558 , below). The costume on the Casket could reflect

regional variation.

465"

Most other surviving ivories attributed to the Saxon

period belong to the last centuries of that era, and like

other art, reflect foreign iconography. A small number of

them may, however, depict costume as worn in England, and are

therefore considered below.

5. Metalwork

Human figures appear only rarely on the metalwork of the

pagan and conversion periods, and most are irrelevant for the

present purpose since they are either armed, naked or so stylized

as to reveal no costume. One possible exception is a gold pendant

found in Grave 56 at Riseley, K, which was probably made in Kent,

although iconographically it reflects Scandinavian influence. 14

Another is a bronze object found close to tumuli at Breach

Downs, K, 15 which, it was suggested above (Part Two, XIII, 14,

pp. 139-40), might have been a textile implement. A human head

probably once formed the head of a pin, which was sheathed in

a human torso.

During the Christian period the art of the metalworker

reflected some of the stylistic influences to be found in other

media. The Fuller Brooch, one of several surviving ninth-century

brooches16 (discussed in Part Two, C, 2, pp. 460 9- 11 ,

above), is the only one of the corpus to be decorated with human

figures (Plate XII). The figures, which are arranged in the

form of a quincunx surrounded by a border of roundels, represent

the five Senses. The stylized depiction of the figures corresponds w

in some respects to earlier manuscript illuminations including

the figures in the Vespasian Psalter (which have not here been

considered reflections of English fashion). Yet no model has

been found for the conception-of the Senses as they appear on

466.

the Brooch and one feature of the costume worn by the figures

is not parallelled elsewhere. This could reflect contemporary

clothing and must be considered.

A figure similar in some respects to those on the Brooch

appears as one of a number of motifs engraved in silver as

ornament to the pommel of a sword from Abingdon, Bek. 17 The

ornament is ninth- or early-tenth-century.

A clothed human figure also appears on the Alfred Jewel 18

(Plate hZli). This object, associated by its inscription with

King Alfred (who died in 899) is designed to hold a rod, and

may have been an '&Bstel', a pointer to aid reading. The object

is gold. The figure upon it is enamelled, and, although several

different suggestions have been made as to its identification,

probably represents the Sense of Sight. ; I

r"

6. Organization

In the discussion which follows, manuscript illuminations.

and the Bayeux Tapestry have been considered together, since

both give one-dimensional representations of figures and the

evidence they offer is complementary. The manuscripts provide

more evidence than other art. The conclusions presented in

Section D are based upon an examination of all the drawings and

paintings of human figures in manuscripts which have been con-

sidered Anglo-Saxon. The distinguishing features'of medieval

costume are chiefly to be deduced by comparison of figures in

traditional drapery with others in different (presumably contem-

porary) costume. These conclusions, drawn from illuminations,

are applied to other art, and in subsequent sections evidence

from stone and ivory carvings and from metalwork partly confirms,

and partly adds to, the evidence from manuscripts.

467.

B. ILI, UI, 1II1ýT: D tVs. NUSCRI17i'S AND TIE; F3. lYEUX T:; Pi: S'i'RY

1. Fernale costume

Almost all illustrations of women, whether or not they

represent biblical characters, depict them in wimple-like hoods

covering the head and neck, ankle-length garments beneath which

are visible the close-fitting sleeves of inner garments, and

shoes.

The distinctive head coverings of women clearly distinguish

them from men in crowd scenes. Very few illustrations show

women bare-headed. There are examples in the illustrated manu-

scripts of Prudentius, where personified Vices are represented

by female figures. Avaritia, for example, depicted in B: 4 MS

Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 23v), has her head uncovered and

her hair loose. Since the iconography of the Prudentius roanu-

scripts is demonstrably derived from a continental model, 1

this

may not be considered an example of an English fashion, but the

association of loose, uncovered hair with a Vice suggests that

such an appearance was undesirable in ]: ngland and her continental

neighbours in the early medieval period.

Laver stated that in the Anglo-Saxon period "young girls

wore their hair long and loose over their shoulders, with a

band to keep it from being too unruly. In the privacy of their

homes women of all classes wore their hair the same way".

There appears to be no English evidence to support either of

these statements. Women, except the personified Vices mentioned

above, are depicted with covered heads indoors and out.. There

appear, to have been no distinction in the matter of costume

between single and married women. Artists saw nothing ludicrous

in depicting Vzrcr by means of a head-and-shoulders painting

468.

I of a woman wearing the usual hood, as in BM MSS Arundel 60

(fol. 5) and Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 7).

Laver considered the wimple type of hood to have been an

innovation of the ninth century. "LPreviously] the head was

covered by a square veil of semi-transparent material... In

the ninth century a new kind of veil was introduced. It consisted

of a circle of material with a circular hole cut, not in the

centre but about a third of the way across. The veil was

draped over the head in such a way that the face and throat

appeared through the hole. 13 Laver's description and reconstruc-

tion of the (later) veil accurately define the headdresses of

late Anglo-Saxon illuminations, but there are no illustrations

of appropriate date to confirm that this was a ninth-century.

innovation. 6

This type of headdress is worn by almost all the women

depicted in Anglo-Saxon art, although the details and elaboration

vary. Considerations of style may account for the differences

between the loose hood with many folds which appears on some

female figures (often biblical) and the closer-fitting version

on others. The hood may reach to the shoulders (Plates XXI,.

XXIV, centre, XXV, XXVI, X Xi), sometimes hanging lower at the

back than at the front; or, more rarely, it may combine the

roles of cloak and hood, hanging to the knees, lifted by the

raised arms. (Such a garment is worn by the Virgin as portrayed

in BM MS Harley 2904, fol. 3v, though the colouring of the

picture suggests that there may have been two separate garments. 4)

The hood is always sufficiently long to cover the bhoulders of

the garment beneath it.

Other ornaments may have been worn at the head in addition

to the hood. Female figures representing the daughters -of a

469"

priest in I3M MS Cotton Claudius Div wear heädbands outside the

hood, which pass across the forehead (Plate x: V). Though the

paint is daubed the bands were clearly part of the original draw-

ing. Alfgyfu ("Emma), wife of King Cnut, illustrated in BM MS

Stowe 944 on the ceremonial occasion of the presentation of a

cross to the New Minster at : Winchester. (Plate xxvi), wears a

decorated band across her forehead, which is concealed at the

side by her hood. It is possible that this article was a royal

diadem, but it seems likely that it was an embroidered band, since

two streamers, decorated and ending in tags, appear from under

the hood at the back. These probably belong to the piece -of

material visible at the forehead. There is no parallel among

English illustrations for the wearing of a band under the hood

in this way, but as the queen was of Norman birth, and her hus-

band Scandinavian, it is possible that her dress reflects foreign

taste. It may be significant, however, that bands of similar

width to that worn by Alfgyfu. are draped over the shoulders of

the allegorical figures representing Pompa in the BM Prudentius

MSS, Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 22v) and Additional 24199 (Plate

XcI). It may be that the Prudentius artists adopted, as an,

indication of fleshly indulgence, a decoration which was actually

worn by high-ranking ladies such as Alfgyfu.

Women sometimes appear to wear another head covering under

the hood, particularly when the latter is of the loose-fitting

kind. Some of the women illustrated in BM MS Harley 603 appear

to have projections under the front of their. hoods, which suggest

the wearing of head bands, caps or underhoods (Plate XV, centre

bottom, Plate XVI). It is possible, however, that the projections

are stylized depictions of hair. Enoch's child, pictured in his

mother's arms in the Comon Manuscript (Bodleian Library MS Junius

XI), 5

wears an enveloping hood, of the kind worn by women, from

the front of which projects a fringe, clearly representing hair.

470.

The foremost figure in a group of women addressed by Aldhelm

in an illustrated version of his poems in Bodleian Library MS

577 (27645) (£ol.. lv), wears a scarf or veil under the hood. The

two loose ends pass, together, from under the hood at the front, '

before separating and extending under the outstretched arms.

The dancing figure of Luxuria in the BI4 MS Additional 24199

Prudentius (Plate XIX), wears a similar scarf without the outer

hood. The scarf covers the head, before crossing on the breast,

passing under the armpits and hanging forward over the arms.

A veil is held suspended over the head of Cnut's queen in

the Stowe 944 illustration (Plate )xVI). The device provides

a symmetrical balance with the crown suspended over the head of

the king on the right of the picture, but need not carry equal

symbolism. If the veil were worn over-the hood and ornamental

headband, the headdress of this queen would be the most elaborate 6

illustrated.

A small figure drawn-in the Paris Psalter, Bibliotherue

Nationale MS Fonds Latin 8824 (fol. 3) carries a scarf, and wears

what appears to be a round hat. Wormald described both this

figure and its companion in the illustration as male, 6 but although

the figure on the left is bearded and wears a tunic, the right-

hand figure (with the hat) wears a long gown and has. - no obvious

beard. It is therefore probably female. The costume as it appears

in the Paris Psalter is apparently unique, but it is possible

that the scarf could have been worn wrapped round the hat, in

a fashion parallelled in a Carolingian manuscript, Vienna, '

Nationalbibliothek Cod. 2687.7 There, the Virgin Mary is depicted

in a veil wrapped round the head and passing under the chin,

covering a hat or cap which projects over the forehead. The

projections appearing from under the hoods of women in BM MS

Harley 603 (Plate XVI) may indicate similar caps.

471.

An alternative form of head covering may be found in the

hooded cloak worn by a female figure personifying the Moon in

1M MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate =III), a figure in Harley 603

(fol. 9) and by Superbia in BM MS Additional 24199 (Plate r-4).

In BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv a woman wears a hooded cloak which

is rather different in that it is draped loosely over the head

and not fastened or shaped in any way at the neck (Plate "ZCIV,

left-hand figure).

The hooded cloak offers a combination of head covering and

outer garment. In other representations the outer garment of

women takes one of two forms. It may be ankle-length, with wide

sleeves (which sometimes turn back into cuffs) reaching to the

forearm, often revealing the longer, close-fitting sleeves of

an inner garment (Plate XxVI). The alternative garment does not

have fitted sleeves, but hangs from the shoulders to cover the

arms, being raised when the hands are lifted, as they always are

in illustrations. At least one longer garment is visible below

this robe (Plate XVI, left-hand figure), and the tight inner

sleeves are usually revealed at the wrist (Plate XXXI), where,

unusually, the garment is worn over a wide-sleeved coat as well

as an inner robe with tight sleeves.

The hood conceals the shoulders of both types of robe-in

illustrations, but it seems likely that the sleeved robe was

tailored, like a coat, and that the draped garment was circular,

or oval, with an aperture for the head, like a op ncho or chasuble.

The draping of the garment would depend on the position of the

aperture. If it were central, the garment would hang equally,

back and front; if it were not central, the garrcient might hang

lower at the back, as it seems often to have done. (It is this

47 2.

type of garment which artists seem occasionally to have amalga-

mated with the usual hood, depicting a garment which hung from

the head to the knees, p. 468, above).

The sleeved outer garment and the draped are accompanied

by similar hoods, shoes and inner sleeves. The marked dichotomy

between imported, Eastern Mediterranean costume and medieval

costume which can be found in pictures of men, is absent in

depictions of women. The costume of Anglo-Saxon queens is very

similar to that of the Virgin. Clearly the draped garment was

widely exploited by biblical illustrators. The Virgin is mostly

pictured in a garment of this form, so are some allegorical

figures, such as Philosophy. Possibly this type of garment was

worn by contemporary nuns, since St. Etheldreda is attired this

way in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold. 8 Yet the draped

garment might also be worn by Anglo-Saxon seculars, since it

appears in Claudius Biv (fol. 9v, for example).

The sleeved outer garment was probably worn by Anglo-Saxon

secular women, since Queen Edith, in the Tapestry9 and Alfgyfu

in the Stowe manuscript (Plate XXVI) appear in it; but artists

might also depict biblical characters in this costume, such as

Eve in the CDedmon Manuscript10 (Adam in the same manuscript

wears medieval costume), and the Virgin in the Stowe manuscript

(Plate XXVI).

Holy and allegorical figures, then, are more regularly

portrayed in the draped, and seculars in the sleeved costume,

but there is some overlap. Artists may have felt confusion over

these alternative garments. There are several instances in

which an artist has drawn a female figure with one arm covered

by a wide sleeve, the other holding up material hanging from the

shoulder -- an impossible hybrid. (For example the Virgin

473"

in Cambridge, University Library MS Ff. 1.23, fol. 88v. 11 A

possible example is the Prudentius illustration Plate L. )

The resemblance of the draped outer garment to the chasuble

and to costume of Byzantine tradition suggests that it might

have been introduced through Christianity. The poncho- shaped

cloak is worn by Germanic men'on Roman sculptures (Plate XI)

but there is no known continuity between this and the similar

garment worn by women in late Anglo-Saxon drawings. It is

possible that the style was popularised by Christian art. It

is uncertain whether such a garment formed part of the Anglo-

Saxon woman's wardrobe, or whether the artists simply copied

the costume from imported manuscripts.

The sleeve had been part of Germanic costume since before

the migration to Britain. The garment of a female figure

representing Germania capta on a Roman sculpture has close-

fitting sleeves (Plate V) and pagan Anglo-Saxon women, at least

in Anglian areas, wore sleeves, as demonstrated by the occurrence

of wrist claps (Part Two, B, XXXI, la, pp. 3tß"8, above and rig.

l0). Although probably in neither case were the sleeves attached

to the outer robe, these examples show that the technique of

making sleeves was well-established in Germanic civilization..

The sleeved robe of late Saxon art was probably a development

of a native tradition.

In later medieval times the sleeves of women's garments

were to become more elaborate. Outer sleeves in Anglo-Saxon

illustrations are normally simple, but there is an exception

in the long, hanging sleeves of one of the three women depicted

in the Bayeux Tapestry. 12 Sleeves in BM MS Cotton Claudius

Biv are occasionally shown overlapping the ann. (Plate XCIV,

centre. The woman depicted is a member of Jacob's family,

474"

travelling. ) Fairholt maintained that this was a winter

f ashion. 13

Planche claimed that mittens formed part of the costume

of women, citing an illustration in BM MS Harley 2908 (fol.

123v). 14 The probable continental origin of this manuscript

(discussed in the Introduction, Part One, pp. 6-7) makes this

unsuitable evidence for English costume, but since evidence of

medieval gloves is to be considered below (Part Four, C, VII,

3, -pp. 6 tit -8), it should be noted that, although Planche' s inter-

pretation is understandable, examination of the manuscript

suggests that the painter made an error, rather than that he

intended to depict a single mitten. 15

Women's inner garments are largely concealed'by the hood

and outer robe. Their clothing always extends to the ankles,

so that if the outer robe is of the short, draped type, the

inner gown is longer. There may be an additional garment,

reaching to the knee, worn between the outer robe and the inner,

ankle-length gown (Plate The close-fitting inner sleeves

may be attached to the long robe or to a garment otherwise

invisible. In painted manuscripts the inner sleeves are often

coloured white, contrasting with the darker outer garment. They

have a , wrinkled or pleated appearance, like the sleeves of men,

discussed below (p. 4e1 ). (The inner sleeves may be seen clearly

in Plates XXI and XXVI. ) Women's arms are usually concealed to

the wrist. (Plate XXXIII shows a rare exception. This depicts

a mythological figure. )

Women's clothing may have been decorated with embroidery.

The bands at the wrists of the inner sleeves are often ornamented

475"

with dots; more rarely, a wide sleeve may be decorated (Plate

xxiv).. The long gowns often have marked hems. Bands of decora-

tion occur on some skirts, but it is. not clear whether the

artist's intent was to represent ornament on the costume, or

merely to elaborate his drawing. There is, for example, an

ornamented strip on the skirt of the Virgin in Cambridge,

University Library MS Ff. 1.23 (fol. 88v) 16 at each thigh and

at the hem. Nevinson considered that a similar ornament on

the garment of King Edward the Confessor in the Tapestry, marked

the hem of a short outer tunic, 17 but since the band is not

continuous either in this illustration or in the depictions of

women, the theory cannot be proved.

The long skirts normally cover the legs, but a female

figure representing the'Vice Superbia in BM MS Additional 24199

(Plate XX) is shown barefoot, and enough leg is, visible to

reveal that garters are wound round and tied at the ankles. It

is possible, therefore, that women wore close-fitting leg cover-

ings which were bound to the leg, in addition to. the layers of

skirts. There are depictions of pre- Anglo-: axon Germanic

women apparently wearing trousers (Plate VIII)'9but there is

no evidence that this was ever a widespread fashion, or that

it continued into Anglo-Saxon times.

Women wear the flat-soled, close-fitting ankle shoes which

are also worn by men. They are usually painted black. (Plates

=V, XXVI), and haveZwhito or unpainted strip running down the

front of the foot, marking the fastening or decorated area

(visible on Plate =1, a line drawing where the body of the

shoe has not been coloured). There are no variations on this

-style. '

476"

The jewellery which formed so characteristic a part of

women's costume in the pagan period rarely appears in the

illustrations of the late Saxon era, though Christian period

archaeological finds and literary evidence imply that such

objects were still treasured. If any brooches had been worn

at the shoulder they would be concealed by the hood; but the

outer garments of the illustrations are not normally such as

to require brooches or pins as fasteners. The Prudentius

illustrations offer exceptions to this (Plate cc) following the

descriptions in the text. The brooch worn by Su erbia in B: -1

I"IS Additional 24199 is of the simple circular type which was

current in late Anglo-Saxon England. : he arrangement of the

drapery suggests that the woman's gown was girdled, but there

are no depictions of buckles, or of objects suspended from the

girdle.

2. Male costume

The distinctive garment of the Anglo-Saxon man in secular

life appears to have been the girdled tunic, usually worn Short

enoucgh to reveal the knee. Such tunics are represented c: zr]. iest

in the Vg p tan Psalter, not only in the (rack-derived D, ºvid

miniature, 19 but also worn by one of the figures in the David

and Jonathan initial. (The other figure wears a longer garr, ýent. )20

The tunic is the common garment in 13M MS Cotton Claudius 3iv.

(Plates =1, XXIV), for the illustration of which the artist

apparently drew upon Contemporary material, and in many other

late Anglo-Saxon illustrations (Plates XIII, XV, ; VII, 1uß, XY. VI,

XXVIII, XXIX, XXX, =I, VIII1 =: IV).

The girdle is sometimes not visible (Plates'X: CVI, XXVIII,

XXIX, centre and right, NCO:, left, XXXII) , being concealed by

477"

pouching of the tunic, but the waisted shape of the garment

suggests its presence, and in some representations a bulge at

the side or back of the tunic may indicate the position of the

girdle knot. In other illuminations, a loose girdle, not a

rigid belt, worn low on the hips, is suggested, though painted

the same colour as the tunic (Plate 3, centre). In the Bayeux

Tapestry, however, girdles are regularly indicated by the use

of contrasting colours. No buckles or pendant girdle-ends are

indicated in the Tapestry or the manuscripts. The ubiquitous.

knives of the pagan period are absent, and appendages of any

kind are rare. An unusual example may be found in the figure

of Ishmael in BM TLS Cotton Claudius Biv (fol. 36v) where an

object appears to be tucked into the girdle.

Tunics are usually round-necked, and were probably tightened

by means of a draw-string, as clearly indicated on a figure in

BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate XXYC,;, left). In other cases

there is a small slit at the front of the head opening, and the

neck and this slit are bordered by a band which forms a V-shape

at the front (Plate =, centre). In two instances, BM MSS

Arundel 155 (fol. 93) and Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate )xxiV)

Goliath is pictured in a tunic with this type of neckline, with

the additional feature, not found elsewhere, of'two strings,

ending in tags, with which the front slit was laced or drawn

together. A human figure among the illustrated "Wonders of the

East" in BM MS Cotton Vespasian Axv (fol. 101), 21 wears an

unusual square-necked tunic, to which a hood is apparently

attached.

Tunics were full-skirted, as clearly indicated by an over-

balancing figure in the Bury St. Edmun& - Psalter, Vatican

Library MS Regin. Lat. 12.22 The skirt of the tunic cascades

478.

in a circular swirl. Norris23 claimed the full skirt to be a

development of the tenth century, but secular costumes are

represented so rarely in English manuscripts before this period

that the statement is difficult to substantiate. Most tunics,

from the Vespasian Psalter to the Bayeux Tapestry are depicted

in stylized folds which indicate fullness in the skirt.

It appears that men engaged in manual labour, or other

activities in which the skirt would be an encumbrance, either

wore an alternative garment, like a loin cloth, or arranged the

usual tunic in such a way as to leave the logs free and the

thighs exposed-'at the sides. Men dressed in this way are almost

always barefoot and barefoot men almost always wear this costume

(Plates XVII, upper group, C IX, centre). Some illustrations

suggest that the tunic is slit at the sides. A figure in the

November scene of the Cotton Julius Avi calendar wears a garment

which is drawn with a double outline, ' suggesting that the front

of the skirt is divided from the back, although in this case

the thighs are not exposed (Plate XXIV.., centre left). It is

possible that these figures wear distinctive garments. It may

be, however, that the apparently slit tunic or loin cloth is

the result of the artist's misunderstanding or careless repro-

duction of a method of arranging the ordinary tunic; for in

several instances the ordinary tunic-skirt has been caught up

at the sides and fastened by the girdle, so that the thighs are

exposed, and the skirt falls in a V-shape back and front. In

a calendar in BM MS 'Cotton Tiberius By . (Plate XXX), a- barefoot

man sowing seed wears such a tunic, while his two companions

wear the more usual tunic and shoes. Like a man similarly

clad engaged in the same task, which represents the occupation

for the month of March, in BM MS Cotton Julius Avi,, he uses the

479.

pouch formed by the front of the skirt to hold the seed which

he sows. Men viewed from the rear in BM MS"Harley 603 (Plates

XIII, top left, XIV), wear tunics similarly arranged, which can

be seen to cling round the buttocks and loop up to the girdle

at the sides. A tunic arranged in this way is worn by a

barefoot figure representing the letter L in Cambridge, University

Library MS Ff. 1.23 , in this case the skirt falling into aV

at-the front and a deeper V at the back. 24

It is possible that the slit tunic and the tucked-up tunic

were both undergarments, normally worn under the full-skirted

tunic, and revealed when the outer tunic was removed for labour;

but there is no direct evidence to confirm this. On the contrary,

in the Tapestry, Harold and other Englishmen are depicted wading

ashore barefoot, with tunics tucked up, 25 but they are never

shown removing or replacing over-tunics. The tucking up of the

tunic, therefore, appears to be a matter of convenience; the

slit tunic may be a different garment, but could be artist's

variation.

Strutt, citing the occupations of the months, assumed the

slit tunic to be a "badge of slavery or servitude". 26 This is

a plausible explanation, especially taken in conjunction with

the fact that men who wear such tunics are without shoes, but

it is weakened by: the recognition that the ordinary tunic_

could be tucked up during similar occupations; the fact that

Harold, a man of rank, is depicted. wearing his garment this way;

and the fact that the garment of the biblical Joseph, known to

be elaborate, is shown with slits in MS Claudius Biv (Plate

xxii). Practicality, rather than status, appears to be the

reason for this fashion.

480.

Some tunics appear to have been decorated. Red dots

ornament the neck and wrist bands of Goliath's costume in 3: 'i

MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate : ärxIV) and King Athelstan' s in

CCCC 183 (Plate =III). The skirts of figures representing

the constellation Gemini in BM T-L:; Arundel 60 (fol. 4), are

ornamented, and figures in BM MS Cotton Claudius Div tear tunics

of more than no colour, the skirt either having a border, or

an inner layer (Plate : C'IV, right). The figure of Longinus in

a crucifixion scene in BM PIS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate MON)

has a decorated band round the hem of the tunic, which forms an

inverted V-shape. (The costume of this figure is unusual in

several respects, however, and may be an attempt to represent

Roman military costume. ) Some of the tunics in the Tapestry

have hems or borders stitched in contrasting colours. Bodices

do not usually contrast in colour with skirts, either in manu-

scripts or the Tapestry though an unusual variation may be

found in the costume of Harold, depicted in the Tapestry at

the scene of his capture. 27 Y: evinson described the costume as

"a sort of green kilt with vertical pleats and a contrasting

red jacket" . 28 The Anglo-Caxons' conception of an elaborate

tunic may be deduced from the depiction of Joseph's garment in

Claudius Biv (Plate XXII). It is'a wide-sleeved, V-necked, short

garment, painted blue with a pattern of circles and apparently

with slit sides. This garment is called 'tunece' in the tc}: t.

(Lines 4 and 6 on the Plate. C. E. Part Your, C, III, 5qpS744,

below. )

: some tunics, such as the one worn by King At-helctan (who

died in A. D. 925) as portrayed in CCCC MIS 183, (Plate : JIII)

and the ones worn by men in the Tapestry, have smooth, close-

481.

fitting sleeves, which extend to the wrist. Male figures in

manuscripts more often, however, have sleeves which are marked

from wrist to elbow in a series of parallel lines (running, round

the arm) usually terminating in a broader or more distinct band

at the wrist (Plates XXII, ice" CIV, noC, XZCII, =III, XXXIV,

cocV). The wrist band is sometimes ornamented with dots. (This

type of sleeve is similar to the inner sleeve of women's costume. )

Both Strutt29 and Planch&, 30 in discussing such sleeves,

cited the statement of William of Malmesbury that the English

were accustomed to load their arms with bracelets. 31 Strutt

concluded that the "appearance of borders" at the wrist represen-

ted bracelets; Planche considered, but rejected for most

instances, the possibility that the parallel markings might

indicate bracelets. (The identification is unlikely since the

lines are regular, unornamented and not usually coloured to

resemble metal. ) Planche finally posited a single bracelet at

the wrist to confine a sleeve which was longer than the arm and

gathered into folds. Both Planche and Truman32 suggested that

the wrinkled appearance of the sleeves reflects the provision

of extra material which could be rolled down to cover the hands

in cold weather; but costume historians have disagreed about

assigning the wrist-length sleeve to the outer or to an inner

garment. Planche considered that the outer tunic was short-

sleeved, and that the wrinkled sleeves were attached to an

inner garment. Yarwood stated that the sleeves of the tunic

were long. 33

This question may be partially resolved by the fact that

a number of male figures have a decorative band round the upper

arm. This might be merely ornament, but it is more likely that

the band marks the extent of the short sleeve of an outer tunic,

I

482.

and that the wrinkled sleeve extending to the wrist belongs to

another garment worn underneath the tunic. Such decorative

bands or sleeve borders are found, for example, on the garment

of King Edgar (who died in A. D. 975) as portrayed in BM MS

Cotton Vespasian Aviii (fol. 2v), King David in Cambridge,

University Library MS Ff . 1.23., 34 and a figure representing the

constellation Orion in BM MS Harley 2506 (fol. 41). 35 One. of

the men stoning St. Stephen in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold,

}3M 123 Additional 49598 (fol. 17v) though lacking the decorative

band, has close-fitting tunic sleeves which seem to reach only

to the elbow, while the pleated sleeves which stretch from elbow

to wrist appear to emerge from under the tunic sleeves, and to

belong to an undergarment.

Enlart, considering Carolingian costume, believed that the

exposure of the undergarment sleeve was an innovation of the

second half of the ninth century. ; It is possible that this 36

was also true of English costume, but it is noticeable that the

long, smooth sleeve also continued to be used in the tenth century

in England, as attested by the Tapestry and the Atheistan picture

(4$o-i , above).

The explanations by Planche and Truman of the wrinkled

appearance of the inner sleeves are not entirely satisfactory,

since these are never depicted on male figures in the extended

state which the writers postulate. A more firmly based explana-

tion may be found in the traces of pleated material which was

found on the backs of Viking women's brooches at Birka, Sweden,

and which was believed to have derived from blouses. 37 It is

possible that a similar material was worn in England at about

the same time, and that the wrinkling of the sleeves in manuscript

illustrations represents, not loose material gathered up, but

deliberate pleating.

483.

The undergarment indicated by the sleeves was probably a

form of shirt. Bands of contrasting colour at the necks of men

in tunics pictured in the Tapestry were considered by Nevinson.

to be collars of shirts worn under tunics. 38 It is possible,

though, that these colours mark the decorative neck band of

the tunic, mentioned above (p. 471 ). Illustrations rarely

indicate undergarments at the hem of the tunic. A figure

representing Perseus in BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (Plate XXXII)

provides a rare example. Undergarments are occasionally shown

below ankle-length garments: there is for example a frill of

white below the long robe of a king in BM MS Royal 13 Ai (fol.

lv).

Anglo-Saxon men might also wear long gowns, but these

appear less frequently than short tunics. They seem to have

been mostly confined to the upper classes, although a shepherd

(7) in BM MS Cotton Julius Avi (fol. 5) appears in a long robe.

(He does not handle the sheep. ) Harold, in the Tapestry, appears

in a long robe after he has been elevated to the position of

king, 39 although earlier he wore a short tunic. Kings might

wear the short garment as well as the long. Crowned figures

appear in garments of both lengths in ]3M MS Harley 603. It is

possible that the custom of wearing short garments on ceremonial

occasions declined among English royalty by the end of the tenth

century. Athelstan wears a short tunic in CCCC MS 183 (Plate

XXVIII), as does Edgar in BM MS Cotton Vespasian AAviii (fol. 2v),

but the latter icing wears a long gown in BM MS Cotton Tiberius

Aiii (Plate XXVII). Edward the Confessor (who reigned 1042-66),

as portrayed in the Tapestry, like King Harold, wears long

robes. 40 Cnut, however, (who reigned 1016-35, ) is depicted in

484.

a short tunic in BM MS Stowe 944 (Plato XXVI). This might

mark the persistence of the short tunic, or might reflect the

Scandinavian taste of the Viking king.

The long gown of King Edgar, in the Tiberius manuscript

(Plate XXVII), is a long, patterned garment, with a decorated

hem and a wide sash. It is short enough to reveal the feet,

encased in shoes with decorated front strips, and the lower legs

in either striped stockings or unusual garters. A long cloak,

fastened by a round brooch at the centre of the chest, is worn

over the gown.

King Edward's gown, in the Tapestry, is also surmounted

by a centrally-fastened cloak, and is worn over close-fitting

trousers or stockings and shoes. -The gown itself has smooth,

close-fitting sleeves, and a band of embroidery or other decora-

tion on the skirt in the area of the left thigh. Nevinson, as

stated above (p. 475), considered this to be part of a continuous

band of embroidery marking the edge of a short upper tunic, the

same colour as the ankle-length one worn below. The depiction

of Harold at his coronation supports rather better Nevinson's

view that the royal costume consisted of a short upper gown and

an ankle-length one below it. Harold wears, on this occasion, 9

a sleeved gown which extends to mid-calf, revealing an ankle-

length robe of a different colour below. Like the other kings,

Harold wears a centrally-fastened cloak over the long robes.

Immediately after, Harold is portrayed without the short, outer

gown, in a single, long gown, not quite reaching to the ankles. 41

Cloaks accompany short tunics and long gowns. Unlike the

cloak of earlier Mediterranean tradition, tho Anglo-Saxon garment

is not supported by the bent arm. It is rectangular, and varies

485"

in size, although only long cloaks accompany long gowns. When

associated with the short tunic, the cloak may be suspended in

such a way as to be short at the front, but long enough at the

back to reach the calf. Examples of this fashion include the

cloaks of Icing Cnut in BM MS Stowe 944 (Plate XXVI), Orion in

BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 39) 42 and Harold, depicted

several times before his coronation, in the Tapestry. In other

cases the cloak might fall only to the level of the waist at

the back,, for example those worn by figures engaged in agricul-

tural occupations in EM MS Cotton Tiberius By and the man stoning

the martyr Stephen in the Benedictional of St. Ethelwold (fol.

17v). The latter uses the front of his cloak as a container for

the stones he is about to throw. Often the cloak is the same

length as the tunic (Plates XIX, XX, X-: II, XXVIII, XXIX, Mall).

The cloak is usually fastened by a brooch at the right

shoulder. The function of the brooch appears to have been to

clasp together the two sides of the cloak, not to attach it to

the garment worn below, as shown in an illustration in BM MS

Cotton Tiberius Cvi (fol. 8). There, a cloak has been thrown

off, over the head of the wearer (David, killing a lion). It

falls, the two sides still clasped together, leaving a circular

opening for the head. This function of the brooch is confirmed

in CCCC MS 183 where there is an illustration of King Athelstan,

with bowed head. His cloak is clasped high on the shoulder,

while the neckband of his tunic is visible lower down the shoulder

(Plate xxVill).

When the cloak is fastened on the right, or more rarely,

on the left shoulder, the loose material may be allowed to hang

down at the front, covering the opposite arm, or it might be

pushed back leaving the arm free. An illustration in BM MS

486.

Cotton Tiberius £3v (fol. 7) shows a man working, or hunting,

with the surplus material of his cloak turned back, its upper

edge tucked into the neck of the tunic.

Centrally-fastened cloaks occur often in association with

long gowns (Plates ; CCIII, =11), though with short tunics

cloaks are more often fastened at one shoulder. A rare example

of a centrally-clasped cloak worn over a short tunic may be

found in the illustration of a man hawking, the occupation for

the, month of October, in BM MS Cotton Tiberius By (fol. 7v).

Cloaks fastened at the centre of the chest are usually arranged

symmetrically, often being pushed back over the shoulders.

Brooches fastening the cloaks are usually represented by

a circle with a dot in the middle, though elaborate variations

and different shapes do occur, usually associated with persons

in elaborate costume, such as kings. No shape, apart from the

circular, appears consistently, and the shapes are unlike those

of the pagan period.

There may have existed other methods of fastening the cloak.

Longinus, in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate xxxv), wears a

round brooch transfixed by a long pin. In several-instances,

for example in CCCC MS 41, the cloak is caught up in a small

loop which projects behind the brooch. Cnut, as pictured in BM

MS Stowe 944 (Plate ? ücvi) has two ribbons or bands, finished

with squarish tags, hanging from the cloak at the point it is

fastened. A similar arrangement is worn by Duke William in the

Tapestry. 43 A king in BM MS Harley 603 (fol. 56v) has, attached

to the brooch, a trailing ornament.

Cloaks may have been embroidered,. or decorated with braided

bands. There is a band of ornament on the falling cloak in BM

Ms Cotton Tiberius Cvi (above, p. 4.95), and the blue cloak worn

487.

by King Edgar in BIA MS Cotton Vespasian Aviii (pp. 411, M, above)

is bordered with gold.

The manuscripts and Tapestry do not generally suggest that

trousers were worn by the Anglo-Saxons without a covering tunic.

Knee-breeches worn without an over-skirt may have been the fashion

in eighth-century Northumbria, nearby Pictiand or Ireland, for

small f igures, dressed in them appear in the Book of Keils, but

not elsewhere in Anglo-Saxon context. One Keils example occurs

as the decoration of an initial letter. H. nging out of the

initial is a pair of legs clad in dark--blue knee-breeches, red

and white striped stockings and pale shoes. 44.

Loose-fitting, knee-length trousers seem to be worn by

some Normans in the Tapestry. 45 (The divided coats of mail 46

worn during the Battle, 6f Hastings are not included in the present

discussion'. ) The loose-fitting trousers are not worn by the

English except by Harold when on horseback during and after his

'visit to Normandy, 46 by one Englishman during the battle47 and

possibly by two other figures, one preparing the body of King

Edward for burial, 48 the other gazing at a comet. 49 The thighs

of the former are concealed by the corpse, and the other-is

seen in half-profile, so these examples are not unambiguous.

Fairholt50 claimed that a horseman, drawn in BM MS Harley

603, wore long trousers, but, 'as in a similar case in the Tapestry,

the rider might equally well be wearing, and sitting on, a skirt.

In BM MS Harley 603 (Plate XVII bottom, left, XVIII), there

is an unusual illustration revealing trousers being worn under

a long garment, which would normally cover any undergarments.

In this example, the skirts are raised, as the wearer, with two

companions, prepares to undergo a foot-washing ceremony. The

other figures are bare-legged, but the third wears trousers

which extend to the ankles, the feet being bare. All three wear

cowled garments, and might possibly be men in holy orders. (The-

relevance of this part of the illustration to the Psalm is not

obvious. ) The illustration proves the existence of long under-

trousers, however, which might have been worn by seculars.

The presence of trousers, or long stockings, under the short

tunic, is suggested by the fact that in the Tapestry and the

painted manuscripts- the legs of male figures are often coloured,

and coloured differently from the bare hands and faces (Plate

XXVIII). Yet the leg coverings must have been very close-fitting

as the limbs retain their natural shape. They are not so loose

as the leg coverings worn by the-cowled figures in the Harley

manuscript (above) nor the characteristic German trousers, as

they appear on Roman sculptures. (Plates IX-XI). The-leg

coverings meet the shoe at the ankle. It is possible that they

extended to cover the foot.

Many male figures in manuscripts wear gartering on the

lower legs, possibly to support close-fitting leg coverings which

are not often indicated in any other way, but also probably as

a garment in their own right.

Cross-gartering, although part of the modern popular con-

ception of early English costume, rarely appears in illustrations

of the Saxon period. The few-occurrences may reflect icono-

graphical tradition rather than current fashion, since cross-

gartering most often appears on representations of the biblical

King David, or characters associated with him. (For example,

David in OCOC MS 391; 52 David and Saul in BM MS Cotton Tiberius

Cvi (fols. 8v, 9V, 3OV); Goliath in BM MS Arundel 155 (fol.

93). )

489"

The garters are more often represented by a series of

parallel lines, with a diagonal band at the top, , either crossing

the horizontal bands or lying further up the leg. This type of

gartering appears in the costume of men of all ranks. it is worn,

for example, by agricultural workers in the calendar in BM M;

Julius Avi (Plate XXIX), and by King Edgar as he appears in BM

MS Cotton Vespasian Aviii.

A figure representing the contellation Perseus in BM MS

Cotton Tiberius By (Plate : CII) wears garters decorated with

a line of dots along the diagonal band. A figure in BM MS Harley

603 (fol. 72v) wears garters of which the top two strands cross.

King Edgar,. in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Aiii (if not wearing striped

stockings) may wear leg coverings which are wound round the leg

without overlapping, so that the leg is visible between the strips

(Plate XCVII). The fastening of garters is rarely shown. There

is an example in the ßenedictional of St. Ethelwold (fol. 24v),

where the foremost of the three kings wears garters fastened in

an elaborate knot, the ends of which dangle and are finished off

with squarish tags. Tradition may, however, have dictated a more-

than-usually exotic costume for these characters. 53

The wrappings which covered the leg, may, in some cases,

have been extended to cover the foot. A seated figure in B14

MS Harley 603 (fol. lv) appears without shoes, but. his feet,

revealed below the hem of a long garment, are bound by parallel

strips.

The similarity of the technique by which the arm and leg

covorings are usually represented -- both executed in a series

of parallel horizontal lines -- led Truman to suppose that the

leg coverings were "rather full, and wrinkled in. much the same

way as the sleeves, but on a lesser scale". 54

In some illustra-

490"

tions the lower legs appear to be clad in loose, wrinkled. socks,

rather than in the commoner, separately wound strands. Many of

the figures in the Q dmon Manuscript and BM MS Harley 603 wear

leg coverings resembling loose socks, and there are examples in

other manuscripts, such as the figure of Orion in BM MS Harley

25065and in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Cvi (Plate =. 'V, right-hand

f igure). ' These leg coverings have a pronounced band, or turn-

over, at the top. Yet it is likely that this variation of leg

covering is artistic stylization rather than evidence of a

different garment. Socks fitting as loosely as these, without

visible means of suspension, would not remain in position. The

lines which mark the "wrinkles" of such "socks" are parallel,

like those marking the strands of the garters. An unusual varia-

tion of the "wrinkled" leg covering, which could support the view

that this was not a sock, is worn by Longinus in 13M MS Cotton

Tiberius Cvi (Plate XV, left-hand figure) . There is, in this

case, a gap between the shoe, which reaches to the ankle, and

the baggy coverings worn round the calf. Decorated bands mark

the upper and lower extremities of the leg covering.

Even though the above cases may be stylized representation

of garters, rather than of socks, there is some evidence of the

woaring of kfleo-nockn. amooth, close-fitting cocks, reaching

to just below the knee, and decorated at tho top with a band,

are worn by Cnut as portrayed in the Stowe illustration (Plate

XXVI). Similar socks are worn in association with a tunic, by

a figure in BM MS Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 13v).

Flat, black-painted ankle shoes, with a white front strip,

are the usual footwear for mono as for women. Occasionally there

are more elaborate shoes.: The footwear of King David, for example,

491"

is often ornamented; for instance in CCCC MS 391 (fol. 24v)

the shoes are decorated at the side and toe, and appear associated

with elaborate cross-gartering. 56 The shoes worn by David in

the Vespasian Psalter are of ecclesiastical significance57 and

not representative of Anglo-Saxon fashion.

The long-toed shoes which were to become popular in the

later medieval period are only rarely represented in Anglo-Saxon

drawings. They are worn, for example, by the figures of Jubal

8 and Cainan in the Odmon Manuscript; though long, slender feet

are characteristic of this artist, and the shoes may not be

" realistic. In the same manuscript, Jubal's shoes have side seams

as has one shoe of a king in BM MS Royal 13 Ai (fol. lv. -The.

other has a decorated front strip). This form of'seaming corre-

sponds to the ninth-century archaeological finds of shoes from

York. (Part Two, D, 18; p. 45(o, above. )

Ornamentation of shoes almost always takes the form of

decoration of the front strip. King Edgar's shoes are elaborated

in this way in BM MS Cotton Tiberius Aiii (Plate {VII) and a

similar ornament may be seen on the shoes of Gemini ih BM MS

Arundel 60 (fol. 4). It is uncertain how far this represents

the practice of the day, for there is no independent evidence

that the Anglo-Saxons decorated leather in this way. The artists

may simply have filled the blank space on the shoe with decora-

tion, in order to elaborate the costume. The. upper edges of

the shoes worn by King Cnut in the Stowe MS drawing (Plate XXVI),

are marked by a series of dots which might be merely decorative,

but could represent thonging.

Many men appear bare-headed, or, when armed, in helmets.

Kings wear crowns, of various shapes, the King' s retainers,

492"

as they appear in DM Mä Cotton Claudius Div (Plate : C: III)

pointed hats.

I3en are depicted with short hair, and are more often clean-

shaven than bearded. Beards, when worn, are sometimes forked.

The Englishmen in the Tapestry are distinguished from the Normans

by their moustaches.

3. Children's costume

Children are rarely pictured except in illustration of

biblical history. The C3dmon Manuscript depicts infants in long

gowns and either in the type of hoods worn by women, 59

or bare-

headed. 60 These children are pictured on their mother' knees,

and are presumably very young.

A child depicted in a scene showing a battle for souls in

B. 1 MS Stowe 944 (fols. 6v-7) wears a long, sleeved gown, but the

infants noch and Isaac, illustrated- in BM 143 Cotton Claudius

Biv, (fols. 9,35v) wear short tunics. A child holding its

raother'c hand, in BM MS Harley 603, wears a short tunic (Plate

'all, bottom left).

4. Surtnary

Women of the late Anglo-Saxon period were dressed in a

gown or gowns, one of which reached to the ankles, and onc: _of

which had tight, pleated sleeves. They wore shoes, and may have

had leg-coverings, secured by garters, which were normally con-

cealed. The tight-sleeved garment was always covered by an outer

robe, either sleeveless or wide-sleeved. The shoulders of this

were concealed by the wimple-like hood, which may sometimes have

been worn over a scarf or cap, covering the long hair. The

hooded cloak may have been an uncommon alternative to the usual

493"

hood and outer robe, and the square veil a feature of royal

ladies' costumes. . Ornament appears to have consisted of embroi-

dered bands at the wrist, hem or skirt of the garment, or as a

rare luxury, 'p endant ribbons, rather than jewellery or girdle

adjuncts.

The costume was clearly different from that of the pagan

period. The similarity between the hood and outer garment worn

by some secular women, and that worn by biblical, suggests that

late Saxon women's costume may have been influenced by Christian

art, or directly by fashions from southern Europe. (Alternatively,

it is possible that some artists - monks, perhaps --were less

free in their drawings of secular'women's'costume than of men's,

and relied upon models of biblical origin. ) The usual absence

of jewellery from women's costume, though archaeology and litera- 6

ture suggest that it was still being manufactured, suggests some

discrepancy between the costume of women in life and in art.

The distinction between medieval and biblical male costume

in art is clearer. In the late Anglo-Saxon period men were

mostly dressed in short, girdled tunics, with V-shaped or rounded

necks. The tunic might be tucked up, or replaced by a garment

with slit sides for physical activities. The tunic may have had

long alcoves, or short alcoves which revealed the pleated, wrist-

length alcoves of an undergarment. The two styles probably co-

existed. Shoes were normally worn, and garters, wound in parallel

.. strips which may have functioned as a garment in their own right,

and/or covered close-fitting trousers, or stockings. Short socks

were rarer. A cloak could be worn over the tunic. This might

be arranged in various ways, but was usually clasped at the

right shoulder by a circular brooch.

494"

A long gown might be worn by men of high rank, a fashion

which may have increased in popularity towards the end of the

Christian Anglo-Saxon period. * The gown was probably worn over

trousers or garters, and was sometimes covered by a long cloak,

often fastened at the centre of the chest.

It is possible that trousers could be worn without tunics,

but this fashion is depicted rarely, once early and once late

in the Christian Saxon period.

Men, who might be bearded, clean-shaven or moustached,

sometimes wore tall caps on their short hair.

Infants were probably dressed like women, in long gowns

and hoods, but older male children, like men, could wear either

long or short garments.

i"

I

495"

C. ScULPTURE

1. Female costume

Sculpture reveals very little about women's clothing. The

evidence is from Viking Age, Northern carvings.

The figure of the Madonna on the fragment of a sculpture

from Sutton-on-Derwent, 'M1 bears the remains of a row of tassels

which may have ornamented the cloak. This feature is not found

elsewhere in, Anglo-Saxon art but may be descended from the

tasselled cloak shown on some Germanic figures on Roman sculp-

tures, 2 and the fringed garments suggested by some textile finds

from the pagan Saxon period (Part 2, D, 11, . -p. 4.41 I

above. ) The Sutton-on-Derwent sculpture has many peculiarities

which make dating uncertain, but its style, identified by

Collingwood as late Jellinge-early Ringerike, suggests that it

is tenth-century. 3

Carvings representing Sigyn, wife of the Northern god Loki

on the tenth-century cross at Gocforth, Cumb, the woman in the

crucifixion scene on the same cross4 (Plate : cß: Vi) and a female

on a Viking Age hogback at Sockburn, Du5 resemble female figures

on Scandinavian stones6 and metal amulets. I

All have long, unbel-.

ted, trailing gowns, and plaits of hair are evident on the

Gosforth figures. The hair style is not confined to women, for

it is shared by Loki. Heads with single plaits, or pairs of

plaits, appear on two Viking Age hogbacks at Lowther, C. urb. 8

A Viking Age cross shaft at Sockburn9 shags a figure which

is probably female, since it holds a horn from which another

figure drinks, a scene from Norse mythology commonly found on 10

Scandinavian sculptures. The Sockburn figure has been described

as wearing "a flowing cloak hol& on the left shoulder by a round

496"

brooch", and the hair "appears to fit the head closely as. though

pulled back, "ll perhaps a full-face view of the plaited hair

style.

The figure of the Virgin Mary on a probably tenth-century

cross frag� peat from Kirkby Mharfe, Y, 12 wears a long gown with

clone-fitting alcoves, but the carving is crude and there arc

no vi. uiblo detailo. There are figureo in long gowns on othrr

ocu1j tureo, for e1: amýýla, a gowned figure appcar. ^, with one in a 13

short tunic on a tenth-century atone from Stavely, Y, but

there is no indication of their sex, and no detail of clothing

can be deduced from them.

2. Male 'Costume

A small numc er of surviving sculptures, mostly ninth-century,

depict male figures in tunics and other garments which are shown

in some detail. These will be considered individually before

a discussion of the evidence to, be drawn from than, and from

cruder, or less well-preserved, pieces.

A male figure sculpted on a stone slab at Codford St. Peter,

t'li. (Plate 31'xVII), offers a rare example of possible native

costume on a West Saxon carving. The sculpture has been called

"completely ""nglish"14 though the verdict is not unanimous and

a Frankish model has been suggested. l5 The figure is ninth-

century, although the exact date has been disputed. 16 The hair

of the figure is bound with a fillet, and he is dressed in a

;; nee-lcngth tunic, cloak and shoes. 11 wide sleeve covers the

upper arm, and tight-fitting folds cover the lower arm and wrist.

it may be that the sleeves of the tunic are short and loose, and

that the longer, tighter sleeves of a'shirt protrude, but there

is no clear demarcation line between the two, and the whole area

497"

of the cloak and tunic is carved in similar folds, so one cannot

be sure to what degree the effect is realistic-and how much the

product of the sculptor's style. The cloak, which is the same,

length as the tunic, is fastened in the middle of the chest by

a T-shaped clasp, and appears to be confined at the waist by the

girdle. This would be a convenient arrangement for a man engaged

in physical activity, but it is not paralleild in the manuscripts

where cloaks swing loose, outside the girdles. The shoes, cut

low over the instep, but with projections up the backs of the.

heels, and possible side seams (shown on the outer side of the

left shoe) may derive from a model or may be an "early type

known to the carver". 17 it is clear that the figure is engaged

in some activity, but the nature of this iä disputed. Cramp

considered him to be dancing. 18 He holds an object in his

left hand, interpreted by Kendrick as a musical instrument, 19

and by Forbes (who thought the figure was engaged in cutting

alders as part of a ceremony confirming fishing, trapping and

cutting rights) as a knife. 20 A personal opinion is that the

object resembles a mallet, and that the figure, who reaches up

to the carved vegetation, could represent the sculptor. (A

sculptor is depicted on an early Norman font, at Bridekirk, Cumb) 21

The numerous folds carved into the Codford figure's costume

also appear on the garments of a small, probably early-ninth-

century, figure from Jarrow, Du. The figure stands amidst vine

scroll, attacking a beast. He has been described as "a hunter"22

and "of juvenile appearance". 23

A knee-length tunic, long pleated

or wrinkled sleeves and a short cloak or cape are worn by the

figure.

498. Several surviving sculptures bear figures of archers.

These may ref lect. the Northern legends of Egil, or, as Raw has

argued, may have some Christian significance. 24 The costume

of an archer depicted at the base of a ninth-century cross

shaft from Sheffield5 is clearly carved (Fig. 15). The figure

wears a round-necked tunic which does not reach to the knees.

The sleeve of this garment is close-fitting but smooth, flaring

slightly at the wrist below a decorative band. The sleeve is

unique, although a sleeve of similar shape is worn by an archer

depicted on an ivory, (D, 2, p. 5i2 , below). The legs of the

Sheffield figure appear to be clad in tight-fitting trousers

indicated by lines' sculpted at the back of the knee and the

calf. He may wear close-fitting shoes reaching to the ankle,

and is bare-headed. The carving is mid-ninth-century.

Routh was able to describe the costume of another archer,

placed in a corresponding position at the base of a cross shaft 26

at Bradbourne, Db. The garments included a conical cap, short

"kirtle" and "breeches".

Two ninth-century figures from the church of St. Maryr

Bishophill Junior, York, wear garments differing from those

shown in manuscripts27 (Fig. 16). The left-hand figure wears

a girdled tunic which falls well below the knee. The second

figure also wears a fairly long garment. It has been suggested

that the figures wear the voluminous lay habit, shorter than

the habit which superceded it in the late ninth century28 (a

substitution mentioned among literary evidence, Part 4, B, 4 ,

p. 5j4 , below). From the girdle of the left-hand figure, which

Collingwood described as being "in three plies", a horn is'sus-

pended, and from the girdle of the right, a dagger. The left-

499"

hand figure wears a hood secured by a round brooch at the right

shoulder; the other, who has been interpreted as a falconer,

has a "frilled or furred collar" similar to one worn by a falconer

on the late-seventh- or eighth-century cross at Bewcastle, cumb. 29

Collingwood considered that the second York figure was bareheaded.

Another variant on the tunic is worn by a figure on an

eleventh-century (possibly post-conquest) sculpture from Ingleby,

Db. 30 The carving was originally executed in detail, but is

badly preserved. The figure may be engaged in fruit picking.

He wears a tunic which appears to be tucked up at the front con-

firming the evidence of manuscript illustrations (Be 2, pp.

4"7 8 above) that the tunic could be tucked out of the

way during physical activity. The figure wears a tall, conical

hat, and according to Röuth, has a satchel suspended from a girdle.

Many of the cruder sculptures depict figures in knee-length

skirts, which probably correspond to the tunics usually worn by

men in manuscript illuminations. In several cases the skirts

are longer-at the sides than in the middle, having curving hems,

for example on the figures of Christ and Longinus on the cross

at Gosf orth, comb (Plate XWI), armed figures on ninth- or

tenth-century stones at Norbury, Db32 and Alstonf leld, St, 33

and possibly the central member of a group on a Southern sculp-

ture at Burford, 0.34 This stylized representation may derive

from the fullness of skirt which is represented in drawings and

other carvings by bunching and folds. Many of the bunched tunics

in drawings appear to hang lower at the sides than in the middle.

Some of these sculpted skirts, for example, the Norbury carving,

are patterned in horizontal and vertical lines dividing the area

into two panels, though as these are worn by armed figures they

may represent protective clothing, perhaps divided mail skirts.

Parallel lines are normally used to depict armour on Pictish

35 sculpture.

Several skirts of this concave shape, for example the

Norbury and Alstonfield examples, and the skirts of three figures

on a tenth-century carving from Gainford, Du., 36 are depicted

with a double outline. This may not be a realistic feature,

perhaps resulting from the influence of the Jellinge Style, but

it is possible that it reflects some variation of costume. Two

variations as depicted in drawings might explain the double out-

line. There is a patterned border round the hem and up the sides

of a tunic depicted in BM MS Cotton Claudius Biv, (Plate cIV),,

but it is not an exact parallel as the tunic is straight-edged. I

Another possible-parallel from the drawings is the type of tunic

which is slit up the sides. The skirt of one such tunic in BM

MS Cotton Julius Avi has a double outline (Plate XXIX, centre).

The concave shape and the double outlines (and also the

panelling) may therefore be characteristics of the sculptors'

style, but they may owe their origins to existing clothing.

There exist many examples of the straight-edged tunic, though

on some fragmentary sculptures this may be represented by as

little as the legs of a figure and the hem of a garment. One

of two figures "picking grape's" on a late-eighth-century frieze

at Breedon-on-the-Hill, Le, 37 wears a tunic. There are eighth-

or ninth-century examples from Bakewoll, 38 Bradbourne3g and

Hope, Db,, 40 Late-eighth- or early-ninth-century figures illus-

trating Christian subjects on two crosses at Sandbach, Chesh, 41

wear tunics. There are tenth-century examples on fragments from 42 the church at Bakewell, Db, and on the Gosforth, Comb, cross.

501.

A horseman figure on the latter cross wears such a tunic with

what may be a vertical slit at the neck. 43 A tenth-century

fragment of Anglo-Viking sculpture from Otley, Y, 44 bears the

remains of a skirt panelled in the same way as the concave skirts

discussed above. A procession of warriors from an earlier,

probably mid-ninth-century, grave slab at Lindisfarne, Nb, 45

possibly a commemmoration of the Viking raid on the island in

A. D. 793, appear to be dressed in tunics of which the skirts are

marked in horizontal bands, although Brdndsted considered their

costume to consist of "thick jerkins and narrow trousers 46

These figures might of course represent Scandinavian Vikings

rather than native men.

Christ and two soldiers portrayed in a late Saxon crucifi-

xion scene from Daglingworth, G147 wear tunics of which the

skirts are patterned with vertical markings, possibly indicat-

ing pleats. There is a vertical slit- at the neck of the tunic

as portrayed by this sculptor, and one of the soldiers wears a

girdle, the end of which spreads out into a fan-shape. The

indication of fullness in the skirt and the opening at the neck

correspond to other evidence from drawings and carvings, but

the detail of the girdle is unusual.

There survive a number of figures which, even allowing for

the poor proportions of many of these carvings, appear to be

wearing tunics longer than the norm. A figure in a "long, loose

kirtle" accompanies another wearing a shorter tunic on a tenth-

century stone from Stavely, Y; 48 The figure in the longer garment

has a horn,. and may represent a hunter. The longer garment may

have been associated with the hunt, since a figure with a horn,

accompanied by another figure with a hound, is dressed this way

502.

on a tenth-century cross shaft from Ovingham, Nb, 49 and since

one of the figures in such tunics from St. Mary; Bishophill

Junior, York (p. &r98 , above) also carries a horn (Fig. 16).

The longer tunic may not have been exclusively worn for the

hunt, however. A headless figure from the "smith scene" on a

tenth-century sculpture from Halton, 450 wears a longish tunic

with tight sleeves.

Other crudely-sculpted figures wear long, straight gowns,

sometimes appearing in scenes where other figures are differently

dressed. Some have been interpreted as male characters from

biblical narrative, but it is uncertain whether the sculptors

have been influenced by the long garments traditionally worn by

figures such as Christ and the apostles, or by the long gowns

of their own day, sometimes worn by high-ranking men in manu-

script illustrations (B' , p. 4.83) .A pair of Viking Age figures ,2

on a stone from Bilton, Y, 51 provide,; an example: the figures,

which have been interpreted as Abraham and Isaac, are differently

clad, one in trousers or naked (discussed below), the other in

a long, straight garment, clasped or ornamented by a long object

at the centre of the chest. A similar cjarment, unadorned, is

worn by a figure perhaps representing John the Baptist on a

stone of similar dato from Sherburn, I. 52 Probably the most

that may be deduced from thoco figures is that the sculptors

intended to differentiate them by their costume, and that as the

figures accompanying them probably wear. contemporary clothing,

these may also. (The St. Peter and Christ figures on the'

Daglingtwrorth, G1, sculptures wear long, straight gowns with

vertical slits at the neck, and girdles fastened with ornamental

knots. 53 Neither the shape of the garments nor the knot are

typical of known Anglo-3axon work, however. Although the figures

503"

do not wear traditional Mediterranean drapery the nature of the

characters suggests that the sculptor would not create freely.

This together with the doubtful date of the sculptures, minimises

their use as evidence of costume. )

I

A number of figures appear to be clad in belted garments

which are noticeably short in the skirt and leave the upper part

of the body naked. Possibly loin cloths are intended. 54 The

activities of some of the figures dressed this way support this

interpretation. Wrestling figures on a fragmentary stone of

uncertain date from Monkwearmouth, Du, 55 and one figure in a

wrestling scene on a Viking Age fragment from Lythe, Y, 56 wear

this dress. Apparently bare-chested figures . with skirts, but

without belts, possibly representing Adam and Eve, appear on a

fragment of similar date from Pickhill, Y, ' (Collingwood' s

f ragnent di and in a . sociation with a vine or tree on a late-

ninth-century cross shaft at Urswick, La. 58

Leg coverings are rarely distinguishable on sculptures.

Two figures on a Southern carving of uncertain date at Barking,

Ex, 59 possibly representing Peter and Paul, wear, below tunics

and long cloaks, leg coverings resembling the wrappings often

found in manuscript illustrations. A figure on the reverse of

the same shaft may wear anklets, or other ornaments round the

leg, which show below the hem of the long tunic. A crudely-

carved angel on a. Viking Age sculpture at Slaidburn, y, 6Ö (Plate

c1111), wears boots, the uppers of which extend into flaps,

projecting on either side of the ankle. Similar flaps depicted

at the front and back of the foot', rather than at either side

504.

appear on the ankle shoes or slippers on the Codford cross and

the Abingdon sword (is, 1, p.. 5140, below) and on ecclesiastical

figures on a Pictish slab at St. Vigeans. 61

it is sometimes possible to distinguish trousers below tunics

as for example on the Sheffield (Fig. 15) and Bradbou rae, Y,

stones., (p. ' q8 , above). Br$ndsted assumed that trousers were

worn by the figures on the Lindisfarne', Nb, stone (p. 5o1 , above).

Where figures are without tunics, the lack of detail in

the crude sculptures 'makes it impossible in many cases to dis-

tinguish between naked figures and trousered ones. Some unso-

phisticated figures do, however, appear to wear belts, and it

is possible that a contemporary fashion of wearing belted trousers

62 without a covering tunic was represented in this way. Two

tenth-century cross shafts from Middleton, Y, 63 depict Vikings

(Plate COaX). Figures on both stones wear pointed caps or

helmets, and each has a belt or girdle knotted at the left side

to which a scramasax in a sheath is attached by a thong. The

headgear suggests that the figures are clothed;, the girdles may

support trousers. Belts are worn by all the male figures on

the Gosforth, cumb, cross (Plate XXXVI) though one lacks a tunic.

The central boss of a Viking Age cross shaft from Bilton, y, 64

is surrounded by bearded figures without tunics, but with belts.

On the shaft of the same cross are two figures, mentioned above

interpreted as Abraham and Isaac. The left-hand figure

(Abraham; he holds 'a knife) wears no tunic or gown, nor, in

this case, is there a belt. A round ornament at the centre of

the chest and an ornament on the top of the head, however, would

suggest that the figure was intended to be clothed, perhaps in

a shirt and trousers.

505"

These examples of "trousered" figures all derive from the

area of Viking settlement. It cannot be proved that the Anglian

population wore belted trousers without tunics, but it seems

probable that the Vikings did so. Barbarians depicted on Roman

sculptures are sometimes dressed this way (Plates X, XI). though

the absence of the tunic may have been a sign of. captivity,

rather than regular custom. In view of the possible cases of

trousers, already discussed, Anglo-Viking sculpted figures without

tunics or gowns, may be interpreted as wearing close-fitting

trousers, rather than being naked. Examples include one of the

Viking Age wrestling figures from Lythe', Y, 65 two torturing (? )-

66 another, on a tenth-century sculpture from Winwick.. La, and

the figure of St. John on a fragment from Kirkby Wharfe, y. 67

Few sculpted figures wear garments over the tunic.. The

Codford St. Peter f inure (Plate 3GC{VII) wears a cloak which is

both clasped by a pin of unusual shape, and secured by the girdle

in an unparallelled manner. There are apparently no other depic-

tions of cloaks.

A wide-sleeved overshirt is worn by a figure on a Viking

Age fragment from Kirklevington, Y. 68 The garment has a front

neck opening, and ends at the waist in a scalloped edge. A skirt

shows beneath it. Collingswood considered that the sculpture

was the portrait of a warrior, wearing a helmet and a coat of

mail. Mailcoats with similar scalloped edging, but with short

sleeves, are depicted in BM MSS Cotton Cleopatra Cviii (fol. 18v)

and Harley 603 (fols. 13v, 56v), therefore the assumption that

the sculpted garment is armour is justified. There are no

depictions of such overshirts in peaceful circumstances. Lang,

however, has called the costume on the Kirklevington stone "civi-

506"

Tian dress consisting of a broad sleeved smock and a conical

69 cap".

Headgear is occasionally shown. The Codford man (Plate

XXXVII) wears a fillet, a feature normally associated, in manu-

scripts and sculptures, with religious subjects such as angels.

Conical hats are worn by the Ingleby, Db, figure, and the archer

from Bradbourne, Db, while several figures, including the

Middleton, Y, Viking (Plate XXXIX) wear helmets or caps. Colling-

wood considered that a close-fitting cap was worn by a figure

on a cross from Brailsford, Db, which he considered a possible 70

portrait. A (probably Anglian) figure from Warden, Nb, as drawn

by ryson, 71 wears a brimmed hat with trailing fastenings hanging

from under the chin almost to the waist. The figure also wears

a belted tunic with a band at the neck so is apparently male.

The only parallel to this unusual headgear is possibly to be

found in the round hat of the Paris Psalter (B, 1, p. 470 ,

above).

Other unusual headgear includes the hood on one figure at

York, and possibly the garment worn by the companion figure,.

of which the collar is observable (Fig. 16). A tenth-century

.. figure from Nunburnholme,, identified as Viking by the shape

of his helmet, also wears a wide collar'or scarf at the neck.

Three sculpted figures, two at York and one at Ingleby, Db,

carry objects attached to their belts. The objects are a knife,

a horn and, apparently, a satchel. What appears to be a pouch

appears at the waist of the girdled tunic of a man standing beside

a cross from West Witton, Y. 73 (A similar oval pouch is worn

by a warrior figure illustrated in BM MS Harley', 2886, which

Clinch74 considered representative of Anglo-Saxon clothing,

507"

although the date of the drawing is too doubtful for it to be

included in the manuscript illuminations mentioned in the previous

section of the present work. )

3. Summa x-y

The crudeness of most of the sculptures tinder discussion,

and their possible debt to inherited iconography limits the

evidence to be derived from them; but certain points emerge.

The tasselled cloak of the Sutton-on-Derwent Madonna, though

unique in Christian Saxon art, may reflect a long-established

Germanic fashion of decorating the garments. The trailing garment

and plaited hair depicted on Scandinavian works appear on Viking

Age sculptures in England.

The depictions of men confirm that the normal garb was the

tunic, but suggest variations on this costume in the Viking North.

The variations include the longer tunic found in ninth-century

work, the full-length gown, the shorter tunic or loin cloth and.

in one possible case, a smock. Other representations suggest

that Vikings, if not Anýnglians, wore trousers without tunics, a

fashion attested in Roman sculptures of Germanic men, but not

in Anglo-Saxon drawings.

The Codford sculpture shows an unusual way of wearing the

cloak, the Codford and Slaidburn carvings, footwear. Sculptures'

depict various types of headdress, the conical cap attested from

BD4 MS Cotton Claudius Biv. and less common styles. The articles

carried at the belts of several male figures testify to a prac-

tice which is rarely shown in drawings. They confirm that the

many objects found in the waist areas of pagan period skeletons.

had probably been attached to the belt, - and that the. custom of

carrying objects this way continued in the Christian centuries.

503. D. '1. 'r1i; 1ý'1ýý1i:: ý (: ý'º: riý:: l AND 0'1'IIüR xV0I2IL . ';

1. Fnin'l ie CO: 'tumC

. ',, group of three female figures, perhaps Valkyries, and

an isolated female figure appear on the panel which originally

formed the right side of the Franks Casket. 1 The figures of

Princess ßeaduhild and her female attendant appear on the front

of the Casket in the panel depicting the legend of : Jayland (Plate

M) and the head and shoulders of Fgil's wife are visible inside

the beseiged house on the Casket lid.

The group of three wear hooded cloaks over pleated or

gathered skirts which are apparently longer than the skirts, of

male figures on the Casket. The women's skirts cover the knees

but reveal the feet. The left-hand figure is angled so as to

expose the straight bodice of the gown and a demarcation in the

area of the waist, indicating a girdle. Two of the figures in

this group are shown in profile, revealing that the hoods are

pointed at the back. These two, though not the third, may wear

bands across the foreheads, below the hoods. The hoods of the

isolated figure and Egil's wife, also depicted in profile, are

not pointed.

The females on the front of the Casket are positioned full

face. Their heads are covered by hoods which are clearly attached

to their cloaks, and which do not pass under the chin as tiýir 't 103

would have done. Similar hoods appear on a Pictish sculpture,

Abernethy No. 4, which Allen tentatively identified as "the

Three Maries", adding that the figures were dressed like nuns. 2

The cloaks on the Casket are voluminous, and apart from

what could be a circular brooch at the centre chest of one of

the Valkyries, without visible fasteners. The cloak of the right-

hand female in the Wayland scene hangs in folds over the am

509.

and between the arm and body. Under the cloak the arm is covered

by a sleeve marked in folds, probably the sleeve of the' ankle-

length gown worn below the cloak. This figure carries a small

bag in her hand.

Shoes are not clearly depicted on the Casket, but neither

is there any suggestion that the figures are barefoot. Heels

are flat, so the carver probably conceived footwear similarly

to later artists. I

The costumes of female figures on most other ivories, both

those of the eighth century from Northumbria and later examples,

are derived from continental models. There may, however, be

evidence of an alternative form of headdress on an eighth-century

English ivory now in Munich3 and on two later carvings. The

figure of the Virgin on a tenth-century book-cover4 wears a

headdress similar to the scarf of Luxuria in Prudentius manuscripts

(Plate XIX). The Virgin wears the garment turban-fashion round

the head, over a plait of hair arranged across the crown. One

end of the garment encircles the neck, falling onto the shoulder.

The headgear of another Virgin figure, on an early-eleventh-cen-

tury carving 5 is also wrapped round the head. A female figure,

possibly representing the Virgin, on the eighth-century ivory,

wears a garment similarly wrapped round the head, but more volu-

minous, hanging down the back like a cloak.

Details of headdress and hair may be observed from Princess,

Gunhild's Cross, 6 possibly of Anglo-Saxon workmanship, dated

by Beckwith to c. 1075. The figure of a queen wears "her crown

over a veil which does not pass under the chin, reminiscent of

the veil suspended over the head of Cnut's queen in the Stowe

MS drawing (Plate XXVI). The figures of the blessed laity-on

6

510.

this cross, depicted in head-and-shoulders only, are distin-

guishable by the fact that men have short hair and women long

hair worn down their backs. This supports the evidence of the

Prudentius illuminations (B, 1, p. 4(7, above), that although

early medieval women normally covered their hair, they wore it

long.

2, N ilo co ntume

Male figures appear in all the scenes on the franks casket.

They wear sleeved garments which hang straight from neck to

waist, and below the waist, skirts. Only one figure (one of

the armed men attacking Egil in the scene on the top of the

Casket) has a clearly-defined belt. In other cases the bodice

appears to be pouched over the narrower top of the skirt. It

is likely that the artist intended to portray the tunic as

commonly found in later drawings, in which the bodice is pouched

over the belt. Two of the male figures have bands at the wrist,

one at the neck. The tunic'sleeves of two huntsmen in the

Romulus and Remus scene on the left side of the Casket (Plate

: MI) are marked by horizontal lines into a series of folds,

like the sleeve of the woman in the Wayland scene, and resembl-

ing the sleeves shown in many manuscript illustrations. Other

sleeves on the Casket are plain.

The skirts of most male figures on the Casket are incised

with vertical lines dividing the material into pleats or folds,

numbering frog three to six. The * proportions of the figures

are unrealistic and variable, but the skirt generally appears

to end above the knee.

The figures of the Magi on the front of the' Casket (Plate

; M) and one of the attackers of -E-gills house on the lid, have

511.

clearly defined log coverings. On two of the Magi figures these

are depicted as a"series of pouches (two or three) decreasing

in width towards the ankles. The artist may have intended. to

portray baggy trousers, tied at intervals down the log. Loose

trousers are depicted on continental sculptures (Plates IX-XI)

but do not appear in other Anglo-Saxon art. The leg coverings

of the third king and the armed man are- . depicted by a larger

number of parallel lines bearing some resemblance to the parallel

gartering of figures in manuscripts, but since the'marks on the

separate legs of the armed warrior unite just below the skirt,

it is possible that these also represent trousers. The legs

of other male figures are narrow, some being marked with hori-

zontal lines, but none so systematically as these three.

The Magi and the huntsmen wear waist-length cloaks clasped

by circular brooches at the right shoulder, the Magi's brooches

having a central incision indicating-/a stud or other ornament.

Figures on the back of the Casket, in the scene depicting the

capture of Jerusalem, wear longer cloaks which hang below the

bottom of their tunics. These seem to be more voluminous than

other cloaks, since most are marked in heavy vertical folds;

one man covers his face with his cloak. In this panel brooches

clasp the cloaks centrally or at the right shoulder. Possibly

the artist used the larger cloaks to distinguish captives from

captors, or this variation may be the result of inherited

iconography.

Later ivories add little information about male costume.

The male figure depicted on Godwine's seal? wears the usual brooch at the right shoulder to secure a cloak, under which a

close-fitting sleeve, with folds at the wrist, is visible. The

512.

figure of an archer on a reliquary which Raw considered eleventh

century8 could be , wearing secular costume although the fillet

binding the hair and tied in a knot at the back of the head is

not typical. Since the figure is distorted to fill its allotted

space the length of the skirt is indeterminate, though it hangs

in the folds usually associated with the tunic. The close-fitting

sleeves of the archer's. garment flare at the wrist like those

of the archer on the Sheffield sculpture (Fig. 15).

0

3. Summary

The ivories bring additional evidence of costume to that

offered by other art. The unusual features of costume on the

Franks Casket may reflect regional variation and/or chronolo-

gical development in clothing. The depictions of men provide

important early evidence for the appearance of the Anglo-Saxon

male. They confirm that he wore a cloak fastened by a circular

brooch, over tunic and trousers, as did his continental ances-

tors. This suggests that men's costume had retained those

features throughout the pagan period for which the archaeolo-

gical evidence is inconclusive, and it must provoke further

surprise at the absence of circular brooches from male graves.

The leg coverings of the men on the Casket supply a link between

the baggy trousers of Germanic men on Roman sculptures, and the

narrow leg coverings, covered by parallel gartering, of the

late drawings. Possibly the Casket shows both stages.

The handbag carried by a female figure on the Casket recalls

the many adjuncts to the costume carried by the pagan/conversion

period woman, absent in later Christian art. The hooded cloaks

of the women on the Casket are unique, being unlike the outer

garments, which, it has been suggested, were worn in the pagan

513"

period, and unlike the later headdresses and gowns of most

manuscript illuminations. The closest parallels are the hooded

cloaks depicted in BM MSS Cotton Claudius Biv, Cotton Tiberius

By and Harley 603 (B, 1, P. ßh71 , above) and on

the Pictish sculpture. 9 Possibly this hooded cloak was a feature

of the innovation in women's costume noticeable in the archaeo-

logy of the seventh century. Cloaks of this kind could perhaps

have been fastened by linked pins.

The headdressesof the queen and the Virgin on ivory carvings

similarly offer evidence of variety in costume, in these cases

corresponding to some of. the more unusual styles to be found in

drawings. The slight variations in the depiction of tunics,

particularly with regard to sleeves, also confirms the evidence

of other art. I

/

I

514" E. I, T!, TAI,, -; O ßY.

1. Male costume

The Senses of Taste, Smell, Hearing and Touch are depicted

on the Fuller Brooch (Plate XII) as four full-length, male figures,

surrounding a central bust representing Sight. The four surround-

ing figures wear tunics, the skirts of which are depicted in the

stylized manner of the Canterbury School, each having a central

pleat and fullness at the sides. The skirts reach to just above

the knee. The tunics of the upper pair, and of the left of the

lower pair of figures are confined at the waist by girdles marked

in each case by a double line. The tunics of these three are

round-necked, and appear to be worn under long-sleeved, close-

fitting jackets. The bolero-like jackets are shorter'than the

bodices of the tunics, and without visible fastening. The left

hand of the figure representing Hearing is turned palm outward,

revealing the inner side of the arm, down which a line runs.

This may represent a seam of the jacket.

The costume of the fourth figure differs, though the varia-

tion is slight enough to have been the result of error by the

engraver. The neck of this figure's costume is marked by a

'double line, there is no bolero, and a wide collar or cowl lies,

over the shoulders. (The costume is, however, partly obscured

by the left arm of the figure. )

Possibly this, and some of the other figures on the brooch

are not secular. (Clerics appear in short garments on the

Bayeux Tapestry. ) The central bust representing Sight and the

four busts in roundels which form part of the border to the brooch

could be wearing vestments. There is a small cross near the

centre of the brooch on what could be part of the robes of Sight.

515"

it seems possible that this figure could be wearing the archi-

episcopal pallium.. 1

The small figure on the Abingdon sword hilt2 wears a garment

resembling a loin cloth. The artist may have intended the upper

part of the body to be naked, since nipples are visible, but

lines at the neck and upper arms suggest a short-sleeved shirt

or bodice. The lines at the arms could, possibly, belpng to the

plant in which the f igure, is entwined.

The Breach Downs figure wears a short skirt or loin cloth,

the chest being apparently naked.

A V-necked, short-sleeved garment,. covers the upper body of

the figure on the Alfred. Jewel (Plate =I). The yellow line

which outlines this garment crosses the waist of the figure, and

the small area below is enamelled in a different colour, suggest-

ing that a different garment covered the lower limbs.

None of the figures considered so far has visible leg

coverings. The figure on the Riseley pendant, however, which

is without a tunic, has lines at the ankle'which could mark the

bottom of trousers. Alternatively, the figure could be wearing

anklets, a custom apparently rare in Anglo-Saxon England, but

found in Kent (at Lyminge; Part Two, B, XIII, 16, p. 148, above).

The four full-length figures on the Fuller brooch wear flat-

soled shoes, indicated by the double lines at the ankles. The

shoes appear flexible since the shape of the foot is visible.

The shoes of the upper pair and the left of the lower have side-

gussets of a kind rare in manuscript illustrations but parallelled

516.

by the ankle shoes found at York (Fig. 13). The Abingdon figure

wears similar shoes with a projection at the back of each, resem-

bling the footwear on the Codford sculpture (Plate =CYVII) and

the slippers found at York (Fig. 12).

0 2. Summa ry

The figures on the brooch confirm the evidence of sculpture

and the Vespasian Psalter for the wearing of the tunic between

the eighth-century depictions on the Franks Casket and the tenth-

century drawings. The brooch shows a type of jacket not attested

elsewhere, perhaps a fashion of the ninth century. The Riseley

pendant may show trousers, the Abingdon and Breach Downs figures

both suggest the wearing of loin cloths though of dissimilar

kinds. The Breach Downs example is loose, like a skirt, the I

Abingdon one close-fitting. The Alfred Jewel also suggests a

variation on the one-piece tunic of the manuscripts. The side-

seamed shoes of the Fuller Brooch and the shoes with heel pro-

jections on the Abingdon sword resemble archaeological finds,

and the'Abingdon shoes resemble those on a sculpture.

PART FOUR: LITERARY AND LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE

/

PART FOUR: LITERARY AND LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE

A. INTRODUCTION: SOURCES AND ORGANIZATION 517.

1. Literary evidence

The appearance of some of the Germanic peoples before,

and at the time of-the settlement of England is described

by continental writers, 1 but references to the costume of

the Anglo-Saxons themselves are more allusive than descriptive.

Although the available evidence covers the period extending

from the seventh century to the Norman Conquest, it gives

an uneven coverage which cannot offer a full picture of

clothing at any given time, or indicate chronological

developments:

The earliest information is to be derived from the

observation of a continental scholar, Paulus Diaconus; 2

and from literary works and letters of early Anglo-Saxon

churchmen, 3

whose concern about the physical needs and

physical indulgences of their fellows sometimes yields

evidence of fabrics or clothing which may reflect contemporary,

secular ways of dressing. Some information about costume

towards the end of the Anglo-Saxon period is to be deduced

from: records of trade; 4 post-conquest Chronicles; 5

an

Old English letter; 6 Llf ric' s Col loauy; 7 and a later

Icelandic saga. 8 Contemporary Welsh9 and Frankishl0 texts

offer comparative evidence.

2. Linguistic evidence

A vocabulary of Old English garment terms and related

words is to be derived from: texts composed in OE; OE

translations, paraphrases and glosses of Latin texts;

518.

and Latin/OE word-lists (glossaries). In the present work

the term "text" is applied to passages of continuous writing,

as opposed, to word-lists and occasional glosses.

The OE texts yielding linguistic evidence include

various sermons and lives of saints, and wills, laws12 13 ll

the Indicia Monasterialia, a catalogue of signs by which

silent monks might indicate their needs. 14 Translations

from Latin and glossed Latin texts include: biblical

material -- Elfric's Old Testament, 15 the Gospels16 and

versions of the Psalms; 17 Alfredian translations;

18 the

OE versions of monastic Rules; 19 /Elfric's Colloquy;

medical treatises; 20 and the romance Appolonius of Tyre. 21

In the discussion, terms found in texts designed for

monastic communities have been selectively accepted as 4

evidence. It is likely that monks and seculars had some

articles of clothing in common, particularly footwear and

the body garments which scam to have been worn under, tho

habit. The sign language of the Indicia Monasterialia

supplies unique information about the shapes of garments,

and upon which part of the body they were worn. (In the

Indicia signs indicating mass vestments are treated separately

from the signs for other clothing. It is chiefly the latter

group which is cited in the present work. )

Many of words are known from glossaries. These Latin

/OE vocabularies are variously arranged, according to

subject, or to sources, or to alphabetical principles;

in some, the arrangement of the items is miscellaneous.

The purpose of making such lists was the collection and

interpretation of Latin terns (ultimately from glossed Latin

519"

texts) and they cannot be regarded in any way as exhaustive

lists of Anglo-Saxon terms. Vocabularies arranged according

to subject are particularly useful for the present purpose

since the arrangement helps to establish the semantic range

of the OE terms. The grouping must be used as evidence

with reservation, however, for the practice of glossators

was not always consistent. A group of terms would sometimes

be inserted into another group relating to a different

subject; or a glossator, having begun to list related words

under an appropriate heading, could stray into another topic

without giving another title. 22

There are several groups-of terms in subject-order

glossaries which give information about costume. Bodleian

23 Library MS Junius 71, a seventeenth-century copy of an

OE glossary, contains a group of entries under the heading

Vestium Nomina, 24 a group of clothing and jewellery terms25

and another group of clothing terms in which there occur

a few words associated with related subjects, such as

spinning. 26 In BM MS Cotton Julius Aii there is a group

of terms relating to headgear and Jewellery. 27 One of three

word-lists in BM MS Cotton Cleopatra Aiii28 is a subject-

order glossary. This contains a group of terms relating

to bedding under the heading Incipit de Lectulo, in which

there are also some-clothing terms. 29 The glossary also

contains a group of words relating to textile production,

under the heading Incipit de Textrinalibus. 30 There is

another textile group in Brussels Bih Roy. MS 1829.31 BM

MS Additional 32246 contains similar material to MS Junius 32 71.

520.

The sources of many glosses have been traced. (This

includes miscellaneous glosses as well as those arranged

according to source. ) Many are derived from the various

manuscripts of the Latin works of Aldhelm, 33 the majority

of those cited in the present work occurring in Bodleian

Library MS Digby 146. Many of the Aldhelm glosses relate

to the description of women's clothing in De Laudibus

Virginitatis which is quoted below (B, 5, pp. 536-7). Many

other terms cited may be traced back to the Etymologiae

of Isidor. 34

Among vocabularies arranged according to alphabetical

principles is the Corpus glossary, 35

an eighth-century word-

list, and the earliest of the sources to be cited. This is

an AB-order glossary (arranged alphabetically according to

the first two letters of each lemma). Cleopatra contains an

A-order glossary36 (one in which the lemmata are grouped

according to their initial letter) which is dependent to a

large extent on Corpus. There is also an AB-order glossary 37

in BM MS Harley 3376.

3. Organization

The material has been divided into Literary Evidence

(I3) and Linguistic Evidence (C). B contains information

about Anglo-Saxon costume from OE, Latin and Old Icelandic

texts, and comparative evidence about the costume of other

countries.

in C, of garment terns are listed and discussed. The

material is considered in sections. I examines the stuffs

from which clothes were made; II to VII contain words

grouped according to the possible function of the garments

they represent: II outer garments; III body garments; IV

loin and leg coverings; V shoes; VI headgear; VII accessories.

Section VIII deals with general terms and IX with clasps. X

is a discussion.

Each section begins with an alphabetical list of the terms

under consideration. The initial selection of each item and

its assignment to a category is dependent upon the definition

of that term in the Bosworth-Toller Dictionary and/or Supplements 33 Obvious battle garments and ecclesiastical vestments have been

excluded, except for comparative purposes, but terms with ambi-

guous definitions have been included, sometimes to be dismissed

or re-categorised after discussion.

Within the sections I to IX the terms have been variously

grouped in subsections according to the semantic or other

problems they present, or in clusters of terms having similar

meaning. In the absence of obvious relationship, alphabetical

order has been used.

Citations have been considered in such a way as to

supply maximum information about the meaning and use of

each term. The prime concern has been to establish semantic

range. Where an OE term is used to gloss or translate a

recognised Latin word, at least some of the meaning of

the OE term may be gauged. The glossary evidence, however,

may not be straightforward. A single OE term may be found

glossing more than one Latin word, and the Latin terms may

have different meanings; it may gloss a Latin term which

has more than one, accepted meaning; or it may occur in

one of the ambiguous glossary entries which probably result

522"

from a glossator's ignorance, or misunderstanding of the

Latin. Several of. the OE terms considered do not fit neatly

into the categories which have been suggested, which may

be as much a reflection of the nature of OE as of the

problems in interpreting the glosses.

Since in most of the sections the listed items are

numerous, the discussion will attempt to establish whether

any terms are synonymous. In glossed texts and word-lists

Latin terms are frequently glossed by more than one OE

word or phrase, the items often being separated by the

OE word ' oÖöe' or by an abbreviation of the Latin vel.

In some cases such multiple glosses may offer alternative

interpretations of imperfectly-understood lemmata, in others

they may be genuine synonym: s included for the sake of

fullness. Occasionally two clothing terms in the same text

may have been used in such a way as to show they were, or

were not synonymous.

The discussion also-aims to consider if Individual

terms were well-established in the language, or rarities.

There is no record of OE earlier than the earliest surviving

written texts, which are, of course, post-conversion, and

may contain words which were only borrowed into the English

language from Latin, through Christianity. Those garment

terms which have cognates in other Germanic languages, 19

however, are likely to have existed in spoken OE before the

conversion, and the garments they originally indicated are.

likely to have been characteristically Germanic, rather

than influenced from the Mediterranean. Several of the

OE terms listed in C will be shown to be Latin loans. Those

loan-words of which the form suggests post- conversion borrowing,

are discussed with the aim of establishing whether they

523.

are likely to have been used of secular clothing by seculars.

Some Latin garment terms, originally applied to Roman secular

garments but ultimately having the specialized meaning of

ecclesiastical vestments, when borrowed into OE may only

have been used in this latter, restricted sense; but others

may have passed into general use. Only the occurrence

of a Latin loan in an OE text designed to be understood

by laymen could prove that the loan-word was absorbed into

secular English, but as such information is lacking in

most cases, the occurrence of a term in a religious text

(but in non-specialized context) must sometimes be considered

as evidence.

The cloister-composition of glossaries, and the practice

of copying older material, may have perpetuated scholarly

terms and probably preserved archaisms. Discrimination

in this matter is difficult for the modern reader, who can

only note that terms which are attested only from glossaries,

especially from related versions, should be treated with

reserve.

The occurrence of a clothing term in a vernacular

text may yield detailed information about the garment thus

named. For example, the documentation of a term in the

will of a secular person, can establish that a garment of

this name was worn by a layman, or a laywoman, the precise

date at which it was in use, and that it was considered

of sufficient value to be bequeathed. Unless, however,

the context illustrates how the garment was worn, or unless

the word occurs elsewhere glossing a Latin term of known

meaning, the precise function of the word, and. the garment

524"

represented by it, may remain ambiguous.

The majority. of surviving CE is written in the West

Saxon dialect. However, some Anglian glosses are included

in the citations: the early, Corpus glossary has been

considered Mercian, 40

and the Gospels are glossed in

41 Northumbrian and Mercian versions. Thus it will sometimes

be relevant to consider the possibility of regional variation

in the naming of garments.

In the discussions which follöw, foreign words are

underlined, Old and Middle English enclosed in single

inverted commas. Modern English definitions are enclosed

in normal inverted commas. Definitions of Latin words are

enclosed in square brackets. 42 The OE and Latin words

mentioned in C are listed alphabetically in Appendices 2

and 3.

/

525"

B. LITERARY EVIDENCE

1. The costume of other Germanic peoples

Descriptions of the appearance of continental Germanic

peoples before the time of the settlement of England are

worthy of consideration, since there may have been common,

traditional features in the costume of the different tribes.

Caesar, writing of the Rhine Germans in the first century

B. C. recorded only that skins and spanty upper garments

were worn: _ Atque in eam se consuetudinam adduxerunt, ut locis f rigidissimus nectue vestitus praeter Pelles haberent ctuictuam, quarum propter exic7uitatem magna est corpores pars aperta, et lavarentur in fluminibus. 1

(both sexes, ) in fluminibus perluuntur et pellibus auf parvis rhenonum tegimentis utuntur magna corporis Parte nuda.

Tacitus, describing Germanic peoples in the second

century A. D., also mentioned skins, but. ermphasised that

the cloak, fastened by a brooch or thorn, was the chief

garment of Germanic men, though the rich wore close-fitting

garments under the cloak:

Tequmen omnibus sa um fibula aut, si desit, spina consertum: ceteraintecti totos dies iuxta focum atciue ignem aqunt. locuplectissimi veste distinguuntur, no fluitante, sicut Sarmatae ac Parthi, sed stricta et singulos artus exprimente. gerunt et ferarum peý llees.. ,3

He claimed that women wore the same garment as men

(this, presumably being the cloak, but possibly the undergarment),

often having in addition trailing linen garments, striped

with purple, which were sleeveless, exposing the arms

and shoulders:

526.

necalius feminis cxuam viris habitus, nisi cýuod feminae saepius lineis amictibus velantur eosque purpura variant, partemcrue ye stitus" superioris in manicas non extendunt, nudae brachia et lacertos; sed et p roxima pars pectoris patet. 4

The information that skins were worn may be taken

in conjunction with literary and linguistic evidence

from the Christian Anglo-Saxon period (subsection3,

pp 532-3, C, II, 4, pp. 55`1 -- (6O , below) . Though

there was little archaeological evidence to show that

furs were worn during the pagan era, this seems probable

in the light of earlier and later evidence. The apparent

importance of the cloak corresponds to the evidence of

provincial Roman sculptures (Part Two, B, XXXI, At

P. 34 to , above) and late Anglo-Saxon art (Part

Three, B, C, D, pp. 4-8-7, Soy, 511 above). The

close-fitting male garment may correspond to the tunic

(Part Three, B, C, D, E, pp. 47(2-8,4'99- Svl, 510, S/4 ,

above) and the woman's garment to the gown supported by

"paired" brooches (Part Two, B, XXXI, 1 a7 139 - 1*1

above) if worn without an under-blouse.

Sidonius (c. A. D. 430-479)mentioned the appearance

of Germanic peoples at about the time that others of their

race were settling in England. His remarks about the

Saxons were confined to their physical characteristics, not

to their costume -- he mentioned that Saxon seamen were

blue-eyed and shaved their hair round the hairline. 5 He

noted that the Franks also wore their hair in this way,

and were clean-shaven apart from thin moustaches. Many 6

of the Anglo-Saxons depicted in art are clean-shaven,

and the English in the Bayeux Tapestry wear thin moustaches

527"

(Part Three, BAp .44 (R , above) , but there is no other

evidence that the-Saxons shaved their heads (though the

Normans appear in the Tapestry with the backs of their

heads shaved).

Sidonius also mentioned a garment worn by the male

Franks. This belted, close-fitting garment, reaching

to the knees, corresponds to Tacitus's description, and

to the tunic of Anglo-Saxon art:

strictius assutae vestes tirocera cohercent membra virum, patet his altato tegmine poples latus et anoustam suspendit balteus alvum. 7

Later descriptions of the national dress of the Franks

are provided by two biographers of Charlemagne, Einhard

and the Monk of St. Gall. The inclusion of these in a

discussion of Anglo-Saxon clothing is justified not only

by the long contact between the two peoples and the

demonstrable Frankish influence on Anglo-Saxon culture,

but also by the fact that cloaks were exported to the

Carolingian Empire during the reign of Offä of Mercia.

An extant letter from Charlemagne to Offa requests that

cloaks sent from England should be of their former length:

Lita et nostride prolixitate sagorum deposcunt, ut tales iubeatis fieri, cruales anticuis tempor-, bus ad nos venire solebant. 8

The allusion to the different length of cloak suggests

that there had been a change of fashion. in England,

unless, of course, the English were giving the Franks

short measure. (The Monk of St. Gall recorded that a

trick of this kind was employed by merchants he described

as Frisian. The shorter cloaks in-this instance were said

to be striped articles, of Gaulish fashion) .9

528.

The evidence that the Anglo-Saxons and

had at least one garment in common at the time of

Charlemagne, suggests that there may have been other

resemblances between the costumes of the two peoples.

Einhard stressed Charlemagne's detestation of any dress

other than his native costume, and went on to describe

the latter:

Vestitu ratrio, id est francisco utebatur. Ad corpus camisam lineam et f eminalibus lineis induebatur; deinde tunicam c{uae limbo serico ambiebatur, et tibialia; tum fasciolis crura, et pedes calciamentis constrin ebat, et ex pellibus lutrinis et mu rinis thorace conf ecto humeros ac pectus hyeme muniebat; sago veneto amictus, et gladio semper accinctus.. lu

The description of the tunic and leg coverings corresponds

to the illustrations of Anglo-Saxon men's costume

considered in Part Three, "B-E, pp. 4ýt-says-9"soý, to3"as,,, ý: ýcýbove) .

The information that linen undergarments were worn under

this attire usefully supplements the evidence of the

illustrations. It is likely that the Anglo-Saxons'wore

similar undergarments. The choice of linen corresponds

to English evidence that this was the preferred fabric

(subsection 3, p. S ý; p below). The fur garment worn

. to protect the chest and shoulders is not parallelled by

any English illustrations, but suggests a use for the furs

which are known to have been worn in England (subsection

3, pp. 532 -3, below) .

The tunica favoured by Charlemagne seems to have been'

short, since a costume which " Pope Hadrian persuaded

him to wear on one occasion in Rome, was characterized

as including a long tunic (longa tunica_et clamide

amictus)11

529.

The Monk of St. Gall gave a description Of Charlemagne's

costume similar to Einhard's but which mentioned three

distinct leg coverings, including cross garters:

Erat anticruorum ornatuc vel naratura Francorum calciamenta forinsecus aurata, corigiis tricubitalibus insic niter, fasciolae crurales V vermiculatae, et subtus eas tibialia vel coxalia linea, auamyis ex eodem colore, tamen onere artificiosissino variata. super ctuae et fasciolas in crucis modum, intrinsecus et extrinsecus, ante et retro, longissimae illae

" corrigiae tendebantus. Deinde camisia clizana; _ post haec balteus spate colligatus... ultimum

habitus eorum erat gallium canum vel saphirinum ciuadrangulum duplex, sic formatum, ut cum imponeretur humeris ante et retro pedes tangeret, de lateribus vero vix genua contegeret, .

2. William of Malmesbury

William's chronicle was composed in the twelfth century,

but he is known to have drawn upon earlier traditions. 13.

He gave a brief description of the appearance of the Anglo-

Saxons at the time of the Norman Conquest:

Ad summam, tunc erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti, crines tonsi, barbas rasa, armillis au rein brachia onerati, picturatis stigmatibus cutem insigniti. 4

The short tunic, shaven face and cropped hair correspond

to late Saxon illustrations of male costume. Some costume

historians have claimed that bracelets are visible at the

wrists in these illustrations (Part Three, B, ý, p.

above) though this is subjective opinion. The quantity

of bracelets suggested by William is nowhere apparent.

William's reliability is questionable. He was

concerned to stress the laxity of the Anglo-Saxons in

contrast to the Normans. Stevenson has suggested that

he drew upon accounts of the Ancient Britons for this

530" description, noting particularly an account by Herodian

which mentioned the Britons' practice of tattooing their

bodies with animals, a custom not otherwise associated

with the Anglo-Saxons. 15

3. Fabrics and colour

Garments might be made of linen, wool or imported

silk, or of fur. Paulus Diaconus, describing the garments

of the Langobards as depicted in seventh-century pictures

ornamenting the palace of Queen Theudelinde at Monza,

mentioned, in comparison, the clothing of the Anglo-Saxons:

vestimenta vero eis erant laxa et maxime linea, gualia Anglisaxones habere solent, ornata institis latioribus vario coloue contextis. 6

The preference for linen garments over wool mentioned

by Paulus, is confirmed by Bede's assumption that linen

was the more luxurious material. The pious abbess £pelpryö

was commended for wearing woollen garments in preference

to linen, one of several mortifications of the flesh

welcomed by her, which contrasted with her luxurious

upbringing as a woman of royal birth: nunguam lineis

sed solum laneis vestimenti uti volaverit. 17

The penitential associations of wool are further

suggested by the exhortation to wear wool at times of

national disaster, in a piece attributed to Wulfstan:

'nime man Li gran o6öon] wyllen to lice and froste swy6e 18

georne'. A woollen garment was sufficiently prized,

however, to be bequeathed in the will of an eleventh-

century woman: 'ic yan Seynte EE eldrithe ane wellene 19

kertel', though the fact that the garment was apparently

5 31.

being willed to a religious establishment confuses the

issue. (It may have been a precious gift, or a utili-

tarian item. )

The evidence of textiles from the pagan period

(Part Two, D, 4, p. 428, above), though very much earlier,

corresponds in some respects with these references. Wool

remains are more common than linen, which may reflect the

fact that most people wore wool. Nevertheless, this could

be woven with skill into fine and luxurious textiles.

Valuable garments, often described as silk, were

exchanged as gifts between ecclesiastical and secular

dignitaries in England, and between England and the

Continent, throughout the Christian Saxon period. The

king and queen of Northumbria sent twelve cloaks to Lul,

Bishop of the continental Saxons, in A. D. 773,20 and the

Bishop himself sent fine textiles to the monastic foundation 21 22

at Monkwearmouth and to York for personal use and

-to honour holy relics.

Despite the anxiety of early Anglo-Saxon churchmen

about those in holy orders wearing over-elaborate clothing

(subsection 5, pp. 535-7, below), luxury textiles were

enthusiastically collected to enhance holy relics, like

Lulls gift to Monkwearmouth, or to add to the magnificence

of the celebrant. The tenth-century will-of Bishop

Theodred included bequests of several chasubles, two

of which were specifically described as having been

purchased abroad: '... ic an Peodred min wite massehakele

pe is on Pauie bouhte... And is an Odgar Pere gewele

.4

532"

massehakele pe is on Pauie bouhte. 23

No doubt equally elaborate fabrics were worn by

wealthy seculars, although there is less evidence about

this. Silk was given to Kenneth, King of the Scots,

by the English King Edgar, in A. D. 975, according to

the thirteenth-century record of Roger of Wendover (cum

multis sericis ornamentis), 24

and William of Malmesbury

recorded the gift of a silk robe and expensive garments

to Cnut from the Emperor Conrad II during Cnut's visit

to Rome in A. D. 1027.25

Silk cloth and silken garments were not only imported

as personal gifts. Llfric' s Mercator in the Collociuy

testifies to the regular import of: Purpurum et sericum,

pretiosas cfemmas et aurum, uarias uestes et pictmenta... 26

. This implies organized commercial trade. The luxurious

imports were no doubt available to wealthy seculars as

well as ecclesiastics. The textiles preserved among the

relics of St. Cuthbert, some as ancient as the seventh

century, testify the magnificence of imported silk cloth. 27

The preacher might urge the wearing of hair garments

for penitential reasons, and St. Guthlac eschewed both

linen and wool for garments of skin, 28

probably with

penitential motive, but it seems that the Anglo-Saxons

also wore fur for reasons of comfort, as Charlemagne

did, and as a luxury. Fur garments, like silk, were

exchanged as gifts, ' and commercially. Goat-hair bed

clothes and a cloak of silk and goats' hair were among

gifts sent to England by Boniface, 29 eighth-century

missionary to the continental Saxons, and an otter-skin

533.

'robe was among presents sent to Lul from the Northumbrians

in the same century. 30 This robe was called in Latin

qunna, the term used by Cuthbert of Wearmouth31 and

Boniface. 32 Garments, probably fur (duas cottas de

variominuto), were given by Cnut to a customs officer

during his trade negotiations in Rome. 33 Jellema has

suggested that English furs were regularly traded to the

Continent in the eighth and ninth centuries, through Frisian

merchants. 34 Domesday Book recorded that marten skins

were the chief imports into Chester. 35 They apparently

came from Ireland. 36 The wearing of marten skins in the

west of the British Isles is attested earlier in the Welsh

poem. God`. An interpolated lullaby mentions that the

father of the baby wore a marten-skin'coat. 37

Aldhelm mentioned fur-trimmed gowns in the late seventh

or early eighth century. 38 One of the bequests in the

tenth-century will of a woman, Wynflmd, concerned a garment

which may have been fur. The item was identified-as ' hyre

twilibrocenan cyrtel', 39 tentatively translated by Whitelock

as "her double badger-skin gown". 40 (Discussed in C, III,

5, pp. 576-7, below. ),

The bright colours mentioned by Paulus Diaconus

appear to have been a feature of Anglo-Saxon costume

throughout the era. Coloured. garments were probably worn

by all except the poorest and most pious. Bede thought

it worthy of record that the brethren of Lindisfarne,

in his time, wore garments of undyed wool as their

predecessor St. Cuthbert had done. 41

There is some evidence of the colours worn. Bede

mentioned a scarlet dye made from shellfish, which he

.. 534.

called coccineum, 42

and Aldhelm described garments of

scarlet or violet"(coccinea sive iacintina). 43 There

is no reason to suppose that the medieval conception

of these particular colours was very different from the

modern; textiles of scarlet and violet have been found

in a sixth-century Frankish woman's grave. 44

Even late in the Saxon period, bright colours seem

to have been a feature of English cloth. The Old Icelandic

EQilssaga mentioned that a suit of'English cloth given

to Egil as a Yule gift, was of many colours: Arinbi orn

qaf Agil alkia nag, nyskorinn, at iolum; varu bar skorin

i ensk kll6i meg morgum litum. 45 Egil was a contemporary

of the English King Athelstan (who died in 939). Although

the saga may have been composed up to three centuries later,

it may preserve genuine traditions about English clothing

from Anglo-Saxon times: that English cloth was prized

and the colouring noticeable. This may have been because

artificial colouring was less necessary in Iceland because

of the variety of natural wool colour s. 46

4. Ecclesiastical and secular clothing

Tho clothing of parsons in religious orders in England

probably differed little from that of seculars, at least

until the abandonment of the lay habit in A. D. 873, as

recorded in a letter from the Pope to

of Canterbury and York. 47 William of

Alcuin's warning to English churchmen

that they should refrain from wearing

garments, since continental churchmen

habits. 48

the Archbishops

Maimesbury recorded

visiting Charlemagne,

brightly-coloured

wore only ecclesiastical

535"

Apart from outer garments of ritual or traditional

importance, the English religious may therefore have worn

similar clothes to seculars, particularly undergarments

and practical clothes. Thus, when Bede mentioned that

St. Cuthbert was accustomed to wear tibracis of hide, he

probably referred to leg coverings of- a type also worn by

seculars in Cuthbert's time and his own, the seventh and

early eighth centuries. (The anecdote reveals Cuthbert's

extreme piety not through his choice of garment, but by

his self-neglect. He removed the tibracis only once a year,

at Easter, when constant friction was, found to have caused

calluses on his feet. ) 49

Aldhelm's description of the clothing worn by worldly

nuns in the late seventh century (discussed subsection 5,

pý 5364, below) probably- reflects the fashions of secular

women. The manuscript illustrations, of several centuries

later make little or no distinction between the costume

of English nuns and women in secular life.

5. Extravagant and unsuitable clothing

It is clear that though the extremely pious, such as

Saints Cuthbert and 4pe1pri6, were as unworldly in their

" choice of costume as in other physical desires, more worldly

members of early English religious foundations wore more

elaborate clothes. St. Boniface wrote to Cuthbert,

Archbishop of Canterbury, at about the time of the Council

of Cloveshoe, describing reforms which had been made in

the continental Church, and recommending that similar

measures be taken regarding the English Church; Interdiximus

servis Dei, ut pompato habitu vel sago vel armis utantur. 50

536"

The English Church did include measures concerning

clothing among the decisions taken at the Council of Cloveshoe

in A. D. 747:

nec pompaticis, et cTuae ad inanem gloriarn more saecularium pertineant, utantur indumentis, red simplici pro-posito e con ruenti eorum vestiantur habitu. b. L

it was also declared that nuns should undertake more

suitable occupations than making fine garments, a practice

equated with fleshly indulgence: ,

Unde Lnon] sint sanctimonialium domicilia, turoium confabulationum, commessationum, ebrietatum, luxuriantiumcue cubilia1 sed continentium sobriegue viventium, ac legentium, psallentiumcue habitacula, mag scue legendis lib ris, vel canondis psalmis, Guam texendis et plectendisvariocolore inanis gloriae vestibus studeant operam Zlare. 52

A criticism of a specific group of nuns for this fault

was made by Adamnan. His observations on the nuns of Coldingham,

who made and wore elaborate garments, were recorded by Bede:

uercxines... texendi s subtiloribus indumentis oneram dant, cXuibus aut se ip sas ad uicem sponsarum in periculum sui status adornent. 53

These two criticisms of nuns testify to an interest

in elaborate clothing, and an ability to make it, unconfined

to professionals. The interest and ability of seculars,

outside the restrictions of religious life, though undocumented,

are likely to have been of at least equal proportions.

The Church's desire to stamp out sinful extravagance

provoked the only description of women' s costume to survive

from the Anglo-Saxon period. Aldhelm criticised the

elaborate appearance of some women vowed to the religious

life:

subucula bissina, tonica coccinea sive iacintina, capitium et manicae sericis clavatae; galliculae

5 37.

rubricatis pellibus ambiuuntur; antß. ae frontis et tcmporumcincinni calamistro crispantur; pulls capitis velamina candidis et colorati3 mafortibus cedunt, ae vittarum nexibus assutae talotenus p rolixius dependunt. 4

The striped, silken sleeves, furs and curling hair are not

to be found in any later Saxon illustrations of women. The

headdress described by Aidhelm is not found in the illustra-

tions, but it is apparent that elaborate headdresses were worn

at various times in the Anglo-. Saxon period. Examples include

the gold ribbons found in seventh-century graves (Part Two,

D, 16, pp. 452-4, above), the decorated headband worn by Cnut's

queen in a manuscript illumination and the scarf-like drapes

of Luxuria in Prudentius illuminations (Plates XXVI, XIX,

discussed in Part Three, B, 1, pp. 469,470). The headdresses

described by Aldhelm might have been similar to any of these,

or to none of them. The women whose costume is described were

nuns., but there is no reason to suppose that the specific

details mentioned by Aldhelm were not to be found in the cos-

turne of contemporary seculars.

Men, as well as women, in religious houses, were warned

against excess in dress. Alcuin wrote to Ethelhedrd,

Archbishop of Canterbury, in A. D. 798, urging simplicity of

costume among the clergy:

Vanissimum vero vestimentorum cultum... expellere a to tuiscxue consacerdotibus, vel magis omni clero et ecclesiasticae dignitatis gradibus diligentissime studeas.

55

The details of men's extravagances have not been recorded

with the attention Aldhelm gave to women's.

In the same decade as his letter to Ethelheard Alcuin

wrote to the Northumbrian king and court, criticising the

ý

538"

clothing and hairstyles of the Northumbrians. (Alcuin

considered that the Viking raid on Lindisfarne had-been

provoked by excessive worldliness. )

Considerate habitum, tonsu ram, et mores principum et ponuli luxuriosos. Ecce tonsura guam in barbis et in capillis paganis adsimilari voluistis. 56

Since literary evidence is generally too rare and

lacking in detail to reveal variations in fashion during

the Anglo-Saxon period, this accusation of paganism in the

appearance of the early Christian Northumbrians is particularly

interesting. The resemblance had been noted previously,

by the papal legate who visited Northumbria in A. D. 787.

A section of the legate's report entitled Ut relicruias

pactanorum rituum auisgue abiiciat included the statement:

Vestimenta etiam vestra, more gentilium, duos, Deo opitulante

patres vestri de orbe armis expulerunt, induitis. 57

The pagan people whom the Northumbrians were accused,

of imitating cannot have been the Vikings, since their first

raid, that on Lindisfarne, occurred four years after the

visit of the papal legate, and was considered by Alcuin

to have been the result of such faults as this.

The people expelled by force from Northumbria, would,

presumably, have been British. It is quite likely that

the Anglian people of the remote kingdom of Northumbria

would have dressed in a similar manner to their neighbours

the. Britons. There is other evidence that Celtic and

Anglo-Saxon culture blended in Northumbria apart from

the artistic fusion which produced Hiberno-Saxon art;

for example the earliest of the royal residences of

Northumbrian kings at Yeavering (an early-seventh-century

539"

structure), incorporated Celtic techniques, 58

and Northumbria

preserved into later medieval times characteristics of

social organization which suggest the persistence of

Celtic culture. 59 The Britons, however, would not have

been pagans.

The legate's accusation continued, however, by mention-

ing other pagan practices adopted by the Northumb rians,

including the casting of lots. This practice was mentioned

by Tacitus as a custom of the Germanic peoples. 60 it is

possible that the pagan dress and practices condemned by

the papal legate were not adoptions from enemy peoples,

but relics of the pagan past of the Anglian settlers,

preserved in the Northumbrian community further from

continental influence than some other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. e

Possibly the legate had experience of continental Germanic

peoples, and based the comparisons upon this.

Changes in women's costume about the time of the

conversion, have already been noted (Part Two, B, 16)

pp. S$o-9h. , above). The Church's criticism

of dress in Northumbria suggests that such changes were

not spontaneous, but strongly encouraged by the Roman

Church. Northumbria, influenced by the Celtic Church,

may have been conservative in such matters.

There is another accusation about the adoption of

pagan dress in a letter written in OE from one brother

to another. The text belongs to the later part of the

Anglo-Saýcon period -- Kluge compared the style and

sentiments to 6 1ulf stan' s writings -- and in this case,

the heathen people imitated were the Danes:

540.

Ic secge eac 6e, bro6or Eadweard, nu $u me ppyses bmde, D, --t ge do6 unrihtlice, pmt ge $a engliscan peawas forlmta6 be eowre fmderas heoldon and hmgenra manna peawas lufia6 De eow pms lifes ne-unnon and mid 6am geswutelia$ pmt ge forseo6 eower cynn and eowre yldran mid 6am unp eawum Donne ge him on teonan tylsia6 eow on denisc ableredum hneccan and ablendum eagum. 61

The details of the fault are obscure. Possibly the

Danes bared their necks by shaving the backs of their

heads as the Normans did according to the Bayeux Tapestry,

and as the continental Saxons may have done according

to Sidonius.

6. Summary

Literary evidence reveals that the Anglo-Saxons wore

colourful clothes woven of wool, linen or silk, and garments

of fur. Linen was considered more luxurious than wool;

silk and fur garments were precious enough to be given

as gifts. England imported both silk and furs, but textiles,

and probably furs too, were also exported commercially.

The Germanic women's clothing described by Tacitus

may possibly correspond to the costume of Anglo-Saxon pagans.

Aldhelm's description provides evidence of women's costume

in a period otherwise obscure, and offers the details of furs,

sleeves and curled hair which could not be inferred from other

sources.

The cloak appears to have been the oldest-established

male garment, but the short, girdled tunic was an early

addition to men's costume, and one which persisted through-

out the Anglo-Saxon period. The descriptions of Frankish

costume by Charlemagne's biographers add to the limited

541.

information available from English art and literature

evidence about undergarments, -leg coverings and the uses

of fur; any of these Frankish features could also have

been known in England. The information that St. Cuthbert

wore tibracis of hide gives a detail of costume which

could not be deduced from art or archaeology. The infor-

mation is especially valuable since linguistic evidence

implies the existence of several types of shoe and legging

(C, IV-V, pp. 5$o-9 (o , below) .

The attitude that clothing reflected moral values is

frequently to be found, in the Church's urging of simplicity

in dress, and the condemnation of appearance resembling

the pagan's. Through these strictures it is possible to

perceive an enthusiasm for brightly-coloured and finely-

textured fabrics; a taste shared by some churchmen who

acquired precious textiles to enhance their holy relics

and their religious services.

542.

C. LINGUISTIC EVIDENCE'

I

Materials

Linguistic evidence confirms that garments were made of

fur, wool, linen and silk' Garments made of fur appear to

have been individually named, and in the present work are

categorised according to function, below. The following words

describe the other stuffs:

Wool: Linen: Silk: . f laep fleax seoluc flis, flys lin side wull linen

twin

1. Wool

'WULL', BTD "wool" (the modern word derives from the OE),

is well-documented, together with the related adjective 'wyllen'.

The word has cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages. 2

'Wall' appears as gloss to lana [wool] in lists among items

concerned with textile production: under the heading Incipit

de Textrinalibus in Cleopatra; 3 under De Arte Textoria in

Brussels MS Bib. Roy. 1829; 4": and among weaving terms in the

Julius MS vocabulary. 5 'Wyllen' is applied to weaving thread

in Junius/BM: linostema [normally meaning a garment of linen

and wool, mixed], 'linen wearp' uel 'wyllen ab', 6

and occurs

several times in conjunction with general garment terms to

signify articles of clothing made of wool, for example 'wyllenes

hraegles', 7 'willenum reafe'. 8

'PLIS', BTD "a fleece" or ' flys' , BTD "a fleece, wool",

is a name applied to unwoven wool. Glossing uellus and uellurn Lfleecel ' flis' appears in lists of textile terms in the

Brussels and Tiberius vocabularies9 and the compound 'uulan

543"

fliusum' or 'wulle flysum' renders lanugo Lwoolly substance]

in the Northumbrian and West Saxon versions of Aldhelm's

riddle De Lorica. 10 This occurrence is also associated with

weaving, since in the riddle the lorica Lmail-coati, through

the device of prosopopoeia, denies first that it was made

of textile and continues by denying that it was woven on a

loom.

'FLIES' is a more doubtful inclusion. BTS tentatively

interprets the term "a fleece, wool". The term would appear

to be related to the first element of the compound ' fl. z4 ecomb,

flee ecamb', which occurs twice in lists of textile equipment

glossing pectica. 11 The meaning of the lemma is uncertain,

but it is likely to be related to pecten Lcomb]. The compound

might mean "woolcomb" and 'flip' "uncombed wool". The word

also appears against nimbus Lheadband] in a glossed Aldhelm

Aenigmata MS12 but its relevance there has been disputed.

Napier suggested that the term was intended to translate

vellera the preceding word in the Latin text (dum ningit

vellera nimbus), and Meritt that ' f]. aep' was a scribal error

for ' fmlp' , glossing ningit, 13

2. Linen

'LIN', BTD "flax, linen, something made of linen" is a

well-documented term with cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic

languages. 14 The term is used of articles made of linen, such

as grave clothes15 and the cloth with which Christ girded

himself before washing the feet of the disciples, 16 but there

is no documented evidence of the word meaning a garment (as

modern "linen" is used of underwear, for example), except in

the compound 'heafod-tin'. 17

544" 'LINEN', BTD "made of flax, linen" occurs as a substan-

tive glossing lineum Ilineus, of linen, lineum, a linen

garment] in a group of words relating to weaving in Junius/

BM, 18 but an attributive use is documented more commonly.

'Linen wearp' is among the list of weaving articles in.

Junius/BM19 and the adjective is associated with garments

in glossaries and texts. For example, 'linen heafodes

wrigels' glosses anaboladium uel sindo Llinen mantle, fine

cotton or muslin, respectively] in 'Junius/BM. 20 In 1Elfric's

Old Testament translation 'linenum reaf' renders subucula

linea21 Lsubucula, a man's undergarment or shirt] and, proof

that linen garments were worn by women in England in early

Christian times, Bede's reference to 4p elpry6's penitential

choice of woollen garments rather than linen, rendered in

the A]fredian Bede by: ' heo nmfre linenum hrwglum brucan

wolde, ac wyllenum'. 22

'TWIN', BTD "linen", which has Germanic cognates, and

from which modern English "twine" is derived23 is used of

garments of a specific material in the West Saxon Gospels,

where a rich man is said to be: 'gescrydd mid... twine'. 24

The term here translates b sso, Iflax, linen], and since the

Northumbrian version of the Gospels translates bysso with

'linnenom' at this point, 25 'linen' (adjective, here) and

'twin' would seem to be synonymous. An adjective 'twinen',

BTD "made of f lax, linen" is applied to clothing, for example

in a glossed manuscript of Aldhelm's De Laude Virginitatis

where 'bam (for 'ham') twinen' glosses subucula bissina. 26

'FLEAX', BTD "flax", which has cognates in Germanic

and non-Germanic languages,. and from which the modern English

545.

word is'derived, 27 was evidently the name given to the raw

material to be spun and woven into linen fabric. It glosses

linum in a group of terms relating to spinning in the Julius

DIS 28 and in a group relating to textile manufacture in Junius/

BM: 'swi6e hwit fleax' glossing bissum, ct., papagen. 29

3. Silk

'SEOLUC', BTD "silk" and 'SIDE', BTD "silk" were evidently

synonymous. 30 'Side'1a term with cognates in Germanic languages,

but deriving from Vulgar Latin, 31 is applied to the merchandise

of the Mercator in elfric's Colloquy 32 (Part B, 3, p. 5w,

above). Literary and archaeological evidence that silk was

a luxury in Anglo-Saxon times is confirmed by the equation

of a silken garment with ' godweb' :' Gyf man mute pmt he seoluc

oÖÖ a godweb ha bbe... ' 33 and by the choice of 'gegyrla' as

part of the gloss to bombicinum Isilk] in the Harley MS:

bombicinum, 'seolcen gegerla' 34 (c. f. Section VIII, tj* 6%h--5,

below)... 'Sidan' renders sericum L silk] , 35 the adjectives

'siden' (in the form 'sinden') and 'seolcen' appear glossing

homhicinum, 36 'cal-seolcen' glosses olosoricum37 Lailk

mantle, ninth century and the term is used of a weaving

thread when 'scolcan ab' glosses tramasericum38 Ltrama,

weft]. It is possible that silk was normally used in its

undyed state since. yellow was considered its typical colour:

a medical treatise states '... prat him se lichama... swo god

seoluc'. 39

546. II

basing bratt casul crusene fel frence godweb-cynn hacele hed-claÖ heden

outer garments

hop-pada hre6 a hrycg-hrmgel hwitel lo6a mentel of er-hacele of er-]zg ofer-slop of er-slyp e

pad pilece reowe rift rocc sciccels sciccing stole ufre scrud wmfels

1. Terns of doubtful validity

The form and meaning of two of the words listed above

has recently been questioned by Meritt. 'FRENCE', BTS "rough

cloak", is found in the Harley MS glossary, glossing coculusl

Lcucullus cap, hood, cowl, (Isidor) small cloak]. Meritt

suggested that ' frence' was in fact a metathesized form of

' frecne' , "perilous", and that an older glossary in which

coculus was followed on the same line by a re, difficile may

have caused the confusion. 2

'HREDA', BTD "garment made of goat's skin", BTS "mantle",

. is found three times ('hregan') glossing melote3 Lanimal skin,

especially sheepskin, (Isidor) man's garment made of goatskin].

. Meritt surmised that the "mantle" interpretation was unnecessary.

He suggested that ' hreöan' was a metathesized form of ' her6an' , 4 "goat skin".

While Meritt's suggestions are plausible, there is no

reason to suppose that Anglo-Saxon glossators were unfamiliar

with the range of meanings of melote, (since apart from the

Aldhelm text from which these glosses derive, the word is

defined by Isidor, also a much glossed author, among De Pallis

Vi roum5) and of coculus.

547.

2. Ecclesiastical or secular garments

Some of the garment names listed above appear to refer to

clothes which may have been worn by ecclesiastics. This need

not exclude the possibility that garments of the same names,

and indeed, of the same type, may also have been worn by seculars.

'CASUL', BTD "a cassock, short cloak", renders byrrum

Lbirrus a cloak (to keep off the rain)] in the Harley glossary. 6

The word derives from Latin casula La cloak, chasuble] and

its form suggests that it was borrowed from medieval Latin, 7

and was introduced into English through*scholarship. 8 Since

there is no evidence that the term was employed in secular OE

'texts, and since the modern English derivatives "casule" and

"chasuble" have only been used of vestments, it is possible

that the OE word applied only to ecclesiastical garments. The

specialized development'of the Latin word's meaning from "cloak"

to "a type of vestment", however, is believed to have occurred

in the eighth or ninth centur. yý "9 It is therefore possible

that the word was borrowed into English before this development

and that it may have been used in English in a non-specialized,

and secular, sense.

'FEL', TCS "garment of skin", must be mentioned here

10 since it occurs in 4 monastic text, but it will be considered

further among fur garments (subsection 4, pp. 657.8, below).

' GODti7BB-CYNN' , BTD "a kind of cloak or pall", occurs only

in the Dialogue of Salomon and Saturn, where it refers to the

garment of St. Michael. 11 There is no evidence about the

form of the garment, or that the word was in general use. It

may have been a nonce-word compounded from the familiar 'god-web'

(Section VIII, 2, p. 646 , below), which was used of fine or

purple material, but which was not confined to ecclesiastical

use.

548"

'HACELE', BTD "a cloak, mantle, upper garment, cassock",

could be used of ecclesiastical vestments, but occurs more

often without this speciali2ed application. The Icelandic

cognate hökull signifies "a priest's cope", 12 but the Gothic

hakuls does not appear to have had an ecclesiastical significance.

The application of the OE and Icelandic terms to vestments

may therefore have been an adaptation of words already existing

in Germanic languages. There exist in Old English the compounds

'massehakele'14 and 'preostes"hakele', 15 but the necessity

for the prefixes suggests that 'hacele' did not always have

ecclesiastical significance. (Cf. 'halig-rift, Section VI,

3b, p. 4o2, below. )

'Hacele' glosses lacerna [a cloak worn by Romans over the

toga in cold or wet weathers in association with 'loöa' ('ho3cile')

in the Corpus glossary16 and in the related A-order glossary

in Cleopatra. 17 In the Corpus glossary it also renders

paludamentum: genus vestimenti bellici18 [paludamentum military

cloak], in Cleopatra it glosses ependiten19 L? for ependytes

an outer garment] and, with 'lachen, o66 e loöan' it glosses

clamidem20 Lchlamvs cloak]. 'Hacele geflenod', uel 'gecorded'

glosses lacerna in the Junius/BM MS glossary 21

and 'hacel',

uel ' fotsig (fotsid) sciccel' glosses the same lemma in a

group listed under the heading Vestium Nomina in the same

glossary. 22 The entry suggests that the 'hacele' resembled

the 'sciccels' when the latter was worn reaching to the feet.

In the Lindisfarne Gospels 'hwcla' renders gallium LGreek cloak,

thus upper garment; vestment, archbishop's insignia], the

13

entry suggesting that it was equivalent to the rare word

' bratt' . 23 The word 'hacele' is also used to translate dal lium

549.

in an OE version of the Benedictine Rule where the context

distinguishes between the functions of 'hacele' and 'tunece':

'He ]mot pa hacelan to pmm, De hine tunecan benmmbe' . 24 In

the interlinear version of this text, 'hacele' is replaced

by 'wmfmis'25 which suggests that the two words were synonymous.

Literary texts confirm that the 'hacele' was worn by

seculars, and by both sexes. In the OE version of Orosius

'ane blace hacelan' ('hacelan' rendering sa m) is sent to

Caesar. 26 Lsaqum coarse wollen blanket or mantle. ] The term

is used of the garment of those who stoned the martyr Stephen27

and of the 'gerefa' in the story of St. Margaret. 28 In the

account of the martyrdom of St. Pelagia, it appears to be a

penitential garment and is worn by a woman. 29

It is possible that the 'hacele' was hooded, since there

is an Icelandic cognate*heckla "a hooded garment", 30

and since

'hakel' appears in the Middle English poem Sir Gawain and the

Green Knight in a context which suggests that the word might

signify a head covering: 'Vch hille hade a hatte, a myst-hakel

huge .. 31 The passage is ambiguous, however. 'Hakel' is not

necessarily an extension of 'hatte' and could mean "a cloak

of mist", or, with a different interpretation of ' hakel' , 32

"a conical cover".

Since 'hacele' twice glosses subucula33 [a man's under-

garment, shirt] it is also considered among body garments

(Section III, 3, p. 56S, below).

The compound 'OFER-HACELE' is listed individually in

BTD and defined "a cope, hood". It occurs in an ecclesiastical

text, 34

where it seems synonymous with 'cppa' a word which

may sometimes have been used of vestments (c. f. Section VI,

550"

3, pp. 5994oo, below). The Icelandic cognate yfir-hökull signifies

"surplice"35 and it is possible that the OE compound of the

same form had specialized, ecclesiastical significance.

'HED-CL1i ', BTD "a thick upper garment of coarse material",

(CHM ' hedeclap' ,) is only documented once (' hed clape' ), in .a

medical treatise which gives no information about the nature

of the garment. 36 BTD's definition derives from Cockayne's

footnote which cites an unpublished (and unidentified) gloss

and claims the OE word translated uentren for ventrale (. normally

meaning belly-band] in the medical treatise. There appears to

be no evidence that the word signified an ecclesiastical

vestment, though the coarseness of the material is suggested

by the relationship of the word to 'heden' (below). 'Hed-clap'

is one of many compounds based upon the general garment term

' clap' (Section VIII, 1, p. 62o , below).

'HEDEN', BTD "hood, chasuble", BTS "an overcoat, a mantle,

cloak", glosses cäsla (casula) in the A-order Cleopatra

glossary. 37 It translates cucullum

38 and in the Harley

glossary renders cocula (cucullus) in two entries, once with

' crusne' , once with ' aalfatu' . 39 Each of these lemmata may

have signified an ecclesiastical vestment, but the Latin words

had a range of meanings, some apparently secular. An instruction

in the Confessionale of Ecgbert confirms that the 'heden' could

be worn by men in holy orders, since the garment was to be

removed for singing mass and for gospel readings, 40 but the

rule suggests that the 'heden' was not an ecclesiastical

, vestment. Since the chief characteristic of the garment appears

to have been that it was made of fur or sheepskin, 'heden'

will be discussed further below (subsection 4, p.. 56$ ).

551"

'HOP-PADA' is defined in BTD "an upper tunic, cope",

in BTS "an upper garment" and in TCS (with alteration of the

editorial length marks over the vowels) "a circular cope".

The ecclesiastical associations of the earliest and latest

definitions are justified by the occurrence of the word in

Junius/BM, preceding a group of terms relating to the episcopate,

and almost certainly associated with them: ependeton 'cop',

uel 'hoppada', uel 'ufrescrud'. 41 'Pad' is a well-documented

OE word meaning "outer garment" (subsection 6, p. 56ý, below)

and 'hop', related to modern English "hoop", 42 may have been

used elsewhere in OE as a compound element relating to clothing. 43

The combination of the outer garment 'pad' and the circular

shape implicit in 'hop' justify the TCS definition in suggesting

an outer garment of wide cut. a

'OFER-SLOP' and 'OPER-SLYPE' may conveniently be discussed

together. BTD defines both "an overgarment, surplice". BTS

adding "an alb" to ' ofer-slype' . The words appear to have

been compounded according to the pattern of adding the prefix

'ofer-' to a garment name (c. f. 'ofer-hacele', above) though

'slop' and 'slype' alone are not documented from the OE period

(Section III, 5, pp. 573-¢, below).

'Ofer-slipas' is applied to ecclesiastical'garments in

the Rule of Chrodegang, where it translates camsiles44 [similar

to camisia shirt, undergarment, vestment (from the twelfth

century)]. In Middle English, Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman refers

to the Canon's 'overslope'45 which confirms that a garment

of this name was worn by churchmen. The Icelandic cognate

yfir-sloppy signifies "an outer gown" which could be worn by

a priest. 46 Icelandic sloppr can, but need not, have ecclesiastical

552"

connotation. Other uses of OE ' oferslop' and ' ofer-slype'

are unlikely to refer specifically to vestments. In homiletic

context St. Bartholemew is said to be 'ymbescryd mid hwitum

oferslype', 47

and an interpretation of dreams includes the

information: ' oferslop hwit habban blisse getacnaa. Oferslop

bleofah habban mrende fullic getacnap'. 48 In the Lindisfarne

Gospels 'in stolum 11' on oferslopum' glosses in stolis Lstola

a long upper garment; in late Latin a woman's garment; eccle-

siastical vestment, stole]. The West Saxon versions have

I gegyrlum' at this point and the Mercian only 'rtollum'. 49

'OFER-BREDELS', B'ID, "a covering, veil, garment", is used

of an ecclesiastical vestment in the OE Pastoral Care, where

it renders superhumerale50 [vestment, pall] and is synonymous

with 'masse-hacele'. 51 With 'cyrtel' the word glosses palla

in Junius/BM52 Lwide upper garment of Roman ladies; an under-

garment, man's garment; vestment, archbishop's pall] and with

'wmfels' it glosses opertorium53 Lcover]. The word apparently

had various uses (it is also applied to a veil, for instance 54

but was sometimes used of an outer garment, including that

worn by a cleric.

'ROCC', BTD "an upper garment", is defined by HEW "Rock,

Tunika des Subdiacons"55 The word is used of vestments in

compound, for example 'biscop-roc', 56 and is never found in

context proving it to have been used of secular garments,

though 'rocc' alone is not documented with an obvious meaning

of "vestment". Since the word may have signified a fur garment, it will be considered further below (subsection 4, pp. 559.6ý .

'STOLE', BTD "a stole, long outer garment", is a loan

from late Latin borrowed through the written medium. 57 The

553"

term was evidently used of the ecclesiastical stole, since

the entry stola 'stole' appears among a list of vestments in

a glossary in BM MS Julius Aii. 58 The use of the word in

biblical translations suggests that its meaning, and that of

stola, were not considered limited to clerical garments. There

is no indication, however, that the term was in general, secular

use. It is only documented translating the Latin word from

which it derives. 'Stoll and 'stole' occur in the Lindisfarne

and Rushworth texts of the Gospels, where the west Saxon versions

have ' gegyrla' , and with the addition of ' oferslop' in Lindisfarne

at Luke 20,46.59 This latter case might represent the coup-

ling of a familiar, vernacular compound with a Latin loan word

which was not yet so familiar.

'UFRE SCRUD' is not listed individually in BTD, but appears

under 'ufer' with the definition "an upper garment". The word

is included here as a possible vestment name because it

('ufrescrud') appears in association with 'cop'. Together

with 'hop-pada' the words gloss pendeten. 60

3. Cloaks or blankets/curtains

Several words appear to have semantic range including

"blanket" or "curtain" as well as "cloak". The words may

appear in glossary lists of bedding as well as of clothing,

they may gloss a range of Latin terms or words such as sa m

which themselves have a range of meanings. The clearest example

of this breadth of function is 'HWITEL', BTD "whittle, cloak,

mantle, 61 blanket". Several glossary entries suggest the

meaning "cloak". In an Aldhelm MS 'ruhne hwitel' glosses

amphiballum62 Lgarment, cloak]. In Junius/BM under the heading

554"

Vestium Nomina 'hynsce hwitel' glosses linna63 1? for laena

a lined upper garment, 'cloak or lena mantle]. in a group

of clothing terms in the same glossary the word glosses sa 64

crum.

'Hwitel o66e ryft' glosses sacrum in a group of clothing terms

in Cleopatra, 65 though the group occurs under the heading

Incinit de Lectulo Llectulus bed, couch] so sacrum could have

been included as bedding rather than'a cloak.

'Hwitel' was certainly used with the meaning "bed-cover"

in other glosses. In the Digby Aldhelm MS 'strmla, hwitla,

wxstlinga' glosses stragularum66 Lstragula a pall; stragulum

a covering, rug, carpet]. The entry sa m 'hwytel' occurs

among items of bedding in MS Julius Aii. 67 Literary texts

appear to confirm that the word was used of bedding. It

probably signifies a rug or blanket in "the OD account of Jael's

reception of Sisera in her tent: 'seo wimman mid hire hwitle

bewreah hive'. 68 In Genesis, 'Sem 7 Jafeth dydon anne hwitel

on heora sculdrum' in an attempt to cover their father's 69

nakedness. The covering they used could have been a cloak,

but was more likely to be a blanket, though in both these

quotations the OE word translates Pallium. 'Hwitel' refers

to bedding in the OE version of an anecdote related by Bede.

The incident involves a monk as he washes 'his reowan 7 his

hwitlas' which had been in use in the monastery guest house,

presumably as bedding. 70 The Latin Bede has lenas siue saga.

71

In an OE homily the word is used of a blanket on which an

injured child is carried. 72

The word seems to have signified both cloak and blanket

in Middle and modern English. It is used of bedding in the description of Gluttony in Piers Plowman:

555"

For when he streynep hym to streche De straw is hus whitel. 73

The term survived until the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries in English dialects, mostly southern, 74

where it

signified a woman's shawl, fringed, and coloured scarlet or

white.

In Anglo-Saxon times the 'hwitel' may have been of fixed

size or weight, since it could be used as legal tender. Ine' s

Laws include the definition of ' gafolhwitel' as the rent of

a hide of land. 75

It is probable that the 'hwitel' was originally made of

white, undyed fabric, and that this appearance gave rise to

, the name WE 'hwit', "white"). This view is supported by

the existence of an Icelandic cognate, _hvitill,

"a white

bedcover", 76

and by the fact that the shawl called "whittle"

was traditionally often white.

It is possible that 'hwitel' and the other words discussed

below could have been the names of garments, and, independently,

of domestic soft furnishings, but it seems more likely that

the words' ranges of function stemmed from the fact that the

strong, sometimes voluminous piece of material worn as a cloak

out of doors was put to use as a blanket or curtain indoors.

There is evidence that the cloak was used as a bed covering

in the ninth century, in the Monk of St. Gall's account of

Charlemagne's impatience with short cloaks. Their inadequacy

as bed coverings was one of his reasons. 77 A cloak used in

such a way would probably be a' simple rectangle.

'LODA', BTD "a cloak, upper garment" may be mentioned

briefly in this connection, since it glosses lodix78 [a coverlet,

he gop to a cold beddynge...

556"

blanket]. Several other citations, however, confirm that

the word referred-to a garment, though the exact nature of

the article is unclear. The word is discussed below (subsec-

tions 4,5, pp.

'REOWE', BTD "rug, mantle", presents similar semantic

problems to 'hwitel' though there is less evidence that 'reowe'

was used of a garment. In the Cleopatra A-order glossary the

word glosses lens, and 'linen reowe' glosses lena linea. 79

The lemma is ambiguous and the context unhelpful. In an

alphabetically-arranged group of words in the same glossary,

'reowe' glosses tapeta80 Lcarpet, coverlet], and the use of

the word in OE prose writing confirms that the word could be

used of bedding. It occurs with 'hwitel' in the anecdote told

by Bede81 and is clearly a bedcover in the Laws of Alfred:

permitted grounds for a man to feud include ' gif he gemeteo

o6 erne mt his swum wife. " . under anre reon' 82

'Reowe' is related to OE 'ruwa',, "rug, covering, tapestry",

and to ' ryhe' , "rug, rough covering, blanket". It is possible

that the word was also related to the adjective 'ruh', "rough,

shaggy, hairy", and that the object was named from its shaggy

or rough texture.

'RIFT', 13T1) "a veil, curtain, cloak", may have signified

a hanging as well as a garment. The uses of the word as gloss

to cicla83 and biuligo, niger uelamen84 and translating uelum

('wahrift') 85 support BTD' s definition of "veil" and are dis-

cussed below (Section VI, 3b, p. 6Qa ). In association with

'hwitel' the word glosses saqum among clothing terms in

Cleopatra86 87 and in the Corpus glossary renders laena and

palla. 88 In biblical translations the word renders pallium89

557"

9° and chlamyde The Icelandic cognate riet also signifies a

garment. 91

The evidence for 'rift' signifying "a curtain" is a

gloss in the Digby MS, where 'rif' glosses conope92 igauze

net, especially used on a bed; canopy]. Although ''rift'

could obviously be used of a cloak, the word may have applied

to lengths of material which could be used in other ways, as

veiling or curtaining.

The term appears to have been favoured by Anglian scholars,

although it also occurs in West Saxon texts. The Mercian

translator of St. Matthew's Gospel uses 'hryft'93 where the

West Saxon versions have 'wwf els' and the Northumbrian 'hragl'

'hmcla' (for 'hacele') ± 'bratt'. 94 The Northumbrian and

Mercian versions use 'ryfte' where the West Saxon have 'scyccelse95 6

It appears, therefore, that ' bratt' ,' hacele' ,' hraegel' , 'rift'

'sciccels' and 'wfels' had some semantic overlap.

4. Fur garments

The 'CRUSENE', BTD "a robe made of skins", may have had

some similarity to the garment called 'heden' since the words

are found together ('crusne') glossing cocula96 The term

clearly signif iea a fur or skin garment since it glosses

mastruga L garment made of skins, a sheepskin] in the Julius

MS, in conjunction with 'deorfellen roc'. 97 The word has

cognates in Germanic languages and in Latin crusina. 98

It seems that the word 'k'EL', normally signifying the

hide or fell of an animal (sometimes of a human) could also

be used of a skin garment. TCS adds to other uses of the

term the definition "garment of skin", on the evidence of an

558.

occurrence in the Rule of Chrodegang, where the word translates

pelle Lpellis skin, leather garment] and applies to a garment

reaching to the feet: 'Sume preostas syn be eallinga gymaö...

pmt heora fell swa side hangion pat se fot ne mtywe, ' 99 This

shows that monks were accustomed to wear garments of skin and

that these were referredto by their material; but it does not

prove that the word ' fel' came to be used of a particular garment.

There is no evidence that seculars wore a 'fell, though, as

the monks did not wear it as a mass vestment, it is possible

that the garment was worn by laymen, too.

' HEDEN' , considered briefly above (subsection 2, p. Sdo) ,

is cognate with Icelandic he inn, "fur coat". 100 In the Corpus

glossary the word renders nna101 [in late Latin a leather

garment; Anglo-Saxon writers used the word of a fur garment

worn by monks (B, 2, p. '533, above)]. 'Hedene' also renders

me lote in the Digby MS with 'basincge' and 'scicelsei102 which

suggests semantic overlap with these two words, which are

discussed below (subsection 6, pp. 563-. ). Taking into account

the meanings of cucullus, which 'heden' glosses elsewhere, 103

it seems possible that the OE word signified an outer garment

of fur which may have been hooded.

'HREDA', the validity of which has already been discussed

(subsection 1, p. 546 ), in glossing melote104 might also have

signified garment of skin.

'LOBA', considered above and below (subsections 3,5,

pp - 555-61-1 7%0- 1 ), is only

included in the present group because among the cognates of

the word in Germanic languages is Icelandic to i, which is

used in the Elder Edda of the shaggy, pile-woven mantles (more

559.

commonly called feldur) which were produced in and exported

from Iceland until c. 1200.105

'PILECE', BTD "a robe of skin, a pelisse", also has

Icelandic cognates piliza and pilla, "fur coat". 106 The word

is also related to modern English "Pilch", which is documented

up to the beginning, of the present century with the meaning

"a skin, leather or coarse woollen outer garment"* The

word is derived from medieval Latin pellicia108 (documented

from ninth to fifteenth centuries and defined "pelisse",

"Pilch", "leather garment"] which it glosses in Julius

(pellicie 'pylece'). 109 Adam and Eve are said to have worn

fur garments of this name: 'Hwi worhte. God pylcan Adame 7,

Euan after gam gylte? Bmt he geswutelode "mid gam deadum fellum.

603t hi wsron Öa deadlice for pare forgagednysse'. 110 An article

of this name was in use in the eleventh century: 'se cyngc

Malcolm 7 his sweoster Margareta geafon him myccla geofa 7

manega gmrsama 7 eallon his mannan on scynnan mid pmlle betogen

7 on merö erne pyleceon'. 111

'ROCC', which has already been mentioned as a possible

clerical garment (subsection 2, p. 552, above), has cognates

in Old Irish as well as in Germanic languages. 112 Since 'rocce'

renders Latin clamide in the of version of a text on the

interpretation of dreams113 the 'rocc' was probably a cloak.

Among a group of clothing terms in Junius/BM the word glosses

callicula114 Lpossibly for gallicula a garment, rather than

caliqula a boot, oran error for 'socc'; c. f. IV, 3, p. 586,

below]. That the ' rocc' could be made of skin or fur is

suggested by the gloss ' gmten' , uel 'broccen rooc'

among the Vestium Nomina group in Junius/BM, where tho phrase

560.

glosses melotes, uel perall5 [Isidor gives pera as an alter-

native to melote].. 'Crusene, ogge deortellen roc' glosses

mastruga among clothing terms in Cleopatra. 116 This gloss

follows toral 'roc', 117 an entry which is also to be found

in Junius/BM ('rooc') again among clothing terms. 118 [Toral

normally means the valance of a couch, but the contexts suggest

that the glossators understood something else by the lemma. ]

Stroebe mentioned 'deorfellen roc' in conjunction with fur

outer garments119 but categorized ''rocc' with body garments

such as 'scyrte' and 'smocc'. 120 She claimed, however, that

the ' rocc' was worn " fiber dem Hemd" . 121 The only evidence

that ' rocc' could signify a body garment is the compound

'breost-rocc' which occurs as part of the gloss to renones

in the Junius/BM Vertiurn Nomina group: ' 'stiöe and ruge breost- 6

rocces', 122

and this does not, in view of the meaning of reno

L reindeer skin, fur pelisse worn by ancient Germans], prove

that the garment was not outermost. 'Rocc' was evidently a

loose term which was often used of a fur or skin garment, but

which had to be qualified in such cases, thus ' broccen rooc' ,

' deorfellen roc'.

5. Outer or inner garments

'LODA', BTD "a cloak, upper garment", has already been

discussed as a possible blanket and as a fur garment (subsec-

tions 3,4 # pp. 55 5-655g-9, above). It is

possible that the word could be applied to a body garment,

since more than once it glosses colobium123 La word which

often signifies "shirt", although it has other meanings,

including "cloak"]. The implications of this use are discussed

561.

below (Section III, 3, pp. 662 -9). The maj ority of documented

occurrences of 'log a', however, show that the word could

signify "cloak". In the Corpus glossary the word glosses

lacerna (with 'haecile')124` and a similar entry (with 'hacele')

appears in the A-order glossary in Cleopatra. 125 With 'hacelan,

ogge lachen' the word glosses clamidem in the same manuscript. 126

The gloss 'scete, loga' to sandalium in the Corpus glossary127

is obviously an error [sandalium slipper, sandal], perhaps

associated with the subsequent entry: sagulum 'lo6a'128

[sagulum a small military cloak]. The word is used in the OE

version of the Pastoral Care where it translates liniamento

[garment] and refers to the apparel of. King Saul, from which

David cuts 'mnne ]. mppan'. 129

130 'MENTEL' is also found glossing the ambiguous colobiu "

and is therefore discussed below (Section III, 3, pp. 568 -`f) .

The word translates chlamys in the Pastoral Care131 fulfilling

the same function as 'looa' in the Saul episode. 'Mid

twifealdum mantel' renders diploide in the Stowe Psalter132

[diplois double garment to be wrapped round the body, cloak]..

The word is borrowed from Latin mantellum [a cloak] but its

form testifies that it was an early loan133 and its use in

OE texts suggests that it became integrated into the vernacular

at an. early stage and remained in use. The. word is antecedent

to modern English "mantle". 134 The use of the word in the

Pastoral Care shows that a garment of this name might be worn

by a man, while a bequest in a tenth-century will shows that

in late Anglo-Saxon England the word was used of a woman's

garment. The bequest suggests that a*'mentel' might be of

some value, though since the testatrix makes reference to

562.

' byre beteran mentel' 135

she obviously owned more than one.

The bequest of a 'mentel-preon' in the same will136 suggests

that the garment was fastened by means of a clasp, pin or

brooch. ('Mentel-preon' is discussed below, Section IX, p.

(. 30).

'PAD', although defined by BTD "an outer garment, coat,

cloak", was considered by Wülcker to signify "a smock-frock

or shirt"137 and was grouped-by Stroebe, with some doubt,

among body garments ('scyrte', 'smocc'). 138 The Old High

German cognate pfeit signifies "shirt". 139 As IpaadI the

term glosses praetersorium in the Corpus glossary. 140

Lpraetersorium means "a stray animal"; 7 an error for

praetextorium, 141 the name of a garment which may take the

form of a tunic. ] MI read ' waad' against pretersorim in the

(related) Cleopatra glossary; 9ut Stryker read 'paad'. 143

Whatever the shape of the garment suggested by' the glosses

(if the glossator really intended the word to gloss praetexta),

the occurrence of 'pad' in several compounds shows that it

signified an outer garment. Examples include 'herepad', "a

coat of mail", 144

and 'hasu pada', "one having a grey garment;

thus "eagle" . 145 'Hop pads' (subsection 2, p. 55'1 , above)

is another compound of 'pad'.

'ROCCO was considered a body garment by Stroebe146 but

as suggested above (subsection 4, ep . SS9"bo) there is little

justification for this.

6. Other terns

'BRATT', BTD "a cloak", probably derives from Old British,

ultimately from Old Irish. 147 A post-settlement loan into OE

563.

from Celtic, it is the only garment term among the known words

of this origin. The word only occurs in OE in a Northumbrian

text, having perhaps been adopted from the Northern native

population. It is even possible that the term refers to a

distinctive garment borrowed from the Celts. If so, this

may partially explain why, earlier, the Christian Northumbrians

were considered unusual in matters of dress (B, 5, pp. 537-9,

above). The word glosses pallium in the Lindisfarne Gospels

together with ' hrmgil' and ' bmcla' , where the Mercian text

has ' hryft' and the West Saxon ' wmf els' . 148 The word survived

into'later English, a garment of this name being mentioned in

contemptuous terms in The Canterbury Tales:

... for nadde they but a sheete, Which that they myghte wrappe hem inne a-nyte, And a brat to walken inne by. daylyght, They wolde hem selle... 149

The word also survived in Welsh, where it came to mean "a rag" 150

and in Gaelic, where the meaning "mantle" persisted. The

later evidence suggests that the 'bratt' was, or came to be,

a humble garment.

'BASING', BTD "a short cloak, a cloak", BTS "a mantle",

is t'º, ice linked with 'wmfels' , glossing chlamide (i. sacrum)

('umfelLse], basincge'), 151 and clamidem i. vestem ('basincge,

waefel'). 152 In biblical context 'basingc' renders pallium153

and 'mid twifealdum basinge' renders diploide in one version

of the Psalms. 154 This suggests some semantic similarity to

' mentel' . The term is used by Lifric of the cloak which St.

Martin shared with a beggar. 155 This suggests that the garment

was rectangular, rather than tailored. The word might be

used of a fur garment, since, linked with ' hedene' and ' scicelse'

'basincge' glosses melote. 15 6

564.

'F-: RYCG-HRRGEL', BTD "a dorsal, mantle", occurs in two

wills. Wulfwara bequeaths an object of this name to a church157

and Bishop Alfwold bequeaths to his sister ' i. hrigchxmgl and

i. sethr gl', 158

a combination which suggests that the 'hricghrmgl'

might have been designed to cover the back of a piece of

furniture rather than the human back. 'Hrycg' is not documented

in relation to furniture, however, though it can mean the

human, or animal back*. 159 Since 'hrmgel' is a common garment

term (Section VIII, 1, pp. 6i4.2a below) the compound may signify

a garment.

'OFER-LAG', BTD "a cloak", (CHM 'oferlagu', )'is deduced

from an entry in the Leiden glossary, where 'oberlagu' renders

anfibula Lamphibalum].

'SCICCELS', BTD "a cloak, mantle", is a word'of unknown

origin, though it has cognates in Germanic languages which

suggests that the OE term may have been well-established.

'Scyccelse' renders clamyde in the West Saxon Gospels where

'ryfte' is found in the Anglian versions. 161 'Fots16 (fotsid)

sciccel', with 'hacele', glosses clamis among clothing terms

in Junius/BM. 162 With 'basincge' and 'hedene' it glosses

melotel63 which suggests that a 'sciccels' of fur or skin

was not unknown. The word ('sicilse')'. is also associated

with mantile Lmantie, overall] and veste164 [as vestimentum

clothing, garment, vestment, bedclothes]. The word is used

more than once (including the form 'scyccel') of the cloak

which St. Martin divided with a poor man165 which suggests

that it was similar to the 'basing'. The word ('scicilse')

is also used of the cloak of a poor man, divided the same

way, in f\, vpolonius of Tyre. 166 The word translates tribunario

(small cloak]. Elsewhere in the text the garment is called

'wmfels'. The evidence shows that the 'sciccels' was worn by

565.

Related to 'sciccels' is 'SCICCING', BTD "a cloak, cape".

The word has cognates in Scandinavian languages, but is only

known in OE from glosses. It renders cappa [cap, hood, cloak]

in the Corpus ('scicging'), 167 Cleopatra A-order168 and

Cleopatra subject-order 169

glossaries.

'WIFELS', BTD "covering, wrap, cloak, veil", glosses

chlamide (i. saqum) ('umfel') with 'basincge'170 and clamidem

i, vestem ('wmfel') with the same word. 171 Several times the

word renders pallium: in Kentish glosses ('wefels')172 in

the interlinear version of the Benedictine Rule ('w fm ls')173

and in the West Saxon version of St. Matthew's Gospel. 174 The

other version of the Rule has 'hacelan' in this context175 and

the 'Anglian versions of the Gospel also use other terms: ' hrmgl' , 176 ' hwcla' and 'bratt' in Lindisfarne, ' hryft' in Rushworth.

The context differentiates between 'wmfels' and 'tunece': 17 Dam

6e wylle... niman pine tunecan. lmt, him to D inne wmfels'. In

an Aldhelm MS 'linnenne wmuels' glosses anaboladia, (amictorium

lineum)177 [anaboladium linen mantle or wrap; amictus cloak].

in another, 'mulse' glosses theristro. 178 The word does appear

to have been used with the loose meaning "covering", since it

translates opertorium. (with 'overbraedels')179 and tegmen18O

i. covering]. It glosses armenum (uelum)181 [covering, curtain,

veil] and is used of the cloth with which Christ was blindfolded 182

' Waefels' then, might signify various types of covering, but the

word could certainly be used of a cloak.

566. III

Body garments

The following group of terms refers to garments which

covered all or part of the trunk. They'might in some instances

extend to cover the legs, but if. so, in the form of a skirt

rather than trousers which are considered elsewhere (Section

IV, below). The body garment:: might in practice be the outer-

most garment, for example in summer, but it might be covered

by the cloak or other outer garments discussed above (Section

II). Similarly a body garment might be worn next to the skin,

or might be worn with an undergan-nent.

Beane-clap Eaxl-clap Slop Beane-rwgl Ham Slype Breost-lie Hemepe Smoc Breost-rocc Sculdor-htmgl Tunece Cemes Scyrte Underserc. Cyrtel Serc Wealca

'Hacele', 'lops' and 'mentel', considered above as Outer

garments are also discussed as Body garments.

1. Terms probably confined to ecclesiastical use

'EAR(L)-CLAP' and 'SCULDOR-HREGL' may be dismissed from

the discussion as both appear to refer to ecclesiastical vest-

ments, although the definitions in B'i'D do not make this clear.

Both are hapax legomena, formed after a common pattern of

compounding: part-of-the-body plus general garment term.

'Eax(l)-clap', BTD "shoulder-cloth, scapular", is used in

biblical context of a garment of religious significance (an

ephod). 1 The compound renders humerale humerale, covering

for the shoulder's, cape]. ' Sculdor-hrae. gl' , BTD "a garment

to cover the shoulders", occurs in a list of vestments in the

Julius M3, glossing superhumorale This near-translation

567"

may be contrasted with-the adoption of the Latin loan 'superumerale'

in another OE text, a catalogue of sign language for monks. 3

2. Breast cloths, aprons

'BREOST-LIIQ', BTD "a breast linen or bandage, breast cloth",

occurs in the Cleopatra A-order glossary, where 'breostlines'

glosses fasciae4 Lfascia, band]. In the absence of further

evidence the function of the article named is impossible to

determine. It could have been a garment, but might equally

plausibly have been, for example, a wrapping for a corpse.

'BREOST-ROCC', BTD "a breast-cloth", occurs in Junius/BM

under the heading Vestium Nomina: renones ' sti6 a and ruge

breostrocces' .5 The compound is formed after a common pattern,

but despite its single documented occurrence in OE, it may

have been a well-established term since there exists an Old

High German cognate brust-roch, noted by BTD and said to gloss

thorax (. breast armour, doublet].

' BEARM-CLA' occurs in Junius/BM as gloss to rnappula6

[c. f. mappa, napkin or ecclesiastical mantle] following mantile

'hand hrmgl' and a group of words relating to cookery. LMantile

normally means mantle, overall; possibly there is some confusion

with manuy, hand]. The context suggests that the glossator

intended 'bearm-clap' and 'hand hraegl' to mean "apron" and

"napkin", respectively. In Middle English a 'barmcloth' sig-

nified an apron (thus NED) as indicated in the Pro: natorium

Parvulorum where 'Baryn cloth or napryn' glosses limas? Llinus

a girdle or apron trimmed with purple] and in one of Chaucer's

Canterbury Tales where the young wife of a carpenter wears

what appears to be an elaborate apron:

568"

... she werede A barmclooth eek as whit as morne milk Upon hir lender, ful of many a gore. 8

OE 'bearm', often translated "bosom", may mean "lap"

rather than "breast".

' BEARM-RTGL' , BTD "a bosom garment", is a compound-deduced

from the glossary entry against mappula cited above. The

lemma is glossed 'bearmclapl' uel 'rmgl'. The term is not

documented elsewhere and 'it is perhaps an unnecessary suggestion

since the use of 'hregl' is extensive. (Section VIII, l, jp. bl9-y: o1

below) .

3. Shirts or cloaks

'HACELE', 'LODA' and 'MENTEL' primarily gloss and translate

Latin words meaning "cloak", but they also gloss words meaning

"shirt" and are associated with OE words which clearly belong

to the category "Shirt". I/ 'Hacele' glosses subucula La man's undergarment, shirt]

in the Cleopatra MS9 and, - in association with 'ham', in the

Digby Aldhelm 14S. 10 The two occurrences may not be independent

of each other, since this section of the Cleopatra MS is mostly

devoted to Aldhelm glosses.

' LoÖa' and 'mantel' both occur as parts of glosses to

col bium La short-sleeved undergarment; from the eighth

century a shirt, sleeveless tunic or cloak]. The OE-words

occur together in the Harley MS glossary in explanation of

Isidor's definition of colobiu_m: 11

colobium, dictum cruia

longum est, et sine manicis 'lopa, ham', uel 'smoc, mentel'. 12

'Loöa' also renders colobium in the Digby 146 Aldhelm MS in

association with 'sere', 'smoc' and 'hemepe', 13 and in the

569"

Royal 6 Bvii Aldhelm MS. 14 While the ultimate sources of these

glosses are different, two being from Aldhelrn, the other from

Isidor, it is not unlikely that they are connected. Surviving

OE glosses demonstrate interdependence in so many cases that

one cannot deny the possibility that the collocation may have

been perpetuated by the copying of glosses from another source

in an attempt to render fully the possible meanings of colobium.

As already demonstrated (Section II, 5, pp. 5GOb9) ,' lo6a' and ' mentel'

are normally the names of outer garments. It is possible that

the terms had other meanings, or the garments alternative func-

tions, but the most that can be deduced from the colobium glosses

is that the 'lo6a' and ' mentel' shared with the ' hom' and ' smoc'

(and probably 'hemepe') the characteristics of length and

sleevelessness. 6

4. Shirts

'UNDER-SERC', BTD "an undergarment", would appear to be

the strongest linguistic evidence for the existence of a garment

which functioned solely as underwear. Its only occurrence is as

gloss to colophium Lprobably for colohium in the A-order

vocabulary in the Cleopatra MS. is The compound might have.

W. rry

meant "a shirttunder another garment" or "something worn under-

neath a shirt". This appears to be one of the earliest'such

uses of 'under-'. (C. f. 'underwrmdel.. Section IV, 1, p. 58o. ) i

' CEMES' , BTD "a linen night-gown, chemise", replaced in

BTS by "a shirt", occurs with 'ham' in the Cleopatra A-order

glossary, rendering camisa16 Icamisia a linen shirt or night

gown; in late Latin a long undergarment for men worn next to

the skin]. The OE word derived from Latin camisia. Its form

570"

suggests that it was an early borrowing into English, and its

use in an OE text translating a Latin word other than camisia

suggests that the word was well established in OE by King

Alfred's time. It renders linea in the OE version of Gregory's

Dialogues, in context which establishes that a garment of this

name might be worn by a child, and also demonstrates that the

' cemes' and ' tunece' were different garments which could be

worn simultaneously: she Lthe child Boniface] wms utgangende

of hire huse, 7 full oft butan his kemese 7 eac gelomlice butan

his tunecan he eft on hire huse cyrde'. 17 There is no textual

evidence from OE of the use of 'cemes' as a night-gown, but

BTS's deletion of this interpretation seem unnecessary in view

of the semantic range of camisia. Isidor, source of many entries

in OE word-lists, attributes this function, among others, to 6

camisia. 18

'SCYRTE', BTD "short garment, skirt, kirtle", is found in

the Boulogne Prudentius MS glossing pretexta19 Lp raetexta,

outer garment of Roman magistrates and free-born children;

as worn by'children, a short tunic]. The word has cognates 20 in Germanic languages, and is possibly related to, the OE

verb 'scyrtan', "to make short". It is antecedent to modern

English "shirt". (Tho cognate "skirt" was probably a loan

into Middle English from Scandinavian. 21) The use of the

word in an of homily in a twelfth-century manuscript suggests

that the 'sherte' was distinct from the 'curtle', and that the

former was worn next to the skin, while'the latter was an over-

garment: ' (John the Baptist] turnde ut of De burh into wilderne

... and ches Pere... Stiue here to shurte and gret sac to 22

curtle'.

571.

' SERC' , BrfD "a shirt, shift, smock, tunic, sark", glosses

colobium in the Digby MS in association with 'loöa', 'smocc'

and ' hemep e' 23

and again with ' smoe' in a group of clothing

terms in Junius/BM (' syrc') . 24 ' Syric' appears in a group of

clothing terms in the Julius MS as gloss to colobium, uel

interula25 Lan undergarment, shirt] and in Junius/BM the word

renders supoar, interula26 Lsunoarum a linen garment worn by

women]. 'Serce' glosses arrnilausia larmilausa a militaru ppCº

y gar-

ment] in the corpus glossary27 and three times in related word-

lists in Cleopatra: twice in the A-order glossary28 and once

as the first of a' group of clothing terms in the subject-order

glossary. 29 The term appears twice in the continuous text

version of the Benedictine Rule, rendering tonica Itunica

Roman undergarment; documented from the twelfth century as

tunic, coat, but used earlier by Elfric of the biblical Joseph's

coat]. Despite the limited value of evidence drawn from a text

concerning the monastic life, the Benedictine Rule offers the

interesting information that the Ssyric', as well as being worn

during the day30 was worn for sleeping: a monk needed 'twegen

syricas for pa3re nihtware'. 31 The interlinear version employs

the-loan-word 'tonican', 'tunican' in each case, implying 32

some degree of synonymy between'serc' and 'tunece'.

The use of the word in the Benedictine Rule shows that the

'serc' was worn by men, and this is confirmed in Elfric's sermon

on the Passion of St. Thomas, which also demonstrates that the

'syric' and cloak ('gallium') were different garments: 'Des

pallium De is werige wyle me gelmstan . and min syric ne toslio...

mr an De min sawl siöaö of Dam lichaman'. 33 The garments

mentioned are obviously not ostentatious, since it has just

been stated that the Christian does not wear 'flm sclice f=tewunga'.

572" The word 'serc' was obviously well-established in the

English language from early times since it occurs as an ele-

ment in several compound words meaning "armour, corselet",

which contribute towards the heroic vocabulary of the Anglo-

Saxon poet, for example, from Beowulf ' beadu-, 'here-; 'hioro-,

'leopo' and'lic-serc' . 34

'HAM', BTD "a covering, garment, shirt", also appears in

military context as a compound element,; for example ' fyrd-hom' ,

"war-dress", 'scir-ham', "in bright armour" . 35 The word is

related to OE 'hama', "a covering", and also has cognates in

the Germanic languages, for example Icelandic hamr, "a skin". 36

The term is obviously long-established in the Germanic languages.

The word glosses colobium in the Corpus37 and Cleopatra glos-

saries ('hom'). 38 It also occurs with 'looa', 'smoc'. and

'mentel' as gloss to the Isidor quotation in the Harley MS. 39

The word ('haam') glosses camis(i)a, in Corpus, 40 and, with

'cemes', in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 41 With 'hacele'

it glosses subucula in the Digby 15.42

'HEMEPE', BTS "an undergarment with short sleeves, a shirt",

probably derives ultimately from camisia. It must have been

an early borrowing into Germanic, /c/ becoming /h/ according

to Grimm' s -Law. There are cognates in several Germanic languages.

Like 'ham' (above) the word may be related to OE 'hama', "a

covering". 43 The word glosses colobium with 'loga', 'serc'

and 'smoc' in the Digby Aldhelm MS44 and interula in the

glossed version of the Regularis Concordia. 45 It is mentioned

in the Indicia Monasterialia, in a part of the document which

does not relate to vestments, but to clothing of a kind which

may have been also worn by seculars: ' Gyf Du hemepe habban

I

573"

wille, ponne nim pu slyfan pe on hand and wege hi' . 46 The

implication of the gesture would seem to be that the garment

was sleeved, consistent with the usual interpretation of colobium

which 'hemepe' glosses elsewhere, though not with Isidor's

definition of colobium.

'SrJOC', BTD "a smock, shift", occurs in the multiple glosses

to colobium in MSS Digby 14647 and Harley 337648 and thus is

linked to ' hemepe' , 'horn', ' looa' ,' mentel' and ' serc' . Cognates

include Icelandic smokkr, "a blouse", and Middle High German

smacken, "to adorn". 49 The term is documented in later English

including the Promptorium Parvulorum entry: 'smoke, schyrte'

camisia, interula instita50 Lthe last-mentioned normally means

the border or flounce of a Roman lady's tunic, or a bandage].

'Smoc' is antecedent to modern English "smock".

6

5. Tunics

In some cases, the function of garments named in this group

may have overlapped with the function of those in the previous

group.

As noted above (Section II, 2, p. 551 ) neither 'SLOP' nor

'SLYPE' is documented from the OE period except in compounds,

though both are listed in BTD. 'Slop', BTD "a-loose upper

garment, slop, smock-frock, any kind of outer garment made of

linen", has, as cognate, Icelandic sloop r, "a gown, loose garment,

especially a priest's gown". 51 Later evidence attests the

existence of a garment of this name, and gives some indication

of its form. In the Promptorium Parvulorum 'sloppe' is ren-

dered by mutatorium52 lwhich may mean a cape, a wimple or a

change of clothing]. More usefully, a garment of this name

574.

is mentioned in The Canterbury Tales in context which suggests

it might have taken the form of a cloak or loose tunic: 'Rutted

. sloppes... that thurgh hire shortnesse ne covere nat the shame-

ful membres of man'. 5 3 The ' sloppes' under discussion were

short, but the condemnation suggests that this was a temporary

fashion. (Robinson glossed 'sloppe' "loose over-garment". )

'Slype', BTD "a garment, slip", is also documented from

later English, where it appears to signify the edge, perhaps

the skirt, of a tunic. In the Promptorium Parvulorum 'slyp

or scyrte' is glossed by lacinia54 Llappet, edge or corner of

a garment].

" 'TUNECE', BTD "a tunic, coat", derives from Latin tunica,

which it glosses among a group of clothing terms in the Cleopatra

MS55 and also in Junius/BM. 56 It renders the same Latin word

(tonicas) in the Liber Seintillarum57 and in tlfric's Old

Testament translation, where it refers to Joseph's coat58

(Plato XXII). It translates tunica in the West Saxon versions

of the Gospels, whore the Northumbrian version uses ' cyrtel' S9

and in the interlinear version of the Benedictine Rule (tonicam

'tonican'; tonicas 'tunican'), where the other version has

'syrc'. 60 The 'tunece' is distinguished from the 'wmfels' in

the West Saxon version of St. Matthew's Gospel: ''Dam Do wylle...

niman pine tunecan. last him to pinne wmfels'. 61 In the OB

Orosius osius 'tunecan' renders to ae62 Ltoga long Roman garment,

made of a single piece of material; the garment normally worn

in Roman times] and-the verb 'getunecude' (BTS 'getunecod',

"provided with a tunic, dressed in a tunic') glosses togatos. 63

Despite the fact that 'tunece' is mostly documented gloss-

ing the Latin word from which it derives, the term's use was

575.

not confined to scholarly transliteration, since a garment

of this name is mentioned in the late-tenth-century will of

Wynf]. ed, a woman apparently of secular life: 'hio an Ceoldrype

hyre blacena tuneca swa per hyre leofre beo 7 hyre betso

haliryft'. The association with a holy veil, and the fact 64

that the tunic mentioned is black, suggest some connection with

religion. The necessity for women to wear a dark garment

('brunum h=gle') when taking the sacrament is mentioned in

the Confessionale of Archbishop Ecgbert. 65 It is possible

that the dark tunic and holy veil were Wynflmd's costume when

she attended church. She owned more than one 'tunece', since

she also bequeaths 'hyre betstan dunnan tunecan'. 66

The biblical and Orosius citations show that the 'tunece'

could be worn by men; the will that a woman living in the

tenth century owned more than one garment of this name, in

different colours. The 'tunece' was-evidently unlike the

' wmfels' and similar in some respects to the ' cyrtel' and ' syrc' , like the latter functioning as a nightshirt in monastic commu-

nities. Wynflmd's bequests suggest, however, that the term

might be used of a more valuable garment than a nightshirt.

'CYRTEL', BTD "kirtle, vest, garment, frock, coat", is

cognate with Icelandic kyrtill and modern English "kirtle". 67

Medieval Latin curtella and-kurtella [kirtle] are documented

only from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries respectively,

, so the OE term is not derived from. this source, though it is

likely to be related to curtus [short]. Serjeantson related

'cyrtel' to the OE verb 'cyrtan', "to shorten", 68 itself a'

loan from Latin =. 69

The word is found in Junius/BM, in

conjunction with 'oferb=dels', glossing palla. 70

The entry

576"

follows a group of terms relating to ecclesiastical affairs,

and precedes names of personal ornaments and headgear. 'Cyrtel'

or ' cyrtil' is employed in the Lindisfarne Gospels where the

West Saxon versions use 'tunece'71 and, similarly, is distin-

guished from 'wa fels' . This use of 'cyrtel' as alternative to

West Saxon 'tunece' might suggest that the words were synonymous,

but since Vlynflmd's will bequeaths the 'cyrtel' as well as the

. 'tunece', there must have been some distinction between. the

two garments. If, as suggested above, Wynf]. eed wore the 'tunece'

for church, it may have been a plainer, more formal garment

than the 'cyrtel', but of similar cut. The will indicates that

there was something unusual or elaborate about the texture or

colour of each ' cyrtel' mentioned but lexicographers and trans-

lators have failed to agree about the meaning of the descriptions

and about the correct reading of one of them. Wynf ]. tad bequeaths

'hyre twilibrocenan cyrtel' and 'hyre cincdag enan cyrtel'. 72

'Twili' clearly means "two" or "double". 1hitelock translated

the former phrase "her double badger-skin (? ) kirtle", 73

incorporating the suggestion that the 'broc-' element was a

substantive, meaning "badger". Thorpe, for no obvious reason,

considered that the former kirtle was "double lambswool". 74

If 'brocen' were not a substantive it might be the past participle

of a strong verb, either 'brucan' , Class II, or ' brecan' ,

formally Class V. but sometimes having past participle 'brocen'

by analogy with Class IV. 75 'Brucan', often meaning "to enjoy"

may mean' "to wear La garment]". 76 CiM cites (under 'brucan' )

'brocen cyrtel', "a coat which has been worn" deriving the

citation from Llfric, but without giving any specific reference.

It is possible that Wynflmd was bequeathing a garment which

she had only worn twice.

577.

A more interesting possibility, but one which is harder

to justify linguistically, is that 'twilibrocen' is a descrip-

tion of the garment's weave. CHM defines 'twilit' as "double,

woven of double thread", and 'twilibrocen' (tentatively) as

"woven of threads of two colours". There are many documented

weaving terms in OE, but 'brocen' is not one of them. 'Twili'

may, however, describe the weaving thread. The word is similar

to modern English "twill", the term which describes the most

popular weaving technique:: of Anglo-Saxon England (Part Two, D,

8-10, pp. 433-8, above). The earliest citations including

"twill" in OED are from the fourteenth century, but it is

possible that the word was in use earlier. Twill weaving is

"double" weaving in the sense that it involves taking the weft

over and under two warp threads simultaneously. The most

luxurious weave known from Anglo-Saxon England is a diamond-

or lozenge-patterned twill (Fig. 7)/in which the diamond shape

is deliberately made asymmetrical. The English examples are

early, but the weave is known in Scandinavia from a time con-

temporary with Wynflmd's will. The modern description of the

asymmetry is "broken", the name of this weave "broken diamond

twill". If OE 'twili' wore the equivalent of "twill", and

'brocen' wore the past participle of 'brocan', "to break",

the compound might mean "broken twill". It might seem too

great a coincidence that the OE and modern names should be so

similar, but if both were describing a twill weave in which a

symmetrical pattern was deliberately broken, the coincidence

is surely not outside the bounds of possibility.

The other ' cyrtel' bequeathed by Wynflmd was considered

"white striped" by Thorpe, who read: 1(7 E6 elf] lmde pisse

578"

hwitan hyre cinewa_6 enan cyrtel'. 77 rhitelock considered

'hwitan' to be part of the name of the legatee and evaded

translating the adjective. 78

BTS suggests the'word may mean

"purple" (BTS 'cyne-waden (? )'), presumably by association,

through 'cyning', "king", with royal purple. 79

The 'cyrtel' figures in the will of another Anglo-Saxon

woman, 4lulfgy6, who bequeaths ' ane wellene kertel', 80 the only

garment mentioned in the text.

The wills demonstrate that the garment of this name could

take a number of forms, and might be made of wool, or, possibly,

if S"rhitelock' s reading of ' brocen' is correct, of fur. It is

likely in any case that the Anglo-Saxons were accustomed to the

'cyrtel' of skin or fur, as made by the Scandinavians. The

traveller Ohthere, describing in the OE Orosius the tribute

paid by the Finns, mentions that among the offering of men of

high rank there should be 'berenne kyrtel ooge yterenne', 81

The word is well-documented in Middle English, in contexts.

which show that a garment of this name was worn by both sexes,

although it seems to have lost status since Anglo-Saxon times

when it was important enough to be bequeathed. In Piers Plowman,

for example, the (male) Sin Envy, is described as wearing such

a garment in a context which suggests rough cloths

clothed in a caurymaury... In kirtel and kourteby. 82

in Chaucer's Parliament of Fowles and The Romaunt of the Rose

the garment is worn by females and seems to be a petticoat. 83

6. A wrapper

'WEALCA' is included here as a "Body garment" since it was

worn on the trunk, though not a shirt or tunic, and it does

579"

not appear to have been a cloak. , The term is found in )Elf ric's

version of Genesis, where it translates theristrum La summer

garment] and refers to a garment worn by a woman: 'Da dyde

heo of hyre wydewan reaf 7 nam hyre walcan'. 84

This is the

garb of a harlot, adopted by Tamar for the seduction of her

father-in-law, and contrasting with the formal widow's weeds

which are thrown off. BTD defines 'wealca' "a garment that may

be rolled round a person, a muffler, wrap, veil", relating it

to the verb 'wealcan'. Another substantive 'wealca' is defined

"a roller, wave, billow", and it is likely that the formation

of the garment name reflects the billowing nature of the costume.

I

/

5aO" - IV

Loin and leg coverings

1.

B=cce Braccas Brec-hLä3gl Broc, brec Cbles Gyrdels Hosa Hose-bend Leperhose

Meo Nostle Sceanc-bend Sceanc-gegirela Socc Strapul Underwrzedel irJx d-b rmc Wining

S

Loin cloths

'GYRDELS', BTD "a girdle", in addition to signifying a

belt, as indicated by use as gloss to cingulum and zona (Section

VII, 2, p. 4014 , below), may also have signified "loin sloth".

The term is found glossing lumbare Lapron for the loins, loin

cloth) in the (related) Corpus and Cleopatra A-order glossaries,

in association with 'brec'. In Corpus the entry reads 'gyrdils

broec' 1 and in Cleopatra ' gyrdel oöö a brec' 2 In later medieval.

times girdles had multiple functions, including the support of

the 'breche'. 3 Possibly the functions of the Anglo-Saxon

'gyrdels' and 'breche' overlapped in some way, as indicated by

the glosses. The glossator may, however, only have been attempt-

ing to give alternative explanations of lunbare.

'UNDERLr1MDEL' , listed but not defined in BTD, was considered

an undergarment by Stroebe (Schurz, Lendenschurz, Gdrtel). 4

The word appears in the Junius/BM glossary ('underhwxmdell)

rendering subfibulum, uel subliaaculum La white, four-cornered

veil; and a waist band, or breech-cloth, respectively].

'WILD-13flA C' , IITD "breeches, a covering for the loins

appears in Junius/BM ('wxdbrec'), glossing perizomata, uel

campestria, uel succinetoria6 Lgirdle; (campestre) leather

apron worn round loins; apron, respectively] and in MS"Cotton

. 581.

Julius Aii glosses perizomata, uel campestria7 The use of the

term in the OE version of Genesis clarifies the function of

the garment: ' hi... sywodon him f icleaf, 7 worhton him wxdbrec'. 8

The term is again rendering perizomata.

Loin cloths may have been worn as alternatives to tunics,

but it is possible that garments of this kind were worn under

the tunics and so concealed in illustrations. The linguistic

evidence may therefore attest a garment which is not evidenced

from other sources. 0

2, Trousers

'BRECCE', BTS "trousers", appears in the Corpus glossary

('bra(e)ccae') as gloss to sarabar(a)e9 Lwide trousers].

'BRAOCAS', BTD "breeches", is documented only in the interpre-

tation of a dream, in a'context which gives no information

about the garment. 10 The OE word translates Latin braccus

Ltrousers] and could be a direct loan, although the existence

of cognates in Danish and Swedish (bracken, brackor, respec-

tively)lýuggest an independent existence in the Germanic

languages from earlier times.

The related term 'BREC' is more common. This word,

translated "the breech, breeches" by BTD, also has cognates

in Germanic languages. The word is related to modern English

"breeches" and Scottish "breek, breeks". 12 Originally the

plural of OE ' BROC' , 'brec' was usually singular in Middle

English Oa breech'). The OE term appears to have principally

signified a pair of short trousers, covering the loins or

extending down the thighs. Apart from rendering lumbare in

association with 'gyrdilsI and Igyrdel' in the Corpus and

Cleopatra glossaries13 (subsection 1, p. 580 , above) 'brec'

532.

renders f einoral is La covering for the thigh; eleventh and

fifteenth centuries: breeches] in the Indicia Monasterialia:

'Brecena tancen is pa3t pu strice mid pinum twan handum up on

pin peah. ' 14 The occurrence in this text shows that the

garment of this name was worn by men, but the use of the word

in the thirteenth-century Ancrene Wisse shows that, at least

after the Norman Conquest, a garment of this name was worn by

women, if only as penitential clothing ('pe brech of here'). 15

The Middle English teen is defined in MED: 'brech' l (a) "the

undergarment covering the lower part of the body; underpants,

drawers or tights".

. The compound ' BREC-HRGL' should perhaps be included, here.

BTD' s definition is non-committal: "a sort of garment". CHM,

however, gives "breeches". The word translates diploide in

the Paris Psalter: 'him si abrogden, swa of brechrmgle hiora

sylfra sceamu' . 16 Other OE Psalters/translate this with phrases

apparently meaning "double cloak", such as 'mid twyf ealdum

mentel' (Section II, 5, p. 5(! , 'above). It seems that different

translators made independent attempts to render something for

which no equivalent existed, and that the translators understood

different things by it. The Paris Psalter translator perhaps

coined 'brec-hrwgl', but it seems probable that he intended

the word to mean a type of breeches.

'STRAPUL', BTD "a covering for the leg, kind of trousers",

appears (as 'strapulas') with other garment terms in Junius/BM

glossing tubroces, uel brace17 Ltubroces for tubragus, tubrucus,

a legging, similar to tibiale]. HEW related the term to Greek

. and Latin words, but gave no Germanic cognates. 18

The word

perhaps derived from Latin strebula Lthe flesh about the haunch],

the voiceless stop /b/ becoming a voiceless stop /p/ in Germanic

583"

according to Grimm's Law. 'Strapylle' glosses femorale19 and

Oa strapul') tiý20 L leg wrapping for shins, stocking] in

fifteenth-century glossaries, and 'the strapuls of a pare brek'

glosses tribrica in another text of similar date. 21 Way sugges-

ted that the word meant "a kind of braces for nether garments"

on the evidence of the Promotorium Parvulorum entry: 'straple,

of a breche (strappyl), Femorale, feminale ('strapyl of brechl

ffemorale) 22 Ifeminalia thigh bandages], but this interpretation

does not correspond to the OE glosses. The Anglo-Saxons evidently

used the word tibracis of a humble type of boot. St. Cuthbert

wore a pair made of hide which covered leg and foot. 23 The

apparent meanings of the word in the Ancrene Wisse and Trevisa's

English-translation of Higden's Polychronicon also fail to

support Way's interpretation. The former states that 'Sum

wummon inohreage wereö be brech of here ful wel icnottet be

streapeles dun to be vet ilacet ful f easte' 24

and, the Polychroni-

con confirms the suggestion that 'strapeles' covered the whole

leg and were fastened by laces: '... bey were liche to mares

wip white legges up to be biges for pat tyme be Longobardes

used strapeles wip brode laces doun to be sparlyver' . 25 The

frequent association of 'strapul' with 'breche' -or 'a pare

brok' In poet-aonquent toxtn nuggontn that the two were worn

together, perhaps constituting parts of the same garment. The

'strapul' covered the whole leg, and was fastened with laces,

but it perhaps formed the legging part of a pair of long-legged

breeches. The later texts suggest that the garment called

'strapul' was worn by both sexes, at least after the Norman

Conquest.

584"

3. Stockings and socks

The following terms appear to be the names of garments

which covered foot as well as leg. 'HOSA', BTD "a covering

for the leg, hose", appears to have had the semantic range of

modern English "hose", possibly with the additional meaning

"leg guards, greaves". 26 'Hosa' glosses caliga, uel ocrea27

Lleather shoe; metal greave, and in the eleventh century thigh

boot or legging, respectively]. " The entry occurs in the Julius

MS and is followed by three entries relating to footwear. This

group does, however, follow a list of vestments, and as the

word occurs in monastic texts it is possible that the garment

of this name was part of the costume of those in the religious

life. The existence of cognate words ih other Germanic languages

suggests, though, that the word was in use, before the conversion,

and may have been the name of a secular garment first. The

Icelandic and German hose appear to mean "legging, gaiter" and

"breeches", respectively, and Old High German hose is found

glossing caliga. 28 'Holum' renders calicos in the glossed

Regularis Concordia29 and 'hosa', 'hosan', glosses calige in

both versions of the Benedictine Rule. 30 In the continuous

text version the phrase 'hosa and meon' renders pedules et

call as. 31 The gesture associated with this garment in the

Indicia Monasterialia shows that it covered the lower leg, but

does not indicate whether or not the foot was also covered:

'Gyf Du hosa habban Wille, Donne stric Du uppweard on p inum

sceancum mid p inum twain handum'. 32

The compound 'LEER-HOSE', BTD "a leather covering for the

leg, gaiter", glosses ocreae uel tibiales in Junius/BM. 33

Cognates in Icelandic and Old High German correspond in meaning,

585"

to the BTD definition of the OE word. 34 The Ang1o-Saxon

garment of this name may have covered the foot, however,

since 'leperhosa' glosses caligas in Alfrie's Collocruy. 35

The article was included in this text as one of the products

of the 'sceowyrhta'.

'MEO', 36 BTD "a shoe or sock covering the foot", overlaps

semantically with OE 'socc'. In the Harley glossary 'meon'

glosses calsus37 If or calceus, a half boot or shoe covering

the whole foot) and in the Leiden glossary genitive 'mihes'

renders odonis38 ludo, a felt or fur sock]. The word renders

pedula Lfootwearl in Junius/BM39 and in the Benedictine Rule

('meon' for pedules)4Ö where context suggests that 'meon', were

different from 'hosa' and that both were considered essential

garments for the brethren; 'synd gesealde fram Dam abbode

ealle neadbehege ping, pmt is cugele, syric, meon, hosa... '.

This, the continuous text version of the Rule, renders pedules

et caligas 'hosa and meon' where the interlinear version has

'soccas and hosan'. This suggests that both 'hosa' and 'soccas'

could translate pedules and both 'moon' and 'hosan' caligas,

'hosa' having dual function, but a simpler explanation seems

more likely. 'Rosa' is found elsewhere interpreting caligas

and the quotation from the Rule shows that, in that context at

least, 'hosa' and 'meon' were not considered synonymous. It

is likely that the interlinear glossator rendered the Latin

word for word, but the continuous text translator used a freer

approach and inverted the phrase in translation, nevertheless

rendering caligas with 'hosan' as was usual and translating

nedules with 'meon' as elsewhere in the text. 'Meo' and 'socc'

may therefore be synonymLs, ' hosa' something different.

586.

'SOCC', BAD "a sock, kind of shoe", apart from translating

pedules ('soccus') as discussed, glosses callicula [caliqula,

a small military boot] in the BM/Plantin-Moretus glossary4l

and soccus in the Corpus glossary, in association with 'slebescoh'9

Lsoccus light shoe, slipper. Isidor's definition of soccus is:

Socci, cuius diminutivum socelli, apoellati inde guod saccum .

habeant, in quo pars plantae inicitur. 43] OE 'socc' was probably

a Latin loan into continental Germanic (ultimately Greek), 44

having cognates in other Germanic languages including Icelandic

sokkr, "a sock", and Old High German soc which glosses soccus,

caliga and calicula. 45 The cognates and the meaning of modern

English "sock" should not obscure the evidence of the lemmata

glossed by OL 'socc', which suggest a bag-like foot covering

which was put on easily, but do not prove that the garment

continued far up the leg.

' CIELES' , TCS "a footcovering", should perhaps be grouped

with the preceding words since it also translates Pedules

(pediles, ' cmlise') . 46 The term derives from Vulgar Latin

calsius, perhaps ultimately from calla, and is related to

calceus. It was probably a loan into continental Gezmanic. 47

There are cognates in Greek and in Germanic languages which

appear to signify leg-coverings. Schlutter suggested that

the glossary entry derived from the Vulgate circumpedes et

femoralia et humeraleposuit ei (Ecclesiasticus, 45,10),

pediles functioning as equivalent or explanation of circumpedes.

Citing the glossary-entries for 'meo', Schlutter argued that

the 'rmles' resembled the 'meo' but expressed uncertainty

whether the garments were more like shoes or stockings; an

uncertainty which arises in discussing each of the words in

the above group, so indicating that these garments may have

covered both leg and foot.

587.

4. Garters

'HOSE-BEND', BTD "a hose-band, garter", is a readily-

comprehensible compound since both elements are much documented

and ' hosa' well-established as the name of a garment for the

legs. 'Hosebendas' occurs as gloss to periscelides Lieg bands, '

anklets] in MS Digby 146.48 Though rare, the OE word was

probably not a nonce-formation, since a similar compound in

49 Old Norse, hosna-reim, suggests a common Germanic origin for

such compounds of 'hose'.

' SCEANC"BEND' , BTD "a band for the leg, a garter", also

glosses periscelides ('scangbendas') in a group of glosses

mostly associated with garments and ornaments in Junius/BM. so

This, again, is a self-explanatory compound, again the second

element being a substantive related to the function 'bindan',

"to bind", but whereas the first element of 'hose-bend' is the

name of-a garment, 'sceanc-bend', literally "a band for the

shin"51 is compounded according to the more usual pattern of

part-of-the-body plus garment term.

A third hapax legomenon, 'SCEANC-GEGIRELA', is compounded

according to a similar pattern. Defined "clothing for the

leg, a garter", by BTD, like its synonyms 'scancgegirelan'

is found glossing periscelides. It occurs in the A-order

Cleopatra glossary. 52

'WINING', BTD "a band for the leg", was apparently in

more general use. 'Weoning' glosses fascellas Las fascia,

a band] in the Harley MS53 and in Junius/BM renders fascia

(' wyningc') and uallecgias (' wyncgas') among a group of clothing

terms. 54 LThis is the only recorded use of vallectias as a

garment. Elsewhere the word means "saddlebags". ] An instruc-

tion in the Indicia Monasterialia, in that part of the text

"(

588"

which seems to refer to everyday clothing rather than vestments,

confirms that the 'winingas' were worn on the lower leg: 'Ronne

Du wynyngas habban wille, Donne do Du mid p inum twam handum

onbutan pine sceancan'. 55 The term has cognates in non-Germanic

and Germanic languages, 56 including Icelandic vindingr "a strip

wound round the leg instead of hose". 5 7

'NOSTLE', BTD "a fillet, band", was-evidently used of a

bandage and, possibly, of a head band (Section ITI, +t ,p. boy,

below), but could evidently be applied to a leg binding, since

in the Leiden glossary 'mihes nostlun' glosses odonis vitam58

Ivitta, a band]. In a list headed Vestium Nomina in Junius/13M.. '

'nosle', vel 'sarclag', glosses fasciolä9Lbandage, including

leg bandage]. Leg bands may have been worn round the leggings

to keep them in place ('hose-bend' 'nostle') or may have func-

tioned alone as leg coverings, being wrapped directly round

the shin ('sceanc-bend', 'wining'). , Some of these leg bands

may have been ornamental (' sceanc-gegirela' . C. f. Section VIII,

l, pp. (6: 3-5, below).

589"

V

Shoes

Calc Rifeling Crinc Scoh, gesceo, gescy Fotgemde Slife-scoh, slipe-scoh Hemming Stmppe- scoh Lces-hosum Swiftlere lost

1. Terms of doubtful validity

Two of the terms listed may be immediately discounted as

the result of studies of glossaries more recent than those

used in the dictionaries. Some omissions from the list must

also be explained.

'LIES-HOSUM' occurs in the Junius/BM glossary in the phrase

' fotleaste lmshosum' glossing cernuil 1 cernuus, a shoe]. BTD

derives from this, ' lmst-hosan' , "some species of covering for

the foot, socks without soles", quoting in evidence Du Cange's

citation from Isidor: Cernui socci sunt sine solo. 2 TCS

suggests the reading 'fotlmstlease hosan', following Meritt3

and LY, ibke, who had showed, however, that the OE gloss was

simply a rendering of Isidor's definition. 4 It is unlikely

that it was the English name of an article of footwear.

This entry occurs among a group of lemmata and glosses

referring to footwear. '' It seems that several of the ON terms,

often compounds of 'scoh' and not mentioned individually in

BTD are, similarly, not the names of known types of shoes, but

explanations derived from Isidor. Thus Kindschi demonstrated6

that 'triwen scoh', glossing coturnus Lhigh shoe., boot]

('trywensceo' in Junius) derived from the sentence immediately

following Isidor's second mention of coturni. 7

Similarly, .

the gloss 'wifes sceos' is not indicative of a distinctive type

590"

of shoe for women in England. The phrase glosses baxeae Ibaxea,

normally a woven shoe] and the gloss is derived from Isidor's

second definition of this word: Baxoa cnlcinmenta rrn: linnim

sunt. 8 The entry 'unhege sceos' is not a translation of the

Isidor definition of talares, but could be a description derived

from it: Talares calcei socci sunt, aui inde nominati videntur

guod ea fiqura sint ut contingant talum. 9

'I $T' occurs among the group of footwear terms in Junius/

BM already discussed. It is defined in BTD "a covering for the

foot, a boot" on the basis of Wright's'reading ocreae uel

musticula "3mste' . 10 This,. however, was the result of an error

in transcription corrected in WWWtilcker' s revised edition of

Wright's Vocabularies: ocreae, uel tibiales ' leperhosa' ,

calopodium, uel mustricola ' ]. ste' . 11 LThe use of calonodium

as an item of footwear '(a clog, patter) is not documented

earlier than the fifteenth century. Calo signifies timber for

joinery; mustricola, a shoemaker's last. ] Kindschi supported

Wtilcker's reading with one from the BM glossary. 12 11,03 ste'

therefore, probably meant "a shoemaker's last" and was not

the name of a type of shoe.

2. General erms

'FOTGEMED', BTD "footclothing", is no more than a generaliza-

tion for footwear, formed after a common pattern of compounding,

part-of-the-body plus general garment term. A hapax legomenon,

the word occurs in the Benedictine Rule as a generalization

followed by specific terms: 'habbon hig to fotgewmdum hosa

and moon'* 13

591"

'SCORBTD "a shoe", is the commonest of OE footwear terms,

in this or other spellings. It is a recurrent compound element,

both in the names of individual types of footwear (discussed

subsection 3, pp. 59l-2, below) and in probable nonce-words

(discussed subsection 1, pp . 589-9o, above). There also exists a

collective form ' gesceo' ,' gescy' . Cognates of both forms may

be found in other Germanic languages. The term is the source

of modern English "shoe". The occurrences of the OE term are

so numerous that it would be unnecessary to mention every one,

therefore samples only are given. In its various forms, the

word occurs in several glossaries, in biblical translations and

in non-religious writings, indicating that the term was not

confined to scholarly use. 14 It is most often found glossing

cam entur L shoe] in glossaries (for * example 'gescy' in the

Julius glossary); 15 Bible translations (calciamentorum, 'sceoea',

Lindisfarne, 'giscoes', Rushworth)16, and non-biblical texts

(calciamenta, 'gescy', Colloquy). 17 In glossaries the term

renders calcarium ('scoh'), 18 calceos ('gescy'), 19

call a

('scoh'), 20 fico Lshoe, clog] ('sco')21 and qal_ liculae Igalicula,

a garment; perhaps confused with caligula? ] ('scos'). 22

3. Slippers

'STjEPPE-SCOH', BTD "a slipper", occurs in the Corpus

glossary ('steppescoh'), rendering subtalaris23 (. literally,

"under the heel"; c. f. talaris, a sandal fastened to the ankle].

'Stmppescos' glosses the same lemma in a group of terms arranged

alphabetically in Cleopatra. 24 (Talares is glossed 'unhege

sceos' in the Junius/BM glossary, subsection ' 1, p. 59 0, above) . 25

592"

BTD lists 'SLIFE-3OOH', "a loose shoe easily drawn on,

a slipper", on the basis of the Corpus entry soccus 'socc,

slebescoh', 26

relating the substantive to the OE verb 'slifan',

"to slip or put a garment on a person". The spelling variation

between the glossary citation and the dictionary entry was

presumably incorporated on the basis that <b) was an early

spelling for the sound /v/, and that this sound was commonly

represented in OE by (f>. between vowels. BTD also lists, indi-

vidually, 'SLIPS-SCOH', "a shoe easily slipped on, a slipper",

from the entry in the Cleopatra A-order glossary: soccus

'slypescos'. 27 BTD's deduction of the existence of 'slife-scoh'

seems unnecessary. Corpus and Cleopatra have a-number of entries

in common, and it is more probable that the Corpus ' slebescoh'

was an earlier or idiosyncratic version of 'slipe-scoh' (the

voiced plosive /b/ becoming the voiceless plosive /p/ in the

later text), than that it was a different word, unique in OE,

based on 'slifan'. The currency of 'slipe-scoh' is confirmed

by its survival into modern English. It is documented up to

, the nineteenth century, meaning, in the dialect of Somerset, an

old, loose pair of shoes worn in the evening. 28 It is now

obsolete except for the derivative "slip-shod", "having shoes

on the feet but no stockings". 29 It is likely that there was

some semantic overlap, at least in the eighth century, with

'socc'. Although categorized for convenience here among

slippers, the lemma suggests that 'slipe-scoh' (like 'socc',

and perhaps with some resemblance to ' cmles' hos5t' and ' meo' , discussed above, IV, 3,13p. 584"O, was in shape a bag-like article,

rather than the low shoe represented by 'stoappe-scoh' and

' swiftlere' . 'SWIFTLERE', BTD "a slipper, shoe", is a more common term.

It is a corruption of (early) Latin subtalaris. 30 It glosses

593"

subtalares ('swyfteleares') in Junius/BM 31 and renders the

same word in the gloss to Elfric's colloquy ('swyftleras' ),

where it is distinguished from 'sceos' (f icones). 32 Although

the pupils studying the Colloquy were students in a monastic

school, the subject matter of the text concerned secular life

and it is probable that the words used to gloss it were familiar

to vernacular speakers. The subtalares are included as the

products of the shoemaker, who was, presumably, like other

characters mentioned in the work, a secular. 'Swyftleras' were,

however, worn in the monastery. The sign to be made when they

were required suggests that they were worn low on the foot and

did not cover the leg: 'Gyf pu swyftleras habban wylle, Donne

sete Du pinne scytefinger uppon D inne fot and stric on twa

healfa pines fet Dam gemete De hi gesceapene beo5' X33

4. Raw hide shoes or sandals

'HEMMING', BTD "a kind of shoe", BTS "a boot made of raw

hide", is attested in the OE period only from glosses, which

are not independent of each other. In Corpus, 'himmin9 glosses

pero34 La boot made of raw hide] and in the Cleopatra A-order

glossary there is the entry: Pero 'hemming' i. 'ruh sco'. 35

The additional note in the later glossary might suggest that

a word current when the eighth-century Corpus glossary was made,

might have been rare and in need of clarificatioR6when Cleopatra

was written in the eleventh century. The word was not obsolete,

however, since it occurs in a fifteenth-century Scottish poem

in a context associating it with 'rewelynys' (discussed below

as ' rifeling' )s

And led hym in-til cwylk Dystros Pat at sa gret myschof he wes,

at hys Knychtis weryd Rewelynys Of Hydis, or of Hart Hemmynys. 37

594"

Since 'hemming', like its Old Icelandic cognate hemingr38

may be used of the skin of the hindlegs of a deer, it is possible

that in the quotation 'hart hemmynys' is in apposition to 'hydis';

but the survival of the OE footwear name, and apposition to

'rewelynys' seems equally possible. 39

The Anglo-Saxon shoe was no doubt named from the hide of

which it was made, a practice which can be traced in the names

of some primitive Norwegian shoes. 40

'RIFELING', BTD "a kind of shoe or sandal", occurs in

Junius/BM ('rifelingas') glossing obstrigelli41 Lobstrigillus,

a shoe sole, sandal fastened to the feet by straps]. The lemma

gives some indication of the shape of the 'rifeling'. The name

also signified, or came to signify, a shoe of untanned hide,

since a fifteenth-century gloss: 'A revel ' 42' ry g ynge , gero establishes

a semantic link with 'hemming' and a later definition shows that

like the 'hemming' it was a 'ruh sco',: "a kind of shoe of the

untanned skins of the ox and seal, which are called. 'rivilins'". 43

The word survived in-the dialects of Scotland, persisting to

the present day in the Shetland Isles. *as a name for "cowskin

moccasins". 44 The word is related to Old Norse hriflingr, "an

ancient general term for a hide shoe", 45

and possibly to the

Middle English verb 'rivelen', "to wrinkle". 46

It is possible that the 'hemming' and 'rifeling' were

shoes of a type which is well attested from Northern Europe,

similar to the Irish "pampootie", of which an early-twentieth- 47

century example survives. This footwear was normally made from a single piece of hide cut from the lower part of the

hindleg of an animal. 48 This utilized the natural shape of

the hide, the baggy heel area of the animal skin becoming the

595"

toe of the shoe. The shoes were normally sewn together at the

sides and the back, there being no separate sole. 49 The hairy

side faced outward when worn, and according to practice recently

observed in Norway, although the fur would be stripped off for

summer wear, it would be retained in winter. 50

A more primitive

version could be made by wrapping a piece of hide round the

foot and securing it with thongs round the ankle. 51

A shoe

of this type "gains its shape by contraction" corresponding to

0 the verb ' rivelen' .

In Scandinavia this type of footwear was worn by peasants,

so that hriflingr and its near-synonym* fitiungr, originally

shoe-names, eventually came to signify persons of this class. 52

Although there is no direct evidence about the Anglo-Saxon shoes

of this type, since the names do not appear in literary context,

it is likely that the Anglo-Saxon raw hide shoes were also worn

by country people. Lindsay cites no,: source for the lemma pero

which is glossed by 'himming' in the Corpus glossary, but the

glossator may have known Isidor's definition: Perones et

(s)culponeae rustica calciamenta sunt. 5 3

5. Other sandals

' CRINC' , tentatively defined "a kind of shoe" by BTD, and

by BTS given a queried comparison to OE 'crencestre', "a

female weaver", occurs ('crince') as gloss to cuternö 4 (cothu rnus).

OED suggests a relationship with OE 'crincan' said to be*rare

form of the verb 'cringan', "to fall in battle", but having

"the primitive meaning to draw oneself together in a bent form,

to contort oneself stiffly, curl up". 55 If the substantive

'critic' were related to this verb, the shoe name may have

originally applied to footwear which was not stitched or fitted

596"

to the foot, but drawn together, perhaps with thongs (as

' rivelen' suggests the similar shape of ' rif elingas' , above).

Finally 'CALC', BTD "a shoe, little shoe, sandal", may

have been used of a humble type of footwear. 'Calcum' trans-

lated sandaliis Lsandalium, a slipper, sandal] in the tiest

Saxon versions of the Gospels ('calken' in the latest version). 56

The word occurs in a passage where Christ orders the disciples

to journey without possessions or money. They are to be

'gesceode mid calcum'. The word wäs borrowed from Latin calceus

after the conversion57 and is only documented in the Bible

translation cited, therefore there is no proof that the word

came to be applied to shoes worn by the Anglo-Saxons.

�

597" ýý

VI

Headgear

Included in this section are words which may describe

garments worn on the head, and pins for securing the hair or

headdress. Possible names of headcoverings are:

Bande Healsed Bende Hod Binde Hufe Cppe Orel Cappa Scyf el Cuff ie Snod F eax-clap Dwm le Feax-net Wimpel Hit Wand Heafod-clap Wrigels Heafod-gewmde

In addition, 'nostle', 'rift' and 'wealca', already listed in

Sections IV1 II and III, respectively,, may have signified head

coverings.

Names of pins for the head are:

Cb3f Feax-preon Ha i r-nom dl

.° Drawing-spinel Up-legen

/

1. ti drapper

BTD's definition of 'WEALCA', "a garment that may be

wrapped round a person, a muffler, wrap, veil", necessitates

the consideration of the term in this section, but the context

in which the word appears in 0E biblical translation1 suggests

that the term signifies something more enveloping than a head-

veil or muffler for the neck.

2. Headdress or grave-clothes

'HEAFOD-CLAD' is defined "head-cloth, head-dress" by BTD,

and "the cloth used for wrapping the head of a dead person" by

BTS. (C. f. BTS ' heafod-hrmgl' .) The word is certainly used

598" ý

in OE of a cloth wrapped around the head of a corpse. 2 In the

Harley glossary 'heafodclap', uel 'wangere' glosses capitale3

which may have signified something on which the head was laid

rather than a wrapping for the head. Lcapitale is only documen-

ted with the meaning "headdress" from the fifteenth century. ]

The word appears under the heading Vestium Nomina, however, in

Junius/BM, (with 'cappa') where it glosses capitulum, uel

capitularium4 La covering for the head of a female], The word

persisted into the Middle English period. Its use in the

Ancrene Wisse demonstrates that in the thirteenth century the

term was used of a head garment, and that this was considered

unsuitable for women leading the religious life. The context

shows that it differed in some way from 'wrihels' WE 'wrigels')

and possibly that it differed from the ' wimpel' : 'Nai

wimpel ne heaued claÖ now6er ne nempneö hali writ . ah wrihels

ane'. '

/

'HEALSED', BTD "a cloth for the head", appears to be

derived from OE 'heals', "the neck". (A possible alternative

meaning may be "the neck opening of a tunic", c. f. BTD 'healseta'

and 'heafod-smal'. ), In the Anglian versions of the Gospels,

this word translates sudarium Ldocumented in the fourteenth

and fifteenth centuries meaning a sheet for wrapping round relics],

once (in sudario 'in halsado') clearly not referring to a

garment, 6

and in other cases ('haiscode', 'hascoda') used of

the wrapping Of corpses. 7 The term glosses capitium, however,

among a group of entries derived from Aldhelm in the Cleopatra

MS. 8c

'WRIGELS' also appears to have been used in two ways, .

meaning a grave-cloth or a veil. BTD separates the meanings.

of the word: I "a covering" II "a garment, veil". The word

}

599"

is related to the OE verb Iwreon*, "to cover", 9 the substan-

tive perhaps deriving from the function. 'Wrigels' occurs in

context showing that it could signify the cloth used to cover

the face of a corpse10 but it also clearly means "veil" in

several citations and therefore will be considered below

(subsection 3b, pp. 6o2-3) .

3. Ecclesiastical or secular headgear

a. Hoods 0

Both 'CfEPPE' and 'CAPPA' appear to have signified the

"cope" which was an ecclesiastical vestment, and also to have

been used with the meaning "cap". ' It is not clear whether or

not this second use was limited to ecclesiastical function.

The wide semantic range of the lemmata glossed by these words

complicates the problem of. defining their function.

CIEPPEI , BTD "a cap, cape, cope, / hood", occurs in a list

of vestments in the Julius MS glossing planetall Lecclesiasti-

cal vestment, chasuble]. It glosses the same lemma in Junius/

BM,, 12 but this time among a list of terms relating to children's

clothing or bedding. The entry is followed by 'gerenod cmppe'

glossing eý nula13 Lc. f. paenula a poncho-like garment worn for

travelling, military cloak; occlosiastical vontment; nenic: ula

woollen outer garment for journeys and wet weather, documented

from the thirteenth century with the meaning "hood"]. The word

also occurs in a list of clothing in the Julius MS, glossing

cappa14 Lcap, hood; - documented from the seventh century mean-

-'ing a cloak with a hood].

OE 'CAPPA', BTD "cap, cope, priest's garment", appears

with 'heafod-clap' glossing capitulum, uel capitularium15 and

600.

1

in the Harley glossary it renders caracalla16 LGallic cloak

without a hood, vestment, cope].

' Cboppe' and 'cappa', which have. cognates in several Germanic

languages, both derive ultimately from Latin cappa. HEW relates

the terms to modern English "cap" as well as to "cope" derived

from Vulgar Latin capa, ultimately from cappa. 17 Possibly

the two OE terms, near-homonyms, were originally semantically

distinct. Since both the words are only documented from glosses,

there is no evidence that they were in general spoken use in OE.

'HOD', BTD "a hood" has several Germanic cognates, and is

probably a development of a West Germanic term meaning "hat",

and is antecedent to modern English "hood". 18 The word derived

from Latin cassis La helmet]. 19 It glosses capitium in the

Corpus ('hood')20 and Harley glossaries21 and in the A-order

glossary in the Cleopatra MS. 22 The garment of this name was

worn by monks, since the Indicia Monasterialia contains the

instruction: 'Gyf Du hwwt be 'wylcum munece tmcan walle, De Iu

his tacen necunne, Donne nim Du pe be pinum hode' .A reference 23

to the garment in the Confessionale of Archbishop Ecgbert

suggests that it covered the shoulders: 'Gif he godspel zmde

lecge him Dmne hod ofer pa sculdra'. 24 Both citations suggest

that the 'hod' might be the equivalent of the monk's cowl, but

another instruction in the Indicia demonstrates that the 'hod'

and cowl were not identical: 'Donne Du cuglan habban wylle,

Donne wege Du D inne earmellan and foh to p inum hode'. 25 If

a 'hod' could be worn by a monk who was not wearing a cowl,

the 'hod' may also have been a garment worn by seculars. The

early adoption of the word into the Germanic languages suggests

that it was used of a secular garment before the conversion of

the Anglo-Saxons.

601.

b. Veils

it is possible that veils were worn by seculars, although

this form of headgear appears especially associated with the

religious life.

'HEAFOD-GEt7PME1, BTD "a head-dress, veil", does not occur

in secular literature, only in religious works, although it

is never used with specific reference to the convent. It occurs

in a Iulfstan homily26 in reference to Isaiah 3, v here worldly

ornaments of women are condemned. As a compound formed of part-

of-the-body plus general garment term, the word may have func-

tioned as a general term. for "headcovering", but it appears to

have been used more specifically in t lfric' s OE version of

Genesis where it translates (figurative) velamen (. covering,

garment, robe, veil]. The purpose is the covering of the eyes:

'pmt beo Öe to heafodgemdon at öe huru ne sceamige w16 öa De

6e geseoö' . 27

'OR: L' -, BTD "a garment,, veil, mantle", deriving from Latin

orarium [napkin, handkerchief], has cognates in Germanic

languages. 28 It appears in association with 'winpel' among a

group of words signifying head garments in Junius/BM, rendering

ricinum29 Iheadveil, especially worn by women mourners]. In

the same glossary under the heading Vestium Nomina 'orl' glosses

stola, uel ricinum. 30 'Orelu' glosses or aria in the Cleopatra

A-order glossary31 and in Junius/BM 'orl' glosses orarium, uel

ciclas32 Lcicla'a state robe with a border, worn by women;

twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a rich robe]. 'O rl' again

renders ciýcla_s in a glossary in Bodleian Library MS Auct. 33 F. 2.14 and 'orel' with 'ryft' renders cicla in the Harley

glossary. 34 The tern is again associated with 'wimpel' in the

602.

Brussels BibliothLcTue Royale 1650 (1520) Aldhelm MS: 'vimplum'

35 'orlum' cvcladibus. In the same MS there is the entry:

mafortibus 'vimplum' i. velaminibus, with the marginal note

'hvimplum' vel 'orlum'. 36 LMafors woman's veil, sometimes

priest's; maforte headdress; mafora twelfth-century, veil. ]-

These associations with 'wimpel', a head garment which appears

to have been worn by secular women,. and which was considered

unsuitable for women in the religious life later in the medieval

period (subsection 6, pp. bo9-io, below) , suggests that the garment

named 'orel' might also have been worn by secular women. The

term does, however, occur in a homily of Elfric, with reference

to St. Agnes, where it is used figuratively, possibly with

allusion to the holy veil of the religious life: 'He [Christ]-

geglmngde me mid one . of golde awefen' . 37

'RIFT', BTD "a veil, curtain, cloak", though discussed

above among Outer garments must-be included here since (with

'orel') 'ryft' glosses cicla38 and 'rift' glosses biuligo,

niger velamen39 in the Harley glossary. In biblical context,

'wahrift' translates uelum40 Lthe veil of the temple]. The

compound 'haligrift' referred to nun's clothing, and came to

mean the religious life, 41 but it is possible that secular

women might also have worn a veil named 'rift'.

' WRIGLL3' as mentioned abovo (subsection 2, pp 598-9) , could

be used of the wrapping of a corpse, but it seems to have been

used of a garment also. A Middle High German cognate rigel

signifies "headcovering". 42 The word is'used of the holy veil

in the Durham Ritual, 'halgv wriilcse' rendering sacro velamine, 43

and in homiletic context, 44 There is no evidence from OE

that the garment of this name was worn by seculars, but the use

603.

of the word in the Ancrene Wisse demonstrates that the 'wriheles'

as opposed to the 'wimpel' and/or 'heaued clag' was considered

suitable wear for anchoresses. 45 Since such recluses were not

nuns, but secular ladies devoted to the contemplative life, it

is possible that the' wrihels' was a head covering worn by

seculars, but, at least in its thirteenth-century form, was a

sober, conservative garment.

c. 'Hufe'

'HUFE' may have been used of the hat of a churchman, but

was very probably applied to the headgear of seculars, and is.

therefore considered fully below (subsection 6, pp. 607-8).

/

4. Fillets

All the terms grouped below refer to bands of some kind.

They may have been used of bands for the head, but some, at

least, had other functions also. /

'BINDE', BTD "a band, wreath, headband, fillet", has a

number of cognates in other Germanic' languages and is related

to the OE verb 'bindan', "to bind". This term occurs in the

Indicia Monasterialia in a context which not only demonstrates

the position in which the article was worn, but also shows that

it was considered as typical a feature of the appearance of

the secular (married) woman as-the beard was of the layman 46z

' Gewylces ungehadodes wifes tacen is pact Du [strice] mid

foreweardum fingrum in forweardo heafod fram Dam anum earan to

on oprum on bindan tacee' . 47 Though no such headband is visible

on the majority of illustrations of women, Cnut's queen, who

might be depicted in typical clothing of the early eleventh

century does wear such a band (Plate 3OCVI). 'The bequests of

604.

'hyre betspan bindan' and another 'bindan' occur, with gifts

of clothing, in the will of'Wynflaad, a document from the last

quarter of the tenth century, 48

'BiENDE', BTD "a band", occurs in the mid-tenth-century

will of Byrhtric and £lfswith, in the bequest of 'healfne

bbnde gyldene'. 49 There is no contextual evidence that the

object was a head ornament, but if it were, it might have been

a metal or gold-embroidered band.

'BEND', BTD "a band, bond, ribbon, chaplet, crown, orna-

ment", occurs in several glossary entries and in biblical con-

text with the meaning "restricting bond", 5O but other glosses

show that the word might be used of a head ornament. In Junius/

BM, among a group of terms signifying coverings and ornaments

for the head, there occur the entries: diadema 'bend agimmed

and gesmiöed' and nimbus . 'mid goldegesiwud bend' .

51 LDiadema

royal headdress, diadem; nimbus headband (Isidor) worn by

females. ] 'Bend' also glosses lunula52 L"little coon", ornament

worn by women] in the same glossary. Although there is no

evidence that 'bend' was used of a headband worn by the Anglo-

Saxons, its occurrence as gloss to these lemmata perhaps streng-

thens the possibility that the very similar 'bmnde', mentioned

in an Anglo-Saxon will, may have signified a headband.

'SNOD', BTD "snood, fillet, headdress", glosses cappa in

the Corpus53 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries54 and capsa

Lnormally box; 7 for cappaJ in Harley. 55" It twice glosses

uitta La band, a cap for the head] in Junius/BM, once among

other clothing terms 56 and once among terms relating to head-

gear. 57 'Snoda' also glosses vittarum in an Aldhelm MS. 58

in the Harley glossary the word is found rendering cin thium,

605. ý

mitra59 Lcintum a belt; mitra headband or turban worn by Greek

and Roman women; from the twelfth century, an ecclesiastical

mitre; a nightcap]. In an Aldhelm MS the word glosses redimiculä O

Iredimiculum a fillet, necklace or girdle]. The word has cog-

nates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages, including Swedish

snod(d), "cord" and Old Irish'snathe, "thread" . 61 The word

is also related to modern English "snood", but the OE term seems

to have signified a band or cord rather than the ornamental

hair net designated by modern "snood". The 'snod' functions

like a piece of string in an OE homily: 'heo... becnytte [anne

wmrnmgl] to anum hringe mid hire snode'. 62

'NOSTLE', BTD "a fillet, band", has already been considered

among leg coverings (Section IV, 4, p. 588). Possibly the term

could also be used of a head band. 'Nostlena' glosses uittarum

in Cleopatra63 and ' nostl1' glosses uicta (. probably for vitta]

in Bodleian MS Additional C 114.64 The word glosses fascia

La band, including a headband] in * Junius/1BM65 in a group of

clothing terms which includes ' snod' and ' wyning'

'FEAR-CLA', BTD "a head cloth, hair band, fillet", is a

hapax legomenon formed on the familiar pattern of part-of-the-

body plus general garment term. The word glosses fascia in

the Cleopatra A-order glossary (BTD fascia crinalis, correctedtn

BTS) with alternative ' wzmdwri6 els' . 66

'HWLE', BTD "a band, fillet", has cognates in Old and

Middle High German meaning "towel". 67 The OE term is found'

in the Corpus glossary rendering vittas ('thuelan')68 and

taeni i) s La band, fillet] ('guml'um'). 69 In a Bodleian Library

MS 'thumle' glosses infula70 (a band, bandage, especially the

fillet signifying consecration].

606.

'tiaRSD', BTD="a bandage, band, fillet", is related to the

OE verb 'wr16an', "to bind", and to modern English "wreath".

It glosses fascia in the Cleopatra A-order glossary7l and in

the same MS 'wraeda' glosses fasciarum in conjunction with

' swepelum' . 72 In the Brussels Aldhelm MS l xmda' glosses

fasciarum (vinculorum). 73 In the same MS 'vrmdas' glosses

redimicula. 74 In the Benedictine Rule the word is possibly

used of the ornament to a garment: 'sume heora fnada and

wrmdas gemiccliap. 7S Elsewhere the word is not used of a

garment, but of a bandage for a wound. 76

S. General term

'H9T1, BTD "a hat, covering for the head", is not documen-

ted in OE texts apart from glosses, bit appears as gloss to

several different lemmata. In the Corpus glossary it renders

calomachus77 La skull cap] and in Junius/BM calamanca78

(calarnachus). It glosses capitium in the Julius MS 79 Lfor

capitulum or caputium, hood on vestment] and mitra in the

Corpus 80 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries (mitras ' haettas') .

81

in the Digby MS 'lttes' renders mitre in association with

'hufan'. 82 It glosses tiara Loriental headdress, turban; from

the thirteenth century, ecclesiastical mitre] in'the Cleopatra

MS. 83 In Junius/BM, If ellen hat' 'renders cgalerus, uel pilleus84 Laalerus helmet-like head covering of undressed skin, cap, hat;

pileus egg-shaped hat or cap made of felt]. 'Hat' is related

to Latin cassis. 85

6. Distinctive types of headgear

'FEAX-NET', BTD "a hair net, network cap for confining

the hair", is found in Junius/BM.. It glosses reticulum 86 La

607.

little net, network cap] and rigula87 Lricula a small veil].

'CUFFIE', BTP "a cap, coif, hood, headdress", appears as

a bequest in the will of wynflmd ('cuffian'). 88 Thorpe trans-

lated the word as "cuffs"89 but there appears to be no support

for this interpretation other than the similarity to the modern

word. The term could, perhaps, be related to OE 'cufle', 'cugele',

"a monk's cowl". 'Cagle' was a loan into continental Germanic

from Latin cucullus90 Lcap, hood fastened to a garment, monk's

cowl]. An alternative (personal) opinion is that 'cuffie'

might be a borrowing from Latin cuphia, documented in BM MS

Additional 32,, ",

246, where it is glossed 'hufe' vel 'mitra' . 91

Cuphia is not documented in Latin dictionaries, but is probably

related to coifa, cited from the thirteenth century, and signi-

fying "headdress". OED relates modern English "coif" to cufia

or cuphia, supposing the Latin word to be an adoption from

Germanic, deriving from Old High German chuppha. It is possible,

therefore, that 'cuff ie' was the English form of a well-established'

Germanic term, or that it was re-introduced from the medieval

Latin cuphia, or that it was a variant of 'cufle'.

'HUFF', BTD "a covering for the head", appears in Junius/

BM under the heading Vestium Nomina, among articles of headgear,

It glosses cidaris, uel mitra92 Lcidaris turban of Jewish high

priests, diadem of Persian kings]. The preceding entry is

infula 'biscopheafodlin'93 but the juxtaposition does not prove

that 'hufe' was also an ecclesiastical item. The term could

be applied to episcopal headgear, however, since 'biscopes huf' 94

appears in the Junius glossary glossing flamrneolum, uel flammetim.

LFlammeolum normally means a flame-coloured bridal veil, flammeurn

a bandage. ]

608.

'Hufe' also glosses cuphia vel mitra in the BM Additional

MS glossary, 95

mitre i. tigera (7 for tiara) in BM MS Royal 6

Bvii ('hufan')96 and mitre in the Digby Aldhelm MS ('Yttes,

hufan'). 97 A related verb ' huf ian' may be deduced from the

biblical 'he scridde his suna midd 7 gyrde hi 7 hufode'98 but

since the context relates to the consecration of Aaron's sons

as priests, the verb possibly has a religious significance.

The substantive has cognates in other languages, including

Icelandic hufa, "a hood, cap, bonnet", and German haube, "a

bonnet, 'cap", 99 and including Greek and Indian terms signifying

"hump-backed". 100 It is possible that the OE 'hufe. 1 took its

name from a humped shape. The name cannot have derived from

the characteristic dome-shape of the episcopal mitre, since 101 this did not develop until after the Norman Conquest. The

Latin mitra, mitre which is glossed by this word is not recorded.

in the ecclesiastical sense until the twelfth century.

The word survived into Middle and modern English (though

now obsolete) and into modern Scottish ("how") where it does

not appear to have had religious significance. 102 'Houues of

selk' are said to be worn by Sergeants of Law in Piers Plowman103

and garments of this name (lhowve') are worn. by men in Chaucer's

Troilus and C i3eydß104 and the Prologue to The Reeve's Tale*105

Yet in Coverdale's sixteenth-century version of the Bible,

headgear of this name is worn by a woman (Judith): 'sett an

hoove upon hir heade' 'bounde up hir hayre in a hoove to begyle

him' . 106

'SCYFEL', BTD "a covering for a woman's head", occurs in

the Corpus 107 and Cleopatra A-order glossaries ('scyfla')108

glossing maforte. 'Scyfele' glosses ma fors in another glossary

609.

in the Cleopatra MS. 109 it occurs among garment terms, pre-

ceded by ependiten 'cop' and followed by sanctimonialis 'nunne', 110

a juxtaposition which suggests, but does not prove, that the

'scyfel' may have been associated with the religious life.

The word has cognates in Germanic languages, including Icelandic

skupla, skypill, "a woman's hood hiding or shading her face"*"'

BTD tentatively suggests an association with the element "shovel",

as in "shovel-hat". The OE verb 'scufan' "to push" and the

related substantive 'scufa', "precipitation Ccaused by a push)"

may also be relevant. Taking the Icelandic cognate into account,

it seems possible that the OE 'scyfel' was named from some

projection which shaded the face and that- the garment of this

name may have been worn by women only.

' WIMPEL' , BTD "an article of women's dress, a. wimple",

occurs with 'orl' in Junius/BM as gloss to ricinum112 among a

group of words signifying garments and ornaments for the head.

In another group of garment terms in the same glossary, 'winpel'

glosses anabola113 Lanaboladium linen mantle or wrap]. Wimple'

glosses cyclade(veste) in the Brussels Aldhelm MS114 and the

same MS also contains the entry mafortibus 'vimplum' i. velaminibus 115

with the marginal entry ' hvimplum' -1- ' orlum' . An Aldhelm

MS from Salisbury Cathedral has 'wymplum' glossing an entry

which was probably mafortibus though no longer legible. 116

'Wimpel' has cognates in Germanic languages including Icelandic

vimpill "a hood or veil", 117

and is antecedent to modern English

"wimple". The characteristic headdress of women in Anglo-Saxon

illustrations approximates so closely to the article. which was

known as a wimple in later medieval and modern times118 that

it seems, likely that 'wimpel' was the name given in the Anglo-

Saxon period to the characteristic headgear of women. The

610.

glosses alone, however, fail to establish the appearance of

the 'wimpel' or even to prove that the word was applied exclu-

sively to headgear.. The glosses to mafors suggest that the

word may have been applied to headgear worn by women, a use

consistent with the meaning of the term in later contexts.

Chaucer's Prioress wore a 'wympul' which was 'pynched'

("pleated"), 119 and a garment of this name is worn by some

orders of nuns up to the present day, but it was almost cer-

tainly originally worn by seculars. Indeed, it was sometimes

considered an extravagant garment, indicative of worldly vanity,

the author of the Ancrene Wisse warning his readers: 'wrihen

... nawt wimplin'. 120

,

7. Pins

Hair 'pins or hat pins must have been necessary to keep some

veils and hats in position. 'CIEFING', BTD "an ornament for the

head", appears in MS Royal Bvii ('cm f inga') glossing discri-

minalia121 La woman's hair clasp] which it also glosses in the

Digby MS, together with ' earpreonas' 122

probably an alternative

explanation of the lemma, rather than a synonym. In the Harley

MS discriminale is glossed 'uplegen', uel ' cmfing' . 123 The

word may have been used of a different kind of ornament also,

since 'kmuinge' glosses redimicula among garment and jewellery

terms in Junius/BM. 124

'UP-LEGEN', BTD "a hair pin", TCS "a headdress", occurs

in association with 'cefing'125 and also glosses discriminalia

in Junius/BM ('uplegene') in association with ' feaxpreonas' . 126

'FEAR-PREON', BTD "a hair pin", is not documented elsewhere. 'He R-N1EDL' , BTD "a hair pin", and 'DRAWING-SPINEL', BTD

"a curling iron, crisping pin", are found together in two

I

611.

Aldhelm MSS glossing calamistro ('pravincspinl' -1 'haernzdla' )127

Lcalamistrum a pin for curling the hair]. 'Drawing-spinel'

(once as 'pravincspilnleO also occurs as gloss to the same

lemma in the Brussels MS. 128

k

/

612.

VII

Accessories

Collars and neck cloths: Belts: Hand coverings: Sal Belt Glof Sweor-clap Fetel, fetels Hand-scio Sweor-sal Gyrdel, gyrdels Sweor-teah

1, Collars and neck cloths

Included in this group are those words which the dictionary

definitions suggest might have signified collars or neck cloths

worn as part of the clothing. The metal neck-rings ('hringas',

'beagas') which were traditional status-symbols of the heroic

age have not been included.

'SWEOR-CLAW , BTD "a cloth for the neck, a collar", is

only documented once and, particularly since it is an easily

comprehensible compound, it may have been a nonce-word. It

occurs in the Harley glossary, in an entry from which BTD deduces

two other compounds: collarium 'sweor-clap' uel 'teg' uel 'sal' 1

L collarium band or chain for neck; collar].

'SWEOR-TEAH', BTD "a collar", and the second of the group

of OE words in the Harley gloss (above) is more likely to have

signified a dog's collar than a garment for humans since it

appears in Junius/BM in a chapter concerned with animals, par-

ticularly with hounds, 2 as gloss to millus, uel collarium3

Lmillus a dog's collar]. In the Brussels Aidhelm MS ' sviortegum'

glosses vinculis, collaribus4 Lvinculum something which binds].

'SWEOR-SAL', BTD "a collar; is never, as such, documented,

except possibly in the Harley entry (above). 'SAL', BTD V "a

necklace, collar", is documented as gloss to collario in

Cleopatra. 5 The suggestion of the compound seems unnecessary.

It is possible that a human's garment was

613.

m understood by 'sal', but an entry in the Promptorium Parvuloru

('Soole, bestys tyying') 6 lessens the probability by showing that

in later English the term signified a tether.

2. Belts

'BELT', BTD "a belt, girdle", has cognates in Germanic

languages and is the antecedent of modern English "belt". In

the Cleopatra A-order glossary 'gyrdel, o66 e belt' renders

balteum7 Ibalteus a belt] and 'belt' glosses balteus i. cingulum

in the Digby MS8 Lcingulum a girdle encircling the hips]. There

is a similar entry in the Harley glossary: baltheum, cinqulum,

uel 'belt' .9

The meanings of some terms appear to include "purse" as

well as "belt", reflecting the practice of suspending the purse

from the girdle. Thus 'FETELS', BTD "a little vessel, bag",

BTS "a belt", clearly signifies a bag in an OE. Bible translation,

'fEatelsas' rendering saccosl° Isaccus a bag, especially for

money].. yet a bequest in the will of £lfgar, of ' tueye suerde

fetelsade'il appears to indicate that the 'fetels' was something

associated with a sword, a belt or perhaps a sheath.

'FETEL', BTD "a girdle, belt", is also found in association

with a weapons 'sweordum and fetelum'12 and may signify a

sword belt. The Germanic cognates of this word mean, "band" or

"ribbon".

'GYRDEL', BTD "a girdle, belt, zone, purse" has a range

of uses, but its function as an article of clothing is demon-

strated by its inclusion in groups of clothing terms in Junius/

13 BM: antrax, uel clauus, uel strophium ' angseta', uel ' gyrdel' ,

uel ' agimmed gerdel' t zona, uel zonarium, uel brachile, uel

i

p

614.

redimiculum ' gyrdel' ; zona ' gyrdel' 14 L clauus purple stripe on

Roman tunic; strophium headband or bandage; zona belt, money

belt; brachile girdle]. This function is demonstrated by an

instruction in the Indicia Monasterialia: 'Bonne Du gyrder

habban wylle, Donne sete Du pine handa forewearde wigneopan

D inne nafolan and stric to p inum twam hypum'. 15 The instruction

is among paragraphs referring to mass vestments, however, so

does not offer evidence that a garment of this name could be

worn by seculars.

'GYRDELS', BTD "a girdle", also glosses cincrulum16 and

bra(c)hiale. 17 This word was included among names of loin and

leg coverings-(Section IV, 1, p. N' ), on the evidence of its

association with 'brec' as gloss to lumbare. 18 This apparent

semantic range may be accounted for by evidence that the girdle

was worn round the hips and loins, rather than the waist. A

homiletic passage rendering Bede's account of a holy man stand-

ing in the river usuu. e ad lumbos19 by 'to his gyrdle' 20

suggests

this. The word occurs in the Benedictine Rule, where it trans-

lates brachile. 21 The evidence that an article of this name

was worn by monks suggests a utilitarian strap or cord, but the

gloss 'swyrdes gyrdel' to baltheus22 shows that the term might

be used of the more substantial sword belt, and that it was not

confined to ecclesiastical use.

3. Hand coverincts

'GLOFI, BTD "a glove", appears to have been in common use.

The origin of the term is obscure. Stroebe suggested that the

prefix 'ge-' had been added to an element cognate with Gothic

lof a and Old Norse lof e, "palm of the hand" . The term is 23

615.

documented from the eighth century, occurring in the Corpus

glossary rendering manica24 Lthe long sleeve of a tunic which

covered the hand]. It glosses manica and manicula in correspond=

ing entries in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 25 In Junius/BM

the word appears opposite mantum26 -possibly a glossator's

error influenced by the preceding entry manualis 'handlim'

(for 'handlin'); there are documented terms mantum, mantellum

but these mean "cloak", mantile""towel" or "napkin"]. In the

Rectitudines Singularum Personarum ""glofa' renders cirothecas

Lehirotheca glove] in a passage which suggests that the supply-

ing of clothing was sometimes the responsibility of a man's

social superior in the hierarchical Anglo-Saxon society, but

that financial provision might be made for the man to take on

this responsibility himself: 'Oxanhyrde mot lmswian II oxan

o66e ma mid hlafordes heorde on gem nre lmsse be his ealdormannes

gewitnesse; earnian mid cam scos 7 glofa him sylfum'. 27 The

citation demonstrates that gloves (and shoes) were not regarded

as luxuries, but were considered necessary equipment for a

layman in humble position. Gloves were certainly worn by monks,

who should not have dressed ostentatiously. The Indicia

Monasterialia mentions them with the description of a gesture

which demonstrates that the English 'glof' was a separate

covering for the hand, not a sleeve which could be extended to

cover the hand (c. f. manica): 'Donne pu glofan abban wille,

p onne stric pu Da op re hand mid pm re op re bralinga' . 28 An

anecdote concerning the loss of a pair of gloves belonging to

a brother, Wilfred, in the prose Life of St. Guthlac, 29 which

derives from Felix's Latin Life confirms both that gloves were

worn by men in holy orders and that they existed as early as the eighth century. The name 'glof' was given to the protective

616.

hand covering used in hawking30 and is used of the pouch, or

gauntlet carried by the monster Grendel, probably in the tradi-

tion of such Northern creatures, in Beowulf. 31

'HAND-SCIO', BTD "a glove", occurs only as a proper name,

'Hondscio' (one of Beowulf's retainers), 32

and in the place-

name Andscohesham. 33 It bears an obvious resemblance to German

Handschuh, "glove", and to cognates in other Germanic languages,

but there is no evidence that the term was in popular use in

Christian Anglo-Saxon times. It may have been archaic by the

time it was recorded in written form, preserved only by the

traditional element in OE poetry and by the practice among a

certain tribe of naming warriors after commonplace objects. 34

The place-name probably derived from a personal name.

it is possible that the form of the word may be indicative

of the structure of the garment it originally represented. Hald

has suggested that the Handschuh group of terms implies a common

development of shoe and mitten. 35 Bronze Age mittens of woven

material36 and of needlework37 survive from Scandinavia and

Viking Age examples are also known. 38 They were made from two

pieces of material, one larger than the other, stitched together

with a semi-circular seam, as are modern mittens. The name

'hand-scio' and its Germanic cognates were probably originally

applied to this type of mitten, but it cannot be proved that

this article was known in England..

Gloves appear to have been more popular with Germanic peoples

than with other Europeans. Leather gloves, lined with soft cloth

and laced at the back of the hand were found in Alamannic graves 39

at Oberflach, and a doeskin glove with a decorated cuff of

cowhide was found in the "Minstrel's Grave" at St. Severin,

Cologne, 40 an interment

617.

probably of the late seventh or. early eighth centuries. It

is possible that gloves were imported into England from the

Continent in the late Anglo-Saxon period since a duty of five

pairs of gloves (cirothecas) was among the twice-yearly dues

to be paid by the Carolingian Emperor for the right to trade

with Billingsgate. 41

Although the glove or mitten was therefore evidently

popular among the Germanic peoples, there was an alternative

method of protecting the hand, the overlapping sleeve. This

method appears to have been used by the Romans, and as attested

by a single Anglo-Saxon illustration (Plate XXItp, by women in

late Anglo-Saxon England. The use of 'glof' in the Corpus

glossary (glossing manica) suggests that this word might have

signified such a sleeve, but the contexts in which ' glof' appears

in later texts do not confirm this. There are several. OE terms

which appear to signify "sleeve": ', earmella', 'earm-slife'

'earm-stoc' 'hand-stoc' and 'slif'. The last-mentioned glosses

manica (' slyf') 42 but its use in the Laws of-Alfred in defining

compensation for wounds received on the visible areas of the

body suggests that the 'slif' did not cover the hand: 'Eghwelcere

wunde beforan feaxe 7 beforan sliefan 7 beneogan cneowe sio bot

big twysceatte mare' . 43 The form of the compound 'hand-stoc'

suggests, that it might have been used to cover hand as well as

arm. 'Stoc' is cognate with OE stuka "a sleeve" and with Old

High German stucha which glosses manica. 44 The OE term glosses

45 manica in several Aldhelm MSS and occurs in. the Indicia

Monasterialia, 46 but in association with the "scapular" which

was probably an ecclesiastical garment. There is no evidence from secular texts.

618.

Linguistic evidence therefore does not confirm that there

was an Anglo-Saxon sleeve which covered the hand. Indeed, the

fact that 'glof' was used to gloss manica"suggests'that the

glossator did not ]-. now of an English equivalent for this sleeve,

only alternative forms of hand covering.

f

/

619. VIII

. General terms

Clap, clap es Reaf ( Ge) gerela Sceorp Gerif Scrud Ge-scirplä Swmpels Godweb (Ge), vrxd i-imtera -waru Hmgel, hrmglung

1. Words which are also 'compound elements

'HRiGEL' is defined in BTD: "a garment, dress, robe, rail,

clothing". BTS adds I "a garment, vestment"; II "(collective)

dress, garments, clothes, clothing, raiment". The word has

cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages, and is antece-

dent to modern English "rail" (as in "night-rail"). It is the

commonest of OE garment terms, and there are so many documented

occurrences that only selected examples are considered below.

The word translates vestimentum Lclothing, a garment] in several

texts including the Northumbrian version of St. John's Gospel,

where ' uoede' is given as alternative. 1 The form ' HREGLUNG'

glosses vestitus (clothing] in Juniuc/BM. 2 'Hz gel' translates

several Latin garment names: amiculo Lamiculum cloak] in the

Cleopatra A-order glossary, 3

clamiden in the Lindisfarne Gospels, 4

peplum Lbroad upper garment] in an Aldholm M. ß, 5 Pallium in the

Lindic1 arno Gospels, 6 nuporhumeraln (ecclesiastical) in the

Pastoral Care? and tunica in the Lindisfarne Gospels. 8 More

than once the Lindisfarne glossator uses the word in conjunction

with more specific OE garment terms: tunicam is glossed 'cyrtel'

' hrmgl' and pallium is glossed ' hr gl' 4' li cla' -' bratt' .

'Hraagel' frequently functions as head in noun phrases

glossing Latin phrases, for example in Junius/'BM in a group of

620.

Isidor glosses beginning segmentata uestis 'germwen hra3gel'. 9

The compound ' hroegl-gew zede' , unusual in that it consists of

two general terms, appears in the Cleopatra A-order glossary

rendering liniamentis ('hrmglge-vr dum') . 10 'H=gel' appears

to have been used of rich or poor garments. In the Blickling

Homilies alone the word is used of angelic garments, 11

old

clothes begged by a pauper12 and costly raiment. 13

It might

be used of the clothing of either sex, for example in the

Confessionale of Ecgbert it is stated that a woman ought to

attend eucharist in 'brunum hregle' whereas in the poem Judith 14

the word is used of the clothing of a male retainer of Holofernes. 15

CLAD ', BTD 11 "a garment" and ' CL1ES' , BTD "clothes",

have cognates in Germanic languages and are related to modern

English "cloth". The singular form renders vestimentum16 and

the plural vestes, 17 though in the singular the word more often

functions as modern English "cloth" 'except in compounds. It

appears that the terms could be used of the garments of either

sex, since ' clapes' is specifically used of the garments of a

man, 18

and 'clap' of the 'tunecan' of a woman. 19

In compound,

'clap' is often combined with parts of the body, for example

' bearm-clap' (Section III, 2, pp. 567. S, above), and may combine

with a term signifying the wearer, for example in ' cildclaoes'

which occurs in Junius/BM as gloss to cune, uel crebundie. 20

' RBP. F' , BTD II "raiment, a garment, robe, vestment", is

another common term. Selected citations only are given. The

word glosses uestis, uestimentum and indumentum Lgarment] in

the Julius glossary21 and in the group under the heading Vestium

Nomina in Junius/BM it renders cultus22 [appearance, clothing,

especially splendid dress].. As 'linenum reafe', translating

621.

stoles byssina in Genesis, 23 the term is applied to a luxurious

garment. It could be used of the garments of either sex, as

is apparent from a passage in Deuteronomy where the word trans-

lates ueste: 'Ne scryde nan wif hi mid wmpmannes reafe ne

wmpman mid wifmannes reafe'. 24 The term is used in-compounds,

often of ecclesiastical vestments, such as ' preostreaf' . 25 ' Reaf'

meaning "garment" survived into Middle English. 26

'SCRUD', ETD I "dress, clothing, attire", II "an article

of dress, a garment", is related to the OE verb 'scrydan', "to

dress" and has cognates in Icelandic, and in modern English "shroud!

It is well documented as a garment term from the Middle English

period. 27 The OL word translates several Latin general terms

for clothing. ' Scruud' glosses habitus Lappearance, dress] in

the Vestium Nomina group of glosses in Junius/BM28 and is used

in homilies where the biblical source has vestes29 and vestimenta. 3C

It translates the latter term in a version of the Psalms where

'gegyrlu' appears synonymous. 31 The word also glosses vestitum,

once in the gloss to £lf ric' s . Colloctuy32 which suggests that

'scrud' was a well-established term. The word is also used to

translate more specific Latin garment terms, such as stolas

in the OE version of Genesis33 uestis, clamis in Junius/BM34

and melote, veste among the Aldhelm glosses in the Brussels 35 Codex.

Several agreements concerning the financial provision to

be made for the clothing of religious bodies utilize the general

garment term "'scrud' . Thus, in an inventory from Thorney Abbey,

various gifts are recorded, their purpose being 'to scrude'. 36

This use of the term is particularly frequent in compounds, for

example _'scrud-feo',

37 or 'scrod-fultum' , financial assistance

622.

given by King Edgar to clothe the monks of Ely38 and 'scrod-

land', land given by Eadsige to Christchurch, Canterbury, for

the same purpose. 39 The term was not confined to monastic cloth-

ing, for apart from ecclesiastical uses like 'nunscrude'40 it

appears in compounds relating to armour, such as 'beadu-scrud'. 41

In glossaries the term appears as the head in noun phrases,

functioning similarly to 'hregel'. With various modifiers the

term is used to explain Latin lemmata which, in at least one

case, probably lacked exact equivalents in OE. Thus Icildes

scrud' glosses praetexta42 and ' slefleas scrod' colobium43 in

different groups of clothing terms in Junius/BM.

Outside its'use as a compound element, the word is several

times used of the clothing of men, for example the garments given

by the biblical Joseph to his brothers. 44 The term is only

applied to the clothing of women in compounds, such as 'nunscrude'

and 'wif-scrud'. The latter compound is used in the will of

Wulfwaru where context shows that, like 'scrod' alone, it could

be used specifically as well as generally. The will includes

the following bequests: 'ic geann Godan minre yldran dehter...

anes wifscrudes ealles. And Alfware minre gyngran dehter is

geann ealles pws wifscrudes De per to lafe bi$'. 45 It appears

that Goda is to receive one woman's outfit, complete, while

Alfwaru is to be given all the female clothing which remains.

The bequest to the elder daughter suggests that garments were

not always considered individually, but could be conceived as

a costume, the individual pieces perhaps matching in colour or

trimming.

'W2D' and 'GEMED' may conveniently be discussed together,

though they are listed separately by BTD: 'wmd', BTD I "(1) a

weed (as in palmer's, widow's weeds), an article of dress, a

623.

garment (2) in a collective sense, clothing, dress"; 'geed',

BTD, "a garment, clothing", BTS I "what is worn by a person (1)

in a collective sense, clothing, raiment, clothes (2) a garment". ' 46 The terms have cognates in Germanic and non-Germanic languages.

Various forms (' wede' ,' woede' ,' uoedo'') appear in the Northum-

brian versions of the Gospels47 where, in each case, the West

Saxon versions use ' reaf' . 't"bda' glosses indumentorum in BM

MS Royal 5E XI of Aldhelm48 and 'gewwde' renders amictus Lcloth-

ing, a cloak] in a version of the Psalms. 49 The occurrence of

the term in a legal text, involving the determination of the

extent of damages received for injuries, testifies to its use

in the general sense of "clothing": 'Gyf dynt sweart sie buton

wmdum... Gyf hit sie binnan wmdum... 0 50 The word appears to

be used of a specific garment less often than some of the terms

discussed above. Among a number of occurrences in poetry, the

word is found in the Maxims of the Exeter Book, where 'wmd' is

juxtaposed to 'hrmgl' in a context which suggests they were

synonymous: 'heo... wmscep his warig hrmgl and him sylep wide

niwe'. 51 The use of the tern in the alliterating phrase 'wmpen

and gewmdu'S2 suggests that it could be applied to military

equipment. It could be used of elaborate clothing, for example 53 ' cynegewmdum' in the OE Bede, but elsewhere is used of the

minimum clothing necessary for subsistence: ' for]. a3t Bonne eal

6t 6u age, buton wiste and wmda' . 54 Clearly the terms were

well-established in OE and their. range of uses wide.

'GE-GERELA' and 'GERELA' may also be grouped together for

convenience. BTD defines ' ge-gerela' : "clothing, apparel,

habit, garment, robe", BTS adding: "(1) in a collective sense

apparel, clothing, raiment (2) a garment, an article of clothing".

624.

BTD defines 'gerela': "apparel". BTS ('girela') adds: I "in

a collective sense, attire, apparel, clothing, garments"; II

"a garment, robe". These OE words translate various general

Latin terms. . 'Gyrle' glosses habitum (appearance, dress] in

the Digby MS 55 and 'gegyrla' (with 'scrod') translates vestimentum

in a version of the Psalms. 56 The terms also translate more

specific Latin garment names, such as amiculis ('gegerelan'), 57

ciclades ('gegirelan')5S and liniamento ('hlo6an, gegirelan') 59

in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. ' 'Gyrlan' glosses stola in

the Boulogne Prudentius MS. 60 The gloss of 'gegirelan' to

discriminalia in the Cleopatra glossary 61

shows that the word

might be used of a personal ornament which was not a garment.

'Gerela' appears to have been the clothing term chosen

most frequently when context suggests finery or ostentation.

In the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle the word is applied to

finery which is contrasted with a coarser garment: 'alede is

minne kynegyrylan and me mid uncup a hrzegle... me gegerede'"62

The Guthlac poem in the Exeter Book mentions 'gierelum gielplicum'

among the excesses of young people and worldly monks. In both 63

the West Saxon and Northumbrian versions of the Gospel of St.

Matthew, the luxury garments called mollibus vestitum in the

Latin text are rendered: 'hnescum gyrlum'('gerelum'). 64 In

the early West Saxon version of the Gospels the clothing given

to the returned Prodigal Son is called 'selestan gegyrelan'65

and Christ warns the people to beware of the scribes 'pa wyllaö

on ge-gyrlum gan'. 66 In a sermon, Wulf star warns: 'God reafian

Irate eowere dohtra heora gyrla and to oferrancra heafodgewnda'. 67

I The terms are not only confined to elaborate garments,

however. In the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle the phrase

I

625"

'lyp orlico gerelan', a reference to coarse clothing60 occurs

close to the reference to finery already cited. There is at

least one other recorded use of the term with reference to a

poor garment. In the OE Appolonius of are the fisherman uses

the word with reference to the humble cloak which he shares

with the shipwrecked prince: 'mine p earfendlican gegirlan' �69"

rendering pauperitatem tribunarii mei. ' This same 'gegirla'

(habitus) 70 betrays the prince's situation and he is provided

instead with suitable clothing: 'wurgfullan scrude'. 71

These terms, then, were used of textiles which were elaborate

(not only clothing, ' gegyrele' glosses labar7a2Lbanner] ) and

could signify the regalia of royalty or other persons of social

standing; but the words could also be applied to poor and humble

garments. The terms could apparently be used of the clothing

of either sex. - They are used of the costumes of the scribes,

the Prodigal Son, the fisherman in Appolonius and of Christ. 73

Wulf Stan applies the word ' gyrla' to women's clothing and the

Cleopatra glossary also used the term in relation to women,

glossing theristodetes 'wudewan gierela'. 74 The terms might

be applied to the clothing of persons in holy orders, -for example

'biscopes gierelan'75 but were not the names of vestments and

were often used of secular clothing.

'-WARU' is not listed as a garment in BTD but has been

included here because it occurs in compounds, functioning as a

general garment term with the meaning "-wear" (as in "nightwear").

Both documented occurrences of the term are in monastic texts,

but the Benedictine Rule employs the term in a way which suggests

that it need not be applied only to the clothing of monks: each

monk is to have ' twa cugelan and twegen " syricas for padre nihtware''

The other occurrence is a reference to 'munuclice scrudware' in

626.

the La is of JJthelred. 77 The combination with ' scrud' produces

a garment term from two general terms.

2. Other terms

'GODWEB' is defined by BTD: "a divine or very precious

web, purple cloth, excellently woven material". BTS adds I

"fine woven material, material woven from silk or cotton, fine

linen"; Ii "something made with such material". The word has

cognates in Germanic languages and in Greek, the latter meaning

"divinely-woven fabric", which supports the lexicographers' inter-

pretation of the 'god' in 'godweb' as signifying "God" rather

than "good". 78 Clearly the word, signifies a fine material which

could form part of a regalia. Thus, in the Harley glossary there

is the entry: fasces, i. honorer, dignitates, plagas, triumnhos

'cynedomas', uel 'aldor', uel 'gegerla', uel 'godweb'. 79 Since

in the OE version of Bede 'mid golde; 7 mid godwebbe' renders

auro et purnura80 and since ' godvebbenum' glosses bombicinis81

it may be deduced that the fine material called 'godweb' was

frequently purple, and normally of silk. In a few instances

' godweb' refers to a specific garment.,. For example, in the

Corpus glossary, 'goduuebbe' glosses tocTa82 and in the Cleopatra

A-order glossary 'godweb' renders calamidis83 (for chlamidis).

The word was used, however, of other articles which were not

garments, which were made of fine textile, such as a cloth asso-

ciated with a banner. 84

' SCEORP' , 13TD "dress, apparel", is another term employed

of splendid costume. Translating habitum in the OE Orosius,

the word is used of the purple robes of a bishop which are com- pared with those of a king, 85

and of battle equipments 'mgper

ge heora sceorp, ge eall heora wapn ofersylefredan'. 86 The

627. .;

term also occurs among the list `of duties of a man of the rank

of thane in the Rectitudines Singularum Personarum; he is to

provide ' scorp to frig scipe' . 87 BTD tentatively renders ' scorp'

in this context as "apparel for those on board". 88 'Sceorp'

does occur in compound, but the compound words relate to battle

equipment, for example 'hilde=sceorp'., 89 not to clothing.

'a TERA', BTD "garments", in contrast to 'gerela', 'godweb'

and 'sceorp', appears to have been used of the garments of the

poor, and often of clothing which was in ragged condition. The

cognates of the word include old Indian terms signifying "roof,,

cover", 90

which, taken in conjunction with the contexts in which

'hntera' appears, suggest the 01ý word derived from the completely

functional nature of the article it named. In homiletic context

a poor man is said to have ' no hmlpe ne ha3tera' 91 which suggests

that tho term could be used of the most rudimentary of garments.

The word is also associated with the: destitute when Elfric tells

of Jews dying of hunger: 'cuwon... heora ha3tera'. 92 In the

OE version of the Book of Exodus the term is applied to the

garments of male slaves, translating vestitu: 'Ga he ut mid

his ho3teron swilcon he in com'. 93 The word is used of torn

clothing in a homiletic anecdote concerning the wicked magician

Simon, who was attacked by a dog which 'totmr his hmteru... of

his ixace'. 94 In Middle English the term continued to be used

of ragged garments: 'alle his hateren weoren to-toren'9' and

of. the minimum clothing necessary for subsistence: 'I have but

one hatere'. 96 In the Promntoriu locum 'Hatyr, rente cloth'

i3 translated scrutum, pannicia97 [scrota trash; panniculus

a rag; light, short garment]. Though. now obsolete, the word

survived in modern English until the nineteenth century. 98

!I

628.

ISUEPELS', BTD "a wrap, garment", is related to the OE

verb 'swapan ', "to" wrap", as well as to Icelandic sveipa, "to

wrap, swaddle". BTD notes a related Danish phrase meaning "a

child in swaddling clothes" which, added to the other cognates,

suggests that the 'sw pels' was originally a garment which was

wrapped around (c. f. 'wealca' Sections III, 6, VI, 1, pp.

5 -7 1 -- 9,6q `7 , above) .

Another Icelandic cognate, sveipg, signifies "kerchief, hood", AQ

but there is no evidence that the OE tern was applied to head,

coverings. The word glosses amicula in the A-order Cleopatra

glossary100 and is used figuratively in a Mercian version of

the Psalms, where it translates amictus. 101

'GE-SCIRPLA', BTD "clothing, clothes", is related to the

OE verb 'gescyrpan', "to clothe", and to the substantive 'sceorp' 4

(above, pp. 646-7 ýý102 The word is applied to men's clothing,

in a homily condemning worldliness: ;, IHwzsr beo6 ponne his idlan

gescyrplan? ', 103 and with reference to seafarers' apparel in.

the poem Andreas. 104

'GERIF', BTS "a garment", is documented only from Junius/

BM, where 'fotsidgerif' glosses limus (Junius limes)105 a

gloss which renders Isidor's definition: limus, vestis guae...

nd nncloa nKocluci. ruK. 10ä

629.

IX

ClaMs

Objects which may have clasped the hair or headdress have

been considered above (Section VI, 7, pp. 6to -

(oll ). Other probable names of fasteners are listed

below:

Bul Mentel-preon CnMp Of er-f eng Dalc Preon Fifele Sigle Gyrdel-hring, gyrdels-hringe Spennels

Several of the items are linked in glossaries. 'DAL C',

BTD "a clasp, buckle, brooch, bracelet", glosses fibula Lbuckle,

clasp, pin] in Junius/BM, together with 'preon' and 'of erf eng' .1

'Dolc, o66e preon' appears in a list of- jewellery in the Julius

MS glossing spinther2 Lbracelet], and 'dalc' renders the same

Latin word in Elfric's Grammar. 3 In two Aldhelm MSS ' oferfengc,

dale' glosses ligulam i. fibulam4 Lligula for legula a flap, or

lingua a tongue, especially of shoe, strap or latchet of shoe].

Cognates of 'dalc' include Icelandic dalkr, "a pin for a cloak",

and Old Irish delg, "a thorn, needle". 5 Tacitus mentioned that

the Germanic peoples used thorns to pin their cloaks6 and it

is possible that the term 'dale' derived from such a simple

fastener, though it may have been used of more sophisticated

metal clasps in Anglo-Saxon times.

'OFER-FENG', BTD "a clasp, buckle, latchet of a shoe", is

associated with 'dale' as gloss to fibula and li ila. 7 Glossing

fibula it appears in a list of jewellery in Julius ('oferfengc')8

following spinther 'dole, o66e preon'. The word also glosses

lequlam i. fibulam in an Aldhelm MS. 9

'PREON'., BTD "a pin, brooch, fastening", linked with ' dale"

630.

and 'of erf eng' as gloss to sninther and fibula 10 also occurs

in association with 'mere' (BTD "a necklace, ornament"). 'Menum'

+ 'preonum' glosses monilibus11 Lmonile, necklace, collar] and

'mynas, preanas' glosses lunulas. 12 The word must have been the

name of an object in use in the tenth century since it is men-

tioned in wills of this period. Wulfwaru bequeathed 'twegea

preonas' to her elder daughter. l3 Wynflmd left to her daughter

a 'MENTEL-PREON'14 the only documented occurrence of this compound;

'hyre ealdan gewiredan preon' was bequeathed in the same wi11.15

'Preon' has cognates in medieval languages and in modern English

"preen" and Scottish "preyne" ("a pin made of wire"). 16

'BUL', BTS "an ornament, brooch", also occurs as a bequest

which indicates that it signified a woman's ornament. Wulf ric

left to his goddaughter 'pone bule 6e wms hire ealdermoder' . 17

'Bula' occurs in the A-order Cleopatra glossary rendering bulla18

from which the word derived. LBulla signifies anything rounded,

but especially an amulet worn on, the neck. ] 'Bulan' glosses

lequlam in an Aldhelm MS19 and 'bvlas' renders murenulas

Lmurenula a small necklace, from muraena a dark stripe] in the

20 Durham Ritual.

'PIFFLE', BTS "a buckle", replacing BTD's 'figel(? ) f ifele(? )',

"a buckle, button", is derived from Latin fibula, and there is

no evidence that it was in general use in English. Its only

documented occurrence is as gloss to fibula in association with

'sigel' and 'hringe' in the Cleopatra A-order glossary. 21

'SIGEL', BTD "a clasp, brooch, jewel" (a tentative defini-

tion), apart from its association with 'fifele' and 'hringe'

also glosses fibula ('sigl') in the Corpus glossary22 and occurs

with 'camp' and 'spennels' in the Harley MS glossing fibula, s.

631.

dicta rniod licgat. 23 The word also glosses bulla, for example

in the Corpus glossary ('sigl' f''and the A-order Cleopatra ('sigel' T-

and in the Harley MS glossing bulla, emma ('sigl')26 Lgemma

jewel]. It also glosses sibba27 l"? for fibula"]. The word

is related to 'silo', DTD "a necklaco, collar, band for the

neck", and to 'sigele', "a necklace". The term perhaps primarily

signified a personal ornament, and hence could be used of a

brooch or clasp.

The Harley gloss is the only recorded occurrence of 'CRP',

BTD II, "a button, brooch", and of 'SPENNELS', BTD "a clasp".

The existence of Germanic cognates including the Icelandic

spennill, "a clasp", suggests that the term may have been more

common in OE than the single instance implies. It is related

to the verb ' spannan' , "to clasp, ", 28

'GYRDEL-HRING' and*'GYRDELS-HRINGE' are listed separately

in B7'D with the same definition: "a, girdle-buckle, clasp for

a girdle". The latter is probably an earlier form of the same

term, since 'gyrdilshringe' is found in the Corpus glossary

glossing le la29 and lingula3O while 'gyrdelhringe' glosses

the same lemmata in the related A-order glossary in Cleopatra. 31

632. Y.

" is cus3ion

1. The naming of garments

The names of some Anglo-Saxon garments evidently derived

from their nature. Thus, association with documented OE verbs

suggests: that 'wealca'1 was a garment which wrapped around

the body; that ' crinc' and ' rifeling' were shoes which were

drawn together, and wrinkled, respQctively; and that 'binde'

and 'wrxd' were articles used for binding. Less specific examples

are 'ham' and 'hwtera', both of which, as cognates indicate, may

originally have signified "a covering". Thus, ' hTtera' came to

be applied to the most basic of clothing, and, by extension,

to rags, and 'ham' to the shirt worn close to the skin.

Some garments probably took their names from their shape:

the relationship of 'scyrte' to an OE adjective meaning "short"

and 'cyrtel' to curtus suggests that shortness was an essential

quality of the 'scyrte' and 'cyrtel'; cognates in other languages

and later English terms suggest that the head coverings 'hufe'

and 'scyfel' were named from their shape, the former humped,

the latter projecting.

There is some evidence that items might be named according

to#heir fabric, hence a blanket/cloak of white or undyed material

was named ' hwitel' and leg or footwear made from a particular

area of an animal's skin took'its name from the name given to

that hide, thus 'hemming', 'strapul'.

Many OE garment names are compounds. Most correspond to

the pattern: part-of-the-body plus general clothing term, for

example :' bearm-clap' . These, and compounds of 'of er-' or 'under-'

with specific or general clothing terms, such as 'under-serc',

633"

'ufre scrud', take their names from the positions in which they

were worn. Some Qther compounds, for example 'leöer-hose',

'siipe-scoh', describe characteristics of garments.

Word-formation is only to be taken as evidence of costume

with reservation. Deductions from names about the nature of

garments may of course only be relevant with regard to the

earliest form of those garments. Change of fashion need not

necessitate change of vocabulary; it would be misleading to

deduce from the form of some modern' clothing terms (for example

"petticoat") the nature of the present-day garments bearing

those names. Conversely, however, garment names based on

function (like modern "muffler" and "wrapper") are probably

likely to remain associated with their original function, or

to become obsolete if fashions change. 6

2. The origin and date of garment terms

Most of the terms listed have cognates in other Germanic

languages, which would suggest that they were established in

OE before the conversion. 2

. Words which were of native origin,

and therefore originally applicable to secular clothing before

the introduction of Christianity, might eventually be applied

to ecclesiastical vestments. It seems that 'hacele', 'ofer-

slop' and 'rocc' were utilized in this way.

'ßraccas' ,' cxales' ,' cmppa' ,' cappa' ,' cemes' , that',

. 'hod', 'mentel', 'orel' and 'socc' were ultimately derived

from Latin, but appear to have been early, pre-conversion:: loans.

Terms borrowed into OE from Latin after, and probably as a

direct result of, the conversion, include 'bul', 'casul', 'calc',

perhaps ' cuffie' ,' fifele' , 'pilece', 'Stole' #' strapul' and

'tunece'. 'Tunece' certainly passed into secular use and the

634.

others may have done so. The majority of vestment names were

imports and remained specialized, but it is apparent that the

Church both borrowed garment terms from the native language

and provided a source of new vocabulary.

It is evident therefore, that primitive OE was rich in

terms relating to costume, some of which had'been borrowed

from Latin into continental Germanic; but that the vocabulary

was augmented by further Latin loans, which in some cases came

to be applied to secular clothing. 0

Many of the documented clothing terms are to be found in

the Corpus glossary, the earliest of the sources cited. Examples

are: 'braccas', 'brec', 'glof', 'gyrdel-hring', 'gyrdels'

'hacele', 'hat', 'ham', 'heden', ''hemming', 'hod', 'loÖa', 'pad',

'rift', 'sciccing', 'scyfel', 'sigel', 'slife-' or 'slipe-scoh',

'snod', 'soce', 'stwppe-scoh', 'öwmle', and 'wimpel'. In other

cases the limitation of evidence makes chronology hard to esta-

blish. Words documented in OE only from Corpus and the related, -

tenth-century Cleopatra glossary were not necessarily archaic

by the time Cleopatra was made, as proved by the survival into,

modern English of "hemming" and "slipshod". - Terms documented

only from late texts were not necessarily late innovations.

3. Frectuencv of occurrence

A number of the documented terms appear to have been very

common. Examples include the names of fabrics: 'lin', 'linen', I W1111 I, and several general and specific clothing terms: 'clap' F

'gegerela', 'glof', 'hacele', 'hrragl', 'reaf', 'sciccels', 'scoh',

'scrud' and 'wtafels'. Others, with fewer documented occurrences,

may, have been more obscure. Many of the listed terns are hapax

635.

lecromena: ' bearm-rz gl' ,' bratt' ,' brec-hrmgl' , 'breost-lin',

'breost-rocc', 'casul', 'crine', 'feax-clap', 'feax-preon',

' fi£ele' ,' fotgewmde' ,' gerif' ,' hmr-nmdl' ,' hed-clap' ,' hop-

pada' , 'hose-bend', ' mentel-preon' ,' ofer-hacele' ,' ofer-leg' ,

'sceanc-bend', 'sceanc-gegirela', 'spennels', Ssweorclap',

'sweor-sal', 'ufre scrud', 'under-serc', 'underwrmdel' and

'wealca'. Most of these occur only as glosses, and may never

have belonged to the popular vocabulary. Some, particularly

those which are self-explanatory compounds, may have been nonce-

words. This assumption should not be made too readily, however:

the survival of 'bratt' in later English would suggest that it

was not so rare as its single documented occurrence from Anglo-

Saxon times would suggest; 'breost-rocc' and 'hose-bend',

both readily-comprehensible compounds, have cognates in Germanic

languages, so may not have been nonce-words in English.

4. Dialect

Comparison between the Northumbrian and Mercian glosses to

the Gospels with the West Saxon versions suggests a preference

for certain terms which may have been regional, but might have

been merely idiosyncratic. The evidence suggests Anglian

preference for ' cyrtel' , 'rift', 'stole' and ' wmd' over other

uynonyms, though these words are'also documented in West Saxon

texts. 'Wtsfels', avoided by the Anglian glossators, appears

to have been preferred by the West Saxons, and also appears in

a Kentish glossary: 'Twin' is used by the West Saxon glossators

of the Gospels, though 'linen', the Northumbrian choice, appears

elsewhere in West Saxon texts. The Celtic loan 'bratt' is the

only example of a word which is attested only in a non-West

I

636.

Sa;; on text. ' Gyrdels broec' and ' slebe_zcoh' occur in these

forms only in tho"14ercian Corpus, but Cleopatra contains the

very similar ' gyrdol o86 c brec' and ' slypeccoc' , thorotoro

these terms did not remain exclusively Anglian.

Some variations in spelling may be regional. Northumbrian

glosses include 'hacla' for 'hacele' and 'uoede', 'woede' and

'wede' for lad'. These provide insufficient evidence to suggest

different pronunciation. It is also unlikely that the back-

spelling 'hzyft' in a Mercian text'(West Saxon 'rift') repre-

sents phonological variation.

5. Semantic range '

The divisions indicated by Sections II to IX above are no

more than convenient groupings according to the apparent functions

of the garments named. The subdivisions reflect problems of

interpretation and establish the existence of various types of

apparel within the wider groups. Categorization of terms has

been dependent on meaning as illustrated by context and by"the

Latin lemmata glossed. Finer distinctions have been indicated

by the relationship of terms to each other. Some degree of

synonymy has been established when words . appear together as

glosses to the same Latin term, or when words appear in similar

context in different texts. More rarely, context has established

that terms are not synonymous.

Thus, in Section II, some degree of semantic overlap is

apparent between 'ofer-clop' and 'stole' and between 'basing';

'bratt', 'hacele', 'heden', 'hxmgl', 'hwitel', 'loöa', 'mental'',

'rift , 1' reowa' ,' rocc' ,' sciccel3' ,. and ' hwf els' , The terms ..

were not exact synonyWs. Examination of the individual words

63?.

establishes that the garment called 'heden' was made of skin

or fur (and that possibly the 'basing', 'loöa', 'sciccels' and

' rocc' could be, also), the 'h , itel' of undyed thread; that

'hrm gl' was a general term, the others specific garment names;

that 'rift' shared some function with 'oral', "a veil", though

the common element may have been no more than that women wore

both garments; and that 'hacele', 'mental' and 'lo6a' may have

shared characteristics with terms grouped under Section III,

Body garments.

In Section III it has been possible to establish some degree

of relationship between 'cemes', 'ham', 'hemepe', 'serc' and

'smoc', and, through the glosses to colobium to link 'hacele',

'toga' and 'mental' to this group. The various possible meanings

of colobium, rather than a similarity between the OE 'hacele'

group and ' cemes' group may have been the reason for this collo-

cation, however. A similarity between 'cyrtel' and 'tunece'

is implied by their use in the Gospels, but Wynflmd's will

suggests some distinction between these terms. It is apparent

that the 'tunece' was similar to the 'syrce' but distinct from

the 'comes', though 'tunece' and 'comes' could be worn together.

The 'tunece' fulfilled a different function from the 'hacele'

and 'wwfels' which have been categorized in Section II. Soma

distinction between the 'scyrte' and 'cyrtel' is apparent, and

these garments could be worn simultaneously, the 'cyrtel' over

the 'scyrto'. These inter-relationships indicate that garments

of similar cut could function differently, as underwear or as

over-tunics, corresponding to Einhard's evidence of Frankish

costume (B, 1, p. 6A$, above) that the camisia was worn

under the tunica. The 'cemes', 'serc' and 'tunece' might be

worn for sleeping.

638.

The various modifiers associated with 'cyrtel' suggest

that this garment might be made of various materials and there-

fore that the same garment name might be applied to clothes of

different textures.

Among the Leg coverings listed in Section IV, 'hose-bend',

'sceanc-bend' and 'sceanc-gegirela', glossing the same Latin

word, are apparent synonyms. ' Qi les' , 'hoses', 'moo' and 'socc',

apparently of similar meaning and grouped together as "Stockings

and soc]d' may bear some relationship to the "Slippers" group.

in Section V, since 'slipe-scoh' and 'socc' overlap semantically.

Though similar, 'hosa' and 'meo' were not identical, nor were

'hosa' and 'socc'. 'Hemming' and 'riveling' are apparently

synonymous names for raw hide shoes.

Words which signified "band, bandage", could be applied

to headgear, though they might have other functions, 'nostle',

for. example boing used of a garter or a fillet. In Section VI,

'Orel' and ' wimpel' appear to have some relationship, and 'rift'

is linked to this group as well as to the Outer garments grouped

under Section -11. 'C fing' , "feax-preon' and 'up-legen' appear

to have had the same meaning. 'Fimr-nmdl' and 'präwing-spinel' ,

probably synonyms, similarly were names for hairpins.

Of the words in Section VII 'sweor-clap', 'sweor-sal' and

'sweor-teg' are apparent synonyms, though it is uncertain that

they represent garments. Also synonymous are 'gyrdel', 'gyrdels'

and 'belt'. 'Gyrdels' has some degree of semantic overlap with

'brec', grouped, 'on other evidence,, 'with Loin and leg coverings.

The fact that words meaning "girdle" may also mean "purse",

suggests that purses were attached to belts. The formation of

'hand-scoh' suggests that the mitten, as well as the glove, may

have existed.

639.

Among General terms, in Section VIII, 'wmd' and 'gewwd'

appear similar in meaning to ' reaf' , and ' scrud' to 'gegerela' ,

though the latter pair also occur in opposed sense. General

terms sometimes appear as equivalent to specific garment names,

hence: 'gegerela' equals ' loöa' ;' hrtegl' equals ' cyrtel' ,

' bratt' and ' hoecla' , 'clap' includes -' tunece' .

Some degree of semantic overlap between the names of Clasps

in Section IX links 'preon' to 'dale' and ' ofer-feng' as well

, as to ' mene' ; and 'sigle' to ' cna3p', 'f if ele'-, ' hringe' and

,' spennels' . The relationship between some of these groups may have been

minimal. The link between some of the terms in the final section,

for example, may have been no more than that as various types

of ornament they offered possible explanations for the lemmata

lunulas and monilibus. Others, however, are likely to have been

synonyms or near-synonyms. One of the characteristics of OE,

exploited in its literature, is the quantity of synonyms appli-

cable to many subjects. The large quantity of documented terms

for clothing is not therefore surprising. The demands of alli-

teration, a structural feature of Anglo-Saxon poetry and a

device often found ornamenting prose, may have perpetuated

synonyms. Terms might be incorporated in rhythmic, alliterating

formulas of which there are examples in 'ne hmlpe ne hmtera'

and ' wwpen and gew du'

Freedom in the creation of compound words was also charac-

teristic of OE. The formation of compounds may have produced

synonyms for existing garment names, but, as suggested above,

though many creations may have been nonce-words, others may

have been in general use.

640.

6. Deductions about costume from linguistic evidence

The linguistic evidence implies that the Anglo-Saxons had

a far greater variety of garments than testified by other sources.

Even allowing for some degree of synonymy, it is clear that to

assume a one-to-one relationship between the garments illustrated

in manuscripts, and selected garment names, as some costume

historians have. done, would be an over-simplification. The

quantity of terms representing outer garments, for example,

suggests that there was a greater variety than the simple rectangles

worn by men and the sleeved or draped garments worn by women in

most illustrations, though the linguistic evidence is insufficient

for the reconstruction of any alternatives. The semantic overlap

between "cloak" and "blanket" found on investigating some of

these terms, suggests the original versatility of'the Anglo-Saxon

cloak which may have persisted as it persisted in the Empire of

Charlemagne.

Synonyms make possible some deductions about garments.

The overlap - of terms in the "Socks" and "Slippers"' groups suggest

a bag-like foot covering. Both texture and shape are suggested

by the linking of 'hemming' and 'riveling'; thus it is possible

to deduce the existence of hide shoes of wrinkled appearance. *

The vocabulary study offers several English names for the

fur garments which are mentioned'in Latin letters, though not

shown in illustrations. The possible evidence that fur was used

for body garments as well as outer corresponds to the evidence

of the clothing worn by Charlemagne.

In addition to supplying potential names for the garments

which are visible in representations of costume in art -- tunics,

gowns, headgear, leg coverings band shoes -- the linguistic evidence

I

"1

641"

also suggests or confirms the existence of garments which are

not shown, or not . depicted clearly, in art. Thus, there is

evidence of underwear, nightwear, loin cloths, bosom cloths,

stockings,, gloves, and the clasps which have been preserved by

archaeology.

The fillets, hoods, veils and wrappers, as well as the

various types of hat, which comprise names of headgear augment

the limited varieties depicted in art. The variety of footwear,

including slippers, raw hide shoes and sandals, designated by

specific names existing in addition to general words for shoes,

may be related to the archaeological finds from York. The lin-

guistic evidence suggests an even greater'variety of shoe types

than so far revealed by archaeology.

The terms 'binde''bul', 'cyrtel', 'cuffie', 'orel',

'preon', 'snod' and 'wrigelsI were applied to articles worn by

women, and, on Middle English and modern English evidence, the

' wimpel' appears to have been a feminine garment. OE 'braccas'

represents a garment worn by men, though Middle English evidence

suggests that later, at least, a garment of , this name was worn

by women. The 'wmfels' was worn by men and 'gescirpla' is

used of men's clothing. Middle English texts show that the

'strapul' was worn by women and possibly by men, and that the

'hufe' could be worn by both sexes. The garment name 'tunece'

and the general terms ' gegerela' ,' hrmgl' and ' reaf' were

applied to the clothing of both sexes in the OE period. There

is no proof that any of the terms could not be applied to the

garments of either sex, though the citation's involving headveils

suggests that these were exclusively feminine wear.

i

642.

Finally, the citations offer occasional insights into

social history. F. or example, the provision of gloves to persons

of low rank shows that these accessories (popular elsewhere in

the Germanic world) were not considered luxuries in Anglo-Saxon

England. The insertion of such a clause as this into a law

code, and the existence of a term such as 'gafol-hwitel' evi-

dences the system of payment in kind prevalent in the Middle

Ages.

The provision of finance for the purpose of clothing

communities, and the designation of responsibility for handling

such matters, as illustrated by some of the quotations, shows

that providing apparel for the communal households and large

work forces of Anglo-Saxon times required considerable admini-

stration. 6

/

PART FIVE: OONCLUSIONS

643"

P? FIVE: CONCLUSIONS

The evidence presented has already been summarized or

discussed at the end of each Section (Part Two, B, XXXI, pp.

337-407; C, pp. 419-20; D, pp. 457-8; Part Three, B, 4, pp.

492- At. ; C, 3, -: p. 5o7 ; D, 3, pp. 5lß-I ; E, 2, -. p.

5ý6 Part Four, B, 6, pp. 64o-) ; C, `. t, pp. 632-4a ).

The different . sources (archaeology, art and written material)

largely reveal different facts, although some correspondences

occur. The combined evidence reveals something of costume in

each century of the Anglo-Saxon era, though some periods receive

more clarification than others.

Despite Tacitus's claim that there was some similarity

between the garments of the sexes in Germania, and the fact that

some old English garment names appear to have been appljed to

the clothing of both men and women, there are obvious differences

between the costumes of the two sexes at all stages of the Anglo-

Saxon period. After studying the evidence it is now possible.

to describe the costume of each sex, and its development:

English women of the fifth and sixth centuries evidently

dressed in a girdled gown which could be worn over a blouse and

under a cloak. The tubular gown was characteristically supported

, on the shoulders by a'"pair" of brooches, usually matching, *but

if not, almost always of similar shape. The position of the

"paired" brooches might vary, and the basic costume might be

augmented by additional jewellery or modified (and to the modern

investigator disguised) by the omission of one or both brooches;

but it is probable that this gown was worn by women in almost

all areas of the Anglo-Saxon settlement. The gown wac normally

644.

wool, usually twill (mostly 2x 2), woven of Z-spun thread,

though tabby weaves and rarer twills (possibly imported stuffs)

may have been used sometimes. Tablet-woven braids or string

may sometimes have been used to attach the gown to the brooches.

The gown could be attached to the under-blouse by a brooch. The

blouse may have opened down the front, where it could be clasped

by a brooch or pin. The blouse was probably the garment which

had long sleeves ending in leather or tablet-woven cuffs. In

Anglian areas the cuffs were often secured by metal clasps. The

blouse might be of linen or wool, tabby or twill. A cloak,

woven in a coarser weave than the gown, could be fastened by a

brooch or pin worn at one shoulder or centrally. The gown itself

was belted or girdled, belts being made of leather and girdles

often consisting of tablet-woven braids. Possibly a combination

of leather and textile might also be used. Some belts were

fastened by buckles. In other cases toggle beads, rings or

knots may have been used. Various articles hung from the belt

as tools, trinkets and probably as symbols of the woman's role

as housekeeper. Some kind of headdress was worn, but the evi-

dence does not indicate its nature or if it was worn by the

majority and in all areas. Possibly Anglo-Saxon women wore a

veil or a network cap as other Germanic women did. Some women

used a pin to secure headdress or hair. Evidence from one burial

(Greenwich Park, K) suggests that the hair could be worn in a

self-sustaining knot. Beads and pendants ornamented the costume,

most often worn as festoons near the neck, but also worn at

head, arms and girdle. Metal arm and finger rings were normally

, only worn by the rich.

During the sixth century there were some variations in the

costume of women: women in areas culturally related to Kent may

645" I

have worn a robe which fastened down the front, though at one

site (Chessell Down, IoVJ) this appeared in conjunction with the

"paired" brooch gown; and in Kent itself and at some associated'

sites, prosperous women briefly adopted gold-brocaded garments --

usually headdresses -- often worn in conjunction with other

unusual objects which may have belonged to a regalia indicative

of social or ceremonial status.

In the seventh century women appear to have abandoned the

tubular gown and the sleeved blouse. Possibly they adopted

instead a sleeved robe. One of the garments worn during the

seventh century, possibly a veil, or perhaps a cloak, could be

fastened across the throat by a pair of linked pins. A single

annular or polychrome disc brooch might be worn at shoulder or

chest, and probably clasped a rectangular cloak. Long brooches

had now permanently given way to circular. (The primitive-

looking safety-pin brooches which appeared at this time were

probably not worn in such a way as to be visible. ) The new

faith of Christianity was sometimes proclaimed by the costume:

by a pendant cross, hanging from the necklace, or (in Kent) by

a buckle plate decorated with cruciform perforations. Necklaces

were now more often composed of pendant bullae and beads of

amethyst, gold and silver, or of beads strung on or across rings,

than by the clumsier strings of amber, glass and paste beads

popular during the pagan period. Women's belts may have become

narrower in the seventh century, since many sites have produced

smaller buckles than are normally found in pagan burials. In

some areas women may have ceased to wear buckles. In Kent the

perforated buckle plate appeared, also perforated leather, though

this may have not been used for bolts, but for objects such as

knife sheaths. An isolated example (Cambridge) shows that tablet-

646.

woven belts continued to be worn in this century. Women continued

to suspend objects from their girdles, but the nature of those

adjuncts changed slightly. Innovations included chatelaine

chains, cylindrical threadboxes and pouches of textile and/or

leather. Annular brooches were sometimes re-used as suspension

rings. Footwear is clearly attested for the first time in the

seventh century. Laces or thongs, ending in metal tags, fastened

leather shoes. Linen slippers or stockings may have existed.

Women may occasionally have used simple brooches to secure

stockings, or garters.

Women's costume continued to change in the early Christian

period. Literary evidence testifies to the elaborateness of

feminine dress, Aldhelm describing a brightly-coloured costume

which included two body garments, decorated sleeves, a light,

be-ribboned headdress and furs. Archaeological evidence demon-

strates a brief Frankish fashion for. buckled shoes, and the

Franks Casket depicts women in hooded cloaks. At least some

of the "dress hooks" and strap ends which have been recovered in

greater quantities from sites of the Christian period than from

earlier ones were probably worn by women, and the suites of

flat-headed pins dating from the eighth century, if they belonged

to clothing, were probably worn by women rather than men.

Annular brooches and adjuncts to the costume, including small

bags, continued to be used in-the eighth century.

The Viking incursions probably reintroduced the Germanic

costume with "paired" brooches, but there is no evidence that

this fashion spread back to the Anglo-Saxons who had abandoned

it earlier. Anglo-Viking sculptures show women in the trailing

dress and with the plaited hair which characterize females in

Scandinavian art. The bared head for women was alien to Christian

647"

Anglo-Sa, on culture; evidence from literature and art associate

a head covering with (virtuous) woman from the eighth century

onwards.

Anglo-Saxonuom n of the ninth century wore single disc

brooches, and bequests of the tenth century suggest that women

continued to prize jewellery though it is rarely depicted in

art. Women of the tenth and eleventh centuries evidently wore

wimple-like headdresses which concealed the hair and neck. A

wide-sleeved gown or a robe of chasuble type was worn over other

layers of clothing. One inner garment had tight-fitting sleeves

which reached to the wrist, where they were pleated or wrinkled.

The robe was girdled, but by a soft sash rather than a rigid

belt. There is no evidence that buckles or girdle adjuncts were

worn at this time. The legs were normally covered by skirts,

but might be bound by garters. Flat-soled shoes with a decora-

tion or fastening at the front were worn on the feet.

Men's costume did not change so drastically during the Anglo-

Saxon period. The three main garments worn by Germanic men

before the Anglo-Saxon settlement of England -- short tunic,

trousers and cloak -- appear in Anglo-Saxon art when it develops

; pomp darjreo of naturalism In. the centuries after the conversion.

The archaeological evidence for the pagan and conversion periods

does not correspond on this point. Grave finds would suggest

that men did not normally wear brooches and that if and when

they did so they did not confine themselves to the circular

fasteners which, in art, normally clasp cloaks.

Tien of the fifth and sixth centuries probably wore clothes

of wool, ' which, like women's, were normally woven in 22 twill,

though men, also, might wear other weaves and linen. Tien wore

648.

belts or girdles, which, like women's, could be of. leather or

braided fabric, possibly both leather and textile. Men's belts

were often studded and/or decorated with ornamental plates.

They were sometimes buckled, though the buckle was not essential

even for an elaborate belt, and for one which had to carry the

weight of a sword. Alternative methods of fastening the girdle

were'employed by men as by women. Some men may have worn a

baldric, perhaps a semi-military fashion. A knife, often carried

in a sheath, was usually attached to one side of the belt, and

other articles such as tweezers and shears were also carried

this way, though the variety and number of such girdle adjuncts

were less than worn by women. Tools could occasionally be

carried at the leg. They were perhaps tied by garters which

secured the leg coverings. Possibly trousers worn at this period "

were loose-fitting, being bound to the leg at intervals. The

cloak which was worn over the other garments was probably a

coarser fabric than the tunic. The cloak may have taken the

form of the versatile, voluminous rectangle, but the poncho-

shaped. cloak which did not require a fastener is also a possi-

bility at this early date. Men's garments may sometimes have thtýr

been clasped by pins, but in the mainAonly jewellery was the

functional buckle. Clasps such as those found in the chieftains'

burials at Taplow, Bu and Sutton Hoo, Sf, are rare and perhaps

military.

Seventh-century male graves, like female, evidence the

wearing of leather footwear, the carrying of leather and fabric

pouches and the introduction of punched leather in Kent. A

possible innovation in men's costume is the "shaggy" cloak,

though the distribution of evidence suggests that the latter

was a luxury item, probably imported. Documents of the early

649"

Christian period testify the wearing of fur clothing by men

(ecclesiastics) and linguistic evidence confirms the wearing

of fur garments (not simply un-shaped skins) in Christian Saxon

times.

A slight development in the costume of men during the eighth

century may be marked by the Franks Casket. On this, men appear

both in the baggy trousers depicted in Roman art and the close-

fitting leg coverings of later Anglo-Saxon art, thus providing

a terminus ad quem for the former and a terminus a auo for the

latter. Footwear already existed in various forms in early

Christian times, including the tibracis worn by the simple monk

and the Frankish buckled shoes evidenced from Kent. This variety

in footwear (not confined to men) was to continue, as attested

-by finds of several different types of shoe in York, and. by

linguistic evidence. Shoes and gloves were worn from at least

the early Christian period, even by people of humble status. an& pttildy Jwcktts,

During the ninth century shorter cloakc, Awere introduced.

Men continued to wear short cloaks with tunics for the remainder

of the Anglo-Saxon period, but long cloaks, did not disappear.

The Viking invasion probably brought some different clothing

to the Danelaw area. Resulting variations in male costume may

have included the loin cloth, the wearing of belted trousers

without the covering tunic and the adoption of the (tailored)

Irish coat or cloak which was fastened to the garment'beneath

it by a penannular brooch.

By the tenth and eleventh centuries men wore close-fitting

leg coverings which were bound below the knee by parallel strips

of gartering. Over the trousers they wore one or more garments

of similar shape (perhaps interchangeable), functioning as

underwear, shirt and tunic as required, to-which names such as

'cemes', 'cyrtel'. and 'tunece' could be applied. The tunic or

650.

shirt had tight, pleated, wrist-length sleeves. The outermost

garment was a rectangular cloak which was clasped by a disc

brooch. Men performing physical labour, who were often barefoot'

and without cloaks, might wear the tunic tucked up, or could

wear a garment similar to the tunic which was slit up the sides

of the skirt. The tunic was girdled, but apparently not buckled.

There appears to have been an innovation in male costume towards

the end of the period, in the form of the ankle-length gown,

confined at the waist by a sash. it may have been confined to

those of high rank. Possibly its introduction was related to

the importation of luxurious fabrics, especially silk, which

was taking place on an organized scale at this time (though

individual travellers had been bringing or sending home fine

fabrics at least since the early Christian missions). The long

gown was accompanied by'the long cloak, often fastened at the

centre of the chest rather than at one shoulder. The gown may

have been worn over trousers, probably of the same type as worn

under the tunic. The long garment did not replace the short

tunic. A man of rank in late Anglo-Saxon times might own both

costumes.

A general comment which might be made about the development

of the clothing of both sexes is that it became more tailored

during the Anglo-Saxon era. In the earlier centuries people

tended to make a garment fit them by wrapping a piece of material

round the body then pinning or binding it in the required posi-

tion -- women clasped their gown with brooches, men (according

to the Roman sculptures of Germans) tied loose trousers to the

legs. This method of dressing gave way to the wearing of more

garments which had been shaped during manufacture -- sleeved

651.

robes and hooded cloaks for women and tighter trousers for men.

The tailoring of clothes was not a new skill -- the sleeved

blouse of women and the tunic of men had been in existence for

centuries when these other developments took place -- the tech-

nique was simply being applied more widely. In pre-shaping their

clothes, the people no doubt lost some of the versatility of their

costume; the fifth- and sixth-century gown of women, for example,

had been capable of many variations which a sleeved robe was not.

The developments which took place in costume, in particular

in women's costume, interestingly mirror some of the cultural

influences known to have affected Anglo-Saxon England. The

women settlers wore a type of gown popular among other Germanic

peoples, reflecting their Scandinavian and North German origin.

The fact that the same basic costume was worn by women settlers 4

in most areas of England attests the common cultural background

of the invaders. Slight regional variations in women's costume,

such as choice of brooches or use of wrist clasps, correspond

to the post-settlement variations of Angle and Saxon; while

other variations have the common denominator that they occur in

Kent or in areas influenced by Kent, a region culturally distinct

from the rest of England in other respects. Some of the varies

tiona in coatuma in sixth-century Kent reflect the fact that

Kent was looking across the channel (Fthelbert of Kent, to whose

court Augustine came in 597, married a Frank) and was to continue

absorbing Frankish influence. The Frankish shoe fashions in

eighth-century Polhill are a small example of this continued

intorcourso.

On a larger scale, the development in women's costume in

all areas in the conversion period, with its'emphasis upon single brooch and necklace of bullae, reflects the changed source of

652.

cultural influence -- from pagan, Northern Europe to the Christian

Mediterranean. The Church no doubt encouraged the change, deplor-

ing the unfamiliar costume of Northumbria, which, to the foreigner

at least, was associated with paganism. In addition to bringing

new garments, the cultural changes of the conversion brought,

through Latin, new garment names into the English language.

The new Viking settlers may have brought with them their

native dress, and garments adopted from elsewhere; but the rest

of England continued to be influenced from Christian Europe, so

that the costume of an Englishwoman in the tenth century was,

quite unlike that of her Viking contemporary in Scandinavia.

The evidence considered in the preceding chapters demonstrates

that the clothing of the Anglo-Saxons was not primitive or casual.

it was skilfully woven and worn in a deliberate way. The lin-

guistic evidence (even allowing for nonce-words and synonyms)

suggests the existence of many specific garments.

Clothing mattered. It mattered to the wearers, who conformed

to fashion; it concerned the Church, * which equated non-conformity

in matters of dress with Sin; and it exercised employers and

benefactors, for people had to be clothed.

This work began with the statement that costume study provides

a personal link with the past. It has offered a number of insights

into the life and thought of the Anglo-Saxon people. For example,

the colourful nature of their dress is constantly apparent: in

pagan times with, rare cases of dyed fabric and common examples

of gaudy beads and mass-produced brooches or the more tasteful

polychromo jewellery of Kent. Literature witnesses this colour-

ful nature and the bright shades of the Tapestry and paintings

653.

conf irm it. The worldly nuns described by Aldhelm have a vita-

lity in their enthusiasm for colourful, flamboyant clothes, an

exuberance which the Church endeavoured to suppress in its flock

('Wif moton under brunum hrmgle to husle gan') though appreciat-

ing the fine and colourful fabrics acquired for holier purposes.

Less directly, there are other slight but fascinating

glimpses into social history; the skill and patience of the

weaver who constructed elaborate braids and twills in the squalid

conditions of the Anglo-Saxon weaving shed; the practicality

of the seafarer who tucked up his tunic to wade, or the farmer

who carried seed in his skirts; the care with which the corpse

of a child was equipped with tiny beads, or a tool it had been

too young to use; the pagan beliefs and the discipline which

allowed valuable grave-goods to remain in the ground. Such hints

as these convey, albeit briefly and intermittently, the persona-

lity of our ancestors. ý

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d'ºiYi, ldllxY. 2

T, i ;t of o., merit terns and related -wmrd conr; idercd in Part Four, C, and the subüections under which the? are

býmde VI basing II beazm-claý III bearm-r,, III belt VII bende VI binde VI brocce IV braccas IV bratt II brec-hr, egl IV breoot-lin III brcost-rocc III broc, brec IV bul I .u c2fing VI aales IV c>; ýýpe VI calc V cappa VI casul II ceraes III clap, clapes VIII cnon IY. crinc V crusene II cuffie VI cyrtel III da lc I:: eaxl-clap III f ca}, clap VI feax-net VI feax-preon VI fel II fet"el, fetel3 VII fifele I:; f1. wp I fleax I flis, flys I fotgewxde V frence 11 (gei gerela VIII gerif VIII ge-scirpla VIII g1Qf VII godweb VIII godweb-cynn II gyrdel VII , fyrdel-hring, gyrdel3-hringe IX gyrdels IV, VII hacelc II, III hwr-nadl VI

r, Bt VI h-utcra VIII ham III hand- ncio VII hcafod-clap VI hcafod-gew,, ade VI healoed VI hed-clay II heden II hernepe III hemming V hod VI hop-pada II hosa IV hose-bend IV hrwgel, hrmglung VIII hre6a II hrycg-hrmgel II hufe VI hwitel II lms-hosum V ]. mst V leperhose IV l in I linen I lo$a II, III mentel II, III mental-preon IX moo IV nostle IV, VI ofer-feng IX ofer-haeele II ofer-lag II ofer-Clop II ofer-slype II orel VI pad II pilece II preon IX reaf VIII reowe II rifeling V rift II, VI rocc II sal VII sceanc-bond IV sceanc-gec! ir©la IV sceorp VIII sciccels II sciccing II scoh, gesceo, gescy V scrud VIII

.. ý.

IN

719. cculdor-1.1rxgl III ccyicl VI 3cyrtc III ccoluc I ccrc III side I sigle IY. slife-scoh, slipe-scoh V Glop III Slypc III smoc ill snod VI socc IV s-)ennelc IX steppe-scoh V stole II strapul IV swepels VIII sweor-clap VII swcor-sal VII swcor-tcah VII swiftlere V tunece III tw in I prawing-spinel VI c1-31e VI ufrc scrud II underserc III underwrrdel IV up-legen VI (ge)wed VIII wed-brec IV vafels II -ware VIII wealca III, VI wimpel VI wining IV wred VI wrigels VI wull I

720.

APPENDIX. 3

7losszryof Latin Ran-nont terns and other Latin wordo in Part

Four, C

amictus clothing, cloak

amiculum garment that is thrown on, cloak

arnohibalum garment, cloak

anaboladium linen mantle or wrap

anthrax carbuncle (medical)

armenum ? (cf. arena arms, amentum strap)

armilaium-i military upper gannent

1). it eu: s halt

ha; ea woven shoe, (Icidor) woman's shoe

birrus cloak (to keep off rain)

biulirxo ? bi two, uligo moisture

bombicinum silken

bombyx silk

bracae trousers

braccus as bracae

brachile girdle

bully amulet for the neck, anything rounded b" ssus flax and the linen made from it

calarnachus skull cap

calamanca as calamachus

calamistruni pin for curling the hair

calceamentum shoe

calcous half boot or shoe, covering the whole foot

call a leather shoe

caliqula small military boot

callicula as caligula or ; Jallicula I

..,, -.

721.

c. to timber for joinery

calonodium (fifteenth century) clog

calsun as caiccus

camisia linen shirt or nightgown; in late Latin long undergarment for men; (twelfth century) ecclesiastical vestment

camne, tre leather apron worn round loins

camoilc similar to ca. mi sia

r. tt: ý lc (fifteenth century) headdress

c; 'ni. tium wearing a hood; or for canitulum or canui: thm

canitulum head covering for women

canna cap, hood; (seventh to fourteenth centuries) cape, cloa;; with hood

cans a box

canutium hood fastened to back of vestment

caracalla Gallic cloak without hood; vestment, cope

ca ssis helmet

casula cloak, chasuble

cernuus shoe; (Isidor) sole-less so cus

chlamvs cloak

cicla (cvclas) state robe with border worn by women; (twelfth and thirteenth centuries) rich robe

cidaris turban (of Jewish high priests); diadem (of Persian kings)

cinqulum girdle encircling hips

cintum belt

ciroteca (chirotheca) glove

clavus purple stripe on Roman tunic, -, i

coif (thirteenth century) headdress

collarium band or chain for neck, collar

colobium short-sleeved undergarment; (eighth to fourteenth centuries) sleeveless tunic or cloak

cones um gauze net, especially on bed; canopy

cothurnus high shoe, boot

722,

crebundic 7 as clinic

crurina ? (c Z. crus leg, shank, shin)

cucullus cap; hood fastened to garment, monk's coal

cultus appearance, clothing, especially splendid dress

cunie 7 cradle clothes (c. f. cunabulum cradle)

cunhia probably as coifa

ciirtelli as ; kurtclla

cu r. Mus short

di dcroa royal headdress, diadem

rlioloic double garment to be wrapped round body, cloak; (fifteenth

and sixteenth centuries) doublet

discriminalia hair clasp worn by women

enendytec outer garment

faccelles as fascia

fascia band, including headband

fasciola bandage; small bandage for the legs

feminalia thigh bandages

femoralia covering for thigh, (eleventh and fifteenth centuries) breeches

fibula buckle, clasp, pin

ico shoe, clog

flammeolum flame coloured bridal veil

flammcum (fourteenth century) bandage

aleru ; helmet-like headcovering of undressed skin; cap, hat

gallicula garment

inns in late Latin a leather garment; according to foniface

and Cuthbert of 'acazraouth, a fur gaxent worn by monks

hzbitun appearance, dress

humorale as umorale

indumentum garment

723"

infula band, bandage, especially red and white fillet or woollen band which signified consecration

instita border or flounce of Roman lady's tunic; bandage

interu]. -i undergarment, shirt

ku rtel la (fifteenth century) kirtle

labarum banner

lacerna cloak worn by Romans over the toga in cold or wet weather

lacinia lappet, corner or edge of garment

]. aena lined upper garment, cloak

lnna wool

Innune woolly substance (e. g. of plants); (fourteenth century) blanket or woollen undergarment

lrr_tulu , bed, couch

1e- ila flap

lena mantle

liýr i1a for le la or line ula

limus girdle or apron trimmed with purple

lineum linen garment

linqula tongue, especially of shoe; strap or latchet of shoe

liniamento garment

linna as laena or lent

linostema garment of linen and wool, mixed

linteum a linen cloth

-lodix coverlet, blanket

lorica mailcoat

fur bare apron for the loins; loincloth

lunula ornament worn by women, "little moon" , _...

mafora (twelfth century) veil

rnafors woman's veil, sometimes priest's

maforte (seventh century) headdress

manica long sleeve of tunic, which covered the hand

724"

mantellum cloak

mantile mantle, overall

ma na napkin, ecclesiastical maniple

ma, nula as manna

mastruga garment made of skins; a sheepskin

melote a sheepskin; (Isidor) goatskin garment

nillus dog's collar

nitra headband or turban worn by Greek and Roman women; (twelfth century) ecclesiastical mitre; nightcap

monile necklace, collar

muraena dark stripe

mu renula small necklace

muntrir_oli shoemaker's last

wit t--. n tor. i. iirn cape; wirnplo; change of' clothing

nimbus headband (Isidor) worn by females

obstrigillus shoe sole; (Isidor) sandal, fastened to the foot by straps

ocrea metal greave (cf. ocre (eleventh century) thigh boots or leggings)

odo as udo

olosericum (ninth century) silk mantle

orer. ýtorium cover

orarium napkin, handkerchief

paenula poncho-like garment originally worn by slaves, which became popular as travelling and military garment; ecclesiastical vestment

zlla wide upper garment, held together by broocbc3, worn by Roman ladies; undergarment; men's garment; ecclesiastical vestment, archbishop's pall

nallium Greek cloak, thus, upper garment; ecclesiastical vestment, archbishop's insignia

paludamentum military cloak

panniculus rag; short, light garment

725. epcten comb

pectica as pecten

nedula footwear (cf.. ep dule sole)

pollicia (ninth to fifteenth centuries) pelisse, pilch, leather garment

ellis pelt; leather garment of skin

`enicula woollen outer garment covering whole body for journeys and wet weather; (thirteenth century) hood

pcnula for paenula or penicula

peplum robe of state; any broad, upper garment

pera as melote

periscelis leg band, anklet, worn by women

perizomata girdle

per boot made of raw hide

nileus egg-shaped hat or cap made of felt

nlaneta (twelfth to fourteenth centuries) ecclesiastical vestment, chasuble

fracter:, orium stray animal

nraCtr_:: t, ý outer garment of Roman magistrates and free-born children

retlimiculum fillet; necklace; girdle

reno reindeer skin; fur pelisse worn by ancient Germans

reticulum little net; network cap

ricnurn headveil, especially worn . by women mourners

ricula small veil

saccus sack, bag, especially money bag

uagulum small military cloak

01rnum coarse woollen blanket or

sandalium slipper or sandal

sarabara wide trousers

scrota trash

nindon fine cotton or muslin

mantle

0

^ ý--"

726.

soccus low-heeled light shoe; slipper; sock

sninther bracelet

in late Latin a woman' a garment; stoles long upper garnicnt; r.: cclc:; iantical vrotmcnt, stole

r' wjulr pall

str, alum covering, rug, carpet

ntrebula flash about the haunch

stro-ýheum band worn by women under the breasts; headband

subfibulum (suffibulum) white, four-cornered veil

subligaculum waist-band; breech-cloth

subtalaris "under the heel", cf. talaris

subucula man's undergarment, shirt

succinctorium apron

; udarium (fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) sheet for wrapping round relics

sunerhumerale ecclesiastical vestment, pall

sunnarura linen garment worn by women

taenis band, fillet

t. laris sandal fastened to the ankle

tancta carpet, coverlet

tec, men covering

theristodctes as theristrum

thhcri strum summer garment

tiara oriental headdress, turban; (thirteenth century) occlesias- i-ca1 nitre

tibiale wrapping for the shins; stocking

o. qa long Roman garment made of a single piece of material

toral valance of couch

tramaserium ? cloth (tr ama weft or filling of a web)

Crib rica as tubrucus

t ribunarium small cloak

727.

tui>rucus (tubraý; ýura) legging, similar to I"ibi, --, Ir-,

tunica noman undergarment worn by both sexea; (twelfth century) tunic, coat, tabard; ecclesiastical vestment, tunicle

niibn -ocl: of felt or fur

itr rri 1. c covering] for the shoulders, cane

ynllegian the glossary citation is the only recorded use of the term as a garment; otherti'zise saddlebags

velamen covering, garment, robe, veil

vellu , fleece

velum covering, curtain, veil

ventrale belly-band

veste as vestimentum

vestimentum clothing; a garment, vestment; bedclothes

ves_itu clothing

vinculum something which binds

vitta band; cap for the head

zona belt, girdle; money belt