Vienna International Centre, PO Box 500, 1400 Vienna, Austria Tel: +(43-1) 26060-0, Fax: +(43-1) 26060-5866, www.unodc.org

Printed in Austria V.07-88925January 20081,500

An Introduction to Human Trafficking:Vulnerability, Impact and Action

BACKGROUND PAPER

www.ungift.org

UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIMEVienna

An Introduction to Human Trafficking:Vulnerability, Impact and Action

UNITED NATIONSNew York, 2008

The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication donot imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariatof the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city orarea or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

iii

Acknowledgements

This document was prepared by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime(UNODC). The effort was led by Kristiina Kangaspunta of the UNODC Anti-HumanTrafficking Unit, with the key papers researched and drafted by Michle Clark, JudithDixon and Mike Dottridge. Valuable contributions were also made by Martin Fowke, Silke Albert, Riikka Puttonen, Troels Vester, Jonathan Eischen and Kerstin Uebel. Thereport was prepared under the overall leadership and supervision of Doris Buddenberg.

For further information regarding the United Nations Global Initiative to Fight HumanTrafficking (UN.GIFT), please go to its website at www.ungift.org.

The UNODC Anti-Human Trafficking Unit can be contacted at ahtu@unodc.org, telephone(+43-1) 26060-5687. For further information regarding UNODCs work to combat trafficking in persons and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking inPersons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Conventionagainst Transnational Organized Crime, please go to www.unodc.org.

vCONTENTSPage

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Summaries of the papers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Summaries of the papers (French) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Summaries of the papers (Spanish) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27Summaries of the papers (Chinese) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

Summaries of the papers (Russian) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44

Summaries of the papers (Arabic) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

1. Vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

2. Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

3. Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

PART ONE. VULNERABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

Vulnerability, preventions and human trafficking: the need for a new paradigm

I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

II. The current framework for prevention of trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

III. The purpose of a discussion on vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67

IV. Vulnerability: a definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

A. Vulnerability and human trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

B. Conditions of vulnerability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

V. Practical implications for a vulnerability-based programme for the prevention of trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

VI. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

PART TWO. IMPACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

The impact of trafficking in persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

II. The consequences of trafficking upon individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

A. The physical impact of trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

B. HIV/AIDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

C. Mental health impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

D. Child victims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

E. Substance abuse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

F. Impact on behaviour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

G. Stigma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86

H. Recovery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

III. The political implications of trafficking in persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

A. Shaping migration policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

B. Border control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

C. Human rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

D. Regular migration: countries of destination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90

E. Regular migration: source countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

F. Management of the status of trafficked persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

IV. The economic impact of trafficking in persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

A. The costs of trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

B. Lost resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

C. Remittances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

D. The profits of organized crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

V. The impact on the rule of law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

VI. Post-conflict situations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

VII. Global security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

VIII. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

PART THREE. ACTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

Responses to trafficking in persons: international norms translated into action at the national and regional levels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

I. Translating international instruments into action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

A. Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

B. Institutions to combat trafficking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

C. Learning what works: good practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

vi

vii

II. Working together . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

A. At the national level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

B. At the bilateral level between two States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

C. At the regional level, involving several States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

D. At the international level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

III. Prosecution and law enforcement activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110

A. Identifying trafficked persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

B. Interceptions at frontiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

C. Increasing the effectiveness of prosecutions by using victim-friendly techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112

D. Mutual legal assistance to facilitate prosecutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113

IV. Prevention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114

A. Prevention in areas of origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114

B. Interceptions of those in transit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

C. Prevention in areas where trafficked persons are exploited . . . . . . . . 117

V. Protection and assistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

A. International standards on protection and assistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

B. Emergency assistance and medical care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

C. Assessment of cases of trafficked adults and children, including

risk assessments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

D. Enabling victims of traffickers to recover and restart their lives . . . 123

VI. The role of research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

A. Research reports on regional patterns and specific countries . . . . . . 123

B. Research about those already trafficked, identifying the circumstances in which they were vulnerable to traffickers . . . . . . . . 124

C. Research about traffickers and the techniques they use . . . . . . . . . . . 124

D. Research on the numbers of trafficked persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

E. Research to monitor, evaluate and assess the impact of prevention and rehabilitation efforts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

F. Research standards: The World Health Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

VII. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

1The Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking

The United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking (UN.GIFT) aims to mobi-lize state and non-state actors to eradicate human trafficking by: (a) reducing both the vulner-ability of potential victims and the demand for exploitation in all its forms; (b) ensuring adequateprotection and support to those who fall victim; and (c) supporting the efficient prosecution ofthe criminals involved while respecting the fundamental human rights of all persons.

In carrying out its mission, UN.GIFT will increase knowledge and awareness on human traf-ficking; promote effective rights-based responses; build capacity of state and non-state actors, andfoster partnerships for joint action against human trafficking.

(UN.GIFT mission statement)

Overview

The widespread contemporary exploitation of men, women and children is unacceptableto people of conscience the world over. Traditional approaches to preventing traffickingin human beings, to protect and assist trafficked persons and bring criminals to justicehave had some small impact on the global phenomenon, but not enough. That even oneyoung person be denied the benefits of childhood, that one young woman be subjectedto the brutal humiliation of sexual exploitation and that one man become the slave of acruel taskmaster in another country are clear signals that we must renew both our resolveas well as our initiatives to protect those who are vulnerable.

The United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking (UN.GIFT) was bornout of a renewed commitment by world leaders in the battle against human trafficking toend this crime, one of the most egregious violations of human rights in the world today.Formally launched in March 2007 by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime(UNODC), and made possible by a generous grant from the United Arab Emirates,UN.GIFT is a call to action, reminding Governments, civil society actors, the media, thebusiness community and concerned individuals of their common commitments to fighttrafficking in persons, and that this battle can not be fought, or won, alone. As at 4December 2007, 116 nations had ratified the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and PunishTrafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, thereby providing a commonframework for international efforts. Only by joining forces, pooling knowledge, expand-ing the scope and number of stakeholders and cooperating across borders can we hopeto eradicate human trafficking. Acknowledging this need at all levels, UNODC continues

Introduction

2to develop UN.GIFT in partnership with the International Labour Organization, theInternational Organization for Migration, the United Nations Childrens Fund, the Officeof the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Organization forSecurity and Cooperation in Europe.

Why UN.GIFT?

UN.GIFT aims to advance action against trafficking in persons on many fronts, and itsobjectives include the following:

1. To raise awarenessto tell the world that human trafficking exists and mobilize people to stop it.

2. To strengthen preventionto inform vulnerable groups and alleviate the factors thatmake people vulnerable to trafficking.

3. To reduce demandto attack the problem at its source by lowering incentives totrade and lowering demand for the products and services of exploited people.

4. To support and protect the victimsto ensure housing, counselling, medical, psycho-logical and material assistance, keeping in mind the special needs of women andchildren and people at risk, such as those in refugee camps and conflict zones.

5. To improve law enforcement effectivenessto improve information exchange on trafficking routes, trafficker profiles and victim identification in order to dismantlecriminal groups and convict more traffickers. For those convicted, to ensure that thepunishment fits the crime.

6. To implement international commitmentsto ensure that international commitmentsare turned into national laws and practice by targeting technical and legal assistanceto countries in greatest need and improving monitoring of implementation.

7. To enrich the databaseto deepen global understanding of the scope and nature oftrafficking in persons by more data collection and analysis, better data-sharing, jointresearch initiatives and creating an evidence-based report on global trafficking trends.

8. To strengthen partnershipto build up regional and thematic networks involving civilsociety, intergovernmental organizations and the private sector.

9. To ensure resourcesto attract and leverage resources for the sustainable funding ofprojects around the world committed to ending human trafficking.

10. To strengthen Member States participationto give Member States a strong senseof ownership in the process and create long-term momentum.

3The Vienna Forum to Fight Human Trafficking

The framework of UN.GIFT has allowed for a global conference, the Vienna Forum toFight Human Trafficking, to be held in the Austrian capital from 13 to 15 February 2008.The Forum is a unique opportunity to bring together representatives from Member States,United Nations entities, non-governmental and international organizations, the businesscommunity, academia, the public sector and civil society.

The Vienna Forum is a visible step towards generating consolidated support and politicalwill behind the goals of the Global Initiative. The aims of the Forum are specifically toraise awareness of all forms of trafficking, to facilitate cooperation and partnerships amongparticipants, to take stock of progress made and to set the directions for follow-up meas-ures to prevent and counter human trafficking. The Forum also provides for an assess-ment of the lessons learned regarding the dimensions of the issue and the current actiontaken in response to trafficking in persons. It allows for an open environment to enableall the parties involved to take practical steps within their spheres of action to fight humantrafficking.

Vulnerability, impact and action

The Vienna Forum is organized around three central themes, which reflect the key issuesthat need to be addressed in a comprehensive anti-trafficking strategy: Why does humantrafficking occur? What are the consequences? What measures might be taken in response?Within each theme, plenary sessions as well as workshops provide participants with theopportunity to explore each theme in greater detail, with the purpose of developing com-prehensive intervention strategies and undertaking practical action.

1.Vulnerability: why does human trafficking happen?

Human traffickers prey on people who are poor, isolated and weak. Issues such as disempowerment, social exclusion and economic vulnerability are the result of policiesand practices that marginalize entire groups of people and make them particularly vulnerable to being trafficked. Natural disasters, conflict and political turmoil weakenalready tenuous social protection measures. Individuals are vulnerable to being traffickednot only because of conditions in their countries of origin, however. The allure of opportunity, the relentless demand for inexpensive goods and services and the expectation of reliable income drive people into potentially dangerous situations wherethey are at risk of being exploited. The Vienna Forum will examine existing definitionsof and practices related to the prevention of trafficking and, by focusing on decreasingvulnerability, will broaden the strategic impact of existing prevention efforts.

42. Impact: the human and social consequences of human trafficking

The human and social consequences of trafficking are compelling. From the physical abuseand torture of victims to the psychological and emotional trauma, to the economic andpolitical implications of unabated crime, the impact on individuals and society is clearlydestructive and unacceptable.

The Vienna Forum will explore the impact of human trafficking on the lives of individu-als and their communities. Participants will share experiences and focus on the conse-quences of human trafficking to victims, including the violence they experience, theadverse health effects, the social stigmatization and the risk of revictimization.

3. Action: innovative approaches to solving complex problems

The Trafficking Protocol provides a comprehensive strategic approach to combating traf-ficking in human beings. Implementation of the measures described in the Protocol,remains uneven however. A lack of clarity related to even basic terms and definitions,national political concerns and uncertainty regarding what measures work and what donot have contributed to a lack of systematic and consistent implementation, and sustain-able action. Participants will be able to review major global anti-trafficking strategies andnational responses, sharing from their own experiences and identifying elements that con-stitute best practices.

Background papers

In order to provide participants with a common starting point for debate and dialogue,UNODC commissioned the three following background papers, each addressing one ofthe major themes of the conference, and drafted by three leading anti-trafficking experts.

The first paper, on vulnerability, challenges current working definitions of prevention andthe practical emphasis on public awareness as the primary tool to prevent the occurrenceof this crime. The author maintains that an expanded understanding of prevention toinclude the vulnerability of at-risk individuals and the fostering of an environment wherecrime cannot prosper will assist in the development of comprehensive prevention strategies.

The second paper, on the impact of trafficking, outlines the many areas where traffickingaffects our lives. The author includes discussions of the consequences of trafficking on

5the victims of the crime, as well as on our social, political and economic systems, describ-ing both the reach and the complex and interlocking negative impact that human traffick-ing has at both the national and the global level.

The third paper, on action, provides a detailed summary of government responses to traf-ficking since the adoption of the Trafficking Protocol in 2000. The author describes stateactions in the areas of prevention, protection and assistance, and prosecution and lawenforcement, offering a critique of different approaches and a call for an understandingof what constitutes good and best practices.

The full papersreproduced in English onlyare preceded by summaries in all six officiallanguages of the United Nations.

7Summaries of the papers

1.Vulnerability

Vulnerability, prevention and human trafficking: the need for a new paradigm

Current practices in the prevention of trafficking in human beings are analysed in thispaper in order to understand why human trafficking continues to be identified as a grow-ing phenomenon. Numerous prevention initiatives and considerable funding notwithstand-ing, a preliminary conclusion is that existing prevention practices do not reflect thecomprehensive approach embodied in definitions of the term crime prevention in gen-eral or in the illustrative definition of prevention in article 9 of the Protocol to Prevent,Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplement-ing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.

Prevention as it has been conceptualized in normative frameworks is examined, as alsohow those frameworks have been narrowly implemented. Vulnerability, in particular thevulnerability of an individual in his or her social context, emerges as the missing link informulating well-developed policies and practices. Focus is placed on what constitutes vul-nerability to trafficking as a prerequisite for the development of valid prevention pro-grammes. New considerations are introduced as regards the development of strategicpolicies to prevent trafficking that are capable of addressing the real problems of vulner-able populations according to their own needs, in their own contexts.

The author questions what is meant when experts describe human trafficking as a grow-ing phenomenon, since any assessment of an increase in human trafficking is impossibleto quantify except in general terms. Reasons for this include differences in national defi-nitions of the crime of trafficking, as well as of who constitutes a victim of trafficking,along with a lack of consistent, reliable and comparable data.

Both crime prevention and reduction of vulnerability are valid approaches to combatinghuman trafficking. Each calls for different dynamics in policy and programme planning.A focus on vulnerability will enhance the human rights component of trafficking preven-tion policies. Traditional definitions of crime prevention can contribute to the enhance-ment of anti-trafficking policies by focusing on reducing elements of risk in theenvironment. Theoretically, prevention should therefore aim to eliminate trafficking beforeit occurs by reducing the factors that make individuals vulnerable to being trafficked.

Basic principles of crime prevention, such as the inclusion of a broad community of stake-holders, the empowerment of vulnerable persons and the reduction of risk factors, are

AN INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING: VULNERABILITY, IMPACT AND ACTION

8

intrinsic to the elaboration of what is meant by prevention given in article 9 of theTrafficking Protocol. Unfortunately, the implementation of those principles has been lim-ited, with the predominant focus having been on the development of both large and smallpublic awareness campaigns directed towards potential victims of trafficking. Such pro-grammes are developed on the premise that increased awareness of possible harm willhelp an individual to choose a different path. However, such programmes fall short becausethey fail to provide potential victims with an alternative course of action. If the emphasisof prevention programmes is placed exclusively on increasing the awareness of potentialvictims, prevention is limited. By failing to provide alternatives, such interventions placethe onus for prevention of exploitation on the individual him- or herself. Potential victims remain equally vulnerable before and after viewing posters, films and televisionadvertisements.

The author stresses that successfully assisting vulnerable populations to protect themselvesfrom harm is not possible without an understanding of what makes them vulnerable toviolence, abuse and exploitation in the first place. Reframing the issue of preventionthrough a definition of vulnerability to abuse and exploitation will allow for a more con-sistent approach to preventing trafficking. While the broad concept of prevention existsas part of the normative framework of many countries, viewing prevention models in termsof their relationships to the social, cultural, economic and political vulnerability of certainpopulations or groups to being trafficked has been largely neglected in practice.

Although used frequently in anti-trafficking discussions, the terms vulnerable and vul-nerability have not been conclusively defined other than in a legal context. This paperincludes an analysis of several considerations in understanding vulnerability and providesa definition in which vulnerability refers to a condition resulting from how individualsnegatively experience the complex interaction of social, cultural, economic, political andenvironmental factors that create the context for their communities.

Based on such considerations, indicators for conditions of vulnerability will need to bedeveloped in the following areas: children; gender; poverty; social and cultural exclusion;limited education; political instability, war and conflict; social, cultural and legal frame-works; movement under duress; and demand.

Because most conditions causing vulnerability are systemic and the result of government-enacted policies, it is the responsibility of States to ensure the protection of vulnerableindividuals in their midst.

2.Impact

The impact of trafficking in persons

The impact and cost of human trafficking on individuals as well as on political, econo-mic and social systems is described in the paper. Human trafficking is a crime against

SUMMARIES OF THE PAPERS

9

individuals and its consequences are most directly felt by those who are its victims. Whilehuman trafficking is a global phenomenon that knows no international borders, it is with-in individual countries and societies that its far-reaching and pervasive consequences arefelt. More than 130 countries are affected by human trafficking. Some of the most notablesocial, political and economic impacts of human trafficking are identified, as also impor-tant policy considerations in each of those areas.

The consequences of trafficking on individuals

Human trafficking has an impact on the individuals it victimizes in all areas of their lives.Every stage of the trafficking process can involve physical, sexual and psychological abuseand violence, deprivation and torture, the forced use of substances, manipulation, eco-nomic exploitation and abusive working and living conditions. Unlike most other violentcrime, trafficking usually involves prolonged and repeated trauma. Documentation andresearch describe how men, women and children are abused in specific exploitative con-ditions and the short- and long-term physical injuries, disabilities and deaths that mayresult. For a number of specified reasons, trafficked persons are at great risk of HIV infec-tion. The trauma experienced by victims of trafficking includes post-traumatic stress dis-order, anxiety, depression, alienation, disorientation, aggression and difficultyconcentrating. Studies indicate that trauma worsens during the trafficking process andmay persist far beyond the end of any exploitation. While subject to the same harmfultreatment as adults, child victims are especially vulnerable to trafficking because of theirage, immaturity and lack of experience, to abusive practices that may, for example, stunttheir further physical development and to continued victimization as a result of attach-ment, developmental and social difficulties. The behaviour of trafficking victims can bedifficult for third parties to understand, while victims can find it difficult to comprehendwhat has happened to them, or to discuss it with or explain it to others. Victims mayappear to those around them, even support persons, to be uncooperative, irritable, hos-tile, aggressive or ungrateful. The stigma attached to them as victims has been shown tohave a significant and ongoing impact on their lives, including in the trauma experiencedby the individual victim as well as the possibility of physical rejection by family and/orcommunity. The long-term consequences of human trafficking for the individual are com-plex and depend on many factors, with no guarantee of recovery. Revictimization is oftena further consequence of the experience.

The political implications of trafficking in persons

Human trafficking is an issue of major international discussion and concern. Because itinvolves transnational movement of people, one important related area of debate is migra-tion policy. Another concerns human rights aspects. The author describes the complexinterrelationship between policy and action as regards trafficking in persons, smugglingof migrants and migration flows. The relevance of increased border control is noted, asis the status attributed to those who do not enter a State legally. An unintended conse-quence of efforts directed principally at illegal migration can be the non-identification andvictimization of trafficked persons. The specific migration issues faced by countries of

AN INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING: VULNERABILITY, IMPACT AND ACTION

10

origin and destination that can have a direct impact on trafficking in persons are out-lined, as also the systemic challenges to be met in the case of the identification in oneState of a trafficked person from another State.

The economic impact of trafficking in persons

The difficulties in assessing the impact of human trafficking are most apparent whenattempting to quantify its economic costs. However, key economic consequences of traf-ficking are described. The costs of the crime of trafficking in persons incorporates manyelements, including the value of all resources devoted to its prevention, the treatment andsupport of victims and the apprehension and prosecution of offenders. These costs maybe offset in part by the recovery of criminal proceeds and assets of the traffickers.Trafficking in persons also results in loss of human resources and reductions in tax rev-enue. Further, trafficking in persons redirects the financial benefits of migration frommigrants, their families, community and government or other potential legitimate employ-ers to traffickers and their associates. All indications are that the income generated byrelated organized crime is significant and global. Given the ongoing nature of exploita-tion, human trafficking generates a stable and regular source of income for criminal net-works, with a consequent impact on other forms of criminal activity as well as legitimatebusiness.

Impact on the rule of law

As a criminal act, trafficking violates the rule of law, threatening national jurisdictions andinternational law. Organized crime is one of the most important mechanisms for unlaw-ful redistribution of national wealth, unduly influencing markets, political power and soci-etal relations. These effects may be acute in countries responding to civil unrest, naturaldisasters or post-conflict situations. The corresponding challenges faced by Governmentsare in stark contrast to the opportunities created for human traffickers. The underlyingthreat posed by trafficking in persons is why the issue is increasingly recognized as oneof global security.

As a complex manifestation of the global economy, organized crime and violations ofhuman rights, human trafficking causes extreme hardship to the suspected millions ofpeople worldwide who have become victims of it and also has an impact on the finan-cial markets, the economies and the social structures of countries where it is allowed toexist. As a major component of organized crime, with all its financial power, traffickingin persons has a complex and interlocking negative impact across human, social, politi-cal and economic spheres.

The destabilizing and dangerous consequences of human trafficking range from readilyrecognized violence, direct economic loss and major migration concerns to the less easilyquantified, equally serious, but more complex effects of risks and harms to environ-mental, social, health and safety, and violations of human rights. Trafficking in persons

SUMMARIES OF THE PAPERS

11

directly challenges the development of stable, more prosperous societies and legitimateeconomies, and works strongly against the reconciliation of political interests with human-itarian and human rights obligations. The range of trafficking-related crimes and theirbroad and interrelated impacts have created a cumulative threat to global peace, securityand stability and have shaped political, social and economic responses at both nationaland global levels.

3.Action

Responses to trafficking in persons: international norms translated into action at the national and regional levels

The principal responses by Governments to trafficking in persons since the adoption inNovember 2000 of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons,Especially Women and Children are described in the paper, as also how some of theseresponses could be more effective. The main focus of States has been on detecting andprosecuting traffickers, identifying, protecting and assisting people who have already beentrafficked and initiating action to prevent people from being trafficked in the first place.The need is stressed for more research and data collection on all forms of trafficking inorder to develop tailored and effective anti-trafficking strategies and the subsequent mon-itoring of such interventions in order to make sure they have the desired impact.

Legislation

Of the 116 States that had ratified the Trafficking Protocol as at 4 December 2007, themajority have adopted new laws or amended existing legislation to translate the Protocolinto action, define an offence of trafficking in persons and increase the penalties for traf-fickers, and have established institutions and procedures to implement the law. Manyregional initiatives have also been implemented. However, in the formulation of these nor-mative frameworks, at both the national and the regional level, there is little consistencyin the core definition of trafficking in persons and national legislation often falls short ofthe comprehensive provisions of the Protocol. States may refer to commercial sexualexploitation, or the trafficking of women and girls, while omitting trafficking for forcedlabour or servitude. In other cases, although the Protocol clearly indicates that in the caseof children the various illegal means of trafficking are irrelevant, some legislation doesnot yet reflect that provision, or defines the age of a child as something other than lessthan 18 years of age.

Such lack of definitional clarity poses major challenges for international cooperation. AllStates that have ratified the Trafficking Protocol should make sure that their legislation isin compliance with its provisions.

AN INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING: VULNERABILITY, IMPACT AND ACTION

12

Working together: coordination and cooperation as essentialtools in combating trafficking

Collaboration begins at the national level, but is equally important at the bilateral, regio-nal and international levels. At the national level, the presence of institutional structuressuch as national referral mechanisms, national rapporteurs and national coordinators/co-ordinating structures has facilitated concerted action against trafficking.

Prosecution and law enforcement activities

Notwithstanding significant efforts to identify and care for victims and to detect and pros-ecute traffickers, trafficking in persons is still reported to be one of the most lucrativesectors of transnational organized crime. Confusion between, on the one hand, humantrafficking and, on the other, smuggling or other immigration-related offences has impe-ded progress in law enforcement efforts. The challenges faced in properly identifying avictim of trafficking have highlighted the need for minimum standards concerning theresponse of criminal justice systems.

A major challenge for immigration and law enforcement officials is how to distinguishtrafficking victims from others they may come into contact with. Significant tensions existbetween initiatives designed primarily to enforce the law against traffickers and thosedesigned to uphold the human rights of trafficked persons. The two approaches are notmutually exclusive, however, and evidence suggests that the prompt identification andappropriate treatment of victims is crucial to an effective law enforcement response. SomeStates have begun to adopt reflection periods for trafficked persons identified withintheir borders in order to give them time to recover and reflect on whether they are ableand wish to cooperate with law enforcement. A particularly contentious area of debate iswhether the granting of temporary residence permits (separate from reflection period enti-tlements) to victims of trafficking should be conditional upon a trafficked persons co-operation with the criminal justice system. Little priority has so far been given to awardingcompensation or damages to victims of trafficking.

Prevention

Prevention is inadequately addressed in anti-trafficking strategies, perhaps because ofuncertainty as to the effectiveness of different preventive techniques. A lack of monitor-ing and evaluation of prevention programmes has made it difficult to identify those ini-tiatives which have been successful. Numerous complex factors contribute to traffickingin human beings, including a variety of underlying and root causal factors that influencethe decisions made by individuals that lead to trafficking and that contribute to a socialand economic environment in which trafficking and exploitation can flourish. These fac-tors include economic crisis, social exclusion, gender discrimination and a weak legal orsocial protection system. The remedies for these shortcomings require a broader set ofactions than those designed specifically to stop trafficking.

SUMMARIES OF THE PAPERS

13

Prevention initiatives in areas of origin have primarily taken the form ofinformation/awareness-raising campaigns alerting people of the dangers involved in seek-ing work abroad, the promotion of income-generating activities, formal and non-formaleducational initiatives and initiatives targeted at groups that are known to be at high riskof being trafficked. Some prevention programmes have taken the form of measures tostrengthen social protection.

Although the industrialized States to which people are trafficked have invested moneyprincipally in prevention in the countries of origin, they have also begun to make effortswithin their own countries, primarily in the form of revision and comprehensive imple-mentation of immigration and employment policies. Monitoring working conditions,notably in the informal economic sectors, regulating recruitment agencies in sectors wheretrafficking occurs, providing facilities to protect migrants from abusive practices and usinglegislation to address the demand for the labour or services of a trafficked person aresome of the tools States have used to address demand. Countries of destination have alsoimplemented large-scale information campaigns to inform the public about the potentialfor abusive practices in their countries.

Protection and assistance

International guidelines now clarify the rights of trafficked persons under existing inter-national law, in particular their rights to protection and assistance. Intergovernmental agen-cies and non-governmental organizations have issued a range of good practice guidelinesconcerning assistance and care so that identified trafficked persons can be transferred toa safe place to receive a variety of services, including physical and psychological care,legal assistance, shelter and protection. Significant efforts have also been made to deve-lop standards for the special care of children.

The treatment of trafficked persons in countries of exploitation varies widely from coun-try to country. Restrictions on the definition of a trafficking person (women trafficked forcommercial sexual exploitation, for example) can leave other trafficked persons withoutany legal recourse. In many places, trafficked persons remain criminalized for their ille-gal entry into or residence in the countries of transit and destination or for their involve-ment in illicit activities that were a direct consequence of their being trafficked. Theconsequence of inadequate identification procedures usually means that a trafficked per-son will be summarily returned to his or her country of origin without any attention topotential risks at home.

Recovery for trafficked persons is a long and complex process. Lessons learned revealthat the conventional assumption that victims should be repatriated and returned to livewith their families is inappropriate and results too easily in victims being returned to asituation where they suffer further harm.

14

The role of research

Research on trafficking in human beings is vital to ensuring adequate prevention, protec-tion and assistance to trafficked persons and the prosecution of criminals. Ongoingresearch is necessary in several key areas, notably on the characteristics of trafficked per-sons and the conditions of vulnerability; on the techniques of the traffickers; on the scopeof the problem, including numbers of trafficked persons; and to monitor, evaluate andassess the impact of prevention and rehabilitation efforts in order to ensure that fundedprogrammes are in fact effective.

The author concludes by acknowledging that one of the challenges facing the anti-traffick-ing community today is the abundance of recommendations made to Governments byinternational, regional and specialized advocacy agencies and organizations. A concertedeffort is needed to help States identify and reach agreement on what constitutes goodpractice in order to ensure that anti-trafficking initiatives become more effective and thatfunds allocated to stopping trafficking are used more effectively.

AN INTRODUCTION TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING: VULNERABILITY, IMPACT AND ACTION

15

1.Vulnrabilit

Vulnrabilit, prvention et trafic humain: ncessit dun nouveau paradigme

Les pratiques actuelles en matire de prvention du trafic dtres humains sont analysesdans le prsent article afin de comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles le trafic humaincontinue dtre identifi comme un phnomne en hausse. En dpit de nombreuses ini-tiatives et de financements considrables, la conclusion prliminaire est que les pratiquesde prvention actuelles ne refltent pas la dmarche polyvalente incarne dans les dfini-tions des termes prvention de la criminalit en gnral ou dans la dfinition illustra-tive du mot prvention larticle 9 du Protocole visant prvenir, rprimer et punir latraite des personnes, en particulier des femmes et des enfants, un protocole additionnel la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalit transnationale organise.

Sont examines la prvention, telle quelle est conue dans les cadres normatifs, ainsique la manire dont ces cadres ont t troitement mis en uvre. La vulnrabilit, et enparticulier la vulnrabilit dun individu dans son contexte social, merge comme tant lechanon manquant dans la formulation et le dveloppement de politiques et de pratiquesappropries. Lattention est centre sur ce qui constitue la vulnrabilit au trafic en tantque pr-requis permettant le dveloppement de programmes de prvention valables. Denouvelles considrations sont introduites concernant le dveloppement de politiquesstratgiques visant prvenir le trafic et capables de sattaquer aux vrais problmes despopulations vulnrables en fonction de leurs besoins et de leur propre contexte.

Lauteur pose la question de savoir ce que veulent dire les experts lorsquils dcrivent letrafic humain comme tant un phnomne en hausse, dans la mesure o toute valuationdune augmentation du trafic humain est impossible quantifier, sauf en termes gnraux.Parmi les raisons pour cela, on notera les diffrences de dfinitions au niveau nationalde ce qui constitue un crime de traite humaine et une victime de la traite, ainsi que lemanque de donnes cohrentes, fiables et comparables.

La prvention de la criminalit et la rduction de la vulnrabilit sont toutes deux desapproches valides pour combattre la traite des personnes, chacune faisant appel desdynamiques diffrentes en termes de planification de politiques et de programmes. Unefocalisation sur la vulnrabilit mettra laccent sur la composante des droits de lhommedans les politiques de prvention de la traite. Les dfinitions traditionnelles de la prven-tion de la criminalit peuvent contribuer au renforcement des politiques antitraite en seconcentrant sur la rduction des lments de risque dans lenvironnement. Thoriquement,

Rsum des articles

INTRODUCTION LA TRAITE DES TRES HUMAINS: VULNRABILIT, IMPACT ET ACTIONS

16

la prvention devrait alors viser liminer la traite avant quelle nait lieu en rduisant lesfacteurs qui rendent les individus vulnrables ce trafic.

Les principes de base de prvention de la criminalit, tels que la participation dune com-munaut tendue dintervenants, la capacitation de personnes vulnrables et la rductiondes facteurs de risque, font partie intrinsque de llaboration de ce que lon appelleprvention selon larticle 9 du Protocole sur la traite. Malheureusement, la mise en uvre de ces principes est reste limite, lattention stant surtout porte sur le dveloppe-ment de grandes et moindres campagnes de prises de conscience par le public, visant lesvictimes potentielles de la traite. Ces programmes sont dvelopps en vertu de lide selonlaquelle avertir un individu des possibles dangers quil encourt laidera choisir une autrevoie. Cependant, ces programmes ne sont pas suffisants car ils ne fournissent pas auxvictimes potentielles une possibilit daction alternative. Si les programmes de prventionse focalisent exclusivement sur une meilleure prise de conscience de la part des victimespotentielles, la prvention sera limite. En ne fournissant pas dalternative, ces interven-tions placent la responsabilit de la prvention de lexploitation sur la personne elle-mme.Les victimes potentielles sont tout aussi vulnrables aprs quavant avoir vu les affiches,les films et les publicits tlvises.

Lauteur insiste sur le fait quaider efficacement les populations vulnrables se protgerdes dangers nest possible que si elles comprennent en premier lieu ce qui les rend vul-nrables la violence, aux abus et lexploitation. Recadrer la question de la prvention travers une dfinition de la vulnrabilit aux abus et lexploitation permettra doncune approche plus cohrente de la prvention de la traite. Alors que le concept de laprvention au sens large existe dans le cadre normatif de nombreux pays, lide de con-sidrer les modles de prvention en termes de leur relation vis--vis de la vulnrabilitsociale, culturelle, conomique et politique de certaines populations ou groupes la traitea t essentiellement ignore dans la pratique.

Bien que souvent utiliss dans les discussions antitraite, les termes vulnrable et vul-nrabilit nont pas t dfinis de manire dcisive autrement que dans un contextejuridique. Le prsent article comporte une analyse de plusieurs considrations pour comprendre la vulnrabilit et fournit une dfinition selon laquelle le terme vulnrabilitsapplique une condition rsultant de la manire dont un individu a une expriencengative de linteraction complexe des facteurs sociaux, culturels, conomiques, politiqueset environnementaux responsables du contexte de sa communaut.

En fonction de ces considrations, des indicateurs mettant en vidence les conditions devulnrabilit devront tre dvelopps dans les domaines suivants: lenfance; le genre; lapauvret; lexclusion sociale et culturelle; une ducation limite; linstabilit politique, laguerre et les conflits; les cadres sociaux, culturels et juridiques; les mouvements forcs; etla demande.

Dans la mesure o la plupart des conditions gnratrices de vulnrabilit sont systmiqueset rsultent de politiques mises en place par les gouvernements, il est de la responsabilitdes tats dassurer la protection des individus vulnrables en leur sein.

RSUM DES ARTICLES

17

2.Impact

Limpact du trafic de personnes

Cet article dcrit limpact et le cot du trafic humain sur les personnes ainsi que sur lessystmes politiques, conomiques et sociaux. Le trafic humain est un crime envers lespersonnes dont les consquences les plus immdiates touchent ses victimes. Bien que letrafic humain soit un phnomne mondial ne connaissant pas de frontires internationales,ces consquences, la fois considrables et trs tendues, se font particulirement ressen-tir dans certains pays et certaines socits. Au moins 130 pays sont touchs par le trafichumain. Sont identifis dune part les effets les plus notoires du trafic humain sur le plansocial, politique et conomique, et dautre part des considrations importantes en termesde politique dans chacun de ces domaines.

Consquences du trafic de personnes

Le trafic humain affecte tous les aspects de la vie des personnes quil victimise. Chaquetape du processus de traite peut impliquer des abus et des violences physiques, sexuelset psychologiques, la privation et la torture, la consommation force de substances, lamanipulation, lexploitation conomique ainsi que des conditions abusives de travail etde vie. Contrairement la plupart des autres crimes de violence, la traite est en gnralassocie des traumatismes rpts et prolongs. Des documents et des travaux derecherches font tat des abus que des hommes, des femmes et des enfants subissent dansdes conditions spcifiques dexploitation, ainsi que des blessures physiques, des handi-caps, voire de la mort, qui peuvent en rsulter court ou long terme. Pour un certainnombre de raisons bien dfinies, les personnes victimes de trafic ont un risque lev decontracter une infection VIH. Parmi les traumatismes que vivent les victimes de traite,on notera les troubles de stress post-traumatique, lanxit, la dpression, lalination, ladsorientation, lagression et des troubles de la concentration. Des tudes indiquent quele traumatisme saggrave durant le processus de traite et peut persister bien aprs la finde toute exploitation. Sils sont sujets aux mmes traitements dltres que les adultes,les enfants victimes sont particulirement vulnrables au trafic, en raison de leur ge, deleur immaturit et de leur manque dexprience, aux pratiques abusives qui peuvent,notamment, freiner leur dveloppement physique ultrieur et la persistance de la vic-timisation en raison de difficults dattachement, de dveloppement et de relations sociales.Le comportement des victimes de trafic peut tre difficile comprendre pour des tiers,et les victimes elles-mmes peuvent prouver des difficults comprendre ce qui leur estarriv, den parler ou de lexpliquer aux autres. Pour ceux qui les entourent, voire mmeles personnes qui les assistent, les victimes peuvent sembler non cooprantes, irascibles,hostiles, agressives ou peu reconnaissantes. Il a t montr que les stigmates qui leur sontassocis en tant que victimes ont un impact significatif et durable sur leur vie, y compris sur le traumatisme vcu par lindividu victime et en terme de rejet physique potentiel par la famille et/ou la communaut. Les consquences long terme du trafichumain pour lindividu sont complexes et dpendent de nombreux facteurs, sans aucunegarantie de rcupration. La revictimisation est souvent une consquence additionnelle de ce type dexprience.

INTRODUCTION LA TRAITE DES TRES HUMAINS: VULNRABILIT, IMPACT ET ACTIONS

18

Les implications politiques du trafic de personnes

Le trafic humain est un sujet important de discussion et de proccupation au niveau international. Du fait quil implique des mouvements transnationaux de personnes, unimportant domaine de discussion connexe est celui de la politique migratoire. Un autredbat concerne les aspects lis aux droits de lhomme. Lauteur dcrit linteraction com-plexe entre politique et action en ce qui concerne le trafic des personnes, le passage declandestins et les flux migratoires. La pertinence dun contrle accru des frontires estsouligne, comme lest galement le statut attribu ceux entrant dans un tat de manireillgale. Une consquence non intentionnelle des efforts dirigs principalement vers lesmigrations illgales peut tre la non-identification et la victimisation de personnes djvictimes de trafic. Sont exposs les problmes spcifiques de migration auxquels doiventfaire face les pays dorigine et de destination et pouvant avoir un impact direct sur le traficdes personnes, ainsi que les enjeux systmiques relever dans le cas o une personne victime de trafic serait identifie dans un tat mais originaire dun autre tat.

Limpact conomique du trafic de personnes

Les difficults rencontres pour valuer limpact du trafic humain sont particulirementapparentes lorsquon tente de quantifier son cot conomique. Les consquencesconomiques les plus notoires du trafic sont nanmoins dcrites. Les cots du trafic depersonnes comprennent de nombreux lments, y compris la valeur de toutes lesressources ddies sa prvention, au traitement et lassistance des victimes ainsi quelarrestation et la mise en accusation des criminels. Ces cots peuvent tre compenss enpartie par la rcupration des recettes et avoirs criminels des trafiquants. Le trafic de personnes se traduit galement par une perte en ressources humaines et une rductiondes revenus fiscaux. En outre, le trafic de personnes redirige les bnfices financiers dela migration des migrants, de leur famille, de leur communaut et de leur gouvernementou tout autre employeur lgitime potentiel vers les trafiquants et leurs associs. Selon lesindications disponibles, le revenu gnr par le crime organis dans ce domaine est significatif et dtendue mondiale. tant donn la nature actuelle de lexploitation, le trafic humain gnre une source de revenu stable et rgulire pour les rseaux criminels,avec un impact considrable sur dautres types dactivits criminelles ou lgitimes.

Limpact sur lautorit de la loi

En tant quacte criminel, le trafic viole lautorit de la loi, menaant ainsi les lois nationaleset internationales. Le crime organis est lun des mcanismes les plus importants de redistribution illgale de richesses nationales, influenant les marchs, le pouvoir politiqueet les relations socitales de manire impropre. Ces effets peuvent tre aigus dans les paysfaisant face des troubles de lordre public, des catastrophes naturelles ou des situationsdaprs conflit. Les dfis correspondants auxquels sont confronts les gouvernements contrastent violemment avec les opportunits cres par les trafiquants de personnes. La menace sous-jacente pose par les trafiquants de personnes justifie que la question soitde plus en plus reconnue comme un problme de scurit au niveau mondial.

RSUM DES ARTICLES

19

En tant que manifestation complexe de la globalisation de lconomie, du crime organiset des violations des droits de lhomme, le trafic humain non seulement provoque dextrmes souffrances aux millions de personnes souponnes den tre devenues les victimes travers le monde, mais a aussi un impact sur les marchs financiers, lesconomies et les structures sociales des pays o on le laisse se dvelopper. En tant quecomposante importante du crime organis, avec toute la puissance financire qui y estassocie, le trafic de personnes a un impact ngatif complexe et intriqu dans les sphreshumaine, sociale, politique et conomique.

Les consquences dstabilisantes et dangereuses du trafic humain vont dune violencefacilement reconnaissable, de la perte conomique directe et de proccupations majeuresen matire de migration des effets complexes moins facilement quantifiables mais toutaussi svres en terme de risques et de dommages sur le plan environnemental, social,sanitaire et scuritaire, et en termes de violations des droits de lhomme. Le trafic de personnes menace directement le dveloppement de socits stables et plus prospresainsi que dconomies lgitimes et sattaque toute rconciliation des intrts politiqueset des obligations humanitaires et de droits de lhomme. Lensemble des crimes lis autrafic ainsi que leurs consquences tendues et interconnectes ont cr une menacecumulative pour la paix dans le monde et ont suscit des rponses la fois politiques,sociales et conomiques aux niveaux national et mondial.

3.Action

Mesures contre la traite de personnes: normes internationalestraduites sous formes daction aux niveaux national et rgional

Sont dcrites dans le prsent article les principales mesures gouvernementales en rponse la traite des personnes depuis ladoption en novembre 2000 du Protocole visant prvenir, rprimer et punir la traite des personnes, en particulier les femmes et les enfants,ainsi que la manire dont ces mesures pourraient tre rendues plus efficaces. Lattentiondes tats sest porte tout particulirement sur lidentification et la poursuite en justicedes trafiquants, lidentification et la protection des personnes ayant t victimes de traficet lassistance ces personnes, et enfin la mise en uvre dactions pour viter que les personnes ne soient victimes de traite en premier lieu. La ncessit de poursuivre larecherche et de collecter des donnes sur toutes les formes de traite est souligne afin dedvelopper des stratgies antitraite spcifiquement adaptes et efficaces ainsi que la sur-veillance ultrieure de ce type dinterventions pour vrifier quelles ont bien leffet souhait.

Lgislation

Sur les 116 tats ayant ratifi le Protocole antitraite au 4 dcembre 2007, la majorit aadopt de nouvelles lois ou amend la lgislation existante afin de traduire le Protocoleen actions, dfinir le crime de traite des personnes et augmenter les pnalits appliques

INTRODUCTION LA TRAITE DES TRES HUMAINS: VULNRABILIT, IMPACT ET ACTIONS

20

aux trafiquants et a cr des institutions et des procdures permettant dappliquer la loi.De nombreuses initiatives rgionales ont galement t mises en uvre. Cependant, dansla formulation de ces cadres normatifs, la dfinition fondamentale de la traite des person-nes manque de cohrence aussi bien au niveau national que rgional et la lgislationnationale est souvent en de des provisions polyvalentes du Protocole. Les tats serfrent parfois lexploitation sexuelle des fins commerciales, ou la traite de femmeset de jeunes filles, tout en omettant la traite lie au travail forc et la servitude. Dansdautres cas, bien que le Protocole indique clairement que dans le cas des enfants les dif-frents moyens illgaux de traite ne sont pas pertinents, certaines lgislations ne refltentpas encore cette provision ou bien dfinissent lge dun enfant autrement que commetant infrieur 18 ans.

Une telle absence de clart dans les dfinitions pose un dfi majeur en termes de coopra-tion internationale. Tous les tats ayant ratifi le Protocole antitraite devraient sassurerque leur lgislation est conforme ces provisions.

Travailler ensemble: la coordination et la coopration constituentdes outils essentiels pour combattre la traite

Si la collaboration commence au niveau national, elle est tout aussi importante aux niveauxbilatral, rgional et international. Sur le plan national, la prsence de structures institu-tionnelles telles que les systmes dorientations, de rapporteurs et de coordinateurs ainsique de structures de coordination au niveau national ont facilit les actions concertescontre la traite.

Poursuite judiciaire et activits de rpression

En dpit defforts significatifs pour identifier et prendre soin des victimes ainsi que pouridentifier et poursuivre en justice les trafiquants, la traite des personnes est encore rapportecomme tant lun des secteurs les plus lucratifs de la criminalit organise au niveautransnational. La confusion entre, dun ct, la traite humaine et, de lautre, le trafic ouautres dlits lis limmigration a frein les progrs en matire de rpression. Les dfisauxquels il faut faire face pour identifier correctement une victime de traite ont soulignla ncessit davoir des normes minimales en ce qui concerne la raction des systmesde justice criminelle.

Un dfi majeur pour les fonctionnaires chargs de limmigration et de faire appliquer laloi est de faire la distinction entre les victimes de la traite et les autres personnes avecqui elles entreraient en contact. Des tensions manifestes existent entre les initiatives des-tines en premier lieu faire appliquer la loi contre les trafiquants et celles visant fairevaloir les droits de lhomme pour les personnes victimes de traite. Cependant, les deuxdmarches ne sont pas mutuellement exclusives et certaines donnes tendent montrerque lidentification rapide et le traitement appropri des victimes sont primordiaux pourune raction efficace en termes de rpression. Certains tats ont adopt des priodes de

RSUM DES ARTICLES

21

rflexion pour les personnes victimes de traite identifies lintrieur de leurs frontiresafin de leur donner le temps de rcuprer et de rflchir si elles se sentent capables etsi elles souhaitent cooprer la rpression. Un sujet de dbat particulirement pineuxest de savoir si le fait doctroyer un permis de rsidence temporaire (en dehors du droit une priode de rflexion) aux victimes de traite devrait dpendre de la coopration dela personne victime de traite avec le systme de justice criminelle. Il na t jusqu prsentaccord quune faible priorit loctroi dune compensation ou de dommages et intrtsaux victimes de traite.

Prvention

La prvention nest pas gre de manire adquate dans les stratgies antitraite, vraisem-blablement cause des doutes concernant lefficacit des diverses mthodes de prvention.Le manque de surveillance et dvaluation des programmes de prvention a rendu diffi-cile lidentification des initiatives qui se sont avres efficaces. De nombreux facteurs com-plexes contribuent la traite dtres humains, y compris un certain nombre de facteurssous-jacents et de cause premire influenant les dcisions que prennent les individus,menant la traite et contribuant produire un environnement social et conomique danslequel la traite et lexploitation peuvent se dvelopper activement. Parmi ces facteurs, onretrouve les crises conomiques, lexclusion sociale, la discrimination de genre et la fai-blesse des systmes de protection lgale et sociale. Remdier ce genre de faille demandeun ensemble dactions de plus grande envergure que celles destines spcifiquement enrayer la traite.

Les initiatives de prvention dans les rgions dorigine ont surtout pris la forme de cam-pagnes dinformation et de prise de conscience alertant les personnes des dangers asso-cis la recherche de travail ltranger, la promotion dactivits gnratrices de revenus,aux initiatives ducatives formelles et informelles ainsi quaux initiatives ciblant desgroupes connus pour encourir un risque lev de traite. Certains programmes de prven-tion ont pris la forme de mesures visant renforcer la protection sociale.

Bien que les tats industrialiss vers lesquels la traite des personnes est organise aientinvesti des fonds principalement des fins de prvention dans les pays dorigine, ils ontgalement commenc dployer des efforts lintrieur de leur propre pays, tout daborden rvisant et en appliquant plus largement leurs politiques dimmigration et demploi. Lasurveillance des conditions de travail, notamment dans les secteurs de lconomieinformelle, la rgulation des agences de recrutement dans les secteurs o la traite svit,la mise disposition de structures pour protger les migrants de pratiques abusives et lerecours la lgislation pour rpondre la demande de travail ou de services par des per-sonnes victimes de traite sont quelques-uns des outils que les tats ont utilis pour rpon-dre la demande. Les pays de destination ont galement mis en uvre des campagnesdinformation de grande envergure afin dinformer le public des possibilits de pratiquesabusives dans leur propre pays.

INTRODUCTION LA TRAITE DES TRES HUMAINS: VULNRABILIT, IMPACT ET ACTIONS

22

Protection et assistance

Les directives internationales clarifient aujourdhui les droits des personnes victimes detraite selon la loi internationale en vigueur, en particulier leurs droits la protection et lassistance. Des agences intergouvernementales et des organisations non gouvernemen-tales ont labor une srie de directives de bonnes pratiques concernant lassistance etles soins de manire que les personnes identifies comme tant victimes de traite puissetre transfres dans un endroit sr et recevoir divers services, y compris des soinsphysiques et psychologiques, une assistance juridique, hbergement et protection. Desefforts significatifs ont aussi t faits pour dvelopper les normes concernant les soinsparticuliers prodigus aux enfants.

Le traitement de personnes victimes de traite dans les pays o elles sont exploites varienormment dun pays lautre. Les restrictions quant la dfinition dune personne vic-time de traite (femmes sujettes la traite pour tre exploites sexuellement des finscommerciales, par exemple) peuvent laisser dautres victimes de la traite sans recoursjuridique. Dans de nombreux pays, les victimes de la traite sont encore criminalises pourtre entres ou rsider illgalement dans les pays de transit et de destination ou pour leurimplication dans des activits illicites directement lies la traite quelles ont subie. Laconsquence de procdures didentification inadquates signifie gnralement quune vic-time de la traite sera sommairement renvoye dans son pays dorigine sans que lon seproccupe des risques quelle encourt potentiellement chez elle.

La rcupration pour une victime de traite est un processus long et complexe. Les leonsque lon a pu tirer rvlent que la prsomption commune que les victimes doivent trerapatries et renvoyes dans leur famille est inapproprie et fait que les victimes sont tropfacilement renvoyes une situation dans laquelle elles subiront encore dautres atteintes.

Le rle de la recherche

La recherche sur la traite des personnes est vitale pour la mise en place de prventionapproprie, de protection et dassistance aux personnes victimes de traite et pour la pour-suite en justice des criminels. Une recherche active est ncessaire dans plusieurs domainesclefs notamment concernant les caractristiques des victimes de traite et les conditionsde vulnrabilit; les techniques des trafiquants; lampleur du problme, y compris le nom-bre de personnes victimes de traite. Elle est galement ncessaire pour surveiller, valueret mesurer limpact des efforts de prvention et de rhabilitation, et assurer ainsi que lesprogrammes financs sont rellement efficaces.

Lauteur conclut en reconnaissant que lun des dfis auxquels doit faire face la communautantitraite aujourdhui est labondance des recommandations faites aux gouvernements parles agences et les organisations de soutien internationales, rgionales et spcialises. Uneffort concert est ncessaire pour aider les tats identifier et se mettre daccord sur cequi constitue une bonne pratique afin dassurer que les initiatives antitraite soient plusefficaces et que les fonds allous pour juguler la traite soient utiliss de manire plus judicieuse.

23

I.Vulnerabilidad

Vulnerabilidad, prevencin y trata de seres humanos: la necesidad de un nuevo paradigma

En el presente documento se analizan las actuales prcticas de prevencin de la trata deseres humanos para comprender la razn por la cual este fenmeno sigue cobrando amplitud. Pese a las numerosas iniciativas de prevencin y a la considerable financiacindedicada, una primera conclusin es que en las actuales prcticas de prevencin noaparece reflejado el enfoque integral recogido en las definiciones de la expresin prevencin del delito en general, o en la definicin ilustrativa de prevencin que figura en el artculo 9 del Protocolo para prevenir, reprimir y sancionar la trata de personas, especialmente mujeres y nios, que complementa la Convencin de lasNaciones Unidas contra la Delincuencia Organizada Transnacional.

Se analiza la prevencin como ha sido conceptualizada en los marcos normativos, ascomo tambin la forma en que esos marcos han sido aplicados con un criterio restrictivo.La vulnerabilidad, y en particular la vulnerabilidad de un individuo en su contexto social,aparece como el eslabn perdido en la formulacin de polticas y prcticas slidas. Sehace hincapi en lo que es la vulnerabilidad ante la trata como condicin previa paraelaborar programas de prevencin vlidos. Se introducen nuevos conceptos con respectoa la elaboracin de polticas estratgicas para prevenir la trata, que permitan encarar losproblemas reales de las poblaciones vulnerables en funcin de sus propias necesidadesy en sus correspondientes contextos.

El autor cuestiona lo que significa para los expertos el hecho de que la trata de sereshumanos sea un fenmeno de creciente amplitud ya que es imposible cuantificar cualquierevaluacin de un aumento de la trata de personas, salvo en trminos generales. Ello seexplica, entre otras cosas, por las diferencias que existen entre las definiciones nacionalesdel delito de la trata, as como entre las definiciones de vctima de la trata, adems de lafalta de datos coherentes, fiables y comparables.

Tanto la prevencin del delito como la reduccin de la vulnerabilidad, constituyen enfo-ques vlidos para combatir la trata de seres humanos. Cada uno de ellos supone unadinmica particular en cuanto a la planificacin de las polticas y los programas. Ponerde relieve la vulnerabilidad mejorar el componente de derechos humanos de las polti-cas de prevencin de la trata. Las definiciones tradicionales de prevencin del delitopueden contribuir a mejorar las polticas de lucha contra la trata, centrndose en reducirlos elementos de riesgo del entorno. De ah que, en teora, la prevencin debera

Resmenes de los documentos

INTRODUCCIN A LA TRATA DE PERSONAS: VULNERABILIDAD, IMPACT0 Y ACCIN

24

apuntar a eliminar la trata antes de que ocurra, limitando los factores que exponen a losindividuos al riesgo de ser objeto de dicha trata.

Los principios bsicos de la prevencin del delito, como la inclusin de una gran diver-sidad de partes interesadas, el empoderamiento de las personas vulnerables y la reduc-cin de los factores de riesgo, son intrnsecos al desarrollo del sentido de prevencinconforme al artculo 9 del Protocolo contra la trata de personas. Lamentablemente, la apli-cacin de esos principios ha sido limitada, insistindose principalmente en la organizacinde campaas de sensibilizacin pblica a escala tanto amplia como pequea dirigidas alas vctimas potenciales de la trata. Esos programas se preparan partiendo de la base deque cuanto ms conciencia tenga un individuo del dao que lo acecha ms fcil le resul-tar escoger un camino que lo aparte del mismo. No obstante, esos programas son insu-ficientes porque no ofrecen a las vctimas potenciales la posibilidad de actuar de otraforma. Si el nfasis de los programas de prevencin apunta exclusivamente a sensibilizara las vctimas potenciales sobre los posibles riegos, la prevencin es limitada. Al no pro-porcionar otras alternativas, en esas intervenciones la responsabilidad primordial de laprevencin de la explotacin recae en el propio individuo. Las vctimas potencialesseguirn siendo tan vulnerables antes como despus de ver las advertencias en los carte-les, las pelculas y la televisin.

El autor recalca que es imposible ayudar a las poblaciones vulnerables a protegerse efi-cazmente del peligro si stas no comprenden la razn por la cual estn expuestas a laviolencia, el abuso y la explotacin. Reformular la cuestin de la prevencin a travs deuna definicin de la vulnerabilidad ante el abuso y la explotacin permitir adoptar unenfoque ms slido para prevenir la trata. Si bien el concepto ms amplio de prevencinforma parte del marco normativo de numerosos pases, en la prctica se han desatendi-do en gran medida los modelos de prevencin desde el punto de vista de sus relacionescon la vulnerabilidad social, cultural, econmica y poltica de algunas poblaciones o gru-pos ante la trata.

Aunque los trminos vulnerable y vulnerabilidad, se utilizan frecuentemente en lasdeliberaciones sobre la lucha contra la trata, no han sido definidos de manera convin-cente, con excepcin del contexto jurdico. El documento incluye un anlisis de diversoscriterios para comprender la vulnerabilidad y proporciona una definicin conforme a lacual la vulnerabilidad remite a una condicin que resulta de la forma en que los indi-viduos experimentan negativamente la compleja interaccin de los factores sociales, cul-turales, econmicos, polticos y ambientales que conforman el contexto de sus respectivascomunidades.

Teniendo en cuenta los elementos mencionados, ser preciso elaborar indicadores de lascondiciones de la vulnerabilidad en relacin con los temas siguientes: los nios, el gnero,la pobreza, la exclusin social y cultural, la educacin limitada, la inestabilidad poltica,la guerra y los conflictos, los marcos sociales, culturales y jurdicos, el desplazamientoimpuesto por coaccin, y la demanda.

RESMENES DE LOS DOCUMENTOS

25

Como la mayora de las condiciones causantes de la vulnerabilidad son sistmicas y resul-tan de las polticas adoptadas por los Gobiernos, incumbir a los Estados asegurar la pro-teccin de los individuos vulnerables dentro de su jurisdiccin.

2.Impacto

El impacto de la trata de personas

El documento describe el impacto y el costo de la trata de seres humanos que suponepara los individuos, as como para los sistemas poltico, econmico y social. La trata depersonas es un delito cometido contra individuos y sus vctimas son quienes experimen-tan ms directamente sus consecuencias. Si bien la trata de seres humanos es un fen-meno mundial que trasciende las fronteras, sus consecuencias profundas y de gran alcancese sienten en los distintos pases y sociedades. La trata de personas afecta a ms de 130pases. Se identifican algunos de los principales efectos sociales, polticos y econmicosde la trata de personas, junto con importantes elementos relativos a las polticas en cadauna de esas esferas.

Las consecuencias de la trata en los individuos

La trata de seres humanos afecta a los individuos que son sus vctimas en todos los aspec-tos de la vida. Cada una de las etapas del proceso de la trata puede conllevar el maltra-to y la violencia fsica, sexual y sicolgica, privaciones y tortura, el consumo obligado desubstancias, la manipulacin, explotacin econmica y abusos en las condiciones de tra-bajo y de vida. Contrariamente a la mayora de los dems delitos violentos, la trata sueleentraar un traumatismo prolongado y repetido. La documentacin y las investigacionesdescriben situaciones especficas de abuso de hombres, mujeres y nios en condicionesde explotacin particulares, las lesiones fsicas a corto y largo plazo, las discapacidadesy los fallecimientos que sobrevienen. Por una serie de motivos especificados, las personasvctimas de la trata corren un alto riesgo de infeccin por el VIH. Los traumatismos queexperimentan las vctimas de la trata incluyen el trastorno postraumtico del estrs, laansiedad, depresin, alienacin, desorientacin, agresin y dificultades de concentracin.Los estudios muestran que los traumas y traumatismos se agudizan durante el procesodel trfico y pueden subsistir durante largo tiempo despus de haber cesado la explotacin.Sujetos al mismo tratamiento perjudicial que los adultos, los nios vctimas de la trata sonespecialmente vulnerables a la misma, en razn de su edad, inmadurez y falta de expe-riencia; a prcticas abusivas que pueden, por ejemplo, impedir su desarrollo fsico; y a unavictimizacin constante en razn de los vnculos afectivos y de dificultades de desarrolloy de orden social. Puede resultar difcil a terceras personas comprender el comportamien-to de las vctimas de la trata, debido a la dificultad para estas ltimas de captar cabal-mente lo que les ha ocurrido o de explicarlo y discutirlo con otras personas. El entornopuede percibir a las vctimas como poco cooperativas, irritables, hostiles, agresivas, o

26

ingratas, incluso con quienes las ayudan. Se ha observado que el estigma propio de sucondicin de vctimas, las afectan de manera permanente y marcada en su vida, inclusiveen el trauma experimentado por cada vctima, y la posibilidad del rechazo fsico por lafamilia y/o la comunidad. Las consecuencias a largo plazo de la trata de personas en losindividuos son complejas y dependen de numerosos factores, sin que pueda garantizarsela recuperacin. Otra posible consecuencia de la experiencia es que las vctimas vuelvena ser el objeto de victimizacin.

Consecuencias polticas de la trata de personas

La trata de personas es un tema de discusin, adems de objeto de preocupaciones inter-nacionales importantes. Como incluye el desplazamiento transnacional de personas, unaimportante esfera de debate es la poltica de migracin. Otra esfera se relaciona con losderechos humanos. El autor describe la compleja interrelacin entre las polticas y lasmedidas relativas a la trata de personas, el trfico de los migrantes y las corrientes migra-torias. Se seala la importancia que reviste un control fronterizo ms eficaz, as como lacondicin atribuida a las personas que no ingresan legalmente al territorio de un pas.Una consecuencia involuntaria de los esfuerzos destinados principalmente a controlar lamigracin ilcita puede ser la no identificacin y la victimizacin de las vctimas de latrata. Se exponen asimismo los problemas concretos de migracin a que se ven confronta-dos los pases de origen y de destino, que pueden tener un efecto directo en la trata depersonas, as como los retos sistmicos que es preciso resolver cuando se identifica enun Estado a una vctima originaria de otro Estado.

Impacto econmico de la trata de personas

Las dificultades que se plantean para evaluar el impacto de la trata de personas son mspatentes cuando se procura cuantificar sus costos econmicos. Pese a ello, en el docu-mento se describen las consecuencias econmicas esenciales de la trata. Los costos deldelito de la trata de personas engloban numerosos elementos, como el valor de todos losrecursos dedicados a la prevencin, el tratamiento y el apoyo de las vctimas, y la cap-tura y enjuiciamiento de los autores del delito. Estos costos pueden compensarse parcial-mente recuperando las ganancias ilcitas y los bienes de los tratantes. La trata de personastambin redunda en una prdida de recursos humanos y una disminucin de los ingre-sos fiscales. Adems, la trata canaliza hacia los tratantes y sus cmplices los beneficiosfinancieros de la migracin, en detrimento de los migrantes, sus familias, la comunidad,el Gobierno o los posibles empleadores legtimos. Todo indica que los ingresos generadospor la delincuencia organizada conexa son voluminosos y de alcance planetario. Debidoa que la explotacin se caracteriza por ser permanente, la trata de personas constituyeuna fuente estable y regular de ingresos de las redes de delincuentes, con las consiguientesrepercusiones en otras formas de actividades delictivas, as como en las actividades comerciales y productivas lcitas.

INTRODUCCIN A LA TRATA DE PERSONAS: VULNERABILIDAD, IMPACT0 Y ACCIN

27

Impacto en el Estado de derecho

En tanto que delito la trata vulnera el Estado de derecho y representa una amenaza paralas jurisdicciones nacionales y el derecho internacional. El delito organizado es uno delos principales mecanismos de redistribucin ilcita de la riqueza nacional que influyeindebidamente en los mercados, en los poderes polticos y en las relaciones de la sociedad.Esos efectos pueden ser pronunciados en los pases que se movilizan para hacer frentea disturbios sociales o catstrofes naturales o situaciones consecutivas a conflictos. Losingentes problemas que plantean a los Gobiernos contrastan radicalmente con las opor-tunidades que ofrecen a los tratantes de seres humanos. La amenaza subyacente queplantea la trata de personas explica por qu se considera cada vez ms el problema comoparte integrante de la seguridad mundial.

Por ser una manifestacin compleja de la economa mundial, el delito organizado y lasviolaciones de los derechos humanos, la trata de seres causa situaciones de dificultadextrema a los millones de posibles vctimas a escala mundial y repercute en los merca-dos financieros, las economas y las estructuras sociales de los pases en que se produce.Como importante componente de la delincuencia organizada, con todo el poder financieroque conlleva, la trata de personas tiene complejos efectos negativos e interrelacionadosen el mbito humano, social, poltico y econmico.

Las consecuencias desestabilizadoras y peligrosas de la trata de personas abarcan desdela violencia patente, las prdidas econmicas directas y graves preocupaciones en mate-ria de migracin, hasta los efectos ms complejos, pero ms difcilmente cuantificables eigualmente graves, que suponen los riesgos y los perjuicios ambientales, sociales, sanita-rios y de seguridad, as como en materia de violacin de los derechos humanos. La tratade personas obstaculiza directamente el desarrollo de sociedades estables y ms prsperasy de economas lcitas, y entorpece notablemente la conciliacin de los intereses polti-cos con las obligaciones humanitarias y relativas a los derechos humanos. La diversidadde delitos relacionados con la trata y sus repercusiones amplias y relacionadas entre s,han generado una acumulacin de amenazas a la paz, la seguridad y la estabilidad mun-diales, y han configurado respuestas polticas, sociales y econmicas en los planos nacionaly mundial.

3.Medidas

Respuestas a la trata de personas: normas internacionales traducidas en medidas a nivel nacional y regional.

En el documento se exponen las principales respuestas aportadas por los Gobiernos a latrata de personas desde la aprobacin en noviembre de 2000 del Protocolo para prevenir,

RESMENES DE LOS DOCUMENTOS

28

reprimir y sancionar la trata de personas, especialmente mujeres y nios, y se explica laforma en que algunas de esas respuestas pueden tener mayor eficacia. Los Estados hanconcentrado su atencin principalmente en identificar y enjuiciar a los tratantes, as comoen identificar, proteger y ayudar a las personas que ya han sido vctimas de la trata y entomar medidas para impedir ante todo que haya vctimas de esa trata. Se destaca la necesi-dad de realizar ms investigaciones y acopiar ms datos sobre todas las formas de tratapara elaborar estrategias de lucha adaptadas a situaciones concretas, y realizar el consi-guiente seguimiento de esas intervenciones con objeto de cerciorarse de la obtencin delefecto deseado.

Legislacin

De los 116 Estados que ratificaron el Protocolo contra la trata de personas al 4 de diciem-bre de 2007, la mayora han promulgado nuevas leyes o modificado la legislacin exis-tente para poder aplicar el Protocolo, tipificar el delito de la trata de personas y aumentarlas penas impuestas a los tratantes, y han establecido instituciones y procedimientos des-tinados a aplicar la legislacin correspondiente. Tambin se han llevado a la prcticanumerosas iniciativas regionales. No obstante, la formulacin de estos marcos normativos,en el plano tanto nacional como regional, es poco coherente por lo que se refiere a ladefinicin bsica de la trata de personas, y la legislacin nacional frecuentemente no bastapara asegurar el cumplimiento de las extensas disposiciones del Protocolo. Los Estadosa veces se refieren a la explotacin sexual comercial o a la trata de mujeres y nias, peroomiten mencionar la trata para proporcionar trabajo forzoso o en condiciones de servidum-bre. En otros casos, si bien el Protocolo contra la trata de person