annurev-soc-081309-150212

SO37CH23-Buchmann ARI 1 June 2011 13:51

Transition to Adulthoodin EuropeMarlis C. Buchmann1,2 and Irene Kriesi21Department of Sociology and 2Jacobs Center for Productive Youth Development,University of Zurich, Zurich CH-8050, Switzerland; email: [email protected],[email protected]

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2011. 37:481–503

First published online as a Review in Advance onApril 14, 2011

The Annual Review of Sociology is online atsoc.annualreviews.org

This article’s doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-081309-150212

Copyright c© 2011 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

0360-0572/11/0811-0481$20.00

Keywords

transition markers, school-to-work transitions, family formation,timing, sequencing, postponement, cross-national differences

Abstract

This article reviews the similarities and differences in the transition toadulthood in Europe. Recent change and the still striking diversity inpathways to adulthood in Europe have attracted growing comparativeresearch interests. The considerable heterogeneity in institutionalarrangements, cultural heritage, and economic life observed acrosscontemporary European societies provides fertile ground for testinghypotheses of various macro-level theories and approaches addressinginteractions between micro- and macro-level factors. Pursuing acomparative perspective, this review frames the transition to adulthoodwithin a life course perspective. After having mapped the terrain of re-cent change and contemporary diversity in the transition to adulthoodin Europe, the review presents the theoretical perspectives predom-inantly used to explain diversity and discusses whether the empiricalevidence squares with the theoretical propositions. The review con-cludes by suggesting how future research could advance understandingof the complex nature of the transition to adulthood in Europe.

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INTRODUCTION

Over the past few decades, the transition toadulthood in Europe has become a flourishingresearch area, counterbalancing the predomi-nance of studies based on data from the UnitedStates (Fussell & Gauthier 2005). Certainly,this interest has been sparked by recent changeand the still striking diversity in pathwaysto adulthood. Much scientific controversy re-volves around questions of how exactly to assessthis change and to explain the observed diversity(Bruckner & Mayer 2005). Billari (2004) rightlynoted that Europe provides an interesting set-ting for the comparative study of the transi-tion to adulthood because European societiesstill show substantial heterogeneity. They differlargely in their institutional arrangements, cul-tural heterogeneity, and economies. How thesesocietal differences are related to contemporaryEuropean diversity in pathways to adulthood isat the core of the scientific debate.

Pursuing a comparative perspective, this re-view examines the similarities and differences inthe transition to adulthood in Europe. They areaccounted for by referring both to macro-leveltheories and to theories related to macro-microlinkages. Framing the transition to adulthoodwithin a life course perspective, we describe theconcepts most prominently used in compara-tive studies. We then map the terrain of recentchange and contemporary cross-national differ-ences, present the theoretical perspectives, anddiscuss whether the empirical findings squarewith the theoretical assumptions. We concludeby suggesting how future research could ad-vance understanding of the complex nature ofthe transition to adulthood in Europe.

TRANSITION TOADULTHOOD—A STATUSPASSAGE IN THEINSTITUTIONALIZED LIFECOURSE

Most comparative research adopts a life courseapproach when studying the transition toadulthood in Europe. Becoming an adult is

conceived as a status passage in the institution-alized life course, involving several role andstatus changes (Buchmann 1989, Elder 1985,Heinz 1991, Kohli 2007, Levy 1991, Macmillan& Eliason 2004, Riley 1986, Shanahan 2000),guided by age-related informal (Neugarten1996) and legal norms (Leisering 2004, Mayer& Muller 1986) and by rules related to thecoupling of events. Each role and status changemarks the entry into a new life domain, thusrequiring adaptation strategies by those whomake the transitions. Transition outcomesdepend largely on the structural opportunitiesand constraints as well as individual resources(Clausen 1991, Elder & Shanahan 2006, Heinz1999).

The transition to adulthood has beendescribed mostly through a series of transitionevents, including completion of initial school-ing, labor market entry, leaving the parentalhome, forming a first union, and finally, entryinto parenthood (Buchmann 1989, Elder 1985,Elder & Shanahan 2006, Furstenberg et al.2005, Gauthier 2007a, George 1993, Shanahan2000).1 The transition process has traditionallybeen regarded as complete when an individualhas experienced all events. This requirementhas been contested in recent years, for exam-ple by Arnett’s (2000) concept of emergingadulthood, a new developmental stage in thelife course. Interspersed between adolescenceand young adulthood, it is characterized byleisurely and long-lasting explorations ofidentity, lifestyles, and career possibilities (e.g.,Bynner 2005 for a critical review).

The transition to adulthood marks a de-mographically dense life period when transi-tion events accumulate and partially overlap(Buchmann 1989, Elder 1985, Konietzka 2010,Rindfuss 1991, Shanahan 2000). These eventsdenote either the starting point of trajecto-ries or the end points. In this capacity, they

1Markers related to the “coming of age”—i.e., the minimumlegal age at which young people are granted adult rights(e.g., voting rights) and must fulfill adult obligations (e.g.,legal responsibilities)—will not be reviewed. ComparativeEuropean research on this topic is scant.

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exert long-lasting effects and are strategi-cally important for the further life course(Blossfeld 1989, Hillmert 2002, Scherer 2004,Schoon et al. 2009). They assume great impor-tance in shaping social stratification in mod-ern societies (Macmillan 2005b, Muller &Gangl 2003a, Settersten 2007). The relevanceof this approach notwithstanding, Diewald &Mayer (2009) and Gauthier (2007a) have latelyraised concerns that comparative research hasnot paid attention to the idea that the tran-sition to adulthood is also a developmentalstage, requiring psychological capacities, socialskills, and, in short, agency (Elder et al. 2004,Heckhausen 2002, Shanahan 2000, Shanahan& Porfeli 2002) that may vary across societies.

Research makes use of several life courseconcepts when assessing the transition to adult-hood (Hogan & Astone 1986). The conceptsof prevalence, timing, synchronization, and se-quencing of events are often employed. Preva-lence is the extent to which given transitionsoccur. Timing refers to the age at which tran-sitions occur, the respective age variance, andthe duration between transition events (Billari& Wilson 2001, Dommermuth 2008, Iacovou2004). Synchronization denotes the extent towhich the occurrence of two events is associ-ated (Macmillan 2005b). Sequencing capturesthe ordering of events in a trajectory, often pre-suming that there is a normative ordering ofevents (Hogan 1976, Marini 1984, Sackmann& Wingens 2003).

Transition events are often analyzed bygrouping individuals in birth cohorts. Membersof a birth cohort experience transition eventswithin the same historical time, characterizedby specific sociocultural resources, constraints,and opportunities. Comparing birth cohorts re-veals social change by linking age and historicaltime (Elder et al. 2004, p. 9; Mayer 2000, p. 264;Ryder 1965, p. 845ff ). To capture recent changein the transition to adulthood in Europe, theconcept of destandardization has received wideattention (e.g., Elzinga & Liefbroer 2007, Kohli2007, Widmer & Ritschard 2009). Despite theconcept’s popularity, destandardization’s vaguenotion and unclear empirical reference have

been often criticized (Bruckner & Mayer 2005,Macmillan 2005b).

SIMILARITIES ANDDIFFERENCES IN THETRANSITION TO ADULTHOODIN EUROPE

Before we review the comparative empirical ev-idence, some critical comments on the state ofthe empirical research are in order. First, todate scant systematic comparative research ex-ists on the transition to adulthood across manyEuropean countries. Earlier studies relied onsmall and diverse sets of countries (e.g.,Cherlin et al. 1997, Kerckhoff & Macrae 1992).The investigation of a broader range of coun-tries was made possible with larger comparativedata sets available by the late 1990s, includ-ing the European Union Labor Force Survey(EU LFS) 2000 Ad Hoc Module on School-to-Work Transitions,2 the Careers After HigherEducation: A European Research Study, theEuropean Community Household Panel, theFertility and Family Survey, and the EuropeanSocial Survey (e.g., Billari & Philipov 2004a,Mills et al. 2005, Muller & Gangl 2003a). Thelatest development is the inclusion of Centraland Eastern Europe in European comparisons(e.g., Billari et al. 2006, Sobotka & Toulemon2008) and the comparison of some Centraland Eastern European countries only (e.g.,Frejka 2008, Hoem et al. 2009, Thornton& Philipov 2009). The recent availability ofGenerations and Gender Program data fromseveral Eastern European countries has stimu-lated the latter type of research (for overviews,see Spielauer 2004, Vikat et al. 2007).

Second, research largely focuses on twostrands of the transition to adulthood: (a) theschool-to-work transition on the one hand (e.g.,Kogan 2007, Muller & Gangl 2003a, Shavit

2The new EU LFS 2009 Ad Hoc Module on Entry of YoungPeople in the Labor Market has been advertised for data anal-yses. To our knowledge, no research based on these data isyet available.

www.annualreviews.org • Transition to Adulthood in Europe 483

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& Muller 1998) and (b) family formation, in-cluding leaving the parental home, on theother (e.g., Aassve et al. 2002, Macura & Beets2002, Vogel 2002). Research on union forma-tion and first birth is often restricted to theanalysis of women (e.g., Baizan et al. 2004;Billari & Philipov 2004a,b; Fussell & Gauthier2005; Kiernan 2001; for exceptions, see, e.g.,Andersson & Philipov 2002).

Third, the birth cohorts typically underscrutiny are people born between the mid-1940s and the late 1960s (e.g., Baizan et al. 2004,Klijzing 2005). Few studies pertain to oldercohorts (for exceptions, see Blossfeld 1995b;Schizzerotto & Lucchini 2004a,b). Because ofright-censoring problems, cohorts born afterthe 1960s are usually examined for school-to-work transitions only (e.g., Quintini et al. 2007,OECD 2008).

Fourth, most explanatory comparative re-search restricts itself to investigating one eventat a time (see also Gauthier 2007a, Macmillan2005b) because the most developed method-ological tool available is event history analysis.Because of the shortage of powerful statisticalalternatives, the analysis of transition sequenceshas received less attention.

Fifth, studies differ in how transition eventsare operationalized and in the choice of sta-tistical measures for descriptive purposes evenwhen analyzing the same transition events. Andsixth, many cross-national findings on transi-tion events to adulthood are based on compar-ative micro studies (Philipov et al. 2009) thatexamine macro-level determinants of transitionevents by using country-specific, micro-leveldata and then performing the same analyses forseveral countries. Macro-micro studies, com-bining data from both analytical levels for a setof countries, are still scarce.

Prevalence and Timingof Transition Events

Research devoted to the prevalence and timingof transition events and their diversity acrossEurope shows three generally consistent find-ings. First, the transition period to adulthood

has been considerably extended for younger co-horts, and the postponement of most transi-tion markers is observed (e.g., Gauthier 2007a,Settersten 2007). Second, great age variationprevails, and, with the exception of educationallevels, only limited convergence of the tim-ing of events is observed (Billari & Wilson2001, Gangl et al. 2003, Sobotka & Toulemon2008). Country differences are largest aroundage 25 but comparatively small before age 20and after age 35 (Cook & Furstenberg 2002).Third, trends are similar for men and women.However, leaving the parental home and fam-ily formation generally take place at a later agefor men (Andersson & Philipov 2002; Iacovou2002, 2004).

The expansion of the educational systemhas pushed up the median age of complet-ing initial schooling across Europe over re-cent decades. For cohorts born between 1948and 1957 in Great Britain, Germany, and Italy,for example, the estimated median age of leav-ing school was about age 16, but it increasedfor cohorts born between 1968 and 1978 toage 17 in Great Britain and Germany and toalmost age 20 in Italy (Schizzerotto & Luc-chini 2004b). The completion rates of tertiaryeducation are generally high in Scandinaviancountries, approaching the 50% mark in 2007.The lowest rates are observed in Germany,Austria, and Greece, with values between 23%and 18% (OECD 2009). The educational com-position of the young thus varies by country,and consequently, age variance in completinginitial education differs substantially.

The increasing median age of completinginitial education postpones labor market entryin most European countries (Corijn & Klijzing2001, Schizzerotto & Lucchini 2004a; fora critical discussion of labor market entryindicators, see Buchmann 2011). For cohortsborn between 1948 and 1957, Schizzerotto &Lucchini (2004b) estimated the median age atfirst job at around age 16 in Italy and GreatBritain and age 19 in Sweden. Those born be-tween 1968 and 1978 show figures for medianage at first job of about 19 for Great Britain andbetween 22 and 24 for Italy. Protracted labor


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market entry is not solely attributable to longerschooling, but also to the greater difficultiesin finding any job (Blanchflower & Freeman2000, Breen 2005, Ryan 2001) or a stablejob (Bernardi et al. 2004; Brzinsky-Fay 2008;Scherer 2001, 2004, 2005; Wolbers 2003,2007a,b). This holds particularly true for thelabor market integration of the “lowest-low ed-ucated” (Gangl 2002; Martin 2009; Solga 2002,2004). However, school leavers in SouthernEurope often experience, irrespective of theireducational level, a protracted period of careerinstability marked by employment insecurityor high levels of unemployment or inactivity(Brzinsky-Fay 2007, Iannelli & Soro-Bonmatı2003, Klijzing 2005, Kogan & Schubert 2003,Quintini et al. 2007). Labor market entry iscomparatively smooth and fast in Germany,Austria, Denmark, and the Netherlands (Ganglet al. 2003, Quintini et al. 2007, Scherer 2001).Other Northwestern European countries (e.g.,United Kingdom, Ireland, Belgium) occupyan in-between position. Unemployment ratesand insecure work are high immediately afterleaving school but even out considerably fasterthan in Southern Europe (Gangl 2003b).

The process of becoming socially indepen-dent usually begins with leaving the parentalhome. This is the only transition marker thatshows merely a modest increase in the me-dian age for most countries. The exception isSouthern Europe, where it has risen consid-erably across cohorts (Billari & Wilson 2001,Rusconi 2004, Vogel 2002). Despite the gener-ally modest change over time, large and sta-ble country differences prevail (Aassve et al.2002, Cherlin et al. 1997, Dommermuth 2008,Holdsworth 2000, Mandic 2008). Scandina-vians leave the parental home earliest (“earliest-early” leaving). In Sweden, the median age wasabout age 19 for the birth cohorts 1961–1965.For the same cohorts, Southern Europeans areat the other extreme, with Italian men leavinghome at the median age of 27 and their fe-male counterparts at age 24 (“latest-late” leav-ing) (Billari 2004).

Most studies on Europe conceptual-ize moving out of the parental home as a

nonrecurring event. This view neglects the factthat some young people, for various reasons,return to live with their parents at least onceafter moving out for the first time (Kerckhoff& Macrae 1992, Nilsson & Strandh 1999).Returning home is likely to affect familyformation. However, systematic evidence ofcross-national differences in the prevalence,determinants, and consequences of returninghome is, to our knowledge, still largely missingand would be a fruitful area for future research.

The life domain for which researchers ob-serve postponement and, increasingly, forego-ing is family formation (Billari 2004, Billari et al.2006, Corijn & Klijzing 2001, Dommermuth2008, Frejka & Sardon 2006, Konietzka 2010,Macura et al. 2002, Nicoletti & Tanturri 2008,Sobotka & Toulemon 2008, Winkler-Dworak& Engelhardt 2004). For cohorts born betweenthe 1940s and the 1960s, the median age at firstmarriage has risen in most Western Europeancountries. When one takes cohabitation intoaccount, however, the postponement of firstunion formation is much less pronounced. Asfor the mean age at first birth, Sobotka (2008)reports an increase of 3–5 years since the early1970s for most countries.

Despite the rather uniform trend of post-ponement, cross-national differences in thetiming of union formation and first birth haveremained large and fairly stable over time(Frejka & Sardon 2006, Iacovou 2002,Sobotka & Toulemon 2008, Vogel 2002). InScandinavia, unions are formed earliest andare mostly consensual, but transformation intomarriage happens either late or not at all. Firstunions are formed latest in Southern Europe,where the prevalence of marriage is still high.In Eastern Europe, the postponement of mar-riage set in only after 1990, and the mean ageof union formation is thus still comparativelylow in many countries (Sobotka & Toulemon2008). In contrast to union formation, thetiming (and prevalence) of parenthood showsno clear country patterns. By 2005, the latertiming of first birth was most pronounced in theNetherlands, Sweden, Italy, and Spain andweakest in former communist countries such


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as Romania, Hungary, and Bulgaria. Theproportion of women never becoming mothersin the cohort born in 1965 is highest incountries such as Great Britain, Finland, andthe Netherlands and lowest in Portugal andCentral and Eastern Europe.

Comparative evidence of the prevalenceand timing of transition events to adulthoodpredominantly relies on cross-national studies,thus neglecting within-country differences byeducation and social background. Comparativemicro studies on the school-to-work transition,however, show that, across all Europe, youngpeople from lower socioeconomic backgroundsobtain less education and enter the labor mar-ket earlier (e.g., Bynner 2005, Shavit & Muller1998). Low education also promotes earlier butoften unstable unions and earlier parenthood(Bynner 2005, Furstenberg 2008, de Graaf& Kalmijn 2006), thus increasing the risk offuture nonemployment and poverty, particu-larly for women (Berthoud & Robson 2001).Studies for Norway, Great Britain, Flanders,and Italy show that a low socioeconomic back-ground leads to earlier union formation andparenthood even net of young people’s owneducation (Blossfeld et al. 2005, Wiik 2009).Cross-national differences in both the class andeducational composition of the young and theeffect of social background and education onthe transition to adulthood may explain some ofthe observed variation in transition patternsacross Europe. Studies able to answer thesequestions, namely those examining macro-micro linkages and compositional effects, arestill scarce.

Interconnectedness of TransitionEvents: Coupling and Decoupling

Comparative research has paid some attentionto the question of how one transition eventis related to another, labeling this linkage aseither coupling/decoupling or interconnect-edness/disconnectedness. Pairs of events havebeen analyzed mostly in descriptive studies(e.g., Andersson & Philipov 2002, Billariet al. 2001, Corijn & Klijzing 2001, Kiernan2001) and explanatory analyses (e.g., Billari &

Philipov 2004a, Mills et al. 2005). The latterpredominantly examine the relative impact ofeducation or the quality of the school-to-worktransition on the timing of subsequent familyevents.

The two consistent findings are, first, thestrong and stable tendency across Europe to de-lay union formation and parenthood until com-pletion of education (Blossfeld 1995a, Corijn &Klijzing 2001) and, second, the increasing dis-connection of family events (although greatlyvarying by groups of countries). The latter per-tains to leaving the parental home and marriage(Billari et al. 2001, Corijn & Klijzing 2001,Klijzing 2005, Mulder et al. 2002, Rusconi2004, Sobotka & Toulemon 2008); the start ofthe first union and marriage; and, finally, mar-riage and parenthood (Corijn & Klijzing 2001;Kiernan 2000, 2001, 2002; Macura et al. 2002;Klijzing 2005; Sobotka & Toulemon 2008).Across Europe, marriage has lost its signifi-cance as a destination after leaving home, withthe exception of Southern Europe and someformer communist countries. Destinations af-ter leaving home have become more diverse foryounger cohorts, including single living, livingwith friends, and cohabiting with a partner.The partial replacement of marriage by un-married cohabitation is highest in Scandinavia(particularly Sweden) and France, followed byNorthwestern Europe, but lagging behind inSouthern, Central, and Eastern Europe. Co-habitation rates in the latter countries remainedvery low until the 1990s, and marriage is stillthe dominant pattern of first union (see, inparticular, Hoem et al. 2009, Sobotka & Toule-mon 2008). Finally, the increasing decouplingof first parenthood from marriage is regarded asthe most profound change across cohorts and isevident in most European countries. However,the onset and speed of this development varywidely across Europe, with Scandinavia beingthe forerunner (1960s), followed by North-western Europe (1970s), Southern Europe(1980s), and Central and Eastern Europe(1990s) (see, in particular, Billari & Kohler2004, Kiernan 2001, Thornton & Philipov2009).


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The propensity for nontraditional familyformation is affected by individual characteris-tics. In many European countries, cohabitationand out-of-wedlock birth are more prevalentamong economically disadvantaged groups(Kiernan 2004, Sobotka & Toulemon 2008)and young people who experienced parentalseparation (Kiernan 2000, Ongaro & Mazzuco2009 for Italy). The question of whether cross-national differences in the decoupling of familyevents are attributable to country-specific classcompositions or divorce rates3 remains to beanswered, requiring studies that address macro-micro linkages and compositional effects.

The Transition to Adulthood as aTrajectory: Sequence Analysis

A small but growing body of research concep-tualizes the transition to adulthood as a holistictrajectory, focusing on the ordering and du-ration of event sequences. The most commonmethod used is sequence analysis (Abbott &Tsay 2000, Aisenbrey & Fasang 2010, Martinet al. 2008), although it is still subject to muchdebate (e.g., Wu 2000). The sequencing offamily formation events has been one area ofapplication (Bruderl 2004; Bruderl & Scherer2006 for Germany; Elzinga & Liefbroer 2007).The other is the school-to-work transition,conceived as early career development, in-cluding a sequence of possible states such asfull-/part-time employment, unemployment,education, and inactivity (Bruderl & Scherer2006, Mowitz-Lambert 2001 for Germany;Brzinsky-Fay 2007, 2008; Martin et al. 2008;Schoon et al. 2009 for Great Britain; McVicar& Anyadike-Danes 2002 for Ireland; Scherer2001 for Great Britain and Germany). Onlya few studies combine the domains of labormarket entry and family formation (Aassveet al. 2007, Piccarreta & Billari 2007 for Britishwomen; Billari & Piccarreta 2001 for Italy;Schizzerotto & Lucchini 2004a,b).

3See the study by Harkonen & Dronkers (2010) on the effectof parental divorce on union formation across 18 countries.

Most studies are limited to a single countryand use different sequence analysis techniques,obviously limiting comparison. Studies on fam-ily formation often aim at showing whether de-standardization processes in the transition toadulthood are at work (discussed in the nextsection).

Destandardization of the Transitionto Adulthood?

The issue of the (de)standardization of the tran-sition to adulthood has long been of sociologicalinterest (e.g., Modell et al. 1976), particularlyin the past two decades. Destandardizationimplies that transition events and particularsequences of events are experienced by anincreasingly smaller part of the young, occur atmore dispersed ages, and show greater variationin duration (Bruckner & Mayer 2005, p. 32f ).4

Methodological procedures for assessing de-standardization are diverse and not commonlyaccepted. Simple descriptive statistics (e.g.,interquartile or interquintile ranges) captureage variance of transition events (e.g., Billariet al. 2001). More sophisticated measures,such as turbulence and entropy, focus on the(intra- and interindividual) destandardizationof sequences of events (Bruderl 2004, Elzinga& Liefbroer 2007, Fussell 2005).

For cohorts born between the 1940s and1960s, findings show that the degree of de-standardization of the transition to adulthoodvaries by transition events, transition se-quences, and location in Europe. Completionof education and entry into the labor marketare still fairly coupled and strongly age-related(Corijn & Klijzing 2001, Dommermuth 2008).However, the increasing labor market insecu-rity discussed above makes the process of labormarket entry more varied and less orderly insome European countries, such as in Southern

4Bruckner & Mayer (2005) rightly noted that the meaningattached to this concept is often not precise enough and isintermingled with the meanings of related concepts, such as(de)institutionalization, differentiation, and pluralization oftransition events.


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Europe (Bernardi & Nazio 2005) but not inGermany (Bruckner & Mayer 2005). As forleaving the parental home, the evidence isdiverse. In Northwestern Europe, age variancehas been comparatively low and stable overtime. However, forming an independenthousehold is no longer coupled with marriageor having a stable job (see Billari & Wilson2001, Konietzka & Huinink 2003 for Germany;see Mulder et al. 2002 for the United States, theNetherlands, and West Germany), showing avariety of destinations. In contrast, SouthernEurope shows increasing age variance inleaving home but little decoupling with otherevents. Destandardization is most pronouncedregarding family formation processes as theybecome more dissimilar and as age variancerises (Billari & Wilson 2001, Dommermuth2008, Elzinga & Liefbroer 2007). This processhas progressed furthest in Northern andNorthwestern Europe, but it is hardly apparentin Southern Europe or former communistcountries, although no clear differences havebeen shown between countries characterizedby the social democratic welfare state regimeand those characterized by either liberal orconservative regimes (Elzinga & Liefbroer2007, p. 225). Moreover, destandardization islimited to stronger interindividual variationthan to increasing turbulence in individualtrajectories (Elzinga & Liefbroer 2007, p. 225).Finally, cross-national variation in destandard-ization of family formation by social groups(e.g., high- and low-educated young people)has seldom been addressed and calls again forstudies analyzing macro-micro linkages.

EXPLAINING EUROPEANDIVERSITY IN THE TRANSITIONTO ADULTHOOD

In the search for explanations of the observeddiversity in the transition to adulthood inEurope, the literature refers to several macro-level theories and, more recently, to macro-micro interaction approaches. Finally, countrydifferences have been partly attributed to com-positional effects.

Macro-Level Explanations

To discuss the multifaceted macro-level ap-proaches, we distinguish political-economicfrom cultural determinants and subdivide theminto either slowly or more quickly changingfactors (see Billari 2004, p. 20). Slowly chang-ing political-economic factors refer to a soci-ety’s institutional makeup; structural change inthe economy; long-term cultural changes; his-torical, deeply rooted cultural differences; andvalue change. Prevailing economic conditionsand policies are more quick to change than arepolitical-economic factors. Shorter-term cul-tural factors describe change in perceptions andattitudes.

Long-term institutional and culturalfactors. Comparative research has suggestedthree areas of institutional variation among Eu-ropean countries for explaining national differ-ences in the transition to adulthood: the welfareregime, the nature of the educational systemand its linkages to the labor market, and labormarket regulation (e.g., Breen & Buchmann2002, Mayer 2001). The assumption is thatinstitutions influence transition behavior by es-tablishing a set of opportunities and constraintsto which young people act in response.

Research has made wide use of Esping-Andersen’s (1990) approach, maintaining thatmodern Western societies differ by type of wel-fare regime, each one associated with specificlife course consequences (see also Mayer 2001).Four types are usually distinguished. The socialdemocratic welfare regime, associated withScandinavian countries, is oriented towardthe individual, granting rights and benefitsas universalistic entitlements, thus largelyindependent of an individual’s social position.The state-granted benefits tend to weaken theindividual’s reliance on the family and thusencourage autonomous behavior. The liberalwelfare regime, typical of Anglo-Saxon coun-tries, is also oriented toward the individual but isguided by the belief in the market and minimalstate interference with the market, resultingin means-tested benefits, applicable only in


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case of market failure. Rather weak ties to thefamily and young people’s self-reliance are thusfostered. The conservative welfare regime (e.g.,Germany, France, the Netherlands, Belgium),by contrast, is oriented toward the familyand to maintaining the family’s social status.Status-based benefits are channeled to familymembers through the head of the household.This regime strengthens family ties. A SouthernEuropean variant of the conservative welfareregime (e.g., Italy, Spain, Greece, Portugal)has recently been distinguished (e.g., Ferrera1996), characterized by an overall low level ofwelfare provision by the state. The (male) headof household benefits from high employmentprotection and a comparatively generouspension. This results in a strong reliance onthe family to provide welfare to its members.Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, Central andEastern Europe have been added as a fifthcategory (Blossfeld et al. 2005, Fenger 2007,Iannelli & Smyth 2008, Klijzing 2005), withoutengaging in elaborate theorizing, however.

Some observed patterns in home leavingand family formation across Europe may beinterpreted within this theoretical framework.The Scandinavian pattern of early homeleaving and nontraditional family formationcan be linked to relatively weak family ties.These are encouraged by the social democraticwelfare regime’s orientation toward the indi-vidual and toward young people’s strong needfor autonomy and experimentation, whichis facilitated by the state’s active support ofthis transition period. The opposite patternreported for Southern Europe is backed by thestrong reliance on the family and little directstate support, breeding late home leavingand traditional family arrangements. Otherobservations, such as widespread cohabitationin France with its conservative welfare regime,for example, cannot be easily accommodatedwithin this framework, calling for a morerefined welfare state typology.

Much research on labor market entry hasput this transition into context by claiming thatEurope’s labor market entry systems (i.e., thenature of the educational system and its link

to the labor market) fall into two broad cate-gories, each defining the relative labor marketposition of school leavers (Allmendinger 1989,Gangl 2003b, Hannan et al. 1999, Kerckhoff2000, Marsden 1990, Muller & Gangl 2003a,Shavit & Muller 1998). Systems referred toas “qualification spaces” (Maurice et al. 1986)provide standardized vocational qualificationsof immediate labor market value to employers.The traditional apprenticeship (prevalent inGermany, Austria, and Switzerland) or theschool-based vocational training (typical of theNetherlands, Denmark, and, to a lesser degree,Sweden and Finland) are institutionalized.Systems that rely on general education of noimmediate screening value for employers whenfilling job vacancies (e.g., United Kingdom,France, and Southern Europe) are often char-acterized as “organizational spaces” (Mauriceet al. 1986). Skills do not have general currencyand depend more on the firm. Labor marketentrants educated in the former system are ina relatively favorable position as their educa-tional credentials allow for an immediate closematch between their skills and the prospectivejob. Empirical evidence largely confirms thatthey enjoy on average a structured labor marketentrance, characterized by a rather smoothtransition process. By contrast, school leaverstrained in general education experience arelatively unfavorable position as they lack, bydefinition, previous work experience on whichemployers rely to fill vacancies. Research con-firms that they are confronted with a labor mar-ket entry process that is much less structuredby education, less orderly, and more amenableto career contingencies and discretionaryemployer behavior (Gangl 2003b, p. 110).

Research posits that labor market entry alsodepends on labor market entrants’ positionvis-a-vis established workers. Their positionworsens the more the labor market is regulatedand senior workers are protected (e.g., legalemployment protection, insider protectiondue to unions’ bargaining power, generousunemployment benefits) (Baranowska & Gebel2010, Breen 2005, Buchmann 2011, Ganglet al. 2003, Wolbers 2007b). Hiring school


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leavers in protected labor markets is more riskybecause employers encounter greater difficul-ties in dismissing them in case of mismatches.Research cited above confirms that very strin-gent insider protection, typical of SouthernEurope, increases the duration of finding afirst stable job and the risk of unemployment.Less protected labor markets (e.g., the UnitedKingdom) provide relatively easy access tojobs, which do not provide security, however.

Recent research has focused on howeconomic globalization and the concomitantlonger-term structural change in the economymay affect the transition to adulthood. Mostnoteworthy is the comparative research con-ducted by Blossfeld et al. (2005), maintainingthat economic globalization is generating anunprecedented level of structural uncertaintyin modern societies (Mills & Blossfeld 2005,p. 2). Their findings show that national insti-tutions (e.g., welfare regimes) as well as socialand economic policies filter the way in whichthese uncertainties unfold on the individuallevel. The concept of uncertainty has alsobecome important for the understanding ofthe transition to adulthood in the transitioneconomies of Central and Eastern Europe(Frejka 2008, Thornton & Philipov 2009).

Comparative research on European varia-tion in family formation also evokes historicallyrooted, long-term cultural differences in familyand household structures along an east-westand a north-south divide, partially shapingpresent-day behavior in this realm. The east-west divide, running along a cultural-historicborder drawn from Trieste in Italy to St.Petersburg in Russia, was proposed by Hajnal(1965). It is characterized east of the divide byearlier ages at marriage coupled with coresi-dence of the newlyweds with parents. West ofthe divide, by contrast, patterns of later agesat marriage prevail, emanating from the normthat young men must have achieved economicindependence to form their own household.Some empirical evidence shows that this dividehas persisted over time (Ni Bhrolchain 1993).Billari et al.’s (2001) findings, however, chal-lenge the concept of homogeneity within

Eastern Europe. Szoltysek (2008a,b) supportsthose findings by documenting, for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the eighteenthcentury, the existence of three distinct typesof regional family and household formationpatterns.

The north-south divide, proposed byReher (1998), is characterized by two types offamily ties. Strong family ties are characteris-tic of Southern Europe, its origin dating backto the late Roman Empire. The authoritarianCatholic tradition and a series of Muslim incur-sions contributed to their further development.They are embedded in patriarchally structuredfamilies, assuming priority over the individ-ual, exerting strong social control, and fosteringconservative social values. Aid for needy indi-viduals has traditionally been regarded as theduty of the family. In Northwestern Europe, theinfluence of Germanic-Nordic traditions hashistorically led to weak family ties, where theindividual assumes priority over the family andsolidarity with needy individuals is institution-alized. This historical pattern was further con-solidated by the Reformation. Empirical workby Iacovou (2002, 2004) and Billari (2004) con-firms the north-south divide in living arrange-ments and family formation, with early leav-ing of the parental home and high prevalenceof cohabitation and nonmarital birth in Nordiccountries and the opposite pattern prevalent inSouthern Europe.

The demographic literature has advancedthe concept of the second demographic tran-sition to explain changing living and familyarrangements (Lesthaeghe 1995, van de Kaa1987). Changed demographic behavior islargely attributed to value change since the1960s, particularly the increased emphasison individual autonomy and self-realizationaccompanied by resistance to institutionalcontrols (Billari et al. 2006).5 Despite thewidespread use of this concept, considerable

5The sociological literature stresses the increasing individ-ualization of modern societies since that time (Beck 1992,Giddens 1990), with concomitant consequences for the tran-sition to adulthood (Buchmann 1989).


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ambiguity prevails regarding its exact defini-tion, main facets, timing of onset, and underly-ing mechanisms (Sobotka 2008). Nevertheless,Northern Europe’s accelerated shift to highrates of cohabitation and nonmarital birthssince the 1960s has often been attributed to theproliferation of these values, which, to a lesserextent, have also taken hold of NorthwesternEurope. By contrast, Southern Europe’s strongfamily ties have somewhat buffered simi-lar trends. However, the crucial question ofwhether new family arrangements and the post-ponement of family events are indeed causallylinked to value orientations is still awaiting ananswer, as most research relies on correlationalevidence (e.g., Surkyn & Lesthaeghe 2004).Liefbroer (2005) for the Netherlands andBernhardt & Goldscheider (2006) for Swedenare exceptions, providing some support forthe delaying effect of values of autonomy andindependence on entry into parenthood. Whatseems to be evident is that most European coun-tries follow a similar trajectory of family change.This rather uniform shift has not resulted,however, in a convergence of patterns in unionformation and entry into parenthood acrossEurope (Kuijsten 1996). Hence, the notion of“convergence to diversity” (Boh 1989) coinedtwo decades ago is still appropriate today.

Shorter-term determinants in the political-economic and cultural realms. Researchposits that economic up- and downswingsaffect transition events to adulthood, engen-dering period effects that run against thenotion of linear or generalized transformationswithin or between European countries (Billari2004, Bruckner & Mayer 2005, Gangl et al.2003). Economic downturn goes along withgreater difficulties in finding a secure job andgenerates uncertainty, thus potentially leadingto postponed transition events related to familyformation (Kohler et al. 2002). Sobotka et al.(2010) report that uncertainties often lead tothe postponement of childbearing. As the op-portunity costs of childbearing differ betweensocial groups, the effect of economic uncer-tainty differs, however, by social status, thus

challenging the general validity of the causalrelationship between economic downturn andthe postponement of entry into parenthood.Higher-educated women most frequentlyadopt risk-averse behavior (i.e., refrainingfrom childbearing in uncertain times), whereaslower-educated women opt for children whenchild subsidies and/or cash transfers are attrac-tive (Sobotka et al. 2010, p. 5). Demographicpressures of cohort size may have similar (pe-riod) effects in that members of larger cohortsexperience more competition and thus reducedeconomic opportunities relative to those ofsmaller cohorts that bracket them (“Easterlineffect”; Easterlin 1980, Pampel 1993, Pampel& Peters 1995). As these conditions vary acrossEurope, they help explain variation in periodtrends in the transition to adulthood.

Social welfare policies, closely coupled withthe type of welfare regime and established fora specific time period, have also been linked toperiod effects. A case in point is housing policy.European countries where public housing andrental sectors are small and are accompaniedby the absence of rental subsidies (for youngpeople) show patterns of protracted leavingof the parental home (Mulder et al. 2002,Sobotka & Toulemon 2008). Researchersare not unanimous about the effect of familypolicies on fertility, including the timing ofparenthood (Gauthier 2007b, Hoem 2008,Neyer 2003). Gauthier (2007b) concludes that,although most studies suggest a positive effecton fertility, the impact is very small. Moreover,it tends to affect the timing of fertility ratherthan completed family size. Given the multi-tude of potential factors, Gauthier points to thedifficulties in isolating the impact of policiesfrom other determinants and advocates the useof complex modeling techniques.

Some research is devoted to how youngpeople’s perceptions and attitudes may affecttransition events to adulthood. Anxiety aboutthe future, low life satisfaction, and uncertainemployment prospects have been shown to leadto postponement or foregoing of childbearingplans and to affect educational decisions (e.g.,staying in school longer) (Sobotka et al. 2010).


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The impact of uncertainty varies by country,social group, and time, however. To shedmore light on the mechanisms and differentialimpact of young people’s perception andattitudes on the transition to adulthood acrossEurope, macro-micro studies are needed.

Transition patterns to adulthood in Europe.Comparative research suggests that by exam-ining the three areas of institutional variation(welfare regime, educational system, and labormarket regulation) and the long-term culturaldifferences just described, we can discern dis-tinct environments that shape the entire pack-age of transition events to adulthood (see, forexample, Breen & Buchmann 2002, Cook &Furstenberg 2002, Fussell & Gauthier 2005).By sorting the empirical evidence along thesecomparative lines, we find some support forfour basic transition patterns to adulthood incontemporary Europe that can be convenientlylabeled according to welfare regime typology(social democratic, liberal, conservative, andSouthern European). We must stress, however,that a sizeable part of the empirical evidencedoes not square well with the four transitiontypes. This may be partly attributable to theimpact of shorter-term macro-level factors, ei-ther exacerbating or mitigating features of theidentified patterns. The deviant evidence mayalso point to shortcomings in the theoretical as-sumptions, thus requiring further refinement ofthe institutional approach in future research.

Transition pattern typical of the social

democratic welfare regime. Countries inScandinavia show a cultural legacy of theindividual’s priority over the family, furtherstrengthened by welfare rights and benefitsgranted as individual entitlements. This fostersyoung people’s autonomy and readiness forexperimentation, thereby encouraging earliest-early home leaving and early nontraditionalunion formation. It also provides the backdropfor late timing of marriage (if at all) and entryinto (nonmarital) parenthood (with great agevariance, however). Public tertiary educationis well developed, and school-based vocational

training is also available. These institutionalfeatures promote easier labor market access,partly offset by the rather strong protectionof senior workers. Because unemploymentbenefits are also available for the young, theydo not become more dependent on the family.In recent years, Sweden has experiencedpronounced labor market entry problems,with 25% unemployed among the 15- to 24-year-olds (2009), thus matching the figures forSouthern European countries (Italy, 25.3%;Greece, 25.8%). Although shorter-termmacroeconomic factors may partly account forthis development, it is nonetheless astonishingthat the institutional arrangements in place donot better buffer economic shocks.

Transition pattern typical of the liberal

welfare regime. The institutional environ-ment prevalent in the United Kingdom andIreland features a strong market orientation,coupled with general education and a looselyregulated labor market. This fosters relativelyearly completion of initial schooling and easybut somewhat unstable access to the labormarket. Although the two countries are similarin patterns of school-to-work transitions,patterns of household formation differ. TheUnited Kingdom, fostering rather weak familyties, promotes young people’s self-relianceand autonomy, calling for early home leaving.The early mean ages at which completion ofinitial education, labor market entry, and homeleaving take place facilitate earlier union for-mation and childbearing.6 By contrast, Ireland,an overwhelmingly Roman Catholic country,shows (comparable to Southern Europe) latehome leaving, very low rates of cohabitation,and direct transitions from the family of originto marriage and parenthood (Iacovou 2002,Vogel 2002). We may conclude that Ireland’sreligious legacy intervenes to promote latehome leaving coupled with rapid familyformation.

6The great variation around the mean ages of these lattertransition events squares with the highly individualized cul-ture prevalent in this type of context.


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Transition pattern typical of the conservative

welfare regime. A strong vocationally orientededucational system, typical of countries suchas Austria, Germany, and the Netherlands(France being the great exception), enablesrather smooth and stable labor market entry.This type of education also keeps young peoplein school somewhat longer. The family orien-tation engrained in the welfare regime does notparticularly foster young people’s search forautonomy, revealed by a comparatively laterage of leaving home. It also accounts for themore modest prevalence of nontraditional fam-ily formation—France being again the greatexception. Although the rather smooth accessto paid work grants young people economicindependence, it does not translate into im-mediate marriage and entry into parenthood.Preferences associated with the cultural changestressing self-realization may account for thisdelay. France’s rather pronounced labor marketentry problems and its high rate of unmarriedcohabitation do not fit well with the institu-tional arrangements prevalent in this country,calling for more refined theorizing in futureresearch.

Transition pattern typical of Southern

European welfare regimes. The cluster of in-stitutions and cultural heritage predominantin Southern Europe promotes the delay ofall major transition events to adulthood. Witha relatively late mean age of completing ini-tial schooling, young people have great dif-ficulties in accessing stable jobs, mostly dueto strong worker protection and the absenceof vocational training. Strong hierarchicallystructured family ties, supported by the fa-milial welfare regime, and the cultural legacyof a young man’s economic independence be-fore embarking on marriage and parenthoodtend to greatly delay parental home leaving,union formation, and parenthood. However,once stable insertion into the labor marketis achieved, leaving the parental home, mar-riage, and childbearing take place at a rapidpace.

Macro-Micro Linkages andCompositional Effects

Recent comparative research has suggested thatmicro-level determinants of transition eventsto adulthood may have different weights in dif-ferent societal contexts. Societal characteristicsmay channel the impact of micro-level factors.European diversity in the transition to adult-hood is therefore also attributable to this type ofinteraction. The pursuit of this line of researchhas been partly triggered by shortcomings andpuzzles apparent in macro-level cross-nationalresearch (Philipov et al. 2009). Systematiccomparative evidence of macro-micro linkagesis still scarce because appropriate statisticalmodels, those accounting for the clusteringof individual-level data within a hierarchicalstructure, have only recently become morecommon in the social sciences. Moreover, theyrequire highly comparable data sets across asufficiently large number of countries (degreesof freedom) (Philipov et al. 2009).

A fair share of macro-micro studies haveasked whether the impact of individual-levelfactors (e.g., education, social class, gender)on transition events to adulthood varies bytype of welfare regime. The assumption is thatthe opportunities and constraints associatedwith each type of welfare regime affect socialgroups differently. Iannelli & Smyth (2008)argued that differences based on ascribed socialcharacteristics are more influential for theschool-to-work transition in conservative andfamilial welfare regimes, characterized by thedominance of the (male) head of household,and less so in the more individualistic and egal-itarian social democratic ones. Their findingsindeed show that women in the familial regimesof Southern Europe and those in France andBelgium (i.e., conservative regimes) are disad-vantaged in accessing paid work compared withtheir male counterparts. Social class differencesare also rather pronounced in these countries.By contrast, gender and social class inequalitiesin access to paid employment are rather lowin the social democratic welfare regimes ofSweden and Finland (see also Iannelli 2003).


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The type of welfare regime also plays a rolein explaining the differential impact of incomeand education on age at leaving the parentalhome. In familial welfare systems where leavinghome happens at the latest age, individual-leveldifferences in income assume a greater weight.They are also more important in market-drivenliberal welfare regimes (e.g., United Kingdom)(Aassve et al. 2002). In contrast, individual re-sources play a smaller role in countries withmore generous housing policies (Mulder et al.2002). Moreover, Blossfeld (1995a) and Breen& Buchmann (2002) have shown that the in-compatibility between educational enrollmentand leaving home is context dependent. Wel-fare regimes that consider the state (and not theparents) as mostly responsible for young adults’autonomy (particularly Nordic countries) haveinstituted social policies (e.g., scholarship, freetransport, rental subsidies) that make pursuingautonomy during educational enrollment mucheasier for the young.

Characteristics of welfare regimes alsoaccount for differences in the impact ofindividual-level factors on family formation. Al-though throughout Europe school enrollmentand family formation do not seem normativelycompatible (Blossfeld 1995a), Billari & Philipov(2004a) report that the mutual influence ofwomen’s educational trajectory and the transi-tion to motherhood is weaker in Nordic coun-tries, where stronger support for social policiesallow for some role combinations. Mortimeret al. (2005) show that the tendency to delayparenthood until after the completion of ed-ucation and labor market entry is stronger inGermany than in the United States. Germany’sbehavioral pattern is attributed to the strongerinstitutional tracking of educational trajectoriesand the close relationships among job place-ment, occupational rewards, and completion ofeducation.

Furthermore, research shows that economicuncertainty affects the postponement of fam-ily formation, which varies by type of welfareregime (Mills et al. 2005, Corijn & Klijzing2001). The effect is particularly strong for menin breadwinner societies (e.g., Germany, the

Netherlands, Italy, and Spain), whereas coun-tries characterized by either the social demo-cratic or liberal welfare regimes show no genderdifferences.

Finally, some cross-national differences inthe transition to adulthood in Europe may re-sult from differences in the population compo-sition according to micro-level determinants.Education and income have been discussed aspossible sources of compositional effects (Billari2004, Gangl 2003a). To pursue tertiary educa-tion, young people often leave home to movecloser to universities. The educational compo-sition of the younger population (i.e., the pro-portion of young people in higher education)may thus partly account for difference in age atleaving home. Income provides access to hous-ing, a prerequisite for leaving home. Everythingelse being equal, the income-related composi-tion of the young population may partially ex-plain cross-national differences in the age ofleaving home. Nicoletti & Tanturri (2008) pro-vide evidence that the low rate of entry intoparenthood until the age of 34 in SouthernEurope is largely a composition effect of ed-ucation and labor market entry chances.

CONCLUSIONS ANDSUGGESTIONS FORFUTURE RESEARCH

Our review shows how research has historicallyaccounted for the considerable diversity acrossEurope in the transition to adulthood. Recentdecades have witnessed little convergence intransition patterns, with shifts in transitionevents—particularly the timing of first unionformation and entry into parenthood and therise of cohabitation—continuing to vary widelyacross European societies. The base level andthe timing of onset as well as the pace ofchange have been widely heterogeneous, thusacting as powerful forces of resistance towardconvergence. Although there has also beena widespread trend toward increased labormarket entry problems across Europe in recentdecades (e.g., early career instability, higherrates of unemployment), school-to-work


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transitions vary greatly between (and within)countries in the timing, smoothness, and skilladequacy of jobs. They show no signs of conver-gence. Empirical evidence quite unanimouslypoints to the significance of the educationaland labor market entry systems for shapingthe school-to-work transition in Europe andthe social welfare system’s capacity to mitigateeconomic shocks for the young. To further im-prove our understanding of the “convergenceto diversity” in the transition to adulthood inEurope, more light needs to be shed on theintricate interplay between institutional forces,cultural legacy, economic development, andpolicies and how this interplay may vary bysocial groups within countries. We concludeby making additional suggestions for futureresearch to advance our understanding.

Although defining the transition to adult-hood by a multitude of transition events, thefield is segregated into research on the school-to-work transition on the one hand and familyformation on the other. Moreover, most stud-ies look at single transitions only. The transitionprocess has therefore seldom been examined ina sufficiently holistic manner as proposed bylife course theory (Macmillan 2005b). To closethe gap between theory and empirical research,future research should devote more attentionto configurations of statuses and sequencesof transition events in order to account for boththe order of events and the duration betweenthem (e.g., Elzinga & Liefbroer 2007). Thisrequires better methodology for the analysisof categorical time series (e.g., Elzinga 2010).Recent efforts in advancing sequencing meth-ods show promising results (for an overview,see Aisenbrey & Fasang 2010), leading to re-newed (but still limited) interest in applyingthem to the study of transition trajectories (e.g.,Bruderl & Scherer 2006; Brzinsky-Fay 2007,2008; Fussell 2005; Fussell et al. 2007).

Focusing on (single) transition events, cross-national research has paid little attention to thislife period as a developmental stage, requiringpsychological capacities (e.g., motivation,goal-setting) and action competences (e.g.,self-regulation) (Gauthier 2007a). Similarly,

Diewald & Mayer (2009) have maintained thatmost sociological life course research, includ-ing the transition to adulthood, has not takenagency seriously. Conversely, studies framingthe transition to adulthood as a developmentalstage have seldom ventured into cross-nationalcomparative research. A promising avenue forfuture cross-national research is the theoret-ical integration of concepts from life coursesociology and psychological life span theory,as suggested by Diewald & Mayer (2009).Much uncharted terrain could be ploughedby asking, for example, whether the impact ofpsychological or sociopsychological factors oncoping with transition events varies by societalcharacteristics. A prerequisite for the sounddevelopment of this line of research is theavailability of appropriate longitudinal data,including psychological measures, biomarkers,and sociological variables (Mayer 2009, p. 416).

Comparative research has suggested a hostof macro-level factors to account for the diver-sity in the transition to adulthood in Europe.The relative weight of various macro-levelfactors has not been tested for a wide range ofEuropean countries, however. Greater at-tention to this issue could certainly enhanceour understanding of the mechanisms drivingEuropean diversity in this process. The em-pirical evidence highlights that cross-nationaldifferences also result from the interaction ofmacro-level factors with micro-level determi-nants. The further exploration of macro-microlinkages for explaining diversity in the tran-sition to adulthood in Europe is importantbecause systematic evidence of the differentroles micro-level factors play in different macrocontexts and related theoretical perspectives isstill not abundant.

Most empirical evidence on the transitionto adulthood in Europe is based on smallsamples of countries, often biased toward coreEuropean societies (e.g., Germany, France,United Kingdom). In particular, Eastern Eu-ropean (former communist) countries have notyet been systematically included in comparativeresearch. Much of our understanding aboutsimilarities and differences is therefore based on


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indirect evidence inferred from a multitude ofstudies based on varying samples that often donot use the same methodology. Moreover, mostsystematic evidence has been gathered fromcomparative data collected in the 1990s that arepredominantly focused on a single life domain.European-wide longitudinal data sets for morerecent years, covering multiple life domains andincluding both sociological and psychologicalmeasures, are, to our knowledge, not yet avail-able. Concerted efforts to collect such data areneeded in order to improve the state of availabledata in this field. Such efforts would also helpsolve the problem that the family transitionprocess of cohorts born after 1970 has hardly

been analyzed yet (partly also due to right-censoring problems). The suggested inclusionof a broader sample of European countries, par-ticularly of Central and Eastern Europe, alsopoints to the need to further develop theoriesabout the variety of institutional arrangementsin these countries. Much of that theory hasbeen developed for Western Europe only, par-ticularly welfare regime theory. Likewise, insti-tutional theories about education and the labormarket need improvement. Such research, to-gether with the advances already under way, willmost certainly result in a quantum leap in ourunderstanding of the transition to adulthood inEurope.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings thatmight be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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a better understanding of relationships and processes in the life course. Demogr. Res. 17(14):389–440Vogel J. 2002. European welfare regimes and the transition to adulthood: a comparative and longitudinal

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Life Course Res. 14:28–39Wiik KA. 2009. ‘You’d better wait!’—socio-economic background and timing of first marriage versus first

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SO37-Frontmatter ARI 11 June 2011 11:38

Annual Reviewof Sociology

Volume 37, 2011

Contents

Prefatory Chapters

Reflections on a Sociological Career that Integrates Social Sciencewith Social PolicyWilliam Julius Wilson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1

Emotional Life on the Market FrontierArlie Hochschild � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �21

Theory and Methods

Foucault and SociologyMichael Power � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �35

How to Conduct a Mixed Methods Study: Recent Trends in a RapidlyGrowing LiteratureMario Luis Small � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �57

Social Theory and Public OpinionAndrew J. Perrin and Katherine McFarland � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �87

The Sociology of StorytellingFrancesca Polletta, Pang Ching Bobby Chen, Beth Gharrity Gardner,

and Alice Motes � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 109

Statistical Models for Social NetworksTom A.B. Snijders � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 131

The Neo-Marxist Legacy in American SociologyJeff Manza and Michael A. McCarthy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 155

Social Processes

Societal Reactions to DevianceRyken Grattet � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 185

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Formal Organizations

U.S. Health-Care Organizations: Complexity, Turbulence,and Multilevel ChangeMary L. Fennell and Crystal M. Adams � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 205

Political and Economic Sociology

Political Economy of the EnvironmentThomas K. Rudel, J. Timmons Roberts, and JoAnn Carmin � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 221

The Sociology of FinanceBruce G. Carruthers and Jeong-Chul Kim � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 239

Political Repression: Iron Fists, Velvet Gloves, and Diffuse ControlJennifer Earl � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 261

Emotions and Social Movements: Twenty Years of Theoryand ResearchJames M. Jasper � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285

Employment Stability in the U.S. Labor Market:Rhetoric versus RealityMatissa Hollister � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 305

The Contemporary American Conservative MovementNeil Gross, Thomas Medvetz, and Rupert Russell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 325

Differentiation and Stratification

A World of Difference: International Trends in Women’sEconomic StatusMaria Charles � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 355

The Evolution of the New Black Middle ClassBart Landry and Kris Marsh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 373

The Integration Imperative: The Children of Low-Status Immigrantsin the Schools of Wealthy SocietiesRichard Alba, Jennifer Sloan, and Jessica Sperling � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 395

Gender in the Middle East: Islam, State, AgencyMounira M. Charrad � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 417

Individual and Society

Research on Adolescence in the Twenty-First CenturyRobert Crosnoe and Monica Kirkpatrick Johnson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 439

vi Contents

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Diversity, Social Capital, and CohesionAlejandro Portes and Erik Vickstrom � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 461

Transition to Adulthood in EuropeMarlis C. Buchmann and Irene Kriesi � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 481

The Sociology of SuicideMatt Wray, Cynthia Colen, and Bernice Pescosolido � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 505

Demography

What We Know About Unauthorized MigrationKatharine M. Donato and Amada Armenta � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 529

Relations Between the Generations in Immigrant FamiliesNancy Foner and Joanna Dreby � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 545

Urban and Rural Community Sociology

Rural America in an Urban Society: Changing Spatialand Social BoundariesDaniel T. Lichter and David L. Brown � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 565

Policy

Family Changes and Public Policies in Latin America [Translation]Brıgida Garcıa and Orlandina de Oliveira � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 593

Cambios Familiares y Polıticas Publicas en America Latina [Original,available online at http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev-soc-033111-130034]Brıgida Garcıa and Orlandina de Oliveira � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 613

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 28–37 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 635

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 28–37 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 639

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Sociology articles may be found athttp://soc.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

Contents vii

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AnnuAl Reviewsit’s about time. Your time. it’s time well spent.

AnnuAl Reviews | Connect with Our expertsTel: 800.523.8635 (us/can) | Tel: 650.493.4400 | Fax: 650.424.0910 | Email: [email protected]

New From Annual Reviews:Annual Review of Organizational Psychology and Organizational BehaviorVolume 1 • March 2014 • Online & In Print • http://orgpsych.annualreviews.org

Editor: Frederick P. Morgeson, The Eli Broad College of Business, Michigan State UniversityThe Annual Review of Organizational Psychology and Organizational Behavior is devoted to publishing reviews of the industrial and organizational psychology, human resource management, and organizational behavior literature. Topics for review include motivation, selection, teams, training and development, leadership, job performance, strategic HR, cross-cultural issues, work attitudes, entrepreneurship, affect and emotion, organizational change and development, gender and diversity, statistics and research methodologies, and other emerging topics.

Complimentary online access to the first volume will be available until March 2015.TAble oF CoNTeNTs:•An Ounce of Prevention Is Worth a Pound of Cure: Improving

Research Quality Before Data Collection, Herman Aguinis, Robert J. Vandenberg

•Burnout and Work Engagement: The JD-R Approach, Arnold B. Bakker, Evangelia Demerouti, Ana Isabel Sanz-Vergel

•Compassion at Work, Jane E. Dutton, Kristina M. Workman, Ashley E. Hardin

•ConstructivelyManagingConflictinOrganizations, Dean Tjosvold, Alfred S.H. Wong, Nancy Yi Feng Chen

•Coworkers Behaving Badly: The Impact of Coworker Deviant Behavior upon Individual Employees, Sandra L. Robinson, Wei Wang, Christian Kiewitz

•Delineating and Reviewing the Role of Newcomer Capital in Organizational Socialization, Talya N. Bauer, Berrin Erdogan

•Emotional Intelligence in Organizations, Stéphane Côté•Employee Voice and Silence, Elizabeth W. Morrison• Intercultural Competence, Kwok Leung, Soon Ang,

Mei Ling Tan•Learning in the Twenty-First-Century Workplace,

Raymond A. Noe, Alena D.M. Clarke, Howard J. Klein•Pay Dispersion, Jason D. Shaw•Personality and Cognitive Ability as Predictors of Effective

Performance at Work, Neal Schmitt

•Perspectives on Power in Organizations, Cameron Anderson, Sebastien Brion

•Psychological Safety: The History, Renaissance, and Future of an Interpersonal Construct, Amy C. Edmondson, Zhike Lei

•Research on Workplace Creativity: A Review and Redirection, Jing Zhou, Inga J. Hoever

•Talent Management: Conceptual Approaches and Practical Challenges, Peter Cappelli, JR Keller

•The Contemporary Career: A Work–Home Perspective, Jeffrey H. Greenhaus, Ellen Ernst Kossek

•The Fascinating Psychological Microfoundations of Strategy and Competitive Advantage, Robert E. Ployhart, Donald Hale, Jr.

•The Psychology of Entrepreneurship, Michael Frese, Michael M. Gielnik

•The Story of Why We Stay: A Review of Job Embeddedness, Thomas William Lee, Tyler C. Burch, Terence R. Mitchell

•What Was, What Is, and What May Be in OP/OB, Lyman W. Porter, Benjamin Schneider

•Where Global and Virtual Meet: The Value of Examining the Intersection of These Elements in Twenty-First-Century Teams, Cristina B. Gibson, Laura Huang, Bradley L. Kirkman, Debra L. Shapiro

•Work–Family Boundary Dynamics, Tammy D. Allen, Eunae Cho, Laurenz L. Meier

Access this and all other Annual Reviews journals via your institution at www.annualreviews.org.

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New From Annual Reviews:

Annual Review of Statistics and Its ApplicationVolume 1 • Online January 2014 • http://statistics.annualreviews.org

Editor: Stephen E. Fienberg, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAssociate Editors: Nancy Reid, University of Toronto

Stephen M. Stigler, University of ChicagoThe Annual Review of Statistics and Its Application aims to inform statisticians and quantitative methodologists, as well as all scientists and users of statistics about major methodological advances and the computational tools that allow for their implementation. It will include developments in the field of statistics, including theoretical statistical underpinnings of new methodology, as well as developments in specific application domains such as biostatistics and bioinformatics, economics, machine learning, psychology, sociology, and aspects of the physical sciences.

Complimentary online access to the first volume will be available until January 2015. table of contents:•What Is Statistics? Stephen E. Fienberg•A Systematic Statistical Approach to Evaluating Evidence

from Observational Studies, David Madigan, Paul E. Stang, Jesse A. Berlin, Martijn Schuemie, J. Marc Overhage, Marc A. Suchard, Bill Dumouchel, Abraham G. Hartzema, Patrick B. Ryan

•The Role of Statistics in the Discovery of a Higgs Boson, David A. van Dyk

•Brain Imaging Analysis, F. DuBois Bowman•Statistics and Climate, Peter Guttorp•Climate Simulators and Climate Projections,

Jonathan Rougier, Michael Goldstein•Probabilistic Forecasting, Tilmann Gneiting,

Matthias Katzfuss•Bayesian Computational Tools, Christian P. Robert•Bayesian Computation Via Markov Chain Monte Carlo,

Radu V. Craiu, Jeffrey S. Rosenthal•Build, Compute, Critique, Repeat: Data Analysis with Latent

Variable Models, David M. Blei•Structured Regularizers for High-Dimensional Problems:

Statistical and Computational Issues, Martin J. Wainwright

•High-Dimensional Statistics with a View Toward Applications in Biology, Peter Bühlmann, Markus Kalisch, Lukas Meier

•Next-Generation Statistical Genetics: Modeling, Penalization, and Optimization in High-Dimensional Data, Kenneth Lange, Jeanette C. Papp, Janet S. Sinsheimer, Eric M. Sobel

•Breaking Bad: Two Decades of Life-Course Data Analysis in Criminology, Developmental Psychology, and Beyond, Elena A. Erosheva, Ross L. Matsueda, Donatello Telesca

•Event History Analysis, Niels Keiding•StatisticalEvaluationofForensicDNAProfileEvidence,

Christopher D. Steele, David J. Balding•Using League Table Rankings in Public Policy Formation:

Statistical Issues, Harvey Goldstein•Statistical Ecology, Ruth King•Estimating the Number of Species in Microbial Diversity

Studies, John Bunge, Amy Willis, Fiona Walsh•Dynamic Treatment Regimes, Bibhas Chakraborty,

Susan A. Murphy•Statistics and Related Topics in Single-Molecule Biophysics,

Hong Qian, S.C. Kou•Statistics and Quantitative Risk Management for Banking

and Insurance, Paul Embrechts, Marius Hofert

Access this and all other Annual Reviews journals via your institution at www.annualreviews.org.

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