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Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Watch and listen to the video to get some background information about the two texts you're about to

read. After you've watched the video, go to the next page to start reading.

1. Print and look over your reading guide.

2. Read the text or texts over the following pages.

3. After you've read, answer the questions in your reading guide.

Important note: Answering the reading questions is essential for a solid understanding of the reading

and for success on the quiz that follows.

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Reading GuideEnglish 111.1.5 Read: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Name:Date:

After you've finished reading, write short answers to these questions.

1. Both of these pieces use all three logical appeals, but they emphasize different ones. In your opinion,

which logical appeal (logos, pathos, or ethos) is most important to Patrick Henry's speech? Support your

answer with at least two specific examples from the text.

2. In your opinion, which logical appeal is most important in these excerpts from Thomas Paine's

Common Sense? Support your answer with at least two specific examples from the text.

3. How do both Henry and Paine argue that the time for war is now?

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4. How does Paine support his idea that there is "no country on the globe" as "capable of raising a fleet

as America"? What kind of an appeal is this?

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Terms of Use

80

Reading MaterialsEnglish 111.1.5 Read: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Name:Date:

Speech of Patrick HenryMarch 23, 1775

In the Convention of Delegates of Virginia

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen

who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights;

and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do,

opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without

reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this

country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in

proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way

that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our

country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider

myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven,

which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against

a painful truth, and listen to the song of the siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of

wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of

those, who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their

temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole

truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of

judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the

conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have

been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has

been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be

betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those

warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a

work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must

be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and

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subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial

array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive

for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies

and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent

over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And

what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten

years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every

light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble

supplication? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech

you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm

which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have

prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands

of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced

additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with

contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace

and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve

inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely

to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged

ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I

repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be

stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a

British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction?

Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the

delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if

we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions

of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are

invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles

alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to

fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.

Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the

contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be

heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

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It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace—but there is no peace. The

war is actually begun! The next gale, that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of

resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen

wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains

and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me

liberty, or give me death!

From Common SenseBy Thomas Paine

Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense: and

have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and

prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves that he will put on, or

rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the

present day.

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all

ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have

been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms as the last resource decide the contest; the

appeal was the choice of the King, and the Continent has accepted the challenge.

The Sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a City, a County, a Province, or a

Kingdom; but of a Continent — of at least one-eighth part of the habitable Globe. 'Tis not the concern of

a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected

even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-time of Continental union, faith and

honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a

young oak; the wound would enlarge with the tree, and posterity read in it full grown characters. . . .

I have heard it asserted by some, that as America has flourished under her former connection with Great

Britain, the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same

effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a

child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to

become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true; for I answer

roundly that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power

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taken any notice of her. The commerce by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life,

and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.

But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true, and defended the Continent at

our expense as well as her own, is admitted; and she would have defended Turkey from the same

motive, viz. — for the sake of trade and dominion.

Alas! we have been long led away by ancient prejudices and made large sacrifices to superstition. We

have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not

attachment; and that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account; but from her enemies on

her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be

our enemies on the same account. Let Britain waive her pretensions to the Continent, or the Continent

throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with France and Spain, were they at war with

Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connections.

It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the Colonies have no relation to each other but through

the Parent Country, i.e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys and so on for the rest, are sister Colonies by

the way of England; this is certainly a very roundabout way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest

and only true way of proving enmity (or enemyship, if I may so call it.) France and Spain never were, nor

perhaps ever will be, our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of Great Britain. . . .

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation to show a single advantage that this continent can

reap by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge; not a single advantage is derived. Our

corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them

where we will.

But the injuries and disadvantages which we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our

duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: because, any

submission to, or dependence on, Great Britain, tends directly to involve this Continent in European wars

and quarrels, and set us at variance with nations who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against

whom we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no

partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European

contentions, which she never can do, while, by her dependence on Britain, she is made the makeweight

in the scale of British politics.

Europe is too thickly planted with Kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out

between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection84

with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for

reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because neutrality in that case would be a safer

convoy than a man of war. Everything that is right or reasonable pleads for separation. The blood of the

slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'tis time to part. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath

placed England and America is a strong and natural proof that the authority of the one over the other,

was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the Continent was discovered, adds weight

to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled, increases the force of it. The reformation was

preceded by the discovery of America: As if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the

persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety. . . .

Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and

only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than

repeated petitioning — and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of

Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's

sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the

violated unmeaning names of parent and child.

To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp act,

yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated,

will never renew the quarrel.

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it

will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a

power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern

us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five

months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years

be looked upon as folly and childishness — There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper

time for it to cease.

Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under

their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an

island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and

America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to

different systems: England to Europe, America to itself.

I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and

independence; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this85

continent to be so; that everything short of that is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, —

that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther,

would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.

As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no

terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of

blood and treasure we have been already put to. . . .

A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness

of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of

our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event

to time and chance. If we omit it now, some, Massanello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular

disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the

powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the

government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a

temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain

give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the

wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independence now, ye know

not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government.

There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the continent, that

barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty

hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them.

To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our affections wounded

through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little

remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship

expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and

greater concerns to quarrel over than ever? . . .

O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot

of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa,

have long expelled her. — Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to

depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.

Of the Present Ability of America: with some Miscellaneous Reflections

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I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a

separation between the countries would take place one time or other: And there is no instance in which

we have shown less judgment, than in endeavoring to describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of

the continent for independence.

As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove

mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor if possible to find out the very time. But I need

not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for the time hath found us. The general concurrence, the glorious

union of all things, proves the fact.

'Tis not in numbers but in unity that our great strength lies: yet our present numbers are sufficient to

repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath at this time the largest body of armed and disciplined

men of any power under Heaven: and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is

able to support itself, and the whole, when united, is able to do anything. Our land force is more than

sufficient, and as to Naval affairs, we cannot be insensible that Britain would never suffer an American

man of war to be built, while the Continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder

an hundred years hence in that branch than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because

the timber of the Country is every day diminishing, and that which will remain at last, will be far off or

difficult to procure. . . .

No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as America. Tar,

timber, iron, and cordage are her natural produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch,

who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to

import most of the materials they use. We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it

being the natural manufactory of this country. 'Tis the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished

is worth more than it cost: And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and protection

are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our paper currency

with ready gold and silver. . . .

In almost every article of defence we abound. Hemp flourishes even to rankness so that we need not

want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world.

Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing. Our knowledge is

hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us.

Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can expect nothing but

ruin. If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living

in. Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to

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quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign obedience? The

difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands, shows the

insignificance of a British government, and fully proves that nothing but Continental authority can

regulate Continental matters.

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others is, that the fewer our numbers are, the

more land there is yet unoccupied, which, instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless

dependents, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to the constant

support of government. No nation under Heaven hath such an advantage as this.

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument in favor of

independence. We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so we might be less united. 'Tis a

matter worthy of observation that the more a country is peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military

numbers, the ancients far exceeded the moderns; and the reason is evident, for trade being the

consequence of population, men became too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else.

Commerce diminishes the spirit both of patriotism and military defence. And history sufficiently informs

us that the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the

increase of commerce England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its numbers,

submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing

are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly power with the trembling

duplicity of a spaniel.

Youth is the seed-time of good habits as well in nations as in individuals. It might be difficult, if not

impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of

interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create confusion. Colony would be

against colony. Each being able would scorn each other's assistance; and while the proud and foolish

gloried in their little distinctions the wise would lament that the union had not been formed before.

Wherefore the present time is the true time for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in

infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are of all others the most lasting and

unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters; we are young, and we have been

distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable era for posterity to glory

in.

The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time which never happens to a nation but once, viz., the time

of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have

been compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they

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had a king, and then a form of government; whereas the articles or charter of government should be

formed first, and men delegated to execute them afterwards; but from the errors of other nations let us

learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity — to begin government at the right end.

Sources

Patrick Henry, "Speech in the Convention of Delegates of Virginia," Richmond, VA, March 23, 1775, in

American Oratory (Philadelphia: Desilver, Thomas, 1836), 13-15.

Thomas Paine, Common Sense (New York: Peter Eckler, 1918), 19-46.

Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use of this material is subject to Apex Learning's . Any unauthorized copying, reuse, or redistribution

is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning Inc.

Terms of Use

89

Video Transcript: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Video opens with the words "So, you're about to read . . ." in white on a black background.

A man sitting in a chair speaks to the camera.

AUDIO

Narrator: Hello!

The United States used to be colonies of Great Britain a long, long time ago, and Britain, it ruled these

colonies from, well, Britain — you know, across the ocean. Some people were fine with this; they were

loyal to the king and wanted to remain British. It's cool being British, they said. Some wanted to become

independent from Britain for a number of reasons, including the fact that they felt they were being

treated unfairly by the British government.

In the second half of the 18th century, the colonists who wanted independence from Britain started

getting more and more vocal, trying to convince their friends and families that it was time to form a new

government, people — and on their own soil, and unattached to the king, etc. O.K., so now you're about to

read two of the most famous pieces of rhetoric from that time period.

One is a speech by Patrick Henry that was written just before the Revolutionary War broke out. In the

speech, he tries to persuade the leaders of Virginia to send troops to fight the British. Number two is a

pamphlet called Common Sense by Thomas Paine, which helped inspire and inform what would soon

become the Declaration of Independence. Kind of important. I think so, and so does history.

Anyway, so, as you read, look at how the authors used rhetoric. Because it's that rhetoric that helped

inspire people to create what we now know as the United States of America. That's where we live.

(That's where I live; I don't know where you live. Don't send me your address; that's weird.)

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Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Take a minute to review your answers on the reading guide. You're about to take a quiz

on what you just read.

Use this opportunity to check your work.

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Rhetoric The use of language to persuade an audience.

Audience appealsMethods of persuading an audience through emotion,

logic, or ethics.

Logos The presentation of facts and statistics.

PathosThe quality of speech or written work that appeals to the

emotions of the audience.

EthosThe character and credibility of the writer in the eyes of the

reader.

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Rhetorical device A persuasive technique used to help convince an audience.

Rhetorical questionA question with an obvious answer, which is used to

emphasize a writer's main point.

DictionThe word choice and purposeful arrangement of words

that affect meaning in speech or writing.

ParallelismA pattern in writing in which words and phrases are similar

in structure, one echoing another.

Figurative languageA nonliteral use of language to suggest a speci�c feeling

or meaning.

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SimileA type of �gurative language in which two unlike things are

compared using like, as, than, or resembles.

MetaphorA type of �gurative language in which one thing is said to

be another thing.

Personi�cationA type of �gurative language in which nonhuman objects

are given human qualities.

Tone The author's attitude toward a subject.

Author's purpose The reason the author wrote or is writing about a topic.

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Quiz: Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine

Question 1a of 5

In his speech, Patrick Henry asserts that _____ is inevitable.

# Choice

A. Submission

B. Reconciliation

C. War

D. Peace

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Question 1b of 5

In his speech, Patrick Henry asserts that _____ is the colonists' best option now.

# Choice

A. taking over Britain

B. assassinating the king

C. fighting the British

D. agreeing to obey

Question 1c of 5

What does Patrick Henry argue is inevitable?

# Choice

A. War against the British

B. Submission of his brothers

C. An agreement with the king

D. Slavery in the colonies

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Question 2a of 5

In Common Sense, what does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the colonieswill continue to flourish under British rule?

# Choice

A. That the argument is faulty and incorrect

B. That the argument is deductive and solid

C. That the argument lacks pathos and logos

D. That the argument lacks evidence and ethos

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Question 2b of 5

In Common Sense, what does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the colonieshave done well under the control of Britain?

# Choice

A. That the colonies have done well, but will not do well on their own

B. That believing the colonies will continue to do well is misleading

C. That believing the colonies will continue to do well is logical

D. That the colonies have not done well and will never do well

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Question 2c of 5

In Common Sense, how does Thomas Paine respond to the argument that the colonies haveflourished under British rule?

# Choice

A. He agrees and compares the colonies to a growing baby.

B. He argues that they could have done better on their own.

C. He argues that it supports the belief that the colonies will continue toflourish.

D. He agrees with this argument from the opposition and moves on.

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Question 3a of 5

What does Thomas Paine say in response to the argument that the British have protected thecolonies?

# Choice

A. That they did it because the colonies and Britain share a language

B. That they did not do it on the colonists' account, but on their own account

C. That they had to because the colonies bullied neighboring countries

D. That they care deeply for the colonies, but that the colonies don't need theirprotection

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Question 3b of 5

What is Thomas Paine's response to the argument that the British have protected America?

# Choice

A. That he doesn't believe any of them really wanted to

B. That they have done so because they care about the Americans

C. That their help has been appreciated, but America has no enemies

D. That they have done so for their own sake

Question 3c of 5

What does Paine say about the argument that Britain has defended the colonies in the past?

# Choice

A. That Britain only did so out of self-interest

B. That Britain created conflict so its protection seemed needed

C. That the colonists never really needed the help

D. That the colonists should have protected Britain

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Question 4a of 5

What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?

# Choice

A. The British army and navy are mostly made up of middle-aged men.

B. The British do not care that much about the colonies and will give up easily.

C. The colonies will have the American Indians fighting for them.

D. The colonies have the resources to build a great navy.

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Question 4b of 5

What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?

# Choice

A. The population of the colonies is extremely high.

B. The British army is notoriously weak.

C. The king will refuse to send more British soldiers to the colonies.

D. The colonists know the British military's secrets.

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Question 4c of 5

What is one reason that Thomas Paine thinks the colonies stand a good chance against theBritish?

# Choice

A. The colonies have the resources to create weapons easily.

B. The British have very few naval ships at their disposal.

C. The colonies will have the rest of Europe on their side.

D. The British lack experience in war and battle.

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Question 5a of 5

What is one reason Thomas Paine believes that the youth of the colonies is an advantage overBritain?

# Choice

A. Because as a young nation, the colonies' citizens are younger

B. Because as a young nation, the colonies have less to lose

C. Because as an old nation, Britain's military structure is in decay

D. Because as an old nation, Britain has obsolete weapons

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Question 5b of 5

What is one reason Thomas Paine believes that the youth of the colonies is an advantageagainst Britain?

# Choice

A. Because Britain's age has made its citizens jaded

B. Because older nations like Britain have less to lose

C. Because younger nations always take over older nations

D. Because their youth lends itself to vigor and unity

Question 5c of 5

What is one reason why Thomas Paine says that the time for independence is now?

# Choice

A. Because the colonies are young and united

B. Because the British are distracted by other wars

C. Because the British have old and cowardly generals

D. Because the British have vulnerable islands

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