appendix c cultural resources survey...the northern san fernando valley, encino (ca-lan-111),...
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APPENDIX C
CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY
PHASE I CULTURAL RESOURCES SURVEY FOR THE CABRILLO MOLE
FERRY TERMINAL REVITALIZATION PROJECT
CITY OF AVALON, SANTA CATALINA ISLAND
Los Angeles County, California
Prepared by:
Ray Corbett, Ph.D., RPA
Richard Guttenberg, M.A., RPA
DRAFT
John Minch and Associates, Inc.
26623 Sierra Vista
Mission Viejo, CA 92692
TEL (949) 367-1000
FAX (949) 367-0117
Contact Person
Edwin Minch (714) 501-4163 (cell)
Prepared for:
Michael Baker International
5 Hutton Drive, Suite500
Santa Ana, CA 92707
Contact Person
Alan Ashimine
February, 2018
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Description of the Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal Revitalization Project
2.0 BACKGROUND
2.1 Environmental Setting
2.2 Prehistoric Cultural Setting
2.3 Ethnohistoric Period
3.0 ARCHIVAL RESEARCH/SUMMARY OF PREVIOUS STUDIES
3.1 Archival Records Search
3.2 Previous Investigations
4.0 PEDESTRIAN FIELD SURVEY
4.1 Identification of Historic Properties/National Register Eligibility
4.2 Field Survey Results
5.0 MANAGEMENT SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
6.0 REFERENCES
1
1.0 INTRODUCTION
At the request of Michael Baker International, John Minch & Associates, Inc. (JMA) has
conducted a Phase I Cultural Resources Survey of the Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal
Revitalization Project’s Area of Potential Effect (APE), within the City of Avalon,
Catalina Island, Los Angeles County, California. This report presents the results of the
Phase I Cultural Resources Investigation designed and implemented to identify and
document cultural resources within the APE. This study has been commissioned by
Michael Baker International and prepared in support of compliance with the California
Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) and California Assembly Bill No. 52.
Cultural Resources include prehistoric and historic archaeological artifacts, sites, and
districts; places of religious and traditional cultural importance to various groups;
standing historic structures, buildings, or ruins; and locations of important events. This
report is the documentation of the results of a Phase I Cultural Resource Survey for the
Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal Revitalization Project APE. The current study documents
previously recorded cultural resources and historic properties in the APE and within a
one-mile radius of the APE. This survey, inventory, and associated information will serve
the City of Avalon’s compliance and management efforts. In addition, a copy of this
report will be filed with the South Central Coastal Information Center of the California
Historical Resource Information System (CHRIS) located at California State University,
Fullerton, in accordance with the California Office of Historic Preservation’s Information
Management guidelines.
1.1 Description of the Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal Revitalization Project
The proposed Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal Revitalization Project is situated at the
existing ferry terminal (an entrance and exit portal to Catalina Island) in the southeast
portion of Avalon Bay, City of Avalon, Los Angeles County, California (Figure 1).
Access to the ferry terminal is provided by Pebbly Beach Road, which encompasses both
roadway and pedestrian walkway. The ferry terminal encompasses three masonry
buildings (used for passenger ticketing, kiosks, and restrooms) and covered walkways
used to move pedestrians from the terminal to the downtown areas of Avalon to the west.
The ferry terminal was constructed on the Cabrillo Mole. A mole is a rock breakwater
2
with a concrete slab surface combined with a concrete wharf structure that extends over
the water to accommodate loading and unloading of vessels. The defining feature of a
mole structure is that water cannot freely flow underneath it, unlike a true pier. The
wharf, considered part of the Cabrillo Mole, is a fixed platform on pilings and is used to
accommodate the loading and unloading of vessels.
Figure 1. Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal Revitalization Project APE
Since its original construction in 1968, portions of the 46-foot by 400-foot concrete wharf
structure have deteriorated and require repairs to meet safety requirements. The proposed
project would reinforce the concrete wharf structure and portions of the concrete slab on
the mole to ensure continued safe and reliable future operation of the mole. The project
proposes structural rehabilitation improvements to the Cabrillo Mole. Proposed repairs
would include reinforcing existing concrete members and steel grates on the wharf,
concrete slab repairs on the mole, railing repairs, and installation of pedestrian shade
structures on the mole. The methods generally anticipated for structural repair consist of
3
Fiber Reinforced Polymer (FRP) applied to the underside of the existing concrete beams,
replacing damaged steel grating, steel beams, and their connections to the concrete wharf
structure. Other improvements would include new shade structures on the mole to protect
passengers from the elements, as well as new pedestrian handrails and guardrails along
the Mole.
4
2.0 BACKGROUND
2.1 Environmental Setting
The project described and reported here are located within the City of Avalon on Catalina
Island, Los Angeles County. The project area is within the USGS 7.5-minute Santa
Catalina East Quadrangle map. More specifically, the proposed Cabrillo Mole Ferry
Terminal Revitalization Project is situated at the existing ferry terminal (an entrance and
exit portal to Catalina Island) in the southeast portion of Avalon Bay, City of Avalon, Los
Angeles County, California (Figure 2). Catalina Island is the closest of the southern
Channel Islands to the California mainland and measures 34 km (21 mi) long northwest
by southeast and 12 km (8 mi) wide southwest by northeast. The island in the general
area is characterized by rugged terrain and an arid Mediterranean climate. The center of
the island is bisected by a single main ridge, with secondary ridge systems branching
perpendicular to it. Level areas are restricted to the mouths of large canyons at the coast.
There are large natural bays at Avalon, Little Harbor, and on either side of the isthmus at
Two Harbors at the northwest part of the island. Freshwater on Catalina derives mainly
from springs scattered throughout the island and from ephemeral streams in the largest
drainages. Catalina Island is home to more than 400 native plants, and 200 non-native
plants. Many of the island's native plants are also found on mainland California, but there
are a number of endemic species that occur only on Catalina Island (Catalina Island
Conservancy 2015). Hills, ridges, and canyons are vegetated by chaparral species that are
common to southern California which include black sage (Salvia mellifera), California
sagebrush (Artemesia californica), chamise (Adenostoma fasciculatum), toyon
(Heteromeles arbutifolia), lemonade berry (Rhus integrefolia) and native and introduced
grasses. Native trees on the island include the endemic Santa Catalina Island Ironwood
(Lynothamnus floribundus floribundus), oaks (Quercus spp.) and black cottonwood
(Populus trichocarpa). Western sycamore (Platanus racemosa) and willows (Salix spp.)
were introduced.
5
Figure 2. Project Location
2.2 Prehistoric Cultural Setting
Freshwater, terrestrial resources and a rich marine environment attracted people to
Catalina Island thousands of years ago. Although relatively few archaeological sites on
the island have been chronometrically dated, the earliest radiocarbon date indicates that
the island has been occupied well over 7,000 years (Teeter, et al. 2013:158). There are
several chronologies used to illustrate cultural sequences for various sub-regions of
Southern California (e.g., King 1990; Wallace 1955; Rogers 1929). These sequences
describe cultural horizons and phases observed in the archaeological records of the Santa
Barbara Channel region, Los Angeles Basin, Santa Barbra coastal region, respectively.
Since a cultural sequence has yet to be developed specifically for Catalina Island,
Wallace’s chronological synthesis developed for Southern California is widely applied to
Los Angeles and Orange Counties, including the southern Channel Islands. An adapted
version of the broad outlines of his cultural sequence is presented below.
6
Paleo-Coastal Prehistoric Period: 11000 – 6000 BC
The earliest evidence for human occupation in North America is found on the California
Channel Islands. The Arlington Springs site on Santa Rosa Island, and Daisy Cave on
San Miguel Island both date to approximately 11000 cal B.C., and provide evidence of
human occupation of the Northern Channel Islands in the Terminal Pleistocene
(Erlandson et al. 1996; Glassow et al. 2007; Johnson et al. 2000). However, there is
limited evidence on the coastal mainland for human occupation prior to approximately
8000 – 7500 cal B.C. Archaeological sites dating to this time period are predominately
small and characterized as short-term habitations used for gathering and processing
shellfish. The earliest occupation of the Eel Point site on San Clemente Island has been
radiocarbon dated to around the time of the end of the Paleo-Coastal Period (Salls 2000;
Byrd and Raab 2007). As yet, sites that date to this time period have not been identified
on Catalina Island, but with further research this remains a distinct possibility.
Millingstone Period: 6000 – 3000 BC
The Millingstone Period is characterized by an increase in population densities along the
coastal mainland, and artifact assemblages consisting mostly of large millingstones, such
as manos, metates, and stone bowls, and a general scarcity of finely flaked stone tools
(Strudwick et al. 2007). Archaeological evidence from this time period shows an increase
in diversification of food resources, such as shellfish, birds, and small mammals. Early
mainland coastal groups exploited bay and estuary marine habitats (Erlandson and Rick
2002; Rick and Erlandson 2000), but the diet from this period appears to have relied
heavily on the processing and milling of hard seeds (Wallace 1955). It is likely that these
populations consisted of small extended families of mobile foragers using these sites as a
residential base with limited socio-political complexity (Glassow et al. 2007). Wallace
(1955) identifies Millingstone sites at Malaga Cove (Redondo Beach), Porter Ranch in
the northern San Fernando Valley, Encino (CA-LAN-111), Topanga Canyon on the
southern side of the valley, the Little Sycamore shellmound (CA-VEN-1) in Ventura
County, and in San Diego County.
Intermediate Period: 3000 BC – AD 500
The Intermediate Period follows the Millingstone Period and is considered transitional to
the more elaborate cultural manifestations of the Late Prehistoric Period. Inland mainland
7
sites dating to this interval are frequently characterized by evidence of hunting in the
form of large stone projectile points. During the Intermediate Period mortars and pestles
supplant manos and metates as the primary plant processing technology. This occurrence
has traditionally been interpreted as reflecting a shift away from the use of grass seeds as
a primary food source toward the utilization of acorns in the diet (Glassow 1996). Coastal
sites indicate an increased importance of marine food resources, demonstrated by fishing
technology such as shell fishhooks as well as more abundant fish bones in middens.
Late Prehistoric Period: AD 500 - 1769
The advent of the Late Period is marked by changes in artifacts, particularly the
emergence of small projectile points which indicate the use of the bow and arrow in
hunting. During the Late Period objects manufactured from Catalina Island soapstone
appear in quantity on the mainland, including sites far to the north in Chumash territory
(Howard 2002). There is also evidence of the development of plan canoes along the
southern California coast and Channels Islands. The Tongva plank canoe was called a
ti’at, and among their Chumash neighbors to the north it was known as a tomol (Arnold
and Bernard 2005). The development of these sea-worthy watercraft allowed the capture
of deep sea fish including swordfish and large tuna, the remains of which occur in Late
Period archaeological sites. Single-piece circular fishhooks and harpoons enhanced the
procurement of large pelagic species in the Late Period. After approximately AD 500
cremation as a form of mortuary practice is manifest in various locations in Tongva/Kizh
territory, although human cremation appears not to have been practiced on the Southern
Channel Islands. The presence of cremations have been interpreted to indicate the
migration/intrusion of Takic-speaking peoples from the inland desert regions to the coast
who displaced the groups already living in the Los Angeles Basin (Sutton 2009).
According to this interpretation, Tongva peoples are descendants of the Takic population
that migrated into southern California during the Late Prehistoric Period. Some
researchers believe that the first indigenous inhabitants were culturally and/or genetically
related to Chumash peoples to the north (see Wlodarski 2010), while others assert that
Tongva oral tradition say that the Gabrielino/Tongva have always lived in their
traditional territory and emerged into this world at a documented archaeological site
located in Long Beach (Martinez and Teeter 2015:26).
8
2.3 Ethnohistoric Period
Catalina Island variably referred to as Pimu, and Pimunga, in its native language, is one
of three southern Channel Islands which were inhabited by Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh
peoples. In addition to the three southern Channels Islands, the Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh
inhabited a large portion of Los Angeles and Orange Counties (Kroeber 1976, McCawley
1996). Their traditionally accepted territory extended from around Topanga Canyon in
the Santa Monica Mountains in the northwest, down to Aliso Creek on the Orange
County coast and inland to San Bernardino in the east (McCawley 1996:3). The name
Gabrielino derives from the association of many of their people into Mission San Gabriel
after its founding in 1771. In recent decades the term Gabrielino has often been used as a
blanket term to encompass all of the peoples who inhabited the greater Los Angeles
region, since mission San Gabriel was the first mission founded in the territory. Because
the word Gabrielino is of Spanish origin, various native words have alternately been used
as tribal designations for the indigenous inhabitants of the Los Angeles basin. One such
term is “Kizh”, which was early recorded as the name of a language spoken at Mission
San Gabriel (Barrows 1900:12). The term Kizh was used by many early ethnographers to
refer the tribe and/or the language of the native inhabitants of the Los Angeles basin area
and is probably derived from the native word meaning “houses” (Stickel nd.). Another
commonly used native word is Tongva. Apparently, Tongva was a word used by people
living near Tejon, but the cognate “Tōŋwe” is also recorded as the name of native village
in the vicinity of San Gabriel (McCawley 1996:9). Many current descendants prefer the
native-derived Tongva or Kizh as tribal names in contrast to the Spanish-derived label
Gabrielino. More specifically, there is linguistic evidence to suggest that prehistoric
inhabitants of Catalina spoke a distinct dialect, and that they referred to themselves as
“Pepimaros” or “Peppi’maris” (Bean and Smith 1978, Strudwick 2013:177).
Like other southern California tribes, the Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh were hunter/gatherers.
Those living along near the coast and those who lived on the Channel Islands relied
heavily on marine resources. The Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh lived in permanent or semi-
permanent villages, often situated near streams, rivers, coastal estuaries, and/or at the
transitional zones between different ecological habitats. Inland, coastal, and island
communities were linked via extensive trade networks that provided access to resources
from distant places (Bean and Smith 1978). Village sizes ranged from 50-150 inhabitants
9
and were composed of people belonging to one or more paternally-related lineages. The
head of the village’s most dominant lineage was the village chief, the tomyaar, who
regulated the community’s ceremonial activity and economic affairs. Tomyaars were
assisted in their responsibilities by a Council of Elders, which consisted of wealthy
individuals, shamans, as well as the leaders of the lineages represented in the respective
community. The Council advised the tomyaar on important community matters such as
civil disputes and declaring war. Tomyaars frequently had multiple wives and created
political alliances by marrying female relatives of other tomyaars or elite members of
neighboring communities. Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh religious life entailed participation in
system of annual rituals and various life cycle ceremonies. These elaborate observances
were established by Chinigchinich, the Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh creator deity and culture
hero. As well as enacting multiple religious observances, Chinigchinich instructed the
Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh in proper moral conduct and authorized enforcement of
punishment for disobedience (Boscana 2005). In sum, due to their material success,
highly-developed spiritual beliefs, and social complexity, the Gabrielino/Tongva/Kizh are
generally regarded as one of the most culturally important and politically influential
indigenous groups in southern California.
10
3.0 ARCHIVAL RESEARCH/SUMMARY OF PREVIOUS STUDIES
3.1 Archival Record Search
As part of the Phase I Cultural Resources Survey, in September 2017 the Principal
Investigator conducted a record search of the California Historical Resources Inventory
System (CHRIS) at the South Central Coastal Information Center (SCCIC) at California
State University Fullerton. The scope of 2017 record search encompassed a tract of land
that extended a one mile radius from the outside boundaries of the Cabrillo Mole Ferry
Terminal Revitalization Project’s APE, which also included private and public lands in
the surrounding area. Results of the record search included reports of previous cultural
resource studies, surveys, reports, as well as site records of known archaeological sites,
isolated artifacts, historic structures, historic maps, etc.
Results of the CHRIS record search revealed that there are no documented cultural
resources or archaeological sites within the project area. The record search identified that
some archaeological sites existed within a one-mile radius of the project area. In addition,
the record search identified four properties listed in the California Office of Historic
Preservation Properties Directory. A summary of these Historic Properties is presented in
Table 1 below.
Table 1. Office of Historic Preservation Properties within One-mile of the Project
Area.
OPH # Name Address Year Status
029351 Peter Gano
House/Lookout
718 Crescent Ave. 1890 CA Hist.
Reg.
073048 Tuna Club of Avalon 100 St. Catherine Way 1916 Nat. Reg.
073355 Catalina Island Yacht Club 30 Casino Way 1924 Nat. Reg.
174301 Zane Grey Pueblo/Manor 199 Chimes Tower Rd. 1926 Nat. Reg.
11
3.2 Previous Investigations
Information from the record search indicates that no previous archaeological pedestrian
surveys of the project APE have been conducted.
12
4.0 PEDESTRIAN FIELD SURVEY
On November 10, 2017 a pedestrian survey of the project area as well as the surrounding
vicinity to the east, west, and south was conducted. Members of the pedestrian survey
team consisted of Ray Corbett, Ph.D. (Principal Investigator), and Richard Guttenberg,
MA. Each team member is highly knowledgeable in local archaeology and experienced
in conducting cultural resource surveys, particularly the Principal Investigator’s recent
archaeological work in Avalon (Corbett and Guttenberg 2015a, 2015b, 2016a, 2016b,
2016c).
The project area consists of the Cabrillo Mole itself and the Ferry Terminal. A mole is a
rock breakwater with a concrete slab surface combined with a concrete wharf structure
that extends over the water to accommodate loading and unloading of vessels. The
defining feature of a mole structure is that water cannot freely flow underneath it, unlike
a true pier. The wharf, considered part of the Cabrillo Mole, is a fixed platform on pilings
and is used to accommodate the loading and unloading of vessels. As such, the Mole
itself is modern site-built structure. The ferry terminal encompasses three masonry
buildings (used for passenger ticketing, kiosks, and restrooms) and covered walkways
used to move pedestrians from the terminal to the downtown areas of Avalon to the west.
The ferry terminal was constructed on the Cabrillo Mole (Figure 3).
13
Figure 3. Buildings and facilities located on Mole structure.
The land form immediately east, west and south of the project area is a steeply sloped
hillside covered with native vegetation (Figure 4). Its potential to contain archaeological
deposits is virtually nonexistent and no indications of such were observed during physical
examination of these areas. The top of the hillside south of the project area was also
inspected.
14
Figure 4. Steeply sloped hillsides adjacent to Project Area
4.1 Identification of Historic Properties/National Register of Historic
Places Eligibility
The foregoing description of the modern structures leads to an evaluation of their
potential eligibility for inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places. The National
Register’s standards for evaluating significance of properties were developed to
recognize the accomplishments of all peoples who have made a significant contribution
to United States history and heritage (NPS 1995). The criteria for evaluation include “The
quality of significance in American history, architecture, archeology, engineering, and
culture is present in districts, sites, buildings, structures, and objects that possess integrity
of location, design, setting materials, workmanship, feeling and association” along with
at least one additional specific Criterion (Criteria A through D) discussed in turn below.
However, in general, structures built within the past 50 years shall not be considered
eligible for inclusion in the Nation Register. As mentioned above, the Mole itself was
constructed in 1968 and so all of the associated structures post-date 1968. Therefore,
none of the structures meet the National Register’s minimum age of 50 years to be
15
considered for eligibility.
National Register Criterion A. Properties which are associated with events that have
made a significant contribution to the broad patterns of our history.
In addition to being less than 50 years old, none of the structures within the project’s
APE are associated with events that have made a significant contribution to the broad
patterns of our history. Thus none of the structures within the project’s APE meet
National Register eligibility Criterion A.
Criterion B. Properties which are associated with lives of significant persons in the
past.
In addition to being less than 50 years old, none of the structures within the project’s
APE are associated with the lives of significant persons in the past. Thus none of the
structures within the project’s APE meet National Register eligibility Criterion B.
Criterion C. Properties which embody the distinctive characteristics of a type,
period, or method of construction, or that represent the work of a master, or that
possess high artistic values, or that represent a significant and distinguishable entity
whose components may lack individual distinction.
In addition to being less than 50 years old, none of the structures within the project’s
APE embody the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, method of construction,
represent the work of a master, or that possess high artistic values, etc. Thus none of the
structures within the project’s APE meet National Register eligibility Criterion C.
Criterion D. Properties that have yielded or may be likely to yield, information
important in history or prehistory.
In addition to being less than 50 years old, none of the structures within the project’s
APE have yielded or may be likely to yield, information important in history or
prehistory. Thus none of the structures within the project’s APE meet National Register
eligibility Criterion D.
16
In summary, no structures in the project APE are deemed to be historically significant or
Historic Properties according to the National Register of Historic Places pursuant to the
National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA).
4.2 Field Survey Results
The pedestrian survey conducted on November 10, 2017 did not identify any previously
unrecorded prehistoric cultural resources within the project area. Furthermore, the field
survey did not identify any previously unrecorded prehistoric cultural resources in the
surrounding vicinity. Figure 5 depicts the area covered by the pedestrian survey.
17
Figure 5. Area of pedestrian survey conducted November 2017.
It should be noted that one of the properties listed in the California Office of Historic
Preservation Properties Directory, #029351, the Peter Gano House/Lookout at 718
Crescent Ave., is located within the area of the pedestrian survey. However, it is apparent
that the project, as proposed, would not have any adverse impacts to this property.
18
5.0 MANAGEMENT SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary and Recommendations
The Phase I Record Search conducted for the Cabrillo Mole Ferry Terminal
Revitalization Project revealed that no archaeological sites or historic properties are
recorded or exist within the project APE. The record search revealed that there are some
archaeological sites recorded within one mile of the APE. The record search also revealed
that there are four historic buildings recorded within one mile of the subject property. The
pedestrian survey did not reveal evidence of prehistoric archaeological deposits or features,
or the presence of Historic Properties within the project APE. Based on the negative
findings of the Phase I Cultural Resources Survey, it is determined that the project will
not have a significant adverse effect on cultural resources recorded in the California
Historical Resource Information System (CHRIS), or have adverse effects to Historic
Properties pursuant to the NHPA.
Consultation with Native American Tribes which have cultural and traditional affiliation
with Catalina Island have been conducted in order to assess the potential adverse impacts
of the project. Through consultation with the Tribes, it was agreed that the project, as
proposed, would have no adverse effects to any known cultural resources.
19
6.0 REFERENCES
Arnold, Jeanne E. and Julienne Bernard
2005 Negotiating the Coasts: Status and the Evolution of Boat Technology in
California. World Archaeology 37:109-131.
Barrows, David Prescott
1900 The Ethnobotany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern California. 1977
reprint, Malki Museum Press, Banning. CA.
Boscana, Gerónimo
2005 Chinigchinich. Malki Museum Press.
Bean, Lowell John, and Charles Smith
1978 Gabrielino. In, Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 8,
California. Ed. William C. Sturtevant, pp. 538-549. Smithsonian Institute,
Washington D.C.
Byrd, Brian F. and Mark L. Raab
2007 Prehistory of the Southern Bight: Models for a New Millennium. In,
California Prehistory: Colonization, Culture, and Complexity. Eds. Terry
Jones and Kathryn Klar, pp. 215-228. Altimira Press.
Catalina Island Conservancy
2015 The Catalina Island Conservancy Website: www.catalinaconservancy.org
Corbett, Ray and Richard Guttenberg
2015a Cultural Resources and Native American Remains Monitoring and
Mitigation Compliance Plan. City of Avalon, California. Report prepared
for the City of Avalon, California.
2015b Cultural Resources Monitoring Report for the Crescent Ave. Generator
Gas Line Installation, City of Avalon, Catalina Island. Report prepared for
the City of Avalon, California.
2016a Cultural Resources Monitoring Report for the Metropole Ave., Hermosa
Hotel Sewer Line and Catalina Museum Electrical Line Projects, City of
Avalon, Catalina Island. Report prepared for the City of Avalon,
California.
20
2016b Cultural Resources Monitoring Report for the 509 Crescent Ave. (Luau
Larry’s Restaurant) Sewer Line Project, City of Avalon, Catalina Island.
Report prepared for the City of Avalon, California.
2016c Cultural Resources Monitoring Report for the 217 Metropole Ave.
(Catalina Island Museum) Sewer Line Project, City of Avalon, Catalina
Island. Report prepared for the City of Avalon, California.
Erlandson, Jon, M. Tveskov, Douglass Kennett, and L. Ingram
1996 Further Evidence for a Terminal-Pleistocene Occupation of Daisy Cave,
San Miguel Island, California. Current Research in the Pleistocene
13:13-15.
Erlandson, Jon, and Torben Rick
2002 Late Holocene Cultural Developments along the Santa Barbara Coast. In,
Catalyst to Complexity: The Late Holocene Archaeology of the California
Coast. Eds. J. M. Erlandson and T. L. Jones, pp. 166-182. UCLA Cotsen
Institute of Archaeology, Los Angeles, California.
Glassow, Michael
1996 The Significance to California Prehistory of the Earliest Mortars and
Pestles. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 32(4):14-26.
Glassow, Michael, Lynn Gamble, Jennifer Perry and Glen Russell
2007 Prehistory of the Northern California Bight and the Adjacent Transverse
Ranges. In, California Prehistory: Colonization, Culture, and Complexity.
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Howard, Virginia.
2002 Santa Catalina’s Soapstone Vessels: Production Dynamics. In,
Proceedings of the Fifth California Islands Symposium. Eds. D. Brown
and Henry Chaney, pp. 598-606. U.S. Department of the Interior.
Johnson, John, Thomas Stafford, H. O. Ajie, and Donald Morris
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21
King, Chester
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Kroeber, Albert
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2015 Ho’eexokre ‘Eyookuuka’ro “We’re Working with Each Other”: The Pimu
Catalina Island Project. Society for American Archaeology Archaeological
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McCawley, William
1996 The First Angelinos: The Gabrielino Indians of Los Angeles. A Malki
Museum Press/Ballena Press Cooperative Publication, Banning; Novato
Native American Heritage Commission
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Rick, Torben and Jon Erlandson
2000 Early Holocene Fishing Strategies on the California Coast:
Evidence from CA-SBA-2057. Journal of Archaeological Science
27:621-633.
Rogers, David
1929 Prehistoric Man of the Santa Barbara Coast. Santa Barbara Museum of
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Salls, Roy A.
2000 The Prehistoric Fishery of San Clemente Island. Pacific Coast
Archaeological Society Quarterly 36(1&2):52-71.
Stickel, E. Gary
n.d. Why the Original Indian Tribe of the Greater Los Angeles Area is Called
Kizh not Tongva.
http://gabrielenoindians.org/site/KIZH_NOT_TONGVA_files/
Kizh%20not%20Tongva_4-06-16.pdf
22
Strudwick, Ivan H., Roderick McLean, Jay Michalsky, Brooks Smith and Joseph
Baumann.
2007 A Glimpse of the Past on Pimu: Cultural Resource Survey on Selected
Areas on Santa Catalina Island. Report prepared for Southern California
Edison. Report on file SCCIC CSUF as report #LA-8463.
Sutton, Mark Q.
2009 People and Language: Defining the Takic Expansion. Pacific Coast
Archaeological Society Quarterly 41(2&3):31-94.
Teeter, Wendy G., Desireé Reneé Martinez, and Karimah O. Kennedy Richardson
2013 Cultural Landscapes of Santa Catalina Island. In, California’s Channel
Islands: The Archaeology of Human-Environment Interactions. Eds.
Christopher Jazwa and Jennifer Perry, pp. 158-171. University of Utah
Press.
Wallace, William
1955 A Suggested Chronology for Southern California Coastal Archaeology.
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 11:214-230.
Wlodarski, Robert J.
2010 A Preliminary Cultural Resource Management Plan for the City of Avalon
General Plan Update and EIR. Report prepared for the City of Avalon,
California.